which lyndon johnson to believe or to trust. he knew -- and the president was saying, you have to pressure me. you have to find that place to create opportunities to convert the congress and the country and helping do this. of course, that is what led the first critic of "salama" is a unfortunately that it was the president's idea that dr. can go this,. -- that dr. king go to selma. when he was thinking that i assume, was that conversation in which the president encourages dr. king to create the conditions to pass the act. again, it was erratic. when the president met with dr. king in december of 1964, at that point, he told him we are going to do this at some point. you have to be patient. that same day, he asked acting attorney general to cast of voting rights bill. the first thing that the president receives from the justice department, and correct me if i am wrong here, was the options that he was laying out in the first option was the constitutional amendment. it was felt that would be the only way to have a voting rights b

so he told me knew lyndon johnson but didn't know nixon. when nixon first became president so nixon asked him to go to general son ranch to talk about a prave at matter. he is grumpy and said how can i remember what happened 20, 30 years ago. i had this tape machine, pressed the button. those chapters are great. you go back and tell your friend richard nixon as he starts his presidency, nothing more important than a taping. >> jon: it was johnson's fault. >> it was johnson. >> jon: incredible. (applause) >> jon: doris kearns goodwin, i love you. thank you so much for being with us. even the people that did the letters and diaries knew they were writing for history, so i imagine that was pointed it seemed like jefferson and adams always knew they were writing for each other but for history, i'm a great man who doesn't like slavery. so you never know with that stuff. >> you never know. but at least its a he handwritten and you save it at the end of the day and they are writing their stuff. >> jon: and they know to say the bum hole what about

lyndon johnson managed to get it done. we want to start by showing you a few pictures of what it was like that day the legislation was signed. ♪ announcer: the harry s truman library in independence, missouri is the scene of a historic event. president and mrs. johnson and the vice president arrived for ceremonies that will make the medicare bill part of social security coverage. mr. johnson chose to sign the bill here as a tribute to president truman. the former president campaign for medicare, but it took two decades for his proposal to become law. the bill expands the social security program to provide hospital care, nursing home care home nursing service and outpatient treatment for those over 65. medicare will become law on july 1, 1966. and for mr. truman, a historic souvenir from the president. for mr. truman, the passage of medicare is a dream come true. bob: that you are. what a remarkable day. lynda, i want to start with you. why was this such a priority with your father? lynda: well, daddy grew up in a world w

but lyndon johnson managed to get it done. we want to start by showing you a few pictures of what it was like that day the legislation was signed. ♪ announcer: the harry s truman library in independence, missouri is the scene of a historic event. president and mrs. johnson and the vice president arrived for ceremonies that will make the medicare bill part of social security coverage. mr. johnson chose to sign the bill here as a tribute to former president truman. the former president campaign -- campaigned for medicare 20 years ago but it took two , decades for his proposal to become law. the bill expands the social security program to provide hospital care, nursing home care, home nursing service and outpatient treatment for those over 65. medicare will become law on july 1, 1966. and for mr. truman, a historic souvenir from the president. for mr. truman, the passage of medicare is a dream come true. bob: there you are. what a remarkable day. lynda, i want to start with you. why was this such a priority with your father? ly

i thought about lyndon johnson. lyndon johnson was president who was central to the civil rights revolution that remade american society. he would have been a good choice except for two things. robert caro has pretty much stolen lyndon johnson from everybody else until he finishes. now, i. now, i think in fact that as soon as caro finishes there will be run for a one volume of lyndon johnson will have care of his kind of dominating the johnson market, and market, and i'm not going to step into. even if that weren't the case for my purposes johnson steps off the stage too soon leaving the white house in 1969 dies in 1973. there's still a quarter-century ago. i thought about richard nixon, and nixon command he carries the story a little farther forward. problem. there is an enticement because there's a problem. the enticement for the biographer is the pics has that dark streak in his personality that biographers really like. happy families are like and boring. it's the unhappy ones. is the unhappy individuals that hav

one year after president lyndon johnson signed the 1960 four civil rights act, the u.s. information agency brought a group of civil rights leaders together to discuss the law's effectiveness. the moderator helped found it americans for democratic action and argued 16 cases before the supreme court and lobby congress for passage of the 1964 civil rights act. >> the white house, washington d.c., usa. today, july 2, 1964. the occasion: signing into law the civil rights act of 1964. >> we must not approach the observance and enforcement of this law in a vengeful spirit. its purpose is not to punish. its purpose is not to divide, but to end divisions. divisions which have lasted all too long. its purpose is national, not regional. [applause] this civil rights act is a challenge to all of us.

in the 1960s when lyndon johnson wants a deal with civil rights when lyndon johnson wants to launch a war on poverty, johnson and all the people who voted for franklin roosevelt, the roughly 59% who voted in 1936, the almost 60% who voted for lyndon johnson in 1964, they say is, yes government is the solution to our problems. and that's where we will look. that attitude changed. it was changing during the 1970s, and it was decisively reversed when ronald ray began was elected -- reagan was elected president in 1980. and so, in fact in his first inaugural address ronald reagan famously said government is not the solution government is the problem. and i would argue to you that this is the attitude that has predominated the american political conversation ever since. it's not that there haven't been any new programs, new federal programs between 1980 and now, but if you compare the number that were created between the 1930s and 1980 when new federal programs came often and came easily to what has been accomplished on that realm since 1980, they come seldom and they come hard with the fa

lyndon b. johnson, for this and much more, we thank you. now the board of trustees of our generation is speaking to the entire university community. i hereby give the honorary degree of dr. ross with all of the rights, privileges, and responsibilities pertaining there, too. [applause] ladies and gentlemen, the president of the united states. [applause] president johnson: dr. maybury my favorite event -- my fellow americans, i'm delighted at the chance to speak at this important and this historic institution. howard has long been an outstanding center for the education of negro americans. it is students of every race and color and they come from many countries of the world. it is truly a working example of democratic excellence. [applause] our earth is the home of revolution. in every corner of every continent, men charged with help contend with ancient ways in the pursuit of justice. they reach for the newest of weapons to realize the oldest of dreams. that each may walk in freedom and pride, stretching his talents, enjoying the fruits of o

. >>> next week will mark 50 years since president lyndon johnson signed the voting right's act. in that lead to soaring voting registration rates and a pushback from the far right. john henry smith reports. >> it is wrong to deny any of your fellow americans the right to vote in this country. [ applause ] >> reporter: march 15th, 1965, president lyndon johnson spoke to the nation eight days after america saw how far some would go to deny voting rights to their fellow americans. bloody sunday selma, alabama. the world watched in horror as troopers and sympathizers savagely attacked peaceful mostly black protesters as they marched across the edmund pettus bridge. around the south, only about 20 q25% of eligible black hoeters were registered by 1956. the events in selma, gave johnson the political momentum he needed to get the law through congress. a key part of the law, known as section 5 prohibited six southern states from making any changes to state-wide voting laws without federal approval first. measures that were later extended to other states and localities. the results were

george bush remembered that in vietnam the military would come and see lyndon johnson, and lyndon johnson felt they were asking for too much. and he'd give them 75, 80, 90% of what they asked for but always less. and whether it was in fact or just psychological i believe george bush felt that that created an excuse for failure. and when he looked colin powell in the eye and said is, general you can have all that and if you need any more you come tell me, he was saying you have no excuse to fail, you must do this right and we're not going to micromanage. the ball is in your court, go deliver. and to me, that was a milestone change in policies for the united states. and it really established the principle that if we are going to go into conflict, the best thing to do is to go into conflict with more than you think you need than less than you think you need. the third anecdote has to do with a relatively minor -- and i use that word not trying to denigrate the issue, but there are issues like war and peace and budgets that dominate -- but the issue of childcare. in the process of negotiating

announcer: we begin with 1964 with a call between lyndon b. johnson and his chief. there are mentions of an afl-cio official and the assistant secretary in the department of health, education, and well there. as the recording of this call begins, he is telling lbj about his tank -- take on medicare about wilbur mills. >> mills told me that by the end of this week, he thought he would have something in shape to come down and discuss with you that he could present in the way of a packet that could be of interest. i told him i had read some articles lately that were a little bit disturbing that indicated something that was happening on the medicare and, indeed that, well, you know better than to the attention to those stories, and i said, i agree with you, wilbur. i just wanted to be reassured and he said, you know you cannot read everything you want, and this bill ultimately it has to have the mills stamp on it, and i said well, the president's view is that whenever you want to talk to him, that door is just wide open. he is happy to see you, and he said you just tell

johnson. they never had the opportunity to meet with local leaders about their concerns and their demands to serve to have a black representative on the quadry sent centennial commission. now it's dr. hailing's turn, now it's the local african american community's turn. they wanted to have a demonstration against the fact that they were segregated and being ignored as this big celebration was going on. >> and we had to escalate our movement in that the young people got tired of coming and being instructed in non-violence and having conferences and presentations and all because they became conscious of the newspaper publicity. >> so, like many other communities throughout the south, dr. hailing thought that a sit-in campaign, that local demonstrations, that local pickets, spearheaded by teenagers, spearheaded by young african americans would produce the desired effect and would bring attention to their grievances. >> we're understand staing in front of one of four downtown dining establishments

when lyndon johnson introduced the 1965 voting rights act, what he said to his fellow brethren -- he was a texan. he said to his people in the south, if you don't want us to send federal registrars in the south to register these people to vote, then you register them. you register them. if you don't register them, we will send the federal government in there. this issue has been settled under the 14th amendment. the nation has passed an amendment to the constitution now. -- this is the only way they got people registered to vote in mississippi. i was down there. this is the only way they ever got people registered to vote in mississippi. when i left mississippi in 1968 the federal government had registered almost 100,000 african-americans. they were voting in local elections. you go to mississippi, today, the mayor of jackson mississippi is african-american. the federal government finally exercise the provisions of the 14th and 15th amendments so people could get the right to vote. i submit that is why they stopped burning houses down there and lynching people. not because they got r

i believe it was a quote from lyndon johnson and this is particularly -- it had a particular purpose, i think. he said that it was always fun to accuse his opponent a bestiality. whether or not whether or not it was true he had defend himself. >> right. >> i think there has always been this sort of let's put this out there and see what dance they have to do to make this -- to get out of this. >> and. >> and that was probably said with him in the pre- internet age where you can put anything out now but anybody. one of the nice things and hopefully our book is part of this there is a wave a wave of trying to hold politicians accountable, sites like fact check and the tampa bay times for politicized where you can actually gauge the accuracy of politicians statements. i would love to see personally more of those types of things in politics. again, we hope that our book by alerting people to the fact that sometimes people fall back on these tired clichÉs and well-worn expressions can contribute to that understanding. any other questions? >> i understand how these spread so quickly with th

the second story about lyndon johnson who is very accessed with the white house shower. it's been reported before. the way this reveals bradd rouson got his nickname because the man with bright red hair may have found president lyndon johnson amusing at first but he was in me completely miserable by the eccentric commands. he started in the white house in 1946 and retired 1979 passed away 2007. place marker proton stories. she remembers how the schedule affected their lives in the life of their three daughters. we were at a restaurant in annapolis and they came through same white house: mr. arrington. i just thought that was so funny. president johnson wanted something done with this commode. johnson tortured with the water pressure and temperature of his shower. the water never came hard enough for hot enough for johnson. when the president was a member to dole out later played the garden path every time and he started his career off as a high school teacher so he would wander the basement floors. everyone was a bit afraid of him because of that. johnson's shower fixati

next we go inside the white house to hear telephone conversations between president lyndon johnson and his aides as well as members of congress. we hear the politics and strategy behind the bill and get a glimpse into lbj's powers of persuasion. this is about an hour. >> we begin on may 18, 1964 a call between president johnson and his chief aide to congress larry o'brien. there are mentions of afl-cio official andrew b miller and wilbur cohen, the assistant secretary in the department of health, education and welfare. as the recording begins talking about wilbur mills. larry o'brien: mills told me by the end of this week, he would have something to discuss with you by way of a packet that might be of interest. i told him i read some articles that were a little disturbing and would indicate nothing is happening in the medicare end. he said well, you know better than to pay attention to those stories. i said i agree with you, i just wanted to be reassured. i said you know you cannot have everything you want. he said this bill, ultimately has got to have the mills stamp on it. i said, we

it was right before lyndon johnson was leaving the white house and was using the toilet. he would often have meetings on the toilet. he. vitamin and said i just want to thank you for the shower. that meant the world to him. but that seems kind of sad that is 5+ years all you got was one thank you, and it was enough. think it think it absolutely does show the fear. this? >> i was wondering everyone says the first lady means along the white house. in some ways is the spirit of the house. i was wondering if you take that the first lady the one that gives the kind of power to the white house? very with staff collection it was better at answering this question is sitting right there. >> certainly play out quickly who really runs things. the 96 that. we bring in for events. yes. my position all the way down to the bumpers and cooks in the flower shop they know their own areas. we know above us. the pres.. the president is too busy dealing with issues. way too busy. it is the first lady who dictates what happens in that house from the flower shop to the type of meals that are se

pulitzer prize-winning biographer talks about his multivolume series on president lyndon johnson from his early political career to his first days of the presidency after the assassination of jfk. you can find those online at c-span.org. >> like many of us, first families take vacation time. and like presidents and first ladies, a good read can be the perfect companion for your summer journey. what better book than one that appears -- then one that peers and the personal lives of first ladies? "first ladies: presidential historians on the lives of iconic women" is a book about women who survived the scrutiny of the white house. available from public affairs is a hardcover or an e-book. >> coming up next, prime minister's questions. then, a

. >> march 23, 1965, president lyndon johnson and john mccormick on the approval that day of a new medicare measure by the house ways and means committee. on april 8, the house approved the bill by a vote of 313-115. the senate passed the measure on july 9, 68-21. on july 30, 1965, medicare, as part of the social security commitments of 1965, was signed into law by president johnson. the audio information in this program courtesy of the miller center at the university of virginia. and the lbj presidential library at lbjlibrary.org. >> we conclude our look back at the 1965 medicare bill with footage from the july 30, 1965 bill signing ceremony at the harry s. truman presidential library in independence, missouri. in his opening remarks president johnson praised his predecessor, harry truman, for inspiring the legislation designed to protect americans as lbj put it from the "economic effects of sickness." this is about half an hour. [applause] [applause] >> thank you very much. i'm glad you like the president. i like him too. [laughter] >> mr. president, mrs. johnson distinguished guests, you

he is not lyndon johnson. say lyndon johnson is a liberal is to stretch it even further. >> anybody who voted for henry wallace and refuses to apologize for it is saying that he was perfectly comfortable with his policies and with his affiliation with stalinism. george mcgovern was a friend of mine who simply declined to apologize for the equivalent of voting for hitler. brian: that was 1984. robert: young christopher hitchens. brian: probably right around 30 at that time. you have them in your documentary. why? robert: he was one of the earliest falls we made because he had switched sides in a way. after 9/11, he appeared much more to the right -- he veered much more to the right. we knew he knew each guy personally. in fact, when we were beginning this movie you embark on the youth and you are never quite sure if it's a good idea. is what we are seeing in it what other people are seeing? when christopher hitchens answer yes come soon come quick. and then especially after the interview when he waxed poeticall

a few years later, six years later, lyndon johnson signed into law the vietnam service medal commemorating the sacrifice of those who served in vietnam and for me personally, in 1967, my best friend lost his life in the battle in vietnam. this is a personal day for me as it is every member here today to honor those who sacrificed died, or were injured in a terrible war america participated in. many of them came home without the recognition they deserve. this is all about ensuring that 50 years later they had that recognition. the program has three parts. first is the recruiting of volunteers and individuals to commit to sponsor two events a year to commemorate the service of americans in vietnam. i'm proud as a member of the senate that one of the first partners recruited was the congress of the united states and the commemoration is the first event we will sponsor in our commitment to honor those in vietnam. the second commitment begins today and i am proud of that. the third phase of the -- is to never, ever forget to show the love and respect and appreciation all of us have for the vete

one year after president lyndon johnson signed the 1964 civil rights act, the u.s. information agency brother group of civil rights leaders together to discuss their effectiveness. the moderator is a civil lights -- civil rights lawyer who along with others, founded americans for democratic action argued 16 cases before the u.s. supreme court, lobbying congress for passage of the 1964 civil rights act >> the white house today, july 2, 19 624. the occasion, signing into law the civil rights act of 19 for. -- 1964. >> we much not -- we must not approach this in a vengeful spirit. the purpose is not to punish. the purpose is not to divide but to end divisions that have lasted too long. the purpose is national, not regional. this civil rights act is a challenge to all of us to go to work in our communities and states, in our homes and our heart, to eliminate the last vestiges of injustice in our beloved country. so, tonight i urge every public official, every religious leader, every business and professional man, every workingman and housewife, i urge every american to

before that it was lyndon johnson. >> you have three children. what do they think of their data in congress? >> i think they are proud i am in congress. we make $12,000 per year. it is really a huge pay increase. that is not why they are proud. the fact that we picked up the campaign from scratch about nine months ago and were able to win -- people wanted to see them, wanted to change. i don't know if people think about things exactly that way. hopefully they thought we offered something. maybe we are just more optimistic. maybe we are just telling a story that we can get things done. i think they are proud of that. my children are proud of how we are committed to tough issues area -- tough issues like gay rights. i grew up in the clothing business. the gay community was very important part of the women's business. my mother was in the women's business. i grew up seen the discrimination against gays. my grandfather's commitment to those issues at the national conference for christians and jews -- we have stuck with those issues. hopefully they ar

lyndon johnson inaugurated it in 1965. we have made tremendous progress. things like child poverty in that time. we still have tremendous challenges. every couple of years, there is something called the worst case housing needs assessment. the last one we did found there are 7.7 million families out there who are either paying 50% or more of their income in rent, or living in substandard housing or both of those things. just last week, the national low-income housing coalition put out a report with an analysis that said no where in the u.s. can you afford a two-bedroom apartment or home to rent on a minimum wage salary. with the exception of a few communities, people cannot even afford a one-bedroom apartment on minimum wage. you get a sense of the gravity of challenge out there. we want to address that affordable housing issue so more people can live comfortably in a decent, safe place. the second thing we're working with communities on is not just stopping at four walls and a roof. we are beyond that. what i mean by that is breaking through the silos of

she married lyndon johnson at the age of 21 years old and had two daughters. she ran his congressional office . she purchased and managed an austin radio station and she owned and managed large ranching properties. lady bird became first lady when she was 50 years old. she was first lady for six years. she died at age 94 years old and is buried at the lbj ranch in texas. lbj went into the navy in 1941-1942. while he was in the navy lady bird ran his congressional office. she answered correspondence, she coped with political problems, she gave especially attention to constituents in washington who visited his office. lady bird johnson inherited from her mother a small radio station in austin, texas. it was in terrible financial condition, close to bankruptcy. she took over that station, she hired all new on-air staff, she found commercial sponsors, she kept the financial accounts, she cleaned up the building itself. she served as the manager and then chairman. this became a media conglomerate , a huge media organization by the time the family-owned it -- sold i

pulitzer prize-winning biographer talks about his multivolume series on president lyndon johnson from his early political career to his first days of the presidency after the assassination of jfk. you can find those online at c-span.org.

[indiscernible] >> the medicare and medicaid laws were signed by president lyndon johnson on july 30, 1965. maryland senator marked the occasion on the senate floor. >> mr. president i seek unanimous consent that i be able to speak for no more than 10 minutes. >> without objection. >> thank you very much. i'm here today to commemorate the 50th anniversary of medicare . 50 years ago on july 30, 1965, president lyndon johnson signed into law the legislation to create medicare. mr. president, i say thank god for medicare. it was a great idea in the 50's it was a great idea 50 months ago, 50 weeks ago, 50 minutes. i stand on the senate floor to say, we must keep medicare as medicare, keep the integrity and sovereignty of medicare. we cannot turn medicare into a voucher. we cannot dilute it, phase it out, or eliminated. i will say this until my last vote is cast in the senate. i will defend medicare. i saw what this meant in 1965. that summer, i had just graduated from the university of maryland's school of social work. change was in the air. the civil rights movement was making its progre

by that i mean hubert humphrey as vice president of lyndon johnson. >> i love those dated references. >> he tried to break from lbj but couldn't break. world of difference in both cases absolutely. but do you think she is reluctant to break too far from the administration because she risks the support of his supporters? >> well yes, that's one consideration. i think it is her basic cautious tendency to be a good soldier. but i think politically it doesn't make sense. as as i've said many times before, the people that vote in the early votes and caucuses they want her to show some independence. on this matter i think she's far too timid and cautious about the ties with obama. she doesn't have to disrespect him. but at the same time she should say she has differences. i don't know why she doesn't. and i think if she starts losing early, you will see her -- do you remember? you're old enough. hubert humphrey did at the end break with lyndon johnson >> it was before i was born i'm trying to pretend. actually i was. you caught me and you're great guest as always. i appreciate your input on

but lyndon johnson and others said that had to change, and five decades ago it did. today more than 100 million americans have access to high-quality health care, thanks to medicare and medicaid, and you can measure the remarkable success of these programs in so many ways, but in my judgment, mr. president, one of the most important and most appealing aspects about medicare and medicaid is their ability to grow their ability to change, their ability to evolve to meet the needs of our country and the reality is medicare in 2015 is going to be very different than medicare in 1965. medicare in 1965 was about something like a broken ankle. if it was a serious break you would be in the hospital, part a. if it was not a particularly serious break you would go to the doctor. that was part b. but that was medicare circa 1965. today, medicare is about chronic illness. it's about cancer. it's about diabetes. it's about stroke. it's about heart disease. you put alzheimer's in, that's more -- well more than 90% of the medicare program. so it is a very different medicare program

and pulitzer prize-winning , biographer talks about his multivolume series on president lyndon johnson from his early political career to his first days of the presidency after the assassination of jfk. you can find those online at c-span.org. >> here on c-span, washington journal is next with your calls and this morning's latest headlines. at 11:00 a.m., we take you live for a press conference with defense secretary ashton carter. posted at the center for strategic and international studies. coming up on this morning's washington journal, david wasserman talks about the redistricting decision which allows congressional districts to be drawn by independent commissions. richard norton smith will discuss how president obama's legacy is evolving in light of recent events. and a look at what the government is doing in the private sector and other safety issues in the united states with deborah hersman. ♪ host: hope you had a great fourth of july weekend. welcome to the washington journal. it is july 6. we are going to open up the phone calls for your thoughts on public policy issues you

the act was signed by president lyndon johnson on august 6th, 1965. that will be 50 years next week. >>> 18 minutes after 4:00. the humidity is high. the temperatures will be back in the 90s this afternoon. look at the wind flow. those are southwesterly winds. that is bringing in the humid air. it's just as steamy and a bit warmer for much of the area than yesterday. though philadelphia international is actually one degree cooler than yesterday. that's just one of the few spots. 78 degrees. it feels like 80 degrees thanks to humidity. that's at 81%. a steamy and potentially stormy afternoon. quiet right now. no showers in the immediate philadelphia area but storms building this afternoon. that line of storms that is moving into western pennsylvania is going to fire up during the heat of the afternoon. we have been watching for a few showers. some of them showing up to the west but, right now most of the area is dry. potential for damaging winds this afternoon. we do get severe weather as that line will be pushing across pennsylvania and arrival here d

lyndon johnson and lyndon johnson felt they were asking for too much and he would give them 75 80 90% of what they asked for but always less. and whether it was in fact largest psychological, i believe george bush felt that was an excuse for failure. failure. when you look at colin powell in the eye and said general, you can have all that and if you need anymore you come to me he was saying you have no excuse to fail, you must do this right, and we are not going to micromanage. the ball is in your court. to deliver. and kidney that was a milestone change in policies for the united states and it really established the principle that if we're going to go into conflict, the best thing to do is to go into conflict with more than you think you need that less than you think you need. the third anecdote has to do with a relatively minor, and i use that word, not trying to denigrate the issue but there are issues like war and peace and budgets that dominate but the issue of child care. the process of negotiating a budget george bush had learned the previous years talking to governors how impo

johnson held a white house press conference on the reasons for u.s. involvement in the vietnam war. the president announced u.s. forces would increase from 75,000 to 125000 and this would make it necessary to increase the draft call from 17,000 to 35,000 month. this program is from the collections of the lbj library. >> my fellow americans, not long ago, i received a letter from a woman in the midwest. she wrote -- year mr. president in my humble way, i am writing to you about the crisis in vietnam. i have a son who is now in vietnam. my husband served in world war ii. our country was at war. but now, this time, they did something i don't understand. why? i have tried to answer that question. dozens of times and more in practically every state in this union, i have discussed it fully in baltimore in april, in washington in may, in san francisco in june. let me again now discuss it here in the east room of the white house. why must young americans, born into a land exultant with hope and golden promise toil and suffer and sometimes die in such a remote

johnson or franklin roosevelt. it is amazing that a lot of people almost don't realize the breadth and depth of the domestic achievement. and for three or four things i would like you take away one of them would be the fact that he came into office after ronald reagan had rebuilt america's strength. the phrase was piece through strength. ronald reagan made the exceptional investment to rebuild our military capacity. and although a lot of folks really are in a bit of denial on it, the fact is the soviet union took one look at the economic capacity of the united states to build up its military capacity command gorbachev coming in the office understood that they're was no way they could compete. what he wanted to do was to begin to interact with the us and western allies. reagan built it up and bush understood the opportunity that the world had after nearly a half-century post world war with two superpowers with chairman tremendous nuclear capability. bush understood the opportunity was they're. in his own style he be

you queen mccarthy told me he'd never challenge lyndon johnson and force him to withdraw in a victory to end the vietnam war, if he didn't have various people contributing to his campaign. sometimes the outside interests help candidates as they help for example others. >> i want to bring up dynastic politics. when you hear the names bush and clinton coming up again for yet another election, does it embarrass you as american? >> yes. >> we are not supposed to have royalty, we do. part of the reason they are frontrunners is because people are used to their name. they have the name recognition, voters are used to it. what people don't talk about is the bigger advantage. it's that the donors know what they are boying. -- buying. they delivered to the donors, they feel like, i don't know what i'm going to get. i don't know what i'm going do get with bernie sanders. i know what i'm buying with the bush and clinton brand. >> it's what they want. >> they work for them. >> it's worse than loyalty, the royaltiy brought off by the richest powerful people and the voters - you have to understand s

and the same is true of roosevelt, of franklin roosevelt, of john kennedy, of lyndon johnson, of, perhaps prematurely of jimmy carter. >> but we'll have an obama resurgence, let's assume. because there's always a resurgence of interest in approval, but for now he has failed to meet the probably unrealistic expectations of people who saw in him whatever they wanted to see back then. >> yeah, and i don't fault him for that. >> you don't fault him at all for that? >> oh, i've got a few things i'd fault him for. >> name them. i want to hear it. let me see the bill of particulars. >> well, they began on the day of his inauguration. >> okay. >> i was -- his inaugural address was too rosy. what he needed to do was to say how terrible things were, just how bad they were. the speech was too much of a -- played that down too much and it was a kind of uplift. >> right. >> franklin d. roosevelt was lucky. the depression had gone on for three years. >> right. >> when he became president. but obama ended up getting ownership of that bad economy. >> correct. >> totally not his fault, but he didn't lay t

"vice president lyndon johnson has left the hospital in dallas, where hes proceeded, but presumably he will be taking the oath of office shortly and become the unitedwhile the words were beint to paper over the following nine months, protests did not stop and neither did the violence. "don't bow down. hold your heads up. we want our freedom now!" heads up. we want our freedom now!" john f. kennedy's declaration for civil rights for all "the heart of the questions whether all americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities." bill on his desk to sign. "five hours after the house passes the measure, the civil rights act of 1964 is signed at the bill made it illegal tot discriminate on the basis of sex, religion, national origin time - race or color. any public institution and gave the to "it's purpose is not to punish. it's purpose is not to divide but to end divisions, divisions" landmark piece of legislation with 75 separate pens handed out to legislative and civil rights leaders at the ceremony. "integration leader martin luthering receives his pen. a gift he says he

to quote lyndon johnson -- to paraphrase lyndon johnson -- he once said i don't know much, but i know the difference between chicken soup and chicken salad. he used in our dear expression. [laughter] when i hear people pretending to be geneticists, you know what to do. you hear it again. we cannot trust them. if you go to iran events in this town, you will hear things like well we know the iranians are working for a nuclear bomb, and the question is how do you know. the answer is because they are bad people, and variations of that. getting back to the answer this way -- this issue of trust people say and ask me, do you trust the iranians. what i say is no, because to quote the president, you don't make agreements like this with your friends. you don't spend two years and 100 pages with a country that you have the media trust with. -- you have immediate trust with. but as someone who practice diplomacy for 30 years, when i hear these comments, here is where i come out. diplomacy is basically making them perfect agreements with people you neither like nor trust. imperfect agreements wit