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The Official Journal of the 


Vol. 6.— No. 211. 


Weekly; One Penny. 


"They ordain the unjust to minister justice, and do injury to them 
that be just." Judges are, like policemen, the paid upholders of things 
as they are, eager to avenge any onslaught upon property or privilege. 
So that when Mr. Ernest Parke, editor of the North London Press, 
came before Mr. "Justice" Hawkins and was found "guilty" of libel- 
ling a lord, everybody knew that his punishment was not going to be 
a light one. For it is to be remembered that Mr. Parke was sub-editor 
of the Star, and honoured in that capacity with the fear and hatred of 
the class whom their servant Hawkins was defending. Whatever 
quarrel we may have had with the Star, or with Mr. Parke himself, for 
occasional unfairness to Socialism and Socialists, we can have nothing 
but praise for their part in forcing something more than mere politics 
upon public attention. 

If Mr. Parke had been connected with any other paper than the 
Star — outside of declared Socialist journals — he would have been let 
off with a quarter of the penalty to which he has been condemned. 
Thi3 was the universal opinion among press-men when they heard the 
verdict. And that if he had been a Socialist writer the penalty would 
have been doubled several times over I am equally confident. I do not 
yet know what his colleagues of the Star intend to do in the matter, but 
I hope that they are going to do something, and that they will allow 
the Radicals and Socialists of London to help them in doing it. 

the West Indies by the United States. Canada, too, is not far off 
throwing in her lot with the States — and where will the Empire be 
then, poor thing ] where will the Empire be then 1 

In the early days of the League, a then comrade raised a laugh upon 
one occasion by declaring that " his mission in life was to smash the 
British Empire." He has since become an "extinct volcano," as a 
contributor to "a contemporary" signs himself, and has apparently 
neglected his mission for a long time past. But there are innumer- 
able signs that although he is not likely to carry out his threat of 
smashing the British Empire, the British Empire is fully capable of 
smashing itself, and further, that it will perform the desirable operation 
at no very distant date. 

Despite the smooth prophecies of the Imperial Federationists, and 
the loud shouting of the Jingo mob, there can be no doubt in the mind 
of anybody who watches at all closely the course of Australian affairs 
that the birth of the Australian Republic is drawing very near ; so 
near that men are counting the possibilities of repression, and prepar- 
ing for their Bunker Hill. As Chief Justice Lilley, of New South 
Wales, said the other day : 

" In truth, Australian Independence is in the air and in the hearts of 
men, and although no man can foretell the hour of its birth, its advent 
sooner or later is sure." 

It will be many a long year yet before Australia will satisfy a Social- 
ist by its administration of public affairs; a republic with private 
property, it will be like France or the United States ; but all the same, 
there will be few Socialists who will not rejoice when the — well ! when 
the republican flag replaces the Union Jack. 

Rather different will be the case of the South African Republic, 
which is also trembling on the verge of actuality ; for, in that case 
the rebellion will be in defence of the right of " whacking their own 
nigger." Brutal as is the British treatment of all subject races, in- 
cluding their own working-classes, there is yet some restraint imposed 
by the English Government upon the cruelty of the Africanders to- 
wards the poor devils of natives whom they exploit. English or Dutch, 
Gentile or Jew, whatever the blood may be that runs in the exploiter's 
veins, it makes no perceptible difference in his attitude towards the 

nigger. The white folk of South Africa are nearly as degraded in 
that respect as those of the Southern States of the Union are now, 
and would soon be as bad as those were before the war without any 
very great trouble. 

After Australia and South Africa have departed— I don't know 
much about JSew Zealand— we may begin to expect the absorption of 

A Mr. Sidney J. Thomson wrote as follows to the Pall Mall Gazette 
the other day : 

" Some weeks ago you published an article on the Aerated Bread Com- 
pany, and mentioned that the average wage of the waitresses is 9s. a-week. 
I, as a holder of a few shares in the company, could not at first believe this 
statement ; but subsequent inquiries confirm its truth. It seems to me 
monstrously unjust that a company earning a dividend equal to 25 per cent, 
should be satisfied to pay its servants so poorly. It must never be forgotten 
that every shareholder is himself an employer, and as such is, to the extent 
of his holding, responsible for the wages paid." 

It is evident that he is not far from " finding salvation," and if he can 
only get his fellow shareholders to agree with him will have done some 
good in his day and generation. 

Amid all the froth and splutter about Mr. Parnell as a co-respon- 
dent, there has been only one utterance on the subject which was 
characterised by anything like sense ; and that was the letter of our 
old friend and foe, Mr. Auberon Herbert, which appeared in the Pall 
Mall the other night, and which we reprint elsewhere. But then 
Mr. Herbert is honest and fearless, while all others who have written 
or spoken on the subject, being politicians, are also " formalists, out of 
fear and base flattery ... a rout of temporisers, ready to embrace 
and maintain all that is, or shall be proposed, in hope of preferment." 





Chaf. III.— The Guest House and Breakfast therein. 

I lingered a little behind the others to have a stare at this house, 
which, as I have told you, stood on the site of my old dwelling. 

It was a longish building with its gable ends turned away from the 
road, and long traceried windows coming rather low down set in the 
wall that faced us. It was very handsomely built of red brick with a 
lead roof ; and high up above the windows there ran a frieze of figure- 
subjects in baked clay, very well executed, and designed with a force 
and directness which I had never noticed in modern work before. The 
subjects I recognised at once, and indeed was very particularly familiar 
with them. 

However, all this I took in in a minute; for we were presently 
within doors, and standing in a hall with a floor of marble mosaic and 
an open timber roof. There were no windows on the side opposite to 
the river, but arches below leading into chambers, one of which showed 
a glimpse of a garden beyond, and above them a long space of wall 
gaily painted (in fresco, I thought) with similar subjects to those of the 
frieze outside : everything about the place was handsome and gener- 
ously solid as to material ; and though it was not very large (somewhat 
smaller than Crosbey Hall perhaps), one felt in it that exhilarating 
sense of space and freedom which satisfactory architecture always gives 
to an unanxious man who is in the habit of using his eyes. 

In this pleasant place, which of course I knew to be the hall of the 
Guest House, three young women were flitting to and fro. As they 
were the first of the sex I had seen on this eventful morning, I natur- 
ally looked at them very attentively, and found them at least as good 
as the gardens, the architecture, and the male men. As to their dress, 
which of course I took note of, I should say that they were decently 
veiled with drapery and not bundled up with millinery ; that they were 
clothed like women, not upholstered like arm-chairs, as most women 
of our time are. In short, their dress was somewhat between that of 
the ancient classical costume and the simpler forms of the fourteenth 




January 25, 1890. 

century garments, though it was clearly not an imitation of either : 
the materials were light and gay to suit the season. As to the women 
themselves, it was pleasant indeed to see them ^ they were so kind and 
ha^y4oaldng in expression of face, so shapely and well-knit of body, and 
thti£#g$i§r healthy-looking arid strong. All were at least comely, and 
one of them /very handsome and regular of feature. They came up to 
us at once merrily and without the least affectation of shyness, and all 
threesh<3®k hands with me as if I were a friend newly come back from 
a long journey : though I could not help noticing that they looked 
askance at my garments ; for I had on my clothes of last night, and 
at the best was never a dressy person. 

A word or two from Robert the weaver, and they bustled about on 
our behoof, and presently came and took us by the hands and led us to 
a table in the pleasantest corner of the hall, where our breakfast was 
spread for us ; and, as we sat down, one of them hurried out by the 
chambers aforesaid, and came back again in a little while with a great 
bunch of roses, very different in size and quality to what Hammer- 
smith had been wont to grow, but very like the produce of an old 
country garden. She hurried back thence into the buttery, and came back 
once more with a delicately made glass, into which she put the flowers 
and set in the midst of our table. One of the others, who had run off 
also, then came back with a big cabbage-leaf filled with strawberries, 
some of them barely ripe, and said as she set them on the table, 
" There, now ; I thought of that before I got up this morning ; but 
looking at the stranger here getting into your boat, Dick, put it out of 
my head ; so that I was not before all the blackbirds : however, there 
are a few about as good as you will get them anywhere in Hammer- 
smith this morning." 

Robert patted her on the head in a friendly manner ; and we fell to 
on our breakfast, which was simple enough but most delicately cooked, 
and set on the table with much daintiness. The bread was particularly 
good, and was of several different kinds, from the big, rather close, 
dark-coloured, sweet-tasting farmhouse loaf, which was most to my 
liking, to the thin pipe-stems of wheaten crust, such as I have eaten 
in Turin. 

As I was putting the first mouthfuls into my mouth, my eye caught 
a carved and gilded inscription on the panelling, behind what we 
should have called the High Table in an Oxford college hall, and a 
familiar name in it forced me to read it through. Thus it ran : 

44 Giiests and neighbours, on the site of this Guest-hall once 
stood the lecture-room of the Hammersmith Branch of the 
Socialist League. Brink a glass to the memory ! May 1962" 

It is difficult to tell you how I felt as I read these words, and I 
suppose my face showed how much I was moved, for both my friends 
looked curiously at me, and there was silence between us for a little 

Presently the weaver, who was scarcely so well mannered a man as 
the ferryman, said to me rather awkwardly : 

"Guest, we don't know what to call you : is there any indiscretion 
in asking you your name ] " 

"Well," said I, "I have some doubts about it myself; so suppose 
you call me Guest, which is a family name, you know, and add William 
to it if you please." 

Dick nodded kindly to me ; but a shade of anxiousness passed over 
the weaver's face, and he said — 

" I hope you don't mind my asking, but would you tell me where 
you come from 1 I am curious about such things for good reasons, 
literary reasons." 

Dick was clearly kicking him underneath the table ; but he was 
not much abashed, and awaited my answer somewhat eagerly. As 
for me, I was just going to blurt out " Hammersmith," when I be- 
thought me what an entanglement of cross purposes that would lead 
us into; so I took time to invent a lie with circumstance, guarded by 
a little truth, and said — 

" You see, I have been such a long time away from Europe that 
things seem strange to me now ; but I was born and bred on the edge 
of Epping Forest — Walthamstow and Woodford, to wit." 

" A pretty place, too," broke in Dick ; " a very jolly place, now that 
the trees have had time to grow again since the great clearing of 
houses in 1955." 

Quoth the irrepressible weaver : " Dear neighbour, since you knew 
the Forest some time ago, could you tell me what truth there is in the 
rumour that in the nineteenth century the trees were all pollards?" 

This was catching me on my archaeological natural-history side, and 
I fell into the trap without any thought of where and when I was; 
so I began on it, while one of the girls who had been scattering little 
twigs of lavender and other sweet-smelling herbs about the floor, came 
near to listen, and stood behind me with her hand on my shoulder, in 
which she held some of the plant that I used to call balm : its strong 
sweet smell brought back to my mind my very early days in the 
kitchen-garden at Woodford, and the large blue plums which grew on 
the wall beyond the sweet-herb patch, — a connection of memories which 
all boys will see at once. 

I started off: "When I was a boy, and for long after, except for a 
piece about Queen Elizabeth's Lodge, and for the part about High 
Beech, the Forest was almost wholly made up of pollard hornbeams 
mixed with holly thickets. Rut when the Corporation of London took 
it over about twenty-five years ago, the topping and lopping, which 
was a part of the old commoners' rights, came to an end, and the trees 
were let to grow. Rut I have not seen the place now for many years, 
except once when we Leaguers went a-pleasuring to High Beech. I 
was very much shocked then to see how it was built-over and altered ; 

and the other day we heard that the philistines were going to landscape- 
garden it. But what you were saying about the building being stopped 
and the trees growing is only too* good news;— only you know - — -" 

At that point I suddenly remembered Dick's date, and stopped Short 
rather confused. The eager* weUvfcr didn't notice my confusion, but 
said hastily, as if he were almost aware of his breach of good manners, 
" But, I say, how old are you 1 » 

Dick and the pretty girl both burst out laughing, as if Robert's 
conduct were excusable on the grounds of eccentricity ; and Dick -said 
amidst his laughter : 

" Hold hard, Bob ; this questioning of guests won't do. Why, much 
learning is spoiling you. You remind me of the radical cobblers in 
the silly old novels, who, according to the authors, were prepared ta 
trample down all good manners in the pursuit of utilitarian knowledge,, 
The fact is, I begin to think that you have so muddled your head with 
mathematics, and with grubbing into those idiotic old books about 
political economy (he he !), that you scarcely know how to behave. 
Really, it is about time for you to take to some open-air work, so that 
you may clear away the cobwebs from your brain." 

The weaver only laughed good-humouredly ; and the girl went up 
to him and patted his cheek and said laughingly, " Poor fellow ! he 
was born so." 

As for me, I was a little puzzled, but I laughed also, partly for 
company's sake, and partly with pleasure at their unanxious happiness 
and good temper; and before Robert could make the excuse to me 
which he was getting ready, I said : 

"But neighbours" (I had caught up that word), "I don't in the 
least mind answering questions, when I can do so : ask me as many 
as you please ; it's fun for me. I will tell you all about Epping Forest 
when I was a boy, if you please ; and as to my age, I'm not a fine lady,, 
you know, so why shouldn't I tell you] I'm hard on fifty-six." 

In spite of the recent lecture on good manners, the weaver could not 
help giving a long " whew " of astonishment, and the others were so 
amused by his naivete that the merriment flitted all over their faces, 
though for courtesy's sake they forbore actual laughter ; while I looked 
from one to the other in a puzzled manner, and at last said : 

" Tell me, please, what is amiss : you know I want to learn from you. 
And please laugh ; only tell me." 

Well, they did laugh, and I joined them again, for the above-stated 
reasons. But at last the pretty woman said coaxingly — 

" Well, well, he is rude, poor fellow ! but you see I may as well tell 
you what he is thinking about : he means that you look rather old for 
your age. But surely there need be no wonder in that, since you have 
been travelling ; and clearly from all you have been saying, in unsocial 
countries. It has often been said, and no doubt truly, that one ages 
very quickly if one lives amongst unhappy people. Also they say that 
southern England is a good place for keeping good looks." She blushed 
and said : "How old am I, do you think?" 

"Well," quoth I, "I have always been told that a woman is as old 
as she looks, so without offence or flattery, I should say you were 

She laughed merrily, and said, " I am well served out for fishing for 
compliments, since 1 have to tell you the truth, to wit, that I am forty- 

I stared at her, and drew musical laughter from her again; but I 
might well stare, for there was not a careful line on her face ; her skin 
was as smooth as ivory, her cheeks full and round, her lips as red as 
the roses she had brought in ; her beautiful arms, which she had bared 
for her work, firm and well-knit from shoulder to wrist. She blushed 
a little under my gaze, though it was clear that she had taken me for 
a man of eighty ; so to pass it off, I said — 

" Well, you see, the old saw is proved right again, and I ought not 
to have let you tempt me into asking you a rude question." 

She laughed again, and said : " Well, lads, old and young, I must 
get to my work now. We shall be rather busy here presently ; and 
I want to clear it off soon, for I began to read a pretty old book 
yesterday, and I want to get on with it this morning : so good-bye 
for the present." 

She waved a hand to us, and stepped lightly down the hall, taking 
(as Scott says) at least part of the sun from our table as she went. 

When she was gone, Dick said: "Now, guest; won't you ask a 
question or two of our friend here-? It is only fair that you should 
have your turn." 

" I shall be very glad to answer them," said the weaver. 
" If I ask you any questions, sir," said I, " they will not be very 
severe ; but since I hear that you are a weaver, I should like to ask 
you something about that craft, as I am — or was— interested in it." 

" Oh," said he, " I shall not be of much use to you there, I'm afraid. 
I only do the most mechanical kind of weaving, and am in fact but 
a poor craftsman, unlike Dick here. Then besides the weaving, I do 
a little with machine printing and composing, though I am little use 
at the finer kinds of printing; and moreover machine printing is 
beginning to die out, along with the waning of the plague of book- 
making ; so I have had to turn to other things that I have a taste for, 
and have taken to mathematics; and also I am writing a sort of 
antiquarian book about the peaceable and private history, so to say, 
of the end of the nineteenth century, — more for the sake of giving a 
picture of the country before the fighting began than for anything else. 
That was why I asked you those questions about Epping Forest. You 
have rather puzzled me, I confess, though your information was so 
interesting. But later on I hope we may have some more talk together, 
when our friend Dick isn't here. I know he thinks me rather a 
grinder, and despises me for not being very deft with my hands : that's 

January 25, 1890. 



the way nowadays. From what I have read of the nineteenth century 
literature (and I have read a good deal), it is clear to me that this is 
a kind of revenge for the stupidity of that day, which despised every- 
body who could use his hands. But, Dick, old fellow, JSfe quid nimis ! 

Don't over-do it ! " 

"Come, now," said Dick, "am I likely to? Am I not the most 
tolerant man in the world % Am I not quite contented so long as you 
don't make me learn mathematics, or go into your new science of 
aesthetics, and let me do a little practical esthetics with my gold and 
steel, and the blowpipe and the nice little hammer? But, hillo ! here 
comes another questioner for -you, my poor guest. I say, Bob, you 
must help me to defend him now." 

"Here, Boffin," he cried out, after a pause; t; hereweare, if you 

must have it ! " 

William Morris. 

[to be continued.] 



The German Social-Democratic party has sustained a heavy loss in the 
person of comrade Johannes Wedde, who died suddenly last week at Liibeck. 
He was a clever poet, full of originality and life, whose writings, in the older 
papers of the party, were signed by the nom de plume of " Silvanus." At 
the time of the suppression of the last Socialist paper at Hamburg, and when 
all the Socialists who actually were writing for the press were expelled from 
that town, it was Wedde who at once started the Hamburger Biirgerzeitung, 
An article entitled " Force no Eemedy " brought, however, the flourishing 
paper to a violent end, and Bismarck, not satisfied with the suppression of 
the organ, had also its editor expelled from Hamburg. Wedde went to 
Liibeck, where be founded the Echo. He was a candidate to the next 

Another misfortune has befallen the German Social-Democratic party: 
Ignaz Auer, formerly member of the Beichstag, has become insane, and it 
is said that there is but little hope for his recovery. 

It is announced in the German papers that the miners of the Lower Rhine 
district and Westphalia, who lately struck in their thousands, have now put 
forward a demand for an increase of 50 per cent, in their wages and for an 
eight hours shift, to be counted from the time of their entering the pit to 
that of their leaving off work. 

The whole of the stokers and coal-trimmers belonging to the vessels lying 
in the port of Hamburg struck work last Thursday in consequence of the 
shipowners having reduced the men's wages by ten marks (10s.) a-month. 
The strike has already increased in magnitude, and appears likely to extend 
still further. 


The miners of the basin of Charleroi, after a hard four weeks' struggle, 
have won the victory over the coalowners : 30,000 workers of Jumet- 
Gohyssart, Gilly, Dampremy, Chatelet, Chatelineau, Souvet, Fleurus, Fon- 
taine-1-Eveque, Marchiennes-au-Pont, Marcinelle, Montceau-sur-Sambre, 
Wanfrecies, Baulet, Pont-du-Loup, etc., have compelled their greedy ex- 
ploiters to reduce the work hours from eleven to ten, and to consent to an 
increase of their wages according to the raise of the coal prices realised 
during the year. The miners have been substantially supported by the 
Socialists of " Vooruit," Ghent, and all the branches of the Belgian Working- 
men's Party. The cause of the workers was certainly a good one. In order 
to prove it, we need only glance for a moment at the following figures, 
showing how much the shares of the Belgian mineowners have increased 
from January to December 1889, and then compare these figures with the 
scanty, ridiculous increase of wages that has been realised by the workers 
from 1888 to 1889. 

miners' union throughout the country, and they have already taken step** 
for the organisation of a general miners' congress, to be held on the first 
Sundav of February next, at Jumet, when the following agenda will be dis- 
cussed": 1. Bules of the Association ; 2. Nomination of an Executive ; 3. 
Economical and political platform of the Union ; 4. International miners' 
congress ; 5. Eight hours work-day. 

The foregoing lines were already written when we were informed that 
new difficulties had arisen between the workers and the pit-owners. 
It is now asserted that a general strike will soon be decided upon at Char- 
leroi if the employers refuse to grant the miners 15 or in certain cases 20 
per cent, increase instead of 10 per cent The agitation throughout the 
whole coal-basin is becoming very serious, and the strikers seem to be utterly 
dissatisfied at the recent compromise. Numerous secret meetings are being 
held, and it is said that the Ministers, in a conference held on the 18th inst., 
decided to send gendarmes and cavalry to the various spots where the strike 
has broken out afresh. The outlook is altogether very dark. 

On the other hand, the strike in the Liege coal district has now completely 
terminated, but it is asserted that if the miners of the Charleroi basin resort 
to a general strike the district of Liege will come out " on principle." 

At Antwerp, where the Socialist movement has made during the last two 
years a very considerable progress, the Sailors' Union, numbering nearly one 
thousand members, has made formal adhesion to the Socialist party. 


Our Anarchist comrades at Botterdam publish a new organ for the defence 
of the workers' interests, under the title of Arbeitderstolh (The Workers' 
Organ). The offices are : Havenstraat, 166, Botterdam. Good luck to the 
new combatant ! Victor Dave. 

Name of Coalpit. 

Coekerill ... ...Fr. 

Marcinelle et Couillet 




Esperance-Logdoz .. 




Providence ... 





Bonne EspeVance 

Batterie ... 
Charbonnages beiges 
Paturages et Wasmes 
Reunis de Charleroi 
Chevalieres a Dour ... 
Concords (Charb. reunis) 
Couch ant clu Flenu... 


Price of Shares. 
Jan. 1. Dec. 30. 

























Name of Coalpit. 

Price of Shares. 
Jan. 1. Dec. 30. 

Esperance et Bonne- 
Fortune Fr. 617.50 

Fontaine l'Eveque ... 260 
Gosson-Lagasse ... 1,420 
Grande Machine a feu 570 
Grand Mambourg en 

Sablonne ... 285 

Haine St. Pierre et la 

Hestre 340 

Hasard 98 

Hornu et Wasmes ... 2,025 
Kessales a Jemeppe 1,585 
La Louviere, la Paix 200 

Levant du Flenu ... 2, 1 25 
Marihaye a Flemalle Gde. 640 
Monc. Fontaine et 

Martinet ... 1,675 
Noel Sart-Culpart a Gilly 225 
Nord de Charleroi ... 850 
Patience et Beau j one 725 

Poirier (charbonnage du) 700 
Produits du Flenu ... 2,330 
Sacie" Madame ... 1,650 
Sars Longehamps ... 550 
Trieu Raisin 333 


[" At midnight preceding the morning of his execution, Albert R. Parson's voice 
rang out clear and proud through the corridors of the gaol as he sang in 
distinct tones the beautiful ballad, ' Annie Laurie.' " The following was 
prompted by reading the above item in the daily papers, and was printed 
in the Chicago Labour Enquirer during its brief existence.] 

The night is dark about me ; 

I hear the midnight bell ; 
Before another midnight 

It will ring my funeral knell. 

It will ring my funeral knell ; 

! the hours are speeding by 
When to win the toilers' freedom 

1 shall pay the price and die. 

To-night my babes are crouching 

By their weeping mother's side ; 
For his country's sake the father 

Leaves his children and his bride. 

Leaves his children and his bride, 
W T hen men for succour cry. 

Then to win the toilers^ freedom 
I shall pay the price and die. 

Pent in a dismal dungeon, 

Forbidden to be free, 
A slave in chains and prison, 

O what were life to me ! 

O what were life to me ! 
Speak out, my heart ; reply 

That to win the toilers' freedom 
I will pay the price and die. 

What greater love hath mortal, 

For one whom he holds dear, 
Than for his sake to gladly 

Meet death without a fear ! 

Meet death without a fear — 
Yes, such a love have I, 

And to win the toilers' freedom 
I pay the price and die. 

The night will soon be over ; 

For me 'twill be the last ; 
And the night of wrong, my country, 

From thee shall soon have passed. 

From thee shall soon have passed ; 
I see the stars on high, 

So to win the toilers' freedom 
I will pay the price and die. 

Weep not above my ashes, 

This is no hour for tears, 
Let every man stand ready 

When he the bugle hears. 

When he the bugle hears ; 
Let every man reply : 

We to win the toilers' freedom 
Will pay the price and die ! 








The average daily wages of the miners for 1888 and 1889 has been as 
toliows (one franc equal lOd.) : 










Fr. 3.74 








Fr. 3.73 
3. S3 



The highest increase has thus been of 48 centimes, or 4fd., or 12 per cent,, 
whereas the increase in the shares has been on an average 50 per cent. 

±5ut the miners' strike will have a better result still than a reduction of 
nours and an increase of wages. The miners, having now been convinced 
mat combination alone can help them, have resolved to unite into a vast 

We have received the Trades and Labour Advocate of Sydney (N.S.W.), 
which, so far as we can tell from the numbers to hand, is a thoroughly sound 
labour paper on trades-union lines. It is well filled with information on 
labour matters, and gives a good deal of space to the meetings of the various 
trades organisations. 

Socialism in Lancashire and Yorkshire.— On Saturday January 11th 
a conference was held at the rooms of the Liverpool Socialist Society, to dis- 
cuss the advisability of forming a union of the various Socialist bodies of 
Lancashire and Yorkshire, for the purpose of arranging for the interchange 
of public speakers, and generally to consider the best means of carrying on 
a more effective propaganda. Delegates were present from Sheffield, Salford, 
Blackburn, Eochdale, and Liverpool. Comrade Beeves (Liverpool) was 
elected chairman, and some discussion took place as to the proposed line of 
action ; after which comrade W. H. Chapman (Liverpool) proposed : "That 
in the opinion of this conference it is desirable to form a union of the north- 
western counties Socialists, to be called 'The North- Western Counties 
Socialist Union.' 5 ' Comrade Sharpies (Blackburn) seconded the resolution. 
After further remarks from comrades Bingham (Sheffield), Horrocks (Sal- 
ford), and others of the assembled delegates, the following amendment was 
proposed by Bingham : " That this conference, being of opinion that it is 
desirable in the interests of Socialist propaganda to facilitate the interchange 
cf speakers between the different centres, at once proceed to draw up a list 
of probable speakers, and make the best possible arrangements to give effect 
to that decision." The amendment having been put and carried unanimously, 
the original motion was withdrawn. Finally it was decided that the secre- 
tary of the Liverpool Society (E. C. Chapman) should be appointed general 
secretary pro tern., in order to draw up a list of lectures ; and those societies 
which are willing to co-operate in this object are requested to send in the 
necessary particulars as early as possible. At a later nour a conversazione 
was held, at which a number of pieces of vocal and instrumental music were 
rendered by members and friends, and a most enjoyable evening was spent ; 
W. H. Chapman, sen., superintended the arrangements for refreshments, 
etc. On Sunday we held two open-air meetings— the first since the forma- 
tion of our society. In the morning we met at 11.30 near the Landing 
Stage, when Beeves, Sharpies, and Bingham delivered stirring addresses. 
In the afternoon Reeves, Creaghe, Bingham, and Horrocks spoke to good effect 
to a large gathering in the old Hay market. A considerable quantity of 
literature was sold, and we are much indebted to our friends from the coun- 
try for the help they gave us to make a start in this work. We intend 
holding similar meetings each Sunday in the future. 



January 25, 1890. 

Offices : 24 Great Queen Street, London, W.C. 


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Notes on News 

News from Nowhere ; or* an Epoch of Rest (continued) . . 

International Notes 

The Price of Freedom 

Socialism in Lancashire and Yorkshire 

Fabian Essays in Socialism 

In Paris 

The Labour Struggle 

Mr. Auberon Herbert on Marriage 

Executive Announcements, Reports, Lecture Diary, and Notices of Meetings 

Statement of Principles, Advertisements, etc. , etc. 

William Mqrri; 
Victor Date 

William Mokrej 
A. Coulon 






Periodicals received during the week ending Wednesday January 22. 

Die Autonomic 

Labour Elector 
Norwich — Daylight 
Worker's Friend 

New South Wales 
Sydney — Bulletin 
Trades and Labor Advocate 
Bankipore— Behar Herald 

United States 
New York — Truthseeker 
Boston— Woman's Journal 
Buffalo — Arbeiter-Zeitung 
Chicago (111)— Vorbote 
Detroit — Der Arme Teuf el 
Milwaukee— NationalEeformer 

N. J. Freie Presse 
San Francisco Arbeiter-Zeitung 
S. F. Coast Seamen's Journal 
St. Louis (Mo.)— Die Parole 

Paris — Bourse du Travail 

Le Proletariat 

La Revue Socialiste 
Paris — La Revolte 
Lille — Le Cri du Travailleur 
Charleville — L' E man cipation 


Middelburg — Licht enWahrheid 


Ghent — Vooruit 
Liege — L'Avenir 
Antwerp — De Werker 

Bulletin Continental 

Rome — L'EmancixDazione 

Madrid— El Socialista 
Cadiz— El Socialismo 
Barcelona— Revolucion Social 

Berlin— Volks Tribune 

Wien — Arbeiter-Zeitung 
Brunn — Arbeiterstimme 

Social -Demokraten 
Copenhagen — Arbe j deren 

Stockholm, Social-Demokraten 
Malmo — Arbetet 


This book is of importance as embodying the views of a society which 
has been so active in lecturing on behoof of the Socialist movement. 
Indeed, some time ago many of us thought and said that the Fabians 
should publish a volume of their lectures ; and, without wishing to 
carp at the present expression of opinions from which we of the 
Socialist League dissent in some measure, I cannot help wishing that 
such a volume had appeared about three years ago : for such a book 
published at that date would have dealt almost wholly with the 
economical and practical side of the question, and would have formed 
a kind of text-book for Socialists of all shades of opinion ; and illumi- 
nated, as it would have been, by the brilliant and attractive style of 

1 "Fabian Essays in Socialism." 233pp., bound in cloth with designs by 
Walter, Crane and May Morris. May be ordered from Commoniveal Office at 
6s. post free. 

some of the present essayists, would have been a most useful weapon 
of attack on the capitalist position as long as the battle might last ; 
whereas a large part of the present volume is given up to the advocacy 
of the fantastic and unreal tactic which the Fabian Society has ex- 
cogitated of late, and which is at best tentative and temporary ; is 
hardly constructed to last longer than the coming into power of the 
next Liberal government. The result is, that the clear exposition of 
the first principles of Socialism, and the criticism of the present false 
society (which latter no one knows how to make more damaging than 
Mr. Bernard Shaw, e.g.) is set aside for the sake of pushing a theory 
of tactics, which could not be carried out in practice ; and which, if it 
could be, would still leave us in a position from which we should have 
to begin our attack on capitalism over again ; a position, it may be 
said, which might be better or might be worse for us than our present 
one, as far as the actual struggle for the new society is concerned. 

Mr. Sydney Webb, to judge from this book, is the leader in this 
somewhat disastrous move. He seems to enjoy all the humiliations of 
opportunism, to revel in it, so to say ; and, indeed, he would appear to 
drag some of his fellow- writers somewhat unwillingly behind his 
chariot wheels. In his hands the argumentum ad hominem becomes a 
rather dangerously double-edged weapon. He is so anxious to prove 
the commonplace that our present industrial system embraces some of 
the machinery by means of which a Socialist system might be worked; 
and that some of the same machinery is used by the present municipal- 
ities, and the bureaucratic central government, that his paper tends- 
to produce the impression of one who thinks that we are already in 
the first stages of socialistic life, all the while that " the poor we have 
always with us," and that the workers are worse off than they were 
under the feudal hierarchy. The retort of the enemy is obvious : " If 
we are already all Socialists, be happy ! for we are happy ! " 

I give Mr. Sydney Webb all credit for sincerity in desiring the de- 
struction of privilege ; but it is strange that his rollicking opportunism 
should blind him to the fact that since he is sincere, the privileged 
will see through his attempt to hoodwink them into joining his attack 
on the privilege which is their life ; while the discontented miserable 
workers will be discouraged by being practically told that they are 
already entering into the fruition of the Promised Land. They may 
well say : " Is it to be like this society, or something like it 1 We 
thought Socialism would be quite unlike our present position ; if it is 

not to be so ." To avoid the disaster of gaining the doubtful 

alliance of the well-to do at the expense of losing the support of the 
poor, it is surely necessary never to cease saying : The test of the 
realisation of Socialism will be the abolition of poverty. 

Let us be clear on this point, that if the municipal Socialism of 
Mr. Sydney Webb were carried and put in practice, though it should 
logically (perhaps) lead to the destruction of privilege and poverty, 
yet historically it may do nothing of the kind ; and that at any rate 
it is not Socialism, as it would still admit of the existence of com- 
peting classes. We should remember (as a Socialist said to me the 
other day) that under the Roman Empire municipal administration 
reached a pitch which we are very unlikely to come to in England in 
our day ; but it had no destructive effect on the society of that epoch, 
which was based on chattel slavery and a pauper proletariat fed by 
the doles of the rich. 

Mr. Sydney Webb takes in hand the "historic " basis of Socialism ; 
but he is not more historic than any other of the paper-writers, 
indeed, less so than Mr. Shaw; his history only begins at the 
period just before the great industrial revolution cf the eighteenth 
century. The industrial conditions of this period he treats too 
roughly ; so roughly, indeed, as to be both inaccurate and mislead- 
ing. It is true that some of the industries of the country were 
carried on in an individualistic way on the surface ; but the 
greater part were under the rule of a most elaborate division of labour 
system, of which the mediae vai workmen knew nothing ; and even the 
Yorkshire weavers (as well described by Mr. Illingworth), though they 
were masters of their tools, time, and materials within their workshops 
or houses, worked for a master (usually a neighbouring farmer) who 
exploited them, though mildly, and who in his turn sold the goods to 
a factor. The workmen had a world-market behind their backs though 
they were unconscious of it; the goods were made for profit, not 
primarily for use. In short, Mr. Sydney Webb has ignored the tran- 
sition period of industry which began in the sixteenth century with 
the break up of the Middle Ages, and the shoving out of the people 
from the land. This transition is treated of by Karl Marx with great 
care and precision under the name of the "Manufacturing Period "' 
(workshop period we might call it), and some mention of it ought to 
have been included in Mr. Sydney Webb's " history." I should not 
have felt bound to call attention to this blemish, however, if it were 
not, to my mind, another indication of the w~eak side of Mr. Sydney 
Webb and his followers ; their tendency, namely, to over-estimate the 
importance of the mechanism of a system of society apart from the 
end towards which it may be used. 

The great machine industries, though they have played an important 
part in the movement toward Socialism are not an essential condition 
of its existence ; they may be used, as they are now, for the mere 
enslavement of the workers. They will be so used as long as they 
last, unless the workers in some form or other revolt against their 
slavery. On the other hand, as you may have a perfected system of 
co-operative production in a society of capitalism and wage-slavery, so 
you may have Socialism or Communism conjointly with a system of 
(so-called) individualist production. Nay, I feel certain that when 
the time comes, wherein we have forgotten the period of artificial 
poverty thrust upon us by capitalism and wage-slavery, the world will 

January 25, 1890, 



in a large measure return to the individual system which once pro- 
duced goods ; a word which our present system has deprived of three 
parts of its meaning. Fourier put forward his truly inspired doctrine 
of attractive industry to a world that could not listen to him, so 
sunken as it was in misery and slavery. In times to come we shall 
need no social philosopher to tell us that if we cannot make our work 
attractive we shall still be slaves, even though we have no master but 
Nature. But to-day the world is still so sunken in misery and slavery, 
that in this book, honestly devoted to the regeneration of society, the 
assumption is everywhere made that labour must for ever be unattrac- 

It is through no disrespect to the other writers in this remarkable 
book that I have given so much of my space to the consideration of 
Mr. Sydney Webb's paper, which is rather worse than better than the 
others, but simply because it shows most clearly the present position 
of the Fabian Society towards the Socialist movement. 

Mr. Clarke's paper, though not quite avoiding the historical mistake 
of Mr. Sydney Webb, is clear and well written, and full of very 
valuable information ; the latter portion, dealing with the special 
vagaries of American " Commerce," will serve as a text-book for the 
subject " until the times do alter." At the same time, though we may 
well hope that the extravagance of exploitation and contempt of the 
public shown by these " captains of industry " will lead us on toward 
Socialism, it is dangerous to rest our hopes on this development, as 
Mr. Bellamy does in his * Looking Backward.' It may, after all, be 
nothing but a passing phase of that capitalist organisation of robbery, 
which surely must be attacked in front by the workers grown conscious 
of their slavery. 

Mr. Sydney Olivier's " Moral Basis " is worth taking the trouble of 
careful reading. It is less obvious to the objections against the Fabian 
opportunism, partly no doubt because of the subject, but also partly, 
I think (judging from the paper), because of the turn of mind of the 
writer himself. 

Mr. Graham Wallas's " Property Under Socialism " is clear and free 
from pedantry, and shows distinct sympathies with Communism ; but 
it is confessedly dealing with the transitional period of Social De- 
mocracy, and consequently lacks the interest which a paper on more 
definite principles would have. There is, indeed, a tone of apology 
for the feebleness of Social Democracy running through it which 
might be sneered at by the bourgeois. One friendly objection I make 
to Mr. Wallas — he allows himself to speak of Socialism as " the system 
of property-holding which we call Socialism," and goes on to say that 
this is not necessarily the wished-for new life, " any more than a good 
system of drainage is health, or the invention of printing, knowledge." 
Here is a net statement of the exaggeration of the value of a 
mechanical system, which I have already complained of. Socialism is 
emphatically not merely " a system of property-holding," but a com- 
plete theory of human life, founded indeed on the visible necessities 
of animal life, but including a distinct system of religion, ethics, and 
conduct, which, if put into practice, will not indeed enable us to get 
rid of the tragedy of life, as Mr. Wallas hints, but will enable us to 
meet it without fear and without shame. 

Mrs. Besant's article on " Industry Under Socialism " gives a sketch 
of State Socialism in practice in its crudest form, which, owing to the 
difficulty of the subject rather than from any shortcoming on her part, 
is not satisfactory, — could hardly be satisfactory to any one. 

Mr. Hubert Bland's paper, " On the Outlook," is, for this book, a 
curious one, for it is a not very indirect attack on his optimistic de- 
mocratic coadjutors. " It is not so much to the thing which the state 
does, as to the end for which it does it," is stating again what I 
have already put forward in this article, and there is a good deal 
in Mr. Bland's "Outlook" to the same purport. For the rest, 
Mr. Bland, of course, goes in for the Parliamentary struggle 
which we do not believe in ; but he is too acute (his eye-sight being 
aided, I judge, by some traditional Tory instincts) not to see that the 
permeation of the Radicals by Socialism does not mean the creation 
of a Socialist-Radical Parliamentary party, but rather the absorption 
of the individuals of the Radicals, on the one hand, into the definite 
Socialist ranks, and, on the other, into the Whig phalanx ; which 
latter, he, very rightly, looks on as a most formidable and enduring 
body of obstruction, capable of " holding the fort " long after the in- 
telligence of the nation has declared for Socialism, and of holding it 
in the teeth of the logical sequence of economical events. So goes history. 

I have yet to mention Mr. Bernard Shaw's two papers. Whatever 
I have to blame in them is comprised in the statement of my differences 
with the Fabian tactic which is so frankly condemned by Mr. Hubert 
Bland. Yet, at least, Mr. Shaw does not love opportunism for its 
own sweet self ; for in his second lecture he definitely proclaims his 
shame of the course to which, as he thinks, circumstances have driven 
him ; perhaps he only needs a little extra dose of Parliamentary tactics 
to disgust him so much as to force him to drop them altogether. 
Judging from the eloquence of the concluding part of his first paper, 
we can hardly suppose that that disgust will drive him into despair of 
the whole movement, and so deprive us of the services of one of the 
clearest heads and best pens that Socialism has got. As aforesaid, his 
criticism of the modern capitalistic muddle is so damaging, his style 
so trenchant, and so full of reserves of indignation and righteous 
scorn, that I sometimes wonder that guilty, i.e., non-Socialist, middle- 
class people > can sit and listen to him. If he could only forget the 
kydney-Webbian permeation tactic, even without putting any other 
m its place what an advantage it would be to all of us U He would 
encourage his friends thereby ; and as to his enemies— could he offend 
them more than he does now 1 

I have not had any space to quote passages from this book ; I 
thought that there was no need to do so, as I assume that all Socialists 
will read it whether they agree with it or not. William Morris, j 


We shall soon have some new elections in and about Paris, as about half-a- 
dozen Boulangist deputies' elections have been invalidated on account of not 
being on the side of the bourgeois Republic. I should let this pass by un- 
recorded as being without interest for us Socialists, who don't care a damn 
who gets in or out of Parliament, but it furnishes a good opportunity to 
study the different schools of Socialism we have here. As internationalists 
it is good for us to know our men in cass we want them. 

Any foreigner coming to Paris is sure to meet good Socialists here so long 
as he speaks to the point, that is, as long as he does not wander away from 
his programme or principles ; but if he takes to politics he is nearly sure to 
fall out with them. Although we have half-a-dozen schools at ordinary 
times, at the polls we have but two, or rather none at all ; one school, the 
Parti ouvrier, is swallowed up by the Government ; the other, the Blanquist 
school, goes with Boulanger. 

There are, of course, parties that remain independent, such as the Ligue 
Socialiste, which has LEgalite as their daily paper ; the party of Vaillant, 
which is without a paper since the Cri du Peuple stopped ; the Anarchists, 
again, whose weekly paper is La Revolte. Staunch revolutionaries as these 
three last schools may be, they are accused of voting for Boulangists. 

It is a known fact that the Parti ouvrier, 25,000 strong in Paris, with nine 
town councillors and one and a-half deputies — one and a-half because 
Joffrin is no deputy in reality, being "elected" by the government in the 
place of Boulanger, who got 3,000 majority over him ; the whole one being 
Dumay, who has done good work in former years. It is a known fact, I 
say, that this party get secret money to play the game of the government. 
In their opinion all who are not with them are with Boulanger ; not being 
able to keep to their own guns, they see a traitor in any man outside of 
their ranks. They do not understand a man standing aloof from their petty 

They are rather strong in Paris, where the Bourse du Travail is in their 
hands, but are nowhere in the country. It is not so easy to make friends 
there, as the municipality of Paris, on which nine of them are sitting, 
cannot give situations outside of the town, and therefore cannot corrupt the 

I fell into the hands of these men when I came to Paris as a delegate to 
the International (Possibilist) Congress, and I confess that I regret it ever 
since. They are Nationalists, and as much so as are Irishmen. Their 
ostensible programme is, " Emancipation of the toiler by the toiler himself, " 
but they should add, " with the gracious help of His Majesty Carnot and 
the Bourgeois Republic. 

Between these Socialists and those who intended to make a good use of 
Boulanger's triumph by taking hold of the Government at the first oppor- 
tunity, we have about 15,000 Anarchists, who are recruited from among the 
most intelligent and sensible workmen here. They do not vote, but they 
make more recruits at the present time than any other school. While there 
are lots cf Socialists who waver between the Opportunists, the Parti ouvrier, 
and the Boulangists, once a man becomes an Anarchist he usually remains 
there. They are promoting now the idea of a general European strike, 
which, if it comes off, will about finish the present delightful system of 

The Ligue Socialiste is a combination of discontented and practical Social- 
ists. It was erected on the ruins of the Cri du Peuple. Its members are all 
young and ardent men, who would not feel at home with such veterans as 
Vaillant and Jules Guesde. One of them, Odin, is to be prosecuted for 
a speech he delivered a few weeks ago in Nantes. Chirac is another rising 
man. The Ligue Socialiste is to French Socialism what Sandhurst is to the 
English army. Its paper is VEgalite', which was started by Jules Roques, 
a capitalist, and doubtful Socialist. The League counts about a thousand 
members, and has been about a year in existence. It goes in for the greve 
generate (general strike) ; has no programme ; and thinks of taking the 
Elyse'e by storm one day — a quite possible thing, if we consider the kind of 
men it is composed of. 

Vaillant, Minister of Public Instruction under the Commune, and still a 
Communist, has joined Jules Guesde, the Collectivist of old fame, and in 
spite of all these different opinions and schools of which I have been speak- 
ing, all other chiefs would be cast into the shade in the hour of action, and 
Vaillant would be the rallying-point, in whose presence all differences would 
disappear. His name reflects a moral strength that cannot be denied. He 
is watching the first opportunity to strike a decisive blow. Delegates of the 
twenty arrondissements meet every week, and he never fails to be there 
also. He does not care to take the chair ; he sits in the crowd, and always 
speaks to the point. He personifies Revolution, no doubt about it. Let 
the Government make a blunder, and we shall see Vaillant on the Place de 
la Concorde, and with him a hundred thousand revolutionaries of every 
school, who have descended from the heights of Montmartre and Belleville 
to strike a final blow at the cursed reign of the money-bag. 

A big meeting assembled last week to protest against the arbitrary arrest 
of Bertoya, a Spanish student of twenty-four, who was arrested in the street, 
without any warning, by a mouchard, who couldn't even tell him for what 
reason it was done. The reason is, that Bertoya is a Socialist, who has been 
expelled already from Germany, Italy, France, and probably from Belgium, 
on account of his opinions and propaganda. 

Before the opening of the meeting, one heard all the different languages 
of Europe — Italian, German, Russian, Greek, etc. : it was a truly inter- 
national meeting. A Greek student was the first speaker, and he protested 
strongly against this disgraceful persecution, saying, however, that it was a 
I sure sign that governments must feel their own decay when they resorted 
to such means as these. Citizen Brunei said they should not protest in 
words only, but should try to make their words good by their works ; 
which sentiment was received with vigorous applause, waving of hats, and 
many curses against law- 5 n'-order as carried out in this grand country of 
freedom, where every man has^ a vote, where idlers have a caFefully guarded 
right to live without producing, and where every poor man has the right 
and many opportunities to starve while working. Hurrah for the Bourgeois 
Republic ! A. Coulon. 

Paris, 19th Jan., 1890. 

It would be absurd, amongst any people, to regard as just all that the lawe 
sanction. Would the Athenians have been more equitable if they had ratified 

the decrees of their thirty tyrants ?— Cicero. 





January 25, 1890. 


The Gas-stokers' Strike. 

The struggle is still as dogged as ever. The Seamen and Firemen's Union 
is nearly every day drawing men out from coal ships that supply the com- 
pany, and on the whole the strikers have still a fair chance of winning. The 
gas-stokers' treasurer, William Byford, writing to the Star on Friday, 
Jan. 17, states that funds are coming in well, despite the lying statements 
that have been circulated in the capitalist press. He says, "The strike 
which has now lasted five weeks, was forced upon us by Mr. Livesey, and 
has cost up to the present over £5,000. This has been met somewhat by a 
levy upon our members, whom, I am glad to say, have responded nobly. 
We have paid the strikers 10s. a week and 5s. extra Christmas week, and I 
am pleased to state that instead of our funds being done and our society in 
a deplorable condition, the funds were never better. Last week our own 
income was over £800 ; this week up to date it is over £500. Independent 
of outside support, which is coming in very well just now, we paid our 
strikers last week without calling on our bankers, and are prepared to do 
the same next week." This statement, and, indeed, the whole history of 
the strike shows that the new trade unionism is not so deficient in staying 
power as some of its enemies thought. The gas-stokers, unlike the dockers, 
have received very little outside support, and yet this strike has been fought 
with as much strength and determination ai any struggle in the history of 
the older trade unions. Should the men even be defeated, they have still done 
enough to show that the new trade unions can make a good fight without 
showers of gold from an enthusiastic public. 

The strikers have had another opportunity of admiring the administration 
of middle-class justice. Two blacklegs were charged at the Central Criminal 
Court this week with shooting strikers. One of them, Alfred Newgrove, 
has been let off altogether ; the other, Charles Higgins, a black man, was 
discharged upon entering on his recognisances to come up for judgment 
when called upon. If a striker had shot a blackleg I wonder if he would 
have got off as easily ! It is a wonder that the judge and the middle-class 
jury, in their enthusiasm for the amiable eccentricities of these gentlemen, 
did not present them with a valuable testimonial as a proof of their ap- 
proval — a silver-plated revolver with an injunction to make good use of it 
would be most suitable. 

It is rather surprising, after these examples of middle-class justice, to 
find that Henry Weir was also only bound over co appear for judgment 
when called upon. But there are several explanations of this extraordinary 
leniency ; first, it is probable that it struck the judge that it would be 
rather too absurd to send a man to prison for advising people to kill Mr. 
Livesey, when blacklegs had been let off for actually trying to kill people ; 
secondly, the judge, Mr. Justice Hawkins, had doubtless exhausted his 
superfluous stock of severity upon the editor of the North London Press the 
day before, and was therefore in a pretty good humour. 

The funniest feature of the case was the " evidence " of the police " short- 
hand " writer. This gentleman admitted that he was not a " professional," 
also that he would not swear positively as to whether the prisoner had said 
that Mr. Livesey had no right or no moral right to live ; and finally, he 
admitted that since the meeting he had made several " alterations " in his 
short-hand notes, and had u struck out " some portions of them. Nice 
evidence to convict any one upon ! When a policeman adds " short-hand " 
to his natural vices, he evidently becomes more unreliable in his " evidence " 
than ever. 

There has been another interview between Mr. Livesey and a deputation 
of gas-stokers, but the interview has had no result. The good gentleman 
complained bitterly of the trouble and expense to which he had been put 
by the action of the Coal Porters' and Sailors and Firemens' Unions. We 
hear on good authority that some 17 coal ships have lost their crews through 
the pickets of the last-named union, and poor Mr. Livesey has had to par- 
tially fill up their places with blacklegs, for whom he has had to pay very 
dearly. He was, however, in spite of this annoyance, good enough to offer, 
if the men would make a total surrender, to take "some" of them back. 
This proposition being afterwards submitted to a mass meeting of the men, 
was unanimously rejected amid cries of " Fight it out to the bitter end." 
The demonstration held in Hyde Park on Sunday, showed by its numbers 
and enthusiasm that the men are determined to resist to the last. There 
was a large attendance of police, and their " short-hand" writers were very 
busy " reporting " the speeches. Mr. Livesey is finding that " smashing the 
union " is not so easy as he thought. 

Strike of Wharfmen. 

A strike broke out at several wharves in Bermondsey Friday morning, 
January 1*7, the men demanding three-quarters of an hour for dinner, and 
that they shall be paid for it. On Friday night Tom Mann, who represented 
the workers, had an interview with Captain Davis, one of the directors, at 
Wilson and Simmons', who conceded the men's demands, but stipulated that 
the agreement should only hold good till April 13th, when the whole ques- 
tion of payment for mealtimes should be thoroughly discussed. Mr. Morgan, 
secretary of the dock company, writes to the papers in a fit of virtuous 
indignation concerning the infraction of the famous agreement of the 14th 
September last by the men, one of the conditions of which, as our readers 
will remember, was that there should be no payment for mealtimes. But 
as Tom Mann explained, the agreement was never intended to be eternal. 
In fact by this time it has been nearly torn to pieces, as many of the workers 
at the docks and wharves have gained this concession. The men at Hay's 
Wharf are still out, but there is every hope of a speedy victory. 

The East-end Tailors. 
A crowded meeting of East-end tailors was held at Christ Church Hall, 
Hanbury Street, on Saturday January 18, to consider the breaking of the 
strike agreement by the masters. According to a statement made by Lewis 
Lyons at the meeting, two weeks had not passed from the signing of the 
agreement before some of the masters had broken it, and now the majority 
of them appear to have followed their example. It appears that the masters 
have issued a circular to the retail trade in which they stated that the cause 
which led to long hours had been abolished. The meeting passed a resolu- 
tion stating that the statements in this circular were misleading and mis- 
chievous, and that they had resolved as early as possible to enforce the terms 
of the agreement by every legitimate means in their power ; also calling 
upon merchant tailors, shopkeepers, and warehouses to open workshops of 

their own, or else give their work out to fair houses. It was stated at the 
meeting that the agreement would be enforced if necessary by a general 
strike throughout London and the provinces. 

Tram and Bus Men. 
This union again seems in a bad way. There was a very small attendance 
at a torchlight meeting held at Stratford Broadway on Saturday morning, 
owing, it is said, to the men being warned against attending the meeting by 
the company's officials. This may be so ; but similar warnings have been 
issued before and haven't had much effect. It is probable that the weakness 
shown by the officials of the union towards the Boad Car Co. — which 
has set them at defiance, broken their agreement, and discharged union men, 
while the union officials have borne it as meekly as lambs — has had more 
to do with it. The fact is that the union officials, two months ago, when the 
Boad Car men were ready to strike, allowed the decisive moment to go by. 
The consequence is that the men have lost heart, and do not care to risk 
their places for a union that will do nothing for them. Mr. Sutherst, the 
president of the union, has now evidently given up all idea of organised 
action on the part of the men, and has prepared a " twelve hours per day 
bill" for Parliament. A lot of good that will do, even if it passes, though 
there is not much chance of that. Of what use is a union which can only 
prepare bills for Parliament ? No wonder the men have lost all enthusiasm 
for such a miserable sham. 

Trouble at Billingsgate. 
There is a row at Billingsgate. The fish porters have had enough of being 
sweated by various fishing companies, and on one of the union men being 
discharged on Saturday morning, January 18, the union men started work 
on their own account for the buyers, securing half the work of the market, 
and receiving the full reward of their labour. The companies replied on 
Monday by posting the following notice on all the wholesale forms : " The 
undersigned companies hereby give notice that on and after the 20th inst. 
all fish sold over their forms will be under the sole control of the company 
until delivered to the stand or vehicle of the buyer, and is only sold on these 
conditions. This means that the buyers must not employ union labour for 
themselves, but must have their fish carried by the blacklegs employed by 
the companies. On Saturday the companies showed they meant boycottting 
by refusing the bid of Mr. B. Hotine, one of the largest salesmen inBillings- 
gate, because he employed union men. The men have issued a manifesto, 
calling upon the buyers to support them in the struggle, and pointing out 
that the blacklegs do not know their business and are therefore likely to 
cause them delay and annoyance. N. 


The following letter was addressed by Mr. Auberon Herbert to the editor 
of the Pall Mall, in reply to some very reactionary utterances of the " family 
altar" type, which the Pall Mall had quoted with admiration : 

A few days ago the Pall Mall Gazette quoted from a speech of Professor 
Murray about Mr. Parnell. Personally I have never admired the fashion 
or the spirit of the Irish leading. I have seen in it the same deep taint 
that I see in the modern Liberal party, as a party. Irish patriots have been 
manufactured wholesale at the price of 20 to 30 per cent. — or whatever the 
percentage may be — of reduced rents ; just as modern Badicals are manu- 
factured at the price of free education, taxation of land, and the promise of 
State services at the cost of owners of property. In neither case do I 
believe the product worth the producing. Having said this, and having 
separated myself from admiration of Mr. ParnelFs leading, I wish to protest 
most strongly against Professor Murray's manner of speaking about Mr. 
Parnell. It breathes that deep unconscious hypocrisy which pervades almost 
all of us in this matter ; especially those who, with a very slight knowledge 
or understanding of their own human nature, proceed to denounce their 
fellow men. Men safely moored in the haven of marriage sit in sublime 
judgment upon those who are moved by their passions in the irregular and 
unhappy ways that lie outside marriage. Do not think I am upholding the 
state of no marriage as against the state of marriage. I deeply reverence 
the state of true marriage — by which I mean the faithful continuous attach- 
ment of two people to each other, without any legal restraint to perpetuate 
that attachment, when its inner life has departed — but I say that this true 
marriage is the concern of the two people themselves, and not the concern 
of the world outside them. It always seems to me a deep unconscious 
hypocrisy on the part of the happily married people when they revile either 
the transgressions of the unmarried or a transgression such as that of which 
Mr. Parnell is accused. I am not minimising these transgressions. They 
are generally sins against one's own sense of honour and truth and con- 
stancy ; they are departures from high ideals ; they are acts of high treason 
against one's own happiness and the happiness of those involved ; but I deny 
utterly they are the concern of the outside world, and it is just as imper- 
tinent of Professor Murray to comment upon Mr. Parn ell's relations with 
Mrs. O'Shea, in the high tragic line of a betrayed Ireland, as it would be 
impertinent for me to comment publicly upon his own ill-natured treatment of 
his wife or his severity towards his children — if he is married, and if I had 
any reason to believe in either of these things, which most certainly I have 
not — as obstacles to our confidence in him as a trustworthy Liberal or a 
trustworthy Conservative. A great deal of this kind of talk comes from 
the shallow soil in which Liberal principles of the present day are grown. 
Women are to vote, to be lawyers, doctors, and so forth ; but they are not 
to be treated as the real owners, with all the consequences, of their own 
selves. The modern Liberal, in this respect, is often like the Paris husband, 
who buys a revolver for twenty francs and dramatically shoots his wife, if 
she has betrayed him, amidst the half-suppressed applause of other Paris 
husbands. A sense of property in the wife — joined, of course, in France to 
the intense amour propre or vanity that has been injured — is au the bottom 
of the shooting, just as with us it is at the bottom of that foul creation the 
divorce court and its money damages. No fouler institution was ever in- 
vented ; and its existence drags on, to our deep shame, just because we have 
not the courage frankly to say that the sexual relations of husband and wife, 
or those who live together, concern their own selves, and do not concern the 
prying, gloating, self-righteous, and intensely untruthful world outside 
them. What Mr. Parnell was as a political leader, that he remains to-day. 

January 25, 1890. 



His faults are not increased ; his virtues as leader are not diminished. That 
he may or may not have sinned against a woman's happiness and self-respect, 
and against his own happiness and self-respect, are matters that affect him 
and her and not his political followers. If the Irish party allow him to be 
cast on 'one side—if they allow him to be sacrificed to Catholic jealousies— 
thev will indeed barb the saying, that has been more than once pointed 
against them, that they cannot be well served because they betray their 



The Offices of the Socialist League will be open for the sale of Commonweal 
and all other Socialist publications from 8.30 a.m. to 9 p.m. every day except 
Sunday. The Secretary will be in attendance from 10 a.m. to 9 p.m. daily. 

Executive.— At the Council meeting on Jan. 20th, it was resolved to protest 
against the attempts made by the capitalist press to obtain a public ovation for 
the filibuster Stanley upon his return. 

Commonweal Branch.— The Hall at 24, Great Queen Street, will be open 
to all Members of the League every evening from 7.30 to 10 p.m. Daily 
papers, games, and refreshments. Members must show their cards to the steward. 
Lectures and dramatic readings every Sunday evening at 8 p.m. For particulars 
of the new Commonweal Branch, now forming, address F. Kitz, 24, Great Queen 
Street, London, W.C. 

Branch Subscriptions Paid.— 1888 :— Oxford, to end of September. 
1889 : —Bradford and Hammersmith, to end of April. Norwich, Glas- 
gow, and Yarmouth, to end of May. Manchester, to end of Septem- 
ber. Clerkenwell and East London, to end of October. North London, 
and Mitcham, to end of November. St. Georges East, and Leicester, to 
end of December. 1890 : — North Kensington, to end of January. 

Notice to Branch Secretaries. — Please remit to Central Office your Branch 
Capitation fees as soon as possible. 

Notice. — All letters on League business, except those intended for Editors of 
Commonweal, to be addressed to me. No other person is authorised to sign any 
official communication. Frank Kitz, Secretary. 


Collected at Council meeting, Jan. 20th, 3s. 6|d. 


The following further sums have been received towards this fund: — Webb, Is,; 
H. R,, Is.; Mrs. Schack, Is.; M. M., 5s.; F. Kitz, 6d.; D. Nicoll, 6d.; B. W., 
6d.; J. W. Brunne, £1 Is.; and C. Saunders, 2s. 


North Kensington. — Fair meeting at Latimer Road on Sunday morning ; 
speakers Maughan Crouch, Dean, and A. J. Smith. Comrade Albert Tarn 
lectured in the evening on " Capital, Money, and Interest " ; many questions and 
good debate. Collected 2s. 6d. Commonweal sold out. 

Leeds. — On Sunday morning at Vicars Croft a meeting was held, when Rogers 
spoke to an attentive audience. At night, in the Socialist League Hall, Samuels 
lectured on "Socialism, Old and New " to a good audience ; spirited discussion. 
Commonweal went well, also * Appeal to the Young.' 

Leicester. — Good meeting in Russell Square, addressed by Taylor and Cham- 
bers ; audience very attentive and sympathetic. On Monday, a lively discussion 
on " Communal Life," which was adjourned until Thursday. 

Manchester. — We held two meetings on Sunday, despite unfavourable 
weather. At Phillips Park in the morning, Stockton, Barton, and Bailie ad- 
dressed a meeting ; in the afternoon, the same speakers held a meeting in Steven- 
son Square. About 40 Commonweal sold. 

Dublin.— At Progressist Club, 87 Marlboro' Street, Jan. 18th, A. Kavanagh 
lectured on " Practical Legislation," advocating land nationalisation, eight hours, 
etc., etc. The views of the lecturer were forcibly assailed by Wilson, Regan, 
O'Gorman, and Fitzpatrick. 

Sheffield. — The labour movement in Sheffield is rapidly developing. Good 
meetings are held every Tuesday evening at Hallamshire Hall, and on Wednes- 
day and Thursday evenings in other parts of the town. We are also getting 
good meetings at the above hall every Sunday. On Sunday January 12, comrade 
Sketchley lectured, in the morning at 11, subject, "The Labour Movement"; 
and in the evening at 6\30> subject, " The Land Question." On Sunday Jan. 19, 
morning at 11, subject, " The Labour Movement " ; and in the evening at 6.30, 
subject, "Socialism — What it is." Admission is free, and discussion invited. 
The organisation is extending every week. Socialist literature on sale at the 
hall.— S. 


How is it that the Commonweal does not publish more news from the Branches ? 
Because the editor is not omniscient, and the local secretaries forget that he 
depends upon them for news. Hint : Let us know what you're doing. 

How is it that not all that is sent is inserted ? Because branch secretaries 
forget that the editor has less than a thousand hands, and often mix things so 
that it would mean entirely rewriting their letters before they could be of use. 
Hint : Keep reports separate from announcements, and news from both. Write 
briefly, plainly, and on one side of the paper. 

Liverpool Socialist Society, 1 Stanley Street, Bale Street.— Meets every 
Tuesday at 8 p.m. 

Edinburgh— Scottish Socialist Federation.— In Moulders' Hall, High St., 
lecture on Sunday January 26, at 6.30, " The Politics of Burns." 

Chelsea S.D.F., Co-operative Lecture Hall, 312 Kings Road, Chelsea.— Sun- 
day January 26, at 8 p.m., Harold Cox, " The Eight Hours Question." 

Manhood Suffrage League, "Three Doves," Berwick St., Oxford St., W.— 
Sunday January 26, at 8.30 p.m., F. Pinnock, " Labour's Social Warfare." 

West Kensington Park Radical Club, 80 Faroe Road, West Kensington.— 
Sunday January 26, at 8 p.m., Graham Wallas, "Practicable Socialism for Great 

teh - 

She* field. --At Hallamshire Hall, Westbar, on Sunday January 26, J. Skst 
ley, ii a.m., < The Labour Movement at Home and Abroad"; at 6.30, " r . 
Uaims of Capital and Labour from a Socialistic Standpoint." 

i h ^ AS ? Mj ?etixg, to protest against the buying-out of Irish landlords, will be 
held (under the auspices of the E.L.R.L.) at St. James's Hall, Piccadilly, on 
luesday Jan. 28 s at 8 p.m. Michael Davitt, John Burns, and others will speak. 



Battersea. — All communications to E. Buteux, 20 Abererombie Street, Battersea 
Park Road. 

Commonweal Branch. — 24 Great Queen Street, Holborn, W.C. Business meeting 
of members every Thursday evening at 8. Lectures every Sunday at 8 p.m. 
Hall open every evening from 7 till 10.30 to all members of the League ; 
cards of membership must be produced to steward of branch on entering. 
Entertainments on last Sunday of every month. Membership : 6d. entrance 
fee and 6d. per month. 

East London. — Crown Coffee Tavern, 2 Columbia Road, Hackney Road. 

Hammersmith. — Kelmscott House, Upper Mall, W. Sunday Jan. 26, at 8 p.m., 
George Bernard Shaw, '* The New Politics." 

Merton. — 3 Clare Villas, Merton Road. 

Mitcham. — " Lord Napier," Fair Green. Meets every Sunday at 12.30, to enroll 
members, etc. 

North Kensington. — Clarendon Coffee Palace, Clarendon Road. Meets every 
Wednesday at 8 p.m. On Sunday evening, Jan. 26, a lecture by W. L. 
Phillips, " Labour and Socialism." 

North London. — 6 W T indmill Street, Tottenham Court Road. Meets every 
Wednesday evening at 8 o'clock. D. J. Nicoll lectures Wednesday Jan. 29, 
on " Law and Order." 

SouthwarJc, — Secretary, George Evans, 56 Lucy Road, Bermondsey, S.E. Hill's 
Coffee Tavern, Great Charlotte Street, Blackfriars Road, S.E. 

Streatham. — Meets every Thursday at the " Leighham Arms," W T ellfield Road, 

at 8.30 p.m. 
Whitechapel and St. Georges in the East. — Branch meetings at International Club, 

40 Berner Street, Commercial Road. J. Turner, organising secretary. 


Aberdeen. — Organiser, J. Leatham, 7 Jamaica Street. Branch meets in Odd- 
fellows' Small Hall, Crooked Lane, on Monday evenings at 8. Singing 
practice at 46 Marischal Street on Thursdays at 8 p.m. 

Bradford. — Lay cock's Temperance Hotel, Albion Court, Kirkgate. Meets every 
Tuesday at 7.30. 

Dundee. — Address to W. Cameron, 17 Laurence Street, Dundee. 

Glasgow. — Ram's Horn Hall, 122 Ingram Street. Branch meets on Thursday- 
evenings at 8 o'clock and Sundays at 7 o'clock. 

Halifax. — Socialists meet every Sunday at 6.30 p.m. at Helli well's Temperance 
Hotel, Northgate. 

Leeds. — Clarendon Buildings, Victoria Road, School Close, Open every evening. 
Business meeting Saturdays at 8 p.m. Sunday January 26, at 7.30, lecture, 
S. Braithwaite, " Sir Lyon Playfair and the Labour Question." 

Leicester. — Exchange Buildings, Rutland Street. Branch meets on Monday and 
Thursday, at 8 p.m. 

Manchester. — Branch meets temporarily at the Secretary's, 52 Miller Street, on 
Tuesdays at 8 p.m. 

Norwich. — Sunday, at 8, Gordon Hall. Tuesday, at 8.30, Members' meeting,, 
Thursday, at 8, Discussion Class. Saturday, Social Meeting. Hall open, 
every evening from S p.m. 

Oxford.— Temperance Hall, 25 J Pembroke Street. First Friday in every month, 
at 8.30 p.m. 

Walsall.— Socialist Club, 18 Goodall Street, Walsall. Meetings every night. 

Yarmouth. — Branch meets at comrade Headley's, near Co-operative Stores, every 
Tuesday evening. Elocution Class Friday at 8 p.m. On Sunday afternoons 
during winter a Discussion Class will be held at 3 o'clock. , 

All persons who sympathise with the views of the Socialist League 
are earnestly invited to communicate with the above addresses, and 
if possible to help us in preparing for the birth of a true society, based 
on equality, brotherhood, and freedom for all. 



Saturday 25. 
. Mile-end Waste Cores and Presburg 

Sunday 26. 

11 Latimer Road Station Maughan, Dean, and Crouch 

11.30 Kilburn— "Old Plough," Kiiburn Lane Mainwaring, 

11.30 Commercial Road— Union Street Cores 

11.30 Mitcham— Fair Green The Branch 

11.30 Regent's Park Cantwell and Nicoll 

11.30 Southwark— Flat Iron Square The Branch 

3.30 Hyde Park— Marble Arch Cantwell and Nicoll 

3.30 Victoria Park The Branch 

7 Weltje Road, Ravenscourt Park Hammersmith Branch 

7.30 Walkam Green— back of Church Hammersmith Branch 

Tuesday 28. 
8 Walham Green — back of Church ... 

.Hammersmith Branch 


Thursday 30. 
Hoxton Church The Branch 



Glasgow.— Sunday : Jail Square at 2 o'clock ; Paisley Road at 5 o'clock. 

day: Cathedral Square, at 8 p.m. 
Leeds.— Sunday : Hunslet Moor, at 11 a.m. ; Vicar's Croft, at 7 p.m. 
Manchester.— Sunday : Philips Park Gates, at 11 ; Stevenson Square, at 3. 
Norwich.— Sunday : St. Faiths, at 11 ; Market Place, at 3. 
Sheffield.— Sunday : Monolith, Fargate, at 11 a.m.; Gower Street, at 3 p.m. ; 

Pump, Westbar, 8 p.m. 
Yarmouth.— Sunday : Priory Plain, at 11 ; Colman's Granary Quay, at 7. 

To Help the Paper.— There are several ways in which you can help to 
spread the ' Weal. Ask your newsagent to try and sell it. Get those who 
don't care to buy it week by week to subscribe direct. Arrange for the 
posting of contents bills anywhere you can. Any number of other plans 
will suggest themselves if you think about it. 



January 25, 1890. 

FREE for Four Weeks on Trial! 


T. L. M'CREADY, Associate Editor. 

Each number contains the Address of the preceding 
Sunday, delivered by the Editor in Newark, Brooklyn, 
and New York. 

Motto: " Hear the other side? 

fTlHIS Journal advocates Personal Sovereignty in 
-*- place of State Sovereignty, Voluntary Co-opera- 
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Rev. J. M. VVhiton Gen. M. M. Trumbull 

Hon. Frank T. Reid Sergius G. Shevitch 
Edmund Montgomery Victor Yarros 
Helen H. Gardener T. B. Wakeman 
Benj. K. Tucker Otto Wettstein 

Laurence Gronlund J. K. Ingalls 

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The Socialist League advocates International 
Revolutionary Socialism. That is to say the 
destruction of the present class society, which 
consists of one class who live by owning pro- 
perty and therefore need not work, and of 
another that has no property and therefore 
mtcst work in order that they may live to keep 
the idlers by their labour. Revolutionary 
Socialism insists that this system of society, 
which is the modern form of slavery, should 
be changed to a system of Society which would 
give every man an opportunity of doing useful 
work, and not allow any man to live without 
so doing, which work could not be useful unless 
it were done for the whole body of workers 
instead of for do-nothing individuals. The 
result of this would be that livelihood would 
not be precarious nor labour burdensome. 
Labour would be employed in co-operation, 
and the struggle of man with man for bare 
subsistence would be supplanted by harmo- 
nious combination for the production of com- 
mon wealth and the exchange of mutual 
services without the waste of labour or mate- 

Every man's needs would be satisfied from 
this common stock, but no man would be 
allowed to own anything which he could not 
use, and which consequently he must abuse by 
employing it as an instrument for forcing 
others to labour for him unpaid. Thus the 
land, the capital, machinery, and means of 
transit would cease to be private property, 
since they can only be used by the combination 
of labour to produce wealth. 

Thus men would be free because they would 
no longer be dependent on idle property-owners 
for subsistence ; thus they would be brothers, 
for the cause of strife, the struggle for subsis- 
tence at other people's expense, would have 
come to an end. Thus they would be equal, 
for if all men were doing useful work no man's 
labour could be dispensed with. Thus the 
motto of Liberty, Fraternity, and Equality, 
which is but an empty boast in a society that 
upholds the monopoly of the means of produc- 
tion, w r ould at last be realised. 

This Revolutionary Socialism must be In- 
ternational. The change which would put an 
end to the struggle between man and man, 
would destroy it also between nation and 
nation. One harmonious system of federation 
throughout the whole of civilisation would 
take the place of the old destructive rivalries. 
There would be no great centres breeding race 
hatred and commercial jealousy, but people 
would manage their own affairs in communities 
not too large to prevent all citizens from taking 
a part in the administration necessary for the 
conduct of life, so that party politics would 
come to an end. 

Thus, while we abide by the old motto: 
Liberty, Fraternity, Equality, 
we say that the existence of private property 
destroys Equality, and therefore under it there 
can be neither Liberty nor Fraternity. 

We add to the first motto then this other 
one — 




When this is realised there will be a genuine 
Society ; until it is realised, Society is nothing 
but a band of robbers. We must add that 
this change can only be brought about by com- 
bination amongst the workers themselves, and 
must embrace the whole of Society. The new 
life cannot be given to the workers by a class 
higher than they, but must be taken by them 
by means of the abolition of classes and the 
reorganisation of Society. 

Council of the Socialist League. 


Subscribers who find a red mark against this notice 
are thereby reminded that their subscriptions have 
expired and must be renewed immediately if they 
wish to continue to receive Commonweal. 

Printed in the Socialist League Printery, and published in the 
name and on behalf of the Socialist League by Frank Kitz 
at 24 Great Queen St., Lincoln's Inn Fields, London, W.C.