opinion. [laughter] justice ginsburg: everywhere we went, i don't know how many rounds we went. one time, i had a footnote that referred to the university of virginia at charlottesville and you put them back saying you have to forget this ignorant person because she doesn't know there is no university of virginia at charlottesville. justice scalia: she even spoke about the campus. justice ginsburg: he wasn't finished writing the dissent. it was getting rather late. we were interviewing already. he gave me the copy of his dissent. he wasn't ready to circulate it yet but he came to my chambers and gave it to me and said i want to give you as much time as i can to answer this. so went off to my judicial conference and it ruined my

whole weekend. [laughter] justice ginsburg: he gave me the extra days to respond. i really appreciated that. justice scalia: i have never gotten angry at ruth or any of my colleagues because of the way they voted in an opinion. if you cannot disagree with your colleagues on the law without taking it personally, you ought to get another day job. it's not to the kind of a job that will allow you to behave that way. ruth and i disagree on the law all the time but it has never had anything to do with our friendship. justice ginsburg: we do also have a difference in style. people might regard my opinions as rather dull, boring. yours are really jazzy sometimes. [laughter]

marvin: here is a question from seth dawson of the office of congressman denny heck. justice stephenson recently suggested an amendment to modify the second amendment. if you could amend the constitution in one way, what would it be and why? justice scalia: i certainly would not want a constitutional convention. i mean, woah. who knows what would come out of that. if there were a targeted amendment that were inducted by the states, i think the only provision i would amend is the amendment provision. i figured out at one time what percentage of the populace could prevent an amendment to the

constitution and if you take it their majority in the smallest states by population, i think something less than 2% of the people can prevent a constitutional amendment. it should be hard but it shouldn't be that hard. justice ginsburg: if i could choose an amendment to add to this constitution, it would be the equal rights amendment. [applause] marvin: what do you mean by that? justice ginsburg: it means that women are people equal in stature before the law. that is a fundamental constitutional principle. i think we have achieved that through legislation but legislation can be repealed, it can be altered. i mentioned title vii of the

civil rights act and the first one was the equal pay act. but, that principle belongs in our constitution. it is in every constitution written since the second world war. so, i would like my granddaughters when they pick up the constitution to see that notion that women and men are persons of equal stature. i would like them to see that that is a basic principle of our society. marvin: is there any doubt in your mind that would pass the judgment of the american people? justice ginsburg: well come it didn't. it came pretty close. i think that's an illustration of how hard it is. marvin: to get an amendment. justice ginsburg: yeah. justice scalia: you don't want me to comment on that do you? [laughter]

marvin: to what extent do social media platforms such as twitter where speech can be broadcast to millions instantly challenge traditional concepts of free speech? interesting question. what is your thought on that? justice scalia: well, i don't know that it challenges traditional concepts of free speech. it certainly challenges traditional manners of finding out who said what where certain people say things that are unlawful or punishable by law. but i don't think it changes what the first amendment means. justice ginsburg: the great

danger of people who use that is you can't take it back. once you have it out, it's there for everyone to see. marvin: but you don't feel it changes the concept of freedom of beach or the press? justice ginsburg: you would have to give me an example. marvin: as it becomes easier to share opinions, should social media be required to limit what is shared? is that a legal question? justice scalia: it is a policy question. i don't do policy. justice ginsburg: i would agree. marvin: do you feel the separation of church and state has been misunderstood with

congress and the supreme court taking a proactive stand on the establishment portion but not on the prohibition party? justice scalia: i don't understand what he means by the last part. marvin: i was hoping you would. [laughter] marvin: i'm sorry. our last question. when you were a youngster, what did you want to be when you grew up? justice scalia: i don't ever recall wanting to be anything. a baseball player or a hockey player or a lawyer or certainly never a judge. i never said my cap on being a judge. i didn't even want to be a lawyer when i was in call it. when i graduated, i didn't know what i was going to do. my uncle was a lawyer.

he had an office and i used to go out there and it seemed like a good life so i went into the law but i can't say i ever wanted to do anything but to do well what i was assigned to do. if i've any quality that counts for making it this far, it's my quality in my able to interest myself in what ever was shoved under my nose. i take pleasure in doing it to the extent i could perfectly but i never said my cap on being a judge. justice ginsburg: in my growing up, there were so many limits on what a girl could aspire to be.

she could not be a police officer, a firefighter, a coal miner, she couldn't work at night. there were all these restrictions. there were very few women lawyers. maybe 3% of the bar. there were even fewer judges. i never aspired to be a lawyer, certainly not a judge. because if i had to make a living, i better be a teacher. that was the security job for women. the exhilarating before me -- information is when i think about the opportunities open to my daughters and granddaughters that didn't exist. i will give you my favorite example. my granddaughter who is now 23, when she was eight, she was with me and i was being interviewed and she said i want to be part of this show so the reporter

said all right what would you like to be when you grow up? her response was i would like to be president of the united states of the world. [laughter] justice ginsburg: that to me is the change in what girls can aspire to do and can achieve. marvin: unfortunately, we've come to the end of the line. i want to share with you the essence of the conversation repeated over and over again with me and the producers of this program. that is the thought that we live at a time in washington when the idea that two people who have strongly different opinions on very important issues can actually be good friends and can actually respect one another and

that kind of mutual respect is so terribly important today and i hope, i truly hope this program televised as it has been can set an example and serve as a model for people all over the country who might have different opinions but do recognize there's plenty of room for different opinions and we should have more road for mutual friendship. thank you both so very much. [applause] >> ladies and gentlemen, we ask that you please remain in your seats while the justices are escorted from the ballroom. we ask if you could please remain in your seats.

>> the south carolina republican primary is one week away. candidates in the state this weekend. we will replay the debate in its entirety tomorrow at 4:00 p.m. on c-span, courtesy of cbs news. >> wrote to the white house began in iowa. then we moved to new hampshire. the quintessential first in the nation primary with a long and rich history. now we really begin to test the candidates and their message. we moved south to south carolina and then to the caucuses for the democrats and republicans. we will see a number of candidates drop out of the race so the field will narrow. ofer tuesday, the start winner take all primaries will be critical.

as we watch the delegate count, we will get a better sense of whose messages resonating and two is on the path to the nomination. every election cycle will remind us how important it is for citizens to be informed. a home for junkies and a way to track the government. >> it is a way for us to stay informed. >> there are a lot of fans on the hill. >> there is so much more that c-span does to make sure people outside the beltway know what is going on. inside it. >> in a speech to the munich security conference, secretary of state john kerry criticized russia for its actions in ukraine and syria. other conference attendees from world powers are discussing how to end the civil war in syria and address the humanitarian crisis. the secretary's remarks are about 40 minutes.

>> john? if i could invite you to the podium. this is a particularly much important moment for us, and i hope for you too, because under normal circumstances this might be the last time you speak here as a secretary of state. so welcome. we are very happy to have you. [applause] sec. kerry: thank you very much. wolfgang, thank you for reminding me-- [laughter] everything that i am doing now is--

depending on what i decide to do. so, maybe not. [laughter] [applause] i am really happy to be back in munich. i am very happy to share thoughts with this, the 52nd edition of the security conference. i think if you think back, 1963, the first year of the munich security conference, this forum has always been about the pursuit of peace. back then, here in germany, as elsewhere, the cold war actually felt pretty hot. the wall was a concrete indication of the new reality. barbed wire was strong across the heart of the country. indeed, the heart of europe.

and that was the year that president kennedy spoke in germany and said to all who doubted, let them come to berlin. many of us here remember the starkness of that period of time very well. i was a kid. my dad was a legal advisor to the high commissioner of germany in berlin. i was privileged to be dumped off at a school in switzerland. i did not know where i was at age 11-12. i saw firsthand what europe would like in those years emerging from the war. everything they talked about was the war and remnants of the war. i used to ride my bike down and see the churches and steeples

and burn down reichstag. i knew very well what that was about. it is clear that while the cold war is long over, the need for the same qualities that brought people through that -- the courage and resolve in defending liberty and pursuing peace -- is absolutely is vital to date as it was half a century ago. obviously everyone in this room doesn't need a secretary of state, from great britain or germany, or anybody else to come in and give a long list of the litany crises we face. probably never in history have we been dealing with as many hotspots, as many failed or failing states, all at one time.

not to mention a kim jong-un and a nuclear program and other challenges all at the same time. everybody here understands that. you would not be here otherwise. daesh's campaign of terror extends its reach well beyond iraq and syria. the syrian civil war, which is now claimed more than 250,000 lives, still rages. we are facing -- we, together -- the greatest humanitarian crisis in europe since world war ii. as innocent people, many of whom are women and children, are either trapped inside a country without access to medicine and food, or they have been forced to flee. and the flood of desperate migrants has now spread well beyond the middle east. as we know, 50% of the people now knocking on the door of europe with a whole industry that is been created to try and help move them.

and some very perverse politics in a certain places that turns the dial up and down for political purposes. half of them now come from places other than syria. think about that. pakistan, bangladesh, afghanistan -- so the burdens of europe, which is already facing a complex economic political and social strain, is now even more intense. i want to make it clear to all of you, we in the u.s. are not sitting across the pond thinking somehow we are immune. we are not saying this is your problem, not ours no, this is our problem. that united states of america understands the near existential nature of this threat to the politics and fabric of life in europe. that is why we are joining now in enforcing a nato mission to close off a key access route.

that is why we will join with you in other ways to stem this tide because of the potential of its damage to the fabric of the united europe. the truth is in that every decade since its founding, the e.u. has been tested by forces. internal and external. that benefited from a house divided. we know many europeans right now feel overwhelmed by the latest round of challenges, including concerns about the u.k.'s potential exit from the eu. here again, however, i want to express the confidence of president obama and all of us in america. just as it has so many times before, europe is going to emerge stronger than ever. provided it stays united and builds common responses to these challenges. obviously the united states has

a profound interest in your success, as we do in a very strong united kingdom stating in a strong e.u. [applause] sec. kerry: let me underscore, those that claim our transatlantic partnership is unraveling, or in fact those that hope it might unravel, could not be more wrong. they forget, or they never understood why we came together in the first place. not to just sail along in the best of times, but to have each other's backs when the times were tough. they forget as well that the ties that bind us are not some kind of fragile strings of momentary convenience. they are rugged, time-tested

cords of democratic values. liberty, decency, justice, rule of law. nowhere is that more clear than our joint, unwavering support for a democratic ukraine. our european partners deserve an enormous credit for the result and purpose you have summoned to stand up to russia's repeated aggression. i am confident that europe and the united states will continue to stand united, both in sustaining sanctions for as long as they are necessary, a nd in providing necessary assistance to ukraine until its integrity is protected by the full implementation of the minsk agreement. we have made it clear. sanctions are not an end unto themselves. witness what we have succeeded in the context of the iran nuclear agreement.

we should not forget why they were imposed in the first place. to stand up for ukraine's fundamental rights. rights of international norms that have been accepted ever since world war ii, that were part of what that great battle was about. russia has a simple choice. fully implement the agreement, or continue to face economically damaging sanctions. the path to relief is clear -- withdraw weapons and troops, ensure that all ukrainian hostages are returned, allow full humanitarian assets -- humanitarian access to occupied territories, which by the way, is required by international law. support free, fair and internationally monitored elections in ukraine, and

restore ukraine's control of sight of the international border, which belongs to it. put plainly, russia can prove by its actions that it will respect ukraine's sovereignty, just as it insists on respect for its own. by the same token, after two difficult years, ukrainians still have work to do as well. president poroshenko who is here knows that and accepts that. neither the people of ukraine or their partners believe that enough has happened in ukraine either. ukraine has responsibilities with respect to this agreement. it is critical that kiev upholds its end of the bargain. ukraine's democratic potential is far brighter than it wasn't several years ago when we met. far brighter even than it was before the brave protests.

2016 has all the potential possible, all the groundwork laid through the good work of germany and france and of the normandy format and through the support of other countries, to be able to make 2016 a year that ukraine proves reform can triumph over corruption. we call on all of the countries elected leaders to demonstrate the unity and integrity that their people are demanding. in addition to our joint focus on ukraine, the u.s. is significantly upgraded our commitment to european security. with a plan four fold increase in our spending on the european reassurance initiative. from just under $790 million to $3.4 billion. this will allow us to maintain a division's worth of equipment in europe, and additional combat in eastern and central europe, making us more visual and more

tangible. that is not the only way we have to approach the challenge in europe and the rest of the world. millions of young people in countries do not have hope and food or jobs or education or a future. if we leave that unattended to, then we are simply turning our backs on what we know is a responsibility for how we will stem the tide of violent extremism. we will continue to build on our unparalleled economic partnership. we will support new jobs and spur growth on both sides of the atlantic. and concluding negotiations on transatlantic trade, investment partnerships, this year will strengthen our economies. let me be absolutely clear, nothing in ttip -- nothing

requires europe to reduce or undo important regulations, or weaken existing standards. that is false. on the contrary, the agreement will underscore our support for the inclusion of high environmental and labor standards and its read agreements, just as we have done in the transpacific partnership, which encompasses 40% of the planet's gdp. we have encompassed in that agreement, in the four corners of the agreement, the highest labor standards and highest environmental standards enforceable by law. ttip can showcase the dynamism of our form of democracy, of our marketplace. the free markets, that demonstrate the preeminence in the global conversation about the economic standards and the defense of free trade. perhaps most urgently, the u.s.

and europe are at the forefront of facing what is become the defining challenge of our generation. the fight against violent extremism. the terrible attacks in paris, brussels, beirut, sinai, san bernardino, and so many other places have only reinforced our determination to defeat daesh as soon as possible. and i am absolutely convinced we will do just that. every day our military is meeting. every day the coalition is working. every day we are taking additional steps forward. and of the global counter-daesh coalition that we began some 17 months ago includes every nato and e.u. state. that is the very definition of solidarity. defeating daesh is not an overnight proposition.

it's going to take time. but i will tell you this, president obama is determined that it will not take too much time. and he is every day pushing our military and every other sector -- and there are many other sectors involved in this broad 9 lines of effort -- she is pushing them to come up with new propositions, new ways to push this fight. we welcome the announcement of countries in europe that have decided to join this fight. we are going to defeat daesh, i have no doubt about it. even as we do that, we have to do work on a measurable manner. first and foremost, we're going after their fighters. our coalition has launched more than 10,000 airstrikes. we, the united states, and

france, coupled with other countries have put special forces on the ground in iraq and syria in order to better enable a number of operations whilst also providing increased amounts of training and equipment to our local partners. together, we have pushed terrorists out of about 40% of the territory that they once controlled in iraq. 20% in syria. we have liberated tikrit. 100,000 sunni have returned to build their homes. an extraordinary story that does not get enough credit. we have liberated sinjar. we are hammering daesh's heavy weapons, it's training camps, supply routes, infrastructure. and it's terrorism and military campaign is expanding by the day. but it's not enough just to dock them down, militarily, which we

are doing. you have to ensure that they cannot get back up. that is why the second line of the hurt we are pursuing is critical. -- line of effort we are pursuing is critical, destroying their economic lifeline. we have learned more about daesh's sources of income, which is let us target their oil production, refineries, tanker trucks, cash centers, elicited banking facilities. for daesh, lower revenues means fewer resources to finance military action and the smaller paychecks to lure stain new fighters. already we are seeing the results of this. they have had to cut their paychecks by 50%. in some cases, they've had to cut it off entirely. they don't have the ability to continue this expansion. this also gives a boost to our third line of attack, which is to reduce the number of terrorist groups.

because of tighter airport and border security, fewer terrorists are now getting into syria and iraq. in fact, because of lower pay and constant danger, we know that more are trying to get out. meanwhile, with arab states in the lead, we are doing more every day to minimize the impact of terrorist propaganda. to fight back against daesh's apocalyptic distortion of islam and its rhetoric. to prevent the incitement of the so-called lone wolf attacks. in the united states, we recently opened a global engagement center at the state department to help dispel extremist group's hateful lies in all forms of media to take the people who were once the captives and exploited by daesh, and put them in the media to tell the stories to deter others from joining. we have a center opened up in abu dhabi. we have a new center that the saudis will be starting.

we will be working with them. the malaysians are following. those who really can talk with authority about what islam means in the individual nation where it makes the difference will have the opportunity to speak in ways that they haven't yet. the global coalition has reinforced our commitment to the fifth effort, providing humanitarian relief to the millions who have suffered at the hands of daesh. the entire region is responding to this challenge, my friends. that is essential because the needs are absolutely staggering. i see some that were in london the other day. extraordinary contributions by countries to put $10 million on the table. turkey has taken in more than 2.5 million men, women, and children since the war began.

in lebanon and jordan they are giving refuge to one million people each. in europe, you know better than anybody how the staggering humanitarian crisis is affecting the life of politics and the social fabric of europe. unprecedented challenges. and with characteristic resilience, i am proud to say, and grateful for the fact, that in europe is stepping up to meet these challenges. chancellor merkel and other leaders have demonstrated remarkable courage. last night at dinner, i heard people telling me how it is difficult. that is the nature of political courage. across this continent, communities are taking in those that are fleeing violence and saying no to the voices of intolerance and racism within a societies. i know how difficult it is to live our values. it is hard. but we do try. it is one of the things that the

binds us together. it brings us here to munich. our common commitment to those values, which in the end, make the difference in defining what life is really all about. [applause] in the united states, we recognize that while this crisis is not as real on our shores on as a daily basis, we have a moral obligation to stand with our partners and to do more and assist in the relief effort. that is why i was able to announce in london that we will contribute an additional $925 million to the already $4.5 billion we contributed to syrian refugees, making us, i think, the largest donor specifically to this plight. providing emergency care, education, and job help.

i think everybody understands, and this is the most important point. this is what motivated us to go to vienna twice, with all the great help of all of these partners here. almost came together in commonality with a recognition that writing checks is not going to solve the problem. we can't just endlessly be writing checks. we can't be endlessly fighting about whether someone is alive or dead, or what's going to happen. we have to end this war. the only way to do that somehow to bring about the quickest possible political settlement. almost everybody has agreed that if all one side does is escalate, the other side will too. we can have an endless escalation between iran, syria, sunnis, saudi arabia, turkey, or in qatar, or in any country of his first. they have an ability to blow the

support. it takes every country coming together in order to hold it together. the war in syria has now lasted for more than five years. right now, even with the success we had the other day at the table, does not yet show the signs we want of burning out. that is why we are focused on this track. if the international community and syrians miss the opportunity to achieve that resolution, the violence, bloodshed, torture, the images of children and women, the bombing in anguish is going to continue. and all the talk that would take place here and has taken place to date will be nothing except an increase in the cynicism of people in the world, who look to their leaders to deliver.

the tragedy is that if this flounders, the call to jihad will increase. that is why the diplomatic initiative we launched in vienna is so important. the 20+ member issg includes every major country with a direct stake in syria. parties as diverse as i ran -- iran and saudi arabia met at the table, constructively moving forward. they agreed on a list of unanimous principles reflected in the un. these principles reflect the way toward a stable, sovereign, inclusive, united, nonsectarian syria that we all seek. but which the vast majority of people believe can never be achieved with president assad at its helm.