here is a photo of some of the early women of congress at the start of the 71st congress. there are lots of them. you can see that they are very businesslike in their attire. nonetheless, wearing furs. it looks like edith nourse rogers has some flowers. this represents not all the women in congress but lots of them. they are being photograph and being treated by the press as an entity. how that is going to get played out would change. and over the next couple of decades, as people try to figure out what do we talk about when we talk about women in congress? >> this is an interesting photo because it points out, you can go through this and look at the way the women were elected to congress. on the front row is pearl oldfield who succeeded her husband who passed away. then edith nourse rogers then ruth pratt who represented the silk stocking district in new york city. then on the far side here is ruth hannah mccormack of illinois. her father was marcus hannah, who was the republican kingmaker in the early part of the 20th century. and constantly butted heads with william jen

here's a photo of some of the early women of congress at the start of the 71st congress. there are lots of them. and you can see they are very business like in their attire, but nonetheless, in furs and looks like edith norris rogers has some flowers with her. this represents not all the women who were in congress, but lots of them. you can see they are nonetheless being photographed and treated by the press as an entity and how that's going to get played out would change and over the next couple of decades as people try to figure out what do we talk about when we talk about women in congress. >> this is an interesting photo because it points out, you can go through this and look at the way women were elected to congress. on the front row, far left is pearl oldfield, who had succeeded her husband, who was a senior member who passed away. then edith nourse rogers. then ruth pratt, who was elected in her own right. not with any kind of familial connection. she represented the silk stocking district in new york city. and then on the far side here is ruth hanna mccormick of i

here's a thought of some of the early woman of congress at this start of the 71st congress. they're very businesslike in their attire. wearing furs and they have some flowers. this represents not all of the women in congress but lots of them. you can see nonetheless they are being photographed and being treated by the process as an entity. how that's gonna get the played out would change over the next couple of decades as people try to figure out what are we talk about when we talk about women in congress? >> this is an interesting photo because it points out can go out and see how women were elected to congress. the front row far-left is pearl old field who had succeeded her husband. he was a senior member who passed away. and edith north rodgers, and ruth pratte who was elected in her own right, not with any kind of familial connection. she recommended is silk stockings extract in new york city. then on the far side here is ruth hanna mccormack of illinois. her father was marcus hannah, who was the republican kingmaker in the early part of the 20th century. constantly butt

to parents and i would think that power would only be congress by congress. until the supreme court came out, the president said i don't have any to make the daca program. and that's what the constitution grants to congress. instead the better solution for immigration, i think, and i would actually like to see immigration levels lifted by two times or three times the current levels. i think the one way you put it in a pem nent personal solution, nothing that's going to be unstable because presidents come and go and change back and forthment set out a new visa category. new numbers on the programs and have fasted by congress. i think that's better for the recipient, the beneficiary, you're never really sure whether your status is legal because congress never made a decision about daca and dapa. one brez could take it away. >> now, i've been messaged and we've got four minutes. >> oh, my god. >> it's been fun. it may be an out there question and it may be a closing one, but if it's a short answer we'll think of another one. and what president is history does he

congress has still do nothing. back, for in a half years ago while i was in the senate, we passed the housing bill in the senate. allenderthe wagner taft bill. it was a bill to clear the slums helpe big cities and to erect low-rent housing. that bill passed the senate four years ago and died in the house. was released in the 80th congress as the half, allender, wagner bill. the name has changed. it was allowed to die in the house of representatives. the banking and currency committee sat on that bill and was finally forced out of the committee and then the committee to charge and it still in the rules committee. but desperate pleas from philadelphia in that convention three weeks ago could not get the housing bill passed. they passed the bill that -- they called the housing bill. [cheers and applause] harry truman: we needed moderate legislation to promote aber management harmony. congress passed the act that was disrupting labor-management relations and will cause strife and bitterness for years to come . the demo

congress. this print was done as a memento. in fact, the way it is done is a very popular method of showing a lot of things on the page. it's almost like a scrapbook or a photo album. some of these images are tilted a little bit, as if artfully placed in a scrapbook. it really is. a scrapbook is a book of disembodied pieces of memories. and in some ways, that is a memory of the past and a promise to the future. the man who printed this had run several african-american newspapers. he had an appointment to the government printing office and by 1907 all of that had vanished. all of the positions opened to african-americans that he is in a part of a gone away. the newspaper had collapsed. he had a lot of connections with john mercer langston and other folks. those things have evaporated. this is one of the last things that we know that he did. he was really attempting to put a marker down that this won't be forgotten, that will come back as george white said. in the center we've got lance bruce and

congress. >> so there's a long period, almost three decades after george henry white leaves congress where there's no african-americans who serve in either the house or the senate. and that has everything to do with the jim crow laws that go on the books in the south. and the way that that changes over time during those decades, there's a critical thing going on in the south where african-americans begin to leave the south and move northward as part of a multidecade movement that would later be called the great migration. and that begins, depending on which historian you talk to, 1890s and runs really through world war ii. it picks up momentum around world war i, as there's a need in the north to fill industrial jobs and jobs that had been occupied by men who have now gone off to fight in the war. and you see tens of thousands of african-americans moving northward for the first time, out of the rural south, out of agricultural jobs to industrial jobs in chicago, st. louis, cleveland, pittsburgh

he says this is a problem for congress to solve and he asked congress to act. it didn't come up with an answer. he says i have these emergency powers and i am going to energize problem from the challenges and it was the understood circumstances demanded in response to the powerpoint of your president, i think who uses the powers in the wrong time, it could be two ways. like buchanan, is a great emergency, you do nothing. maybe that's what people say about trump in the pandemic. then there's no great challenge and you still involved the great powers of office design for those emergencies. that can lead to catastrophe. that's like nixon were in a period of regular politics and he thought everything was a national security emergency. so it is that application of constitutional power which will determine whether a president is successful. >> let me stick with the parted issue, the president has issued controversial pardons. no doubt about that. what is troubling to some traditional, he's worked outside the traditional screening process of the office of the pardon a

congress. matthew: there are almost three decades after george henry white leaves and that has everything to do with the jim crow laws that go on the books in the south. and the way that that changes over time during those decades, going a critical thing on in the south where african-americans leave the south and move northward as part of a multidecade movement that would later be called the great migration. that begins in the 189 0's and runs through world war ii and picks up momentum around world war i as there's a need in the north to fill industrial jobs and jobs that have been occupied by men to now go off and fight in the war. you see tens of thousands of african-americans moving northward out of the rural south and out of agricultural jobs to industrial jobs in hicago, st. louis cleveland, pittsburgh, new york, and over time the african-american population in the cities increases. and the african-americans in the cities are gradually recruited by the political parties. and oscar depriest

civil rights in congress. he is elected in 1944, he and dawson are the only two members of congress, for a number of congress is, since the early 19 fifties. two very contrasting styles. where dawson, is very behind the scenes, powers you know the other one is out front, pushing against segregation practices. in the house restaurant, in the press gallery's. he is constantly pushing the envelope. there is a great story, that we have covered in our book, black americans in congress, where some rayburn, revered longtime speaker of the house, from texas has a conversation with powell when he first comes in. and the gist of it is, freshman listen, quietly and learn. and don't go causing a ruckus. you can imagine that powell, this new yorker from harlem, listening to this texan. and explain to him the way of the house. and powell looked at him and said mister speaker, i have a bomb in multiple fans and i'm ready to bowl to roll them. >> but he had a great relationship with them, and according to rayburn's account af

congress, fascinating. the question and answer box is on fire but among them the role of the electoral college. your forthcoming book asks the question why do we still have the electoral college. why do we still have it? justice scalia's observation was there is no right to vote for president guaranteed in the constitution. you noted framers of the electoral college and revisions after the election of 1800 didn't anticipate a winner take all system for distribution of electoral votes. that's not the way things turned out and i will note we have a great program on the electoral college, a new book and other things that congress came within a few votes of proposing an amendment that would adopt a national popular vote in the 1970s endorsed by both political parties, democrats in the south killed it. what can we expect from your new book and why do we still have an electoral college? >> i'm be doubled by the title i gave the book. i am finding people say why do we have this? my own title set up to which i end

to solve any ask congress to study it and congress appoint a special commission, i'm sure it's still meaty because they did not have any answer, linking comes in and says i have these emergency powers and i will take the executive power clause in i'm going to energetically meet the problem in the challenges of the session and there he used lincoln and he understood the circumstances demanded with the matching enter matching response with a broad executive power, fewer president who uses those powers at the wrong time, would be to wait like buchanan, the great emergency you did nothing, maybe that's what people say about trump and the pandemic, or maybe worse, there is no great challenge and you still invoke the great powers of the office that are designed for emergencies that can lead to catastrophe, that's what happened when nixon, we were in a. of regular politics and he thought everything was a national security emergency and he thought he could surveilled using counterintelligence powers to democratic parties, it is the application of the constitutional power to circumstance whic

[laughter] so they are he says this is a problem for congress dissolved and he asked the congress to study it for the special commission i'm sure they are still meeting to come up with an answer lincoln comes up with an answer and since i have these powers under the clause and executive power clause and i'm going to energetically meet the problem and the challenge in this discussion and prayer he uses the circumstance demanded with the matching response in the broad executive power. but if you are a president that i think uses those powers at the wrong time, you know, you seek to -- is a great emergency you do nothing. maybe that is what people say about trumpeting the pandemic. or maybe worse there is no greater challenge and you still invoke the great powers of office so that can lead to catastrophe is. that's what happened with nixon. we were actually pretty much ann the period with regular politics and he thought everything was a national security emergency and he could prevail using the force to the democratic party's and so it is that application to circumstance which is going

congress did nothing about it. time and again, i have recommended improvements in the social security law, including extending protections to those not now covered, increasing the amounts of the benefits, reducing the eligibility age of women from 65 to 60 years. congress studied the matter for two years, but could not find to extend or increase benefits. it did find time to take social security benefits away from 750,000 people. they passed that over my veto. [applause] i repeatedly asked the congress to pass a health program. the nation suffers from lack of medical care. any time congress wants to act upon it. everybody knows that i recommended to the congress a civil rights program. i did so because i believe it to be my duty under the constitution. some of the members of my own party disagree with me privately on this matter, but they stand up and do it. you can tell where they stand, but the republicans all profess to be for these measures, but congress failed to act. they did not have to have a filibuster. th

they stayed there through the 7th congress up through the first session of the 8th congress in 1804. so, from now on, as i said, i'll be using the words of these three men, wadsworth, nathan reed, and cutler. cutler and reed are roommates, remember. at some point i'll be throwing in some words by william plumber, who was a senator from new hampshire. he came a year later to fill a vacated seat. he shows up in december 1802. so, again, all these things are spin offs of my book on thatcher. i was curious once thatcher leaves congress what happened afterwards, what happened to the federalist congressman from massachusetts, new hampshire, the other new england states primarily, who were left behind to carry on the federalist fight? i called this talk experiencing the feet. it's christopher hill's famous book the experience oof defeat. it looks at how parliamentarians distinguished the war. i wanted to see how they dealt with defeat. and from that chronological episode, if you will, i teased out four themes. and they all cover -- it's kind of like microhistory. i tease them out of their r

and he came into congress in early 1870. the high point in terms of the number of african-americans as the 43rd congress, mid-1870's. there is only six or seven african-americans in congress at that point. so they are really too small of a group to drive any kind of legislative agenda. so they tend to give very eloquent speeches about some of the major bills, like the 1875 again,ights act, which, is a piece of legislation not many people think about today when you think civil rights act. it is the civil rights act of 1964. and what that bill it 1875 would have done, is essentially the same as the 1964 fell dead. -- bill did. it would have granted equality in accommodations, in public travel, and also in schools. a lot of these african-americans from the south, from south carolina, mississippi, alabama, got up and spoke on behalf of this bill, and particularly the education provision, which would have provided an equal playing field. is that provision, sadly, stripped out of the bell at the very end of the congress. >> this i

two in any given congress. still some prominent individuals. john mercer langston from virginia who was a very prominent african-american even before the civil war, he was one of the first blocks in the in the countryks elected to political office in pennsylvania. after the war, he serves as a minister to haiti. then in the late 1880's, he is andted to a virginia seat comes into the house, but he is another african-american who faces a contested election. by the time he has exceeded you only gets about a seven or eight heth -- he is seated, only gets about a seven or eight month term. the violence of the polls, now that the federal presence in the south had been rolled back. the very last individual who serves during this time is henry white who represented a coastal district in south carolina who had elected african-americans before. two terms.our -- for he is the last african-american to serve for three decades. he pushed for two things while he was a member. one was in title and she legislation, which no one

it takes a mashup of introspection and some cataclysmic event before congress can reform itself. maybe that is the trump administration and it's not the book per se. there were disputes about the presidential power in the early years of the administration there were all kinds of years. but from my perspective those were marginal disputes. there was no claim the president could wage war, and i don't think the postal convention comes close to what's happened with respect to the treaty power today in terms of the erosion of the senate check. and then, jack's third comment about progressives versus originalists as a sort of modern presidency, i think that he's right there or people who are originalists who think they created a rather strong presidency. i am one of them but i think that it was meant to be limited as well. and my point is the modern presidency is transgressing a lot of those limits. i do briefly talk about whether originalists are faithful when they defend the idea that president can wage a war without congressional authorization that jack is right that most is aimed a

in 1901, white leaves congress. he had faced some very tough re-elections, a lot of violence, a lot of fraud. and he leaves the house. when he does, he gives a speech in february of 1901 which is tremendously moving because he knows he's the last african-american who is going to be in congress for a while. and at the end of the speech, he says, but you know, phoenix-like, some day the african-american will rise again in congress and come back. that takes three decades. >> well, i want to show you what i think is really sort of like that long dry period that happens after white leaves, one of the saddest parts of what the artifacts we have. in fact, this is one of the saddest artifacts in the house collection. it's a pretty recent acquisition of ours. we haven't really seen one of these. this is a 1907 print that was made of all -- it's called colored men who have served in the congress of the united states. and it is really a testament to the persistence of hope in the african-american community, for participation i

where does my opponent stand with congress? theirnew york, at convention, they kept the congressional leaders away from the podium, hidden away. they did not want america to hear from the people who really make the decisions and they had them for a very good reason. because the american people would recognize a dangerous combination. a rubber check congress and a rubberstamp president. [applause] governor clinton and congress know that you've caught on to their lingo. they know when they "uh oh."ding, you say so now they have a new word, "investment". they want to "invest" $220 billion more of your money. but i want you to keep it. [applause] governor clinton and congress want to put through the largest tax increase in history but i will not let that happen. congressinton and don't want the kids to have the option of praying in school but i do. [applause] clinton and congress don't want to close legal loopholes and keep criminals behind bars but i will. [applause] george h.w. bush: clinton and congress will stack this judiciary

more women are being elected to congress. in 1977, both republican and democratic women come together and found the congressional women's caucus, hwhich has a successful agenda pushing women specific issues in the 1980s and '90s. in the 1980s you begin to see the development of a political action committee that fund women candidates. that had been one of the things that held women candidates back quite a bit was money for expensive campaigns. and then in the 1990s, we began to see greater numbers of women elected. the 1992 campaign, the so-called year of the woman, sends almost two dozen women into the house. >> this is only a beginning. these women know how many talented, experienced, able and prepared women there are in their states and in other states. it is our job together to make sure that they think about running, that we get them to accept the challenge of running, and we would support them through that race to victory. because this is what you can get if you work at it. thanks. >> every election after that, every cyc

they stayed there through the 7th congress up through the first session of the eighth congress in the 1804. so from now on, i'm using the words of these three men, cutler and reed remember, at some point i'll throw in some words by william plumber who was a senator from new hampshire. he came a year later to fill a vacated seat. he shows up in december, 1802. so, again, all of these things are spinoffs of my book on thatcher. i was curious once thatcher leaves congress, what happened afterwards. what happened to the federalist congressman from massachusetts and new hampshire and the other new england states primarily who were left behind to carry on the federalist fight. i called to experience defeat, it is a rip off of christopher hill as book the experience of defeat which looks at how levellers, quakers, parliamentarian dealt after the english war in the 1860s. so i wanted to see how they dealt with defeat. and from that chronological episode, if you will, i teased out four themes and they're all covering kind of like micro history. i tease them out of the records of three or four

more women are being elected to congress. in 1977, both republican and democratic women come together and found the congressional women's caucus, which is a very successful legislative agenda pushing women's specific issues in the 1980's and the 1990's. in the 1980's, you begin to see the development of a political -- political action committees that fund women candidates. that had been one of the things that held women candidates back a bit was money for expensive campaigns. then in the 1990's, we begin to see greater numbers of women elected. the 1992 campaign, the so-called year of the woman, sends almost two dozen new women into the house. [video clip] >> this is only a beginning. these women know how many , experienced, able and prepared women there are in their states and in other states. it is our job together to make sure that they think about running, that we get them to accept the challenge of running, and then that we would support them through that race to victory, because this is what you can get if you work at i

but if there is going to be a limit it is going to be congress. the founders were pretty clear they said they expect the mission to counter attacked and accused the powers to fight the circumstances in a growing country that people demand trump handled the pandemic. why isn't he getting more about the pandemic. he's going to want to expand his powers to address that. that's been going on for about 100 years, this kind of federal political pressure. and i think the main check on this kind of amorphous executive power is fighting back against it and i think congress has ample power to pull the rug out from under a president that goes too far to the border wall for example congress doesn't have to put any money into the building accounts trump is using to transfer money they would rather blame the president for the mishandling or going too far with this order in the streets. >> host: are you comfortable with moving from the defense to the border wall in other words the president thinks the argument i have a mandate and congress didn't give the approp

he came into congress in early 1870. when you think about that revelation that occurs, within a matter of less than a decade, so rainy had been born into slavery. during the civil war, he had been conscripted into the confederate army to dig trenches around charleston. where he was from. he escapes to bermuda, during the war. comes back after the war. gains a political experience, and within a decade, he is holding the seat of a former confederate slave holder. and the other story is the same, he was born as a fried man. he was never a slave. but he too comes into the senate, and occupies a seat, that had been held by a slave holder a decade less than a decade before. when you think about the great paradoxes in american history, that is one of them. they come to the capital and matthew brady studio. if you were to see the whole thing he would see that they looked represent african american constituencies and they are doing it after those seats have been given up during succession and slaveowners that is amazing like the

mention but also divided by kimberly, and that tends to innovate congress because congress finds itself trying to stop a unitary executive when it is riven by factions, party, personnel and by two chambers. in the book i see the presley is like a fighter jet in the congress is like a sitting duck aircraft carried that moves slowly and that is very ponderous. in the situation the presidency typically is going to win. my final point is nothing is sacrosanct about the presidency. if the presidency over time can acquire the power to wage war to visit with the power to declare it, if the presidency over time can acquire legislative authority from express congressional delegations but also through doctrines of the chevron doctrine but also through creative interpretation legal interposition statures. finally if the president can essentially bypass the senate check on the treaty power, there's nothing the president can do with respect and metes and bounds of article ii. anything that you think is a fundamental feature of article ii b not be because with the passage of time and the accretion of

more women are being elected to congress. in 1977, both republican and democratic women come together and found the congressional women's caucus, which has a very successful legislative agenda pushing women's specific issues in the 19 eighties in 19 nineties. in the 19 eighties you begin to see the development of, a political action committees, that fun when candidates that have been one of the things that held women candidates back quite a bit, it was money for expensive campaigns. and then in the 19 nineties, we began to see the greater numbers of women elected. the 1992 campaign, the so-called year of the woman, sends almost two dozen women into the house. >> this is only a beginning. these women know, how many delegated experienced abled and prepared women there are in their states, and in other states. it is our job together, to make sure that they think about running, that we get them to accept the challenge of running, and then we would support them through that race, to victory. because this is what you can get, if yo

he has a role for congress to play a role for the people to play. not just judge driven theory of constitutional change. if it is, then obviously -- i don't think that necessarily. >> i have another question. trump. it was inevitable, getting ready for this, i asked if trump had done anything shocking and horrible in the last half-hour we needed to be current on. i don't know if any of us checked. you have a description which seems to me perfectly accurate, the presidency has amassed power. as i was reading it, trump has not exactly followed in this pattern. with regard to the pandemic. to suffer an event that would kill many more people than 9/11 and do more economic than the 2008 financial crisis i would have said there will be a massive accumulation of presidential power. president power tends to grow in crisis. despite the unhinged craig theories of executive power that have come out at coronavirus briefings, total authority over the state and that sort of thing, where the rubber meets the road the actual use of executive power with respect to t

congress. his books include one nation after trump, a guide for the perplexed, the disillusioned, the desperate and the not yet departed. i love your titles. the next one we did at the constitution center and it depressed us before we began the program. it's even worse than it looks, how the american constitutional system collided with the new politics of extremism. very relevant for tonight as well, the broken branch, how congress is failing america and how to get it back on track. he's a friend of the center and speaks frequently in our programs. norm, great to have you back. >> always a pleasure. >> let us jump right in to the history of the violence that consumed the nation in general and congress in particular in the years leading up to the event -- to the civil war. joanne, we will begin with you because your book, field of blood, described so vividly. the statistics you speak about our so striking. between 1830 and 1860, you write that there were more than 70 violent incidents in the con

new systems, but most members of congress are analog, at least in my day. these are digital systems. we are educating staff at my center, but can members of congress wrap their heads around , the concepts and systems that we need for the future? the second part of my question is david raised the issue of justligence, and it is not making sure the leaders exercise their capacity to put the country first, but also what i would call a purge of our intelligence community recently , as we think about what systems to field, chris, against the future track, we have to think about how capable are edward soares are. if we do not understand their intentions, we could miscalculate them. capacity of congress and the intelligence community. for your kindou words. with respect to the congress, i think both at the member level and the staff, the institution would be well served by the efforts that you are engaging into up level the understanding of these technologies. that is important. what i would say is i think we also have to recognize ultimately what these technologi

not just as the face of not just black women in congress and women in congress and younger women in congress. she is the first member of congress to have a baby while she is serving. and she shows up on ebony holding her baby. she is on the cover. shirley chisholm also becomes a national figure in ways that are shown by these two buttons. they don't say anything about shirley chisholm running for congress. they're all about her running for president. she is our girl. for president. represent all americans. you can see the woman symbol around her face places her in with a feminist agenda. and that was something that was important to her. and on the national stage for the 1972 election, she was very much putting together a very interesting group of people. if you look at some clips of her at the democratic convention, it is interesting to see her seasoned and talking about her delegates. they are very skilled politicians who also become show horse approaches to things. we don't see behind-the-scenes and in front of the scenes. you see a lot of action going on. >> i stand before you today as a

so it is the capacity of congress at the capacity of our ic. chris: great questions, thank you, jane. 'ith respect to congress capacity, at the member level as well as staff level, the institution would be well served by the efforts you are engaging up the understanding of these technologies. that is important. i think we also have to whatnize that ultimately, these technologies do is solve operational problems. demystify a lot of the technology. you shouldn't have to be a data scientist to understand the value machine learning can provide to the military. nor should you have to be a 20-year military operator. what i sought to do in the book was unpack this in a way that would make it more accessible to , myneral audience colleagues, former colleagues in congress, and that has to do with oiling the problem down to what it is we are ultimately building military systems to do, which is to improve understanding and decision making and action. canhat level, you contextualize what these technologies can do. there are ways you can demonstrate to peop

this is congress' library, but it's also america's library. c-span: it's a symbol though that say somebody's watching this, i want them to be able to walk in somewhere in this library system and say dr. carr a la haden -- carr a la haden told me -- carr a la haden -- where would you send them? >> guest: the first thing a person should do is to go up to a wonderful information desk and talk to the person that's there, and there'll be a person there. c-span: jefferson building? >> guest: in the jefferson building, they can also go into the madison building, and there's an adams building. so you notice there's a theme with the presidents. and they can say i'm interested in jerry lewis films, i'm interested in bob hope, i'm interested in this information you have about rosa parks, i'm interested in finding out something about my family's history. i'm visiting from iowa, and i understand that you have newspapers that go back, and i'm trying to find my great grandfather. when they go to that information -- and it's a big sign, information -- that's

so congress lose control of the spin. if you think about congress ideally speaking is supposed to be an ongoing conversation between the public and their representatives in one way or another. public says what they want. representatives respond in some way. there's an election and it gets re-adjusted. technology changes the conversation and there are moments, i think, and right now we're in the social media pseudoequivalent of the technology age. when no one quite understands the absolute give and take of that form of technology and everyone is trying is to master it and manipulate it and take advantage of it, and something happens and you can tell that no one expected that to happen. if the telegraph removed wiggle room, imagine now somebody says something goofy at a private dinner and someone has their phone and tweets it and the entire world hears it, that's, general, a generation of politicians who lose control of the conversation to a certain degree and now they're doing that at hyper speed. we're at this moment wher

congress to intervene when there is a problem. one of the arguments i made around the shelby countyy iodecision is also authority and if youou look at congressional power in the aggregate and also make its own regulation and also in conjunction with the 14th and 15th amendment that's a more broader scope. but let me explain the practical implications and then i'll stop but a vicious the 14th and 15th amendment and with that discrimination when they look at the legislative record with that reauthorization the chief justice is clear is not the same pattern that existed in 1965 at the time they reauthorize the voting rights act. it doesn't require a pattern from the nations of even if the court still looks for the legislative record it gives congress more room to legislate because they have additional provisions to rely on that don't require the same level of discrimination of the h amendment. that makes a real difference protecting the right to vote. >> thank you for that and it's an important argument the election a clause could be

view, when may congress or chamber of congress assert in institutional injury? can. don't think they ever but certainly not in the case where it's an injury against the executive branch. we think it reaffirms the proposition that a dispute or injury in article three controversy, whether it's a type of dispute being resolved in federal court. >> but the supreme court said there has such a thing as institutional injury. the arizona state legislator. >> only for state legislators. >> why would that make a difference? >> because of the separation of powers. there are serious separation of powers having federal court resolve a dispute. this is laid out in great detail. they specify that over history there have been countless disputes between congress and the president. and in none of those disputes have they been resolved through interbranch litigation over injuries of officials of power. not suing. in theree pages discussion. only a 12 page opinion. after all of that it culminates in the conclusion. the conclusion is that while it not be -- while it might not be it's obv

could president trump do to challenge congress to be a better version of congress? >> actually it's a great question because president trump has provoked congress already into using powers like impeachment like these oversight hearings. you would've expected as the president does claim these greater powers the president does push his agenda that will naturally provoke congress to reassert itself. the one thing i think didn't anticipate was that instead sometimes congress would rather delegate that authority to agencies rather than do it itself again like counsel or inspector general's. the interesting thing is, the supreme court is steadily trying to prevent congress from doing that but they been on a mission of reducing the independence of some of these bodies like the Ãbexcuse me. like the cfpb or the peekaboo or something like that, maybe we are going to see a court that ultimately says we will not have independent commissions and bodies and that ultimately might lead congress to do its job. >> john, a little while ago you talked about president trump, the risk

what are the odds congress will take up that call? >> guest: first i commend the chairman for getting out there. when you look at the hundreds and hundreds of companies that made that pledge to make sure that people were not cut off, and when you think about again the situation we're in out here especially in rural areas, having that access is your lifeline. i can from you name it, telehealth, education, down the line it's important it is there. i think it's been a very good program that is put together and it's something that as a go forward we've seen a resurgence of some parts of the country, and that some folks might not be able to get back to work as soon as they would like. it's great to see where the unemployment is going in the downward trend but i think the chairman has led the way on this to make sure people can stay connected. >> of course and -- go ahead. >> host: i just wanted to say, if you could move your computer just a little closer. we don't want to lose your audio with these words i i also wanto ask you about the ma

blame congress. i tried to help. and the people he is hurting in government are fellow republicans because he undercuts them and says well you couldn't get anything done but i can. when the rubber hits the wall this executive order doesn't do that much. it is the president doing what he loves to do. put on a show. >> and we are just seeing that the president has tweeted a couple minutes ago that he would be out for a major news conference in ten minutes so we think the 3:30 expected news conference might be happening in about eight minutes from now. we'll take a quick break and be right back. back and take. it. on... ...with rinvoq. rinvoq a once-daily pill... ...can dramatically improve symptoms... rinvoq helps tame pain, stiffness, swelling. and for some... rinvoq can even significantly reduce ra fatigue. that's rinvoq relief. with ra, your overactive immune system attacks your joints. rinvoq regulates it to help stop the attack. rinvoq can lower your ability to fight infections, including tuberculosis. serious inf

, but every member of congress. when i did that, maria, i said my only condition that you treat this information with the respect it deserves and keep it private. and yet within minutes of one of those briefings ending, a number of members of congress went to a number of different publications and leaked classified information, again, for political purposes, to create a narrative that simply isn't true, that somehow russia is a greater national security threat than china. so i'm going to continue to keep the promises that i made, i'm going to continue to follow the law, i'm e going to continue to keep congress informed, but we've had a pandemic of information being leaked out of the intelligence community, and i'm going to take the measures to make sure that that stops. maria: and, in fact, senator ron johnson has been with us several times on this program, and he told us during the transition period from the obama administration to the trump administration there were 125 leaks in 126 days. so there was a leak a day

she sent this petition to congress. she was a teacher. she argues that, as a wage earning woman, she has to pay equal taxes with men, but as a non-voter of course has no -- has no voice, excuse me, in how she -- how those tax dollars are spent. she further states "that, with acknowledged superior capabilities for teaching and governing schools, she has been obliged to teach for one third of the wages accorded to a male teacher in the same school." i just love to point out that this petition was sent to congress in 1879. so 140 years ago this year, women were already arguing that they needed the vote to press for equal wages. of course, as a wage earning woman, women like emily barber, from their working experience, it was really clear how vulnerable women were without the vote. one of the other ways that a lot of women came to ultimately fight for their right to vote was through engagement on other reform issues. lots of women were engaged in the antislavery movement, in the temperance movement to limit the sale as well as the consumption

he came into congress in early 1870. but when you think about that revolution that occurrs within a matter of less than a decade, so rainey had been born into slavery. during the civil war he had been conscripted into the confederate army to dig trenches around charleston where he was from. he escaped to bermuda during the war. comes back after the war. gains political experience and a political role locally. and within a decade he is holding the state of a former confederate slaveholder. revel's story was the same. he was born as a free man, never was a slave. he comes into the senate and occupies a seat that had been held by slaveholder less than a decade before. when you think about the great paradoxes of american history, that is one of them. they come to the capitol and represent african-american constituencies and they are doing it after the seats have been given up during secession by slaveholders. ms. elloitt: that is amazing. i have read about it, and there are very small brotherhood of men serving right after -

change the incentives for congress. change the result. and change the ability of new competition to hold the system accountable so the public interest is the most important. even in the midst of all our problems, i am unbelievably excited about doing this. i so appreciate your talking to me about this today. thank you, susan. susan: with that prediction we will say thank you to you for spending an hour with c-span. the book is called "the politics industry" how political invasion can break partisan gridlock and save our democracy. katherine gehl, thank you for your time. katherine: thank you, susan. [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2020] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] >> all q&a programs are available on our website or as a podcast at c-span.org. ♪ live coverage of the republican national convention in charlotte north carolina. vote aserson nomination republicans select president trump as their candidate for reelec

and it's opening up the library of congress. you can fill in the blank and connect the veterans history. there is a table of all the projects and things and even a bookmark that emphasizes ask us a question and receive expert assistance and then there's the tin man here if i only had a librarian. [laughter] >> was an incredible experience that must have been to know not only were you getting that dream job of every library in the world. >> that is a possibility. but to have that and then about two months into the job can you tell folks a little bit about what the award is from the library of congress. let me say that it was a hardship and i remember what my grandmother used to say when i was doing different things. i brought him to tears. that is one of the perks of the job and all the other work. i know we cannot go into any details other than there is a date into the next recipient is. >> here's another thing, i had to call mr. tony bennett. i know. but that's what i want young people to know, library of congress isn't so bad.

he came in to congress in early 1870. but, when you think about that revolution that occurs within a matter of less than a decade -- so, rainy had been burned -- been born into slavery. they had to dig trenches around charleston where he was from. during theto bermuda war, comes back after the war, gains it political experience and a political role locally. and within a decade, he is holding the seat of a former confederate slaveholder. and rebels story is the same. he was born as a free man, never was a slave, but he too comes into the senate and occupies a seat that was held by a slaveholder less than a decade before. and when you think about the great paradoxes in american history, that's one of them. that they can come to the capital and represent african-american constituencies and they are doing it after those seats had been given up by slaveholders. i read a little bit about reconstruction. it's interesting the small brotherhood of men were are serving in nearly 1870's. printsally have five right here. they include