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Full text of "ERIC ED204635: Toward a Theory of Vocational Education. Occasional Paper No. 73."

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CD 204 635 






CE 029 6 34 

BroudVr Harry s. 

Toward a Theory of vocational Education. Occasional 
Paper Ho. 73. 

Ohio State Oniv. , Columbus. National Center for 
Research in vocational Education. 
Jul 81 

15p.; Paper presented at the National Center for 
Research in Vocational Education staff Developaent 
Seminar (Columbus, OH, 1981). 

National Center Publications, The National Center for 
Research in Vocational Education, The Ohio State 
university, 1960 Kenny Hd. , Colutbas, OH a3210 (OC 
73, $1.90). 

HF01/PC01 Plus Postage. 

♦Educational Philosophy: Educational policys 
♦Educational Theories; ♦Models: *"ocational 


A theory of vocational education voald be a set of 
reasoned beliefs about the aoals, policies, organization, curriculum, 
and methods of teaching and learning for a prograa designed to 
produce occupational competence. The well-worked-out theory would 
provide a consistent set of guiding principles that might result in a 
consistent policy for action. Need for a theory of vocational 
education depends on how much its policy requires the clarification 
of basic arguDents for vocational education. Vocational education 
must be justified, and this can be accomplished by having vocational 
educators who explore the possibilities of rationalizing, 
standardizing, depersonalizing, and intfellectualizing vocational 
occupations. A model for a theory of vocational edacatloh Is 
virtually synonymous with a curriculum for the preparatioa/of 
teachers and other professional workers in the field. The model 
includes two major sections: the foundational studies presumably to 
be required of all and the specialty. (YLB) 

♦ Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made 

* from the original document. ■ 

Occasional Paper No. 73 



Dr. Harry S. Broudy 
Professor Emeritus, Philosophy of Education 
University of Illinois 
Champaign-Urbana Campus 

The National Center for Research in Vocational Education 
The Ohio State University 
1960 Kenny Road 
Columbus, Ohio 43210 



July 1981 





The National Center for Research in Vocational Education's mission is 
to increase the ability of diverse agencies, institutions, and organizations 
to solve educational problems relating to individual career planning, 
preparation, and progression. The National Center fulfills its mission by: 

• Generating knowledge through research 

• Developing educational programs and products 

• Evaluating individual program needs and outcomes 

• Providing information for national planning and policy 

• Installing educational programs and products 

• Operating information systems and services 

• Conducting leadership development and training programs 

For further information contact: 
Program Information Office 

National Center for Research in Vocational Education 
The Ohio State University 
1960 Kenny Road 
Columbus, Ohio 43210 

Telephone: (614) 486-3655 or (800) 848-4815 
Cable: CTVOCEDOSU/Columbus, Ohio 


The development of a theory and philosophy is a painstaking procedure for a discipline to 
undertake. The advice and counsel of a noted philosopher is essential to determine what is believed 
to be true about vocational education. The National Center is very fortunate to have Dr. Harry J. 
Broudy, Professor Emeritus, Philosophy of Education, from the University of Illinois to assist the 
profession in understanding why a philosophy might be desired and how to go about formulating 

Dr. Broudy was a student at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and received a master's 
degree from Boston University and a doctorate from Harvard. He has served as a distinguished lec- 
turer at Kent State University and as the Boyd H. Bode Lecturer at The Ohio State University. He was 
a Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. He has authored several books 
including one entitled Building a Philosophy of Education. 

On behalf of the National Center for Research in Vocational Education and The Ohio State 
University, it is indeed a pleasure to share with you this presentation by Dr. Harry S. Broudy 
entitled, 'Toward a Theory of Vocational Education." 

Robert E. Taylor 
Executive Director 
The National Center for Research 
in Vocational Education 


What Is A Philosophy of .onal Education? 

A number of years ago when I was asked to do some work in the area of the philosophy of 
vocational education, the inquiry I made of the per 'jn requesting the work was, "Do you need a 
philosophy of vocational education?" The person rr^^ponded with, "What do you mean, do you 
need one? Every educational program needs a phii > >phy." This notion comes, of course, from the 
foundations departments in colleges of education. 

I went on to say that vocational education is perhaps the only type of education that in recent 
times has been successful. Vocational educators know what they are doing; they have a market; they 
have a product; they can demonstrate it. Few other educators can say as much. Some school people 
tend to substitute philosophy for competence, but vocational educators do not have to— they know 
what they are doing. They have confidence in their programs, and every other educational field 
envies them. They also envy the way vocational programs receive operating funds. So why would 
vocational educators want to burden themselves with the excess intellectual baggage of a philosophy? 
I would suggest, in all seriousness, that you consider whether you need one. If, however, the answer 
to that question is yes, my discussion on how to arrive at a philosophy of vocational education may 
serve as a guide to formulating one. 

A complete theory of vocational education would be a set of reasoned beliefs about the goals, 
policies, organization, curriculum, and methods of teaching and learning for a program designed to 
produce occupational competence. These beliefs range from specific course outcomes to hypotheses 
about the role of work and how it fits into the social order and into the life of individuals. Such a 
theory would be capped at the highest level of generality by beliefs about the nature of knowledge, 
goodness, and beauty, which could be used to justify subordinate beliefs but v;ould not themselves 
be justified by any higher theory. If justified at all, it would be by the lives of those who espoused 
these values.^ 

Such a set of beliefs and their justification are sometimes called "a philosophy." However, it 
may be less confusing to say that it is a theory of which the most general beliefs come from the 
standard branches of philosophy: epistemology, ethics, metaphysics, and aesthetics. The difference 
is important because in most educational controversies, much of the evidence for conflicting beliefs 
comes from empirical data and generalizations. There is no point in raising philosophical issues if 
the controversy can be settled by facts or empirical theories about the facts. Sometimes the issue is 
out-and-out political or simply a practical question of space, personnel, or funding. The philosophical 
issue is raised when fact, common sense, experience, prudence, and ingenuity fail to solve problems 
or resolve controversies— when the criteria of truth and goodness are themselves in question. 

For example, if one argues that vocational training will increase income, the evidence is to be 
sought in surveys. If one wishes to defend a project method of teaching vocational education as 
compared to a lecture-laboratory approach, the evidence should come from studies on learning and 
learning theory. However, when life outcomes are up for justification, there may be no clear answers 




either in science or in fact. One may have to turn to philosophical theories of human nature and 
happiness, to theories about what ought to be. For example, the Puritan work ethic cannot be 
justified by empirical studies alone, for it is a hypothesis grounded in certain ideals of character 
and religious principles, and these may not be amenable to empirical validation. 

The claims of career education have come under attack recently because certain assertions of 
theories about society and the role of work have been challenged.^ Some of the arguments come 
from empirical studies; others from ideologies about the virtues and deficiencies of a capitalistic 
society. Each side accuses the other of inadequate scholarship, a disrespect for the facts, and naivete 
The controversy illustrates the scope of knowledge required of those who have a mind to engage in 
philosophical debate regarding vocational education. An adequate theory or philosophy of vocational 
education contains both factual and scientific propositions relevant to its problems and the philo- 
sophical propositions by which all other problems are assessed. 

Theory vs. Policy 

A well-worked-out theory would provide vocational education with a consistent set of guiding 
principles; and this, in turn, might result in a consistent policy for action. However, there can be 
many well-worked-out theories consistent within themselves but in conflict with each other. For 
example, on the one hand, it is quite possible to work out consistent theories of education based on 
a fundamental belief in the existence of an intellectual and moral elite. On the other hand, other 
educational theories could be based on egalitarianism. There is really no way of fully reconciling these 
theories; their dissonance has perdured despite all efforts to harmonize them within the ideology of 
democracy. Yet, a policy that does not combine them in some fashion would be in trouble. 

Similarly, there is little hope of reconciling some Marxist views on the nature of knowledge and 
the role of education with an Idealistic theory of knowledge. Marxist views state that the nature and 
test of science are formed in t^e field and factory; the idealistic theory assigns them to a logical 
structure that is independent of, although relevant to, the practical problems out of which the theory 
IS born. The former is based on the assumption that the questions, "what is good chemistry" and 
"what is chemistry good for" are identical; the latter argues that there can be a political decision on 
the uses of chemistry, but not on its nature and structure. 

Policy, to be effective in securing funds, power, and influence for vocational education, has to 
be expedient, eclectic, compromising, and sensible. Good policy settles for the best the situation can 
yield, and this means that principles may have to be ignored or suspended. However, expediency, 
flexibility, and suspension of principle are precisely what a highly consistent theory or philosophical 
system ordinarily will severely limit. For example, in the history of the vocational education move- 
ment, there always has been pressure to compromise between technical training and general studies, 
the first being used for an occupation, the second for citizenship. 

These ad hoc compromises have prevented the exploration of how general studies do, in fact, 
function in life and in work, with the result that the mixture never quite produces the quality of ' 
workmanship or citizenship that we would like. Here is an instance of compromise nof yielding good 
policy, and one in which tougher adherence to the distinction between the various uses of knowledge 
and schooling would everituate in a better policy.^' How badly vocational education needs or wants 
a well-worked-out theory depends on how much its policy requires the clarification of its basic 

2 6 



Some Needed Clarifications 

Perhaps the way in which a theory or philosophy of education functions can be illustrated by 
examining some of the arguments that have been advanced for vocational /occupational education. 
Its advocates have presented the following arguments: 

1 . Because the economic life of the social order is important, everyone ought to be 
trained in the schools for economic productivity. This is regarded as especially impor- 
tant for disadvantaged youth. 

2. Failure in one's economic role causes or contributes to delinquency; hence, vocational 
training in the schools is justified on sociological as well as economic grounds. 

3. The social order, by affixing prestige and material rewards to certain occupations, 
prevents or discourages young people from choosing vocations realistically; hence, a 
massive program of vocational and personal counseling is justified. 

4. The schools, by their traditional allegiance to a literary, academic, bookish curriculum, 
have not given the proper attention to vocational training. Hence, there should be a 
change, especially in the direction of secondary school vocational training for the 
academically limited pupil.^ 

Let us consider some of the confusions that result when these contentions are not clearly distin- 
guished. The economic life of the Eskimo, we can assume, is important to the Eskimo, and if the 
Eskimos did not teach the young the vocational skills of the tribe, there would soon be no Eskimos. 
This is a truism. The important point is that the necessary occupational training can be accomplished 
by imitation and apprenticeship. No one had to urge the Eskimos to undertake this type of education. 
It was part of the milieu in which the young grew up. Everyone learned about the same occupational 
roles, although midwives and medicine men might be exceptions. The tasks comprising a given occu- 
pational role were familiar, and the proper procedures could easily be demonstrated. 

In these circumstances, the know-how needed for the economic well-being or the group could 
be acquired and perfected without the benefit of formal occupational schooling. The moral of this 
example is that the importance of economic activity does not of itself imply an argument for voca- 
tional schools, programs, or curricula any more than the importance of breathing and exercise neces- 
sarily justifies schools of physical education. 

If these distinctions seem trivial, then call to mind how often advocates of vocational schooling 
have rested their arguments on the importance of the economic functions of the social order and then 
prescribed the kind of training resembling that which the Eskimos have been giving informally for 
centuries. Contrariwise, when the American sci-:ool system is charged with neglecting vocational edu- 
cation, it is often forgotten that at the higher education level, such schooling is not neglected at all. 
Those making such charges have in mind, one must suppose, a type of vocational training that is not 
professional, but which nevertheless cannot be acquired merely by living in the social order. 

Nor is it helpful to confuse the need for more facilities for vocational schooling with the failure 
of young people to take advantage of existing opportunities. Surely, these are different situations. 
In the first situation one is saying that James and Susan wish to become electronic technicians but 
that, regrettably, they can find no course or school in which to carry on the requisite studies. In the 
second situation, one may be scolding Peter and Mary for electing a college preparatory course in 
high school, when their abilities and station in life (as determined by scientific prognosis) point to 
the advisability of a business course. The answers to the problems of James and Susan lie within the 

educational wisdom and will of the community, but what is one to do with the alleged wrong- 
headedness of Peter and Mary? 

For these reasons, the strategy of justifying vocational education is not as simple as it seems, 
and it may be profitable to specify the conditions that warrange new or improved programs of 
vocational schooling. 

1. One must show that the proposed training requires formal instruction. The need for 
apprenticeship training not rooted in theory nor requiring theory for adequate 
performance is not an argument for vocational schooling.^ It is, rather, a plea to the 
U.S. Department of Labor to make suitable arrangements with industry and labor 
unions for apprenticeship opportunities. 

2. It is necessary to show that tUe economy clearly and insistently demands certain 
categories of formal vocational training, that facilities are lacking to meet this demand, 
or that they are rendered unavailable by high costs or unfortunate locations. For 
example, on the one hand, our economy seems to domand personnel trained at a 
sophisticated technical level, but in some localities, facilities for such training are 
scarce or nonexistent. On the other hand, certain vocational training facilities may be 
in excess of the needs of the economy. 

3. One might show that certain occupations could be made more attractive by formal 
schooling. We have as yet done little to upgrade many of the service occupations, for 
which there is adequate economic demand but which are now too low on the social 
scale to attract workers. 

The first two issues, it would seem, could be settled by empirical data. The third involves not 
only economic facts, but also sociopsychological and even philosophical understandings. Consider, 
for example, the relationship between the desirability of a vocation and its formalization and intellec- 
tualization. 1 am not referring to the euphemisms by which grave diggers evolved into undertakers 
and subsequently into morticians, and by which janitors are transmuted into custodial engineers. 
More fundamental are the mechanisms by which an unpleasant but socially important task is made 
tolerable and honorable^ Nursing, cleaning, disposal of the dead, disposal of refuse, household 
services, and many other personal services fall into this category. There is a constant, high demand 
for such services, but they are unpleasant and tend to fall low on the social scale. They are not all 
equally low, however. Nursing is a prime example of a calling that has risen on the social scale through 
increased requirements for formal schooling. 

There is no task so distasteful that routine, skill, and a uniform cannot make tolerable. The 
individual who sweeps dung out of the stable is low on the social scale; the technician who examines 
feces in the laboratory is not. Skill, knowledge, and standardized procedures justified by knowledge, 
together with a uniform and organization, help to separate the unpleasantness of the task from the 
character of the performer, or, to put it inelegantly, prevent it from rubbing off on the performer. 

For example, it is important that the performer of a personal service not be stigmatized as a 
body servant owing personal fealty to a master. Contrary to the common impression, depersonaliza- 
tion-not personalization-is the key to vocational respectability. The loyalty of the professional 
worker must be to the task, not to the person served. Even when an agency or firm boasts of pro- 
viding personalized service, the personalization is so managed and routinized that it is depersonalized. 
The gracious flight attendant is about as good an example as comes to mind. Any male traveler who 
construes a female attendant's interest in him as personal is soon disillusioned. This may deflate the 
ego of the customer, but it does wonders for the ego of the worker. 



Thus, although vocational educators cannot, by elevated rhetoric, raise the social status of 
housework, practical nursing, gardening, and the like, they can, by giving some thought to the 
question, explore the possibilities of rationalizing, standardizing, depersonalizing, and, insofar as 
possible, intellectualizing these occupations. I take it that such study is properly within the province 
of graduate students and research workers in vocational education. 

A good test case for a foundational analysis of educational policy h the predicament of the 
elderly. What sort of education can forestall the emptiness of old age? The world of work tends to 
cast aside the elderly; their limited knowledge of anything other than their work leaves them vege- 
tating in the sun if they can pay the cost of their basic needs, and rotting in misery if they cannot. 
Their future is short in years, but their days are long; and if their health is poor, the nights are endless. 
What design of vocational education will give a decent promise that the intellectual, aesthetic, social, 
and moral resources of workers will flower when gainful employment is ended? One thing is certain: 
a combination of skill training and a smattenng of general studies in high school will not guarantee 
this. Are we ready to train vocational educators to provide a kind of general education that might 
offer better prospects to the elderly? 

A more balanced assessment of educational reform proposals might accrue from a well-developed 
theory of education in general and of vocational education in particular. Many educational reforms of 
the last decade have foundered because their advocates ignored the social reality in which schools 
must operate, and reformers have so distorted the traditional rote of the school that failure of the 
innovations was virtually guaranteed. Performance contracting, vouchers, decentralization, moral edu- 
cation, and other funded projects ignored what a reasoned theory of schooling could have foreseen. 
As a result, schools, along with other institutions, have lost much of their credibility. About all the 
public believes is that any well-funded project will provide jobs for the reformers. 

There is no lack of models or theories of vocational education. On the contrary, their abundance 
is evidence of the lack of either craft or theory consensus in the field. Any suggested model should— 

1. be organized around educational problems; 

2. be amenable to systematic development; 

3. yield materials, in the form of selected topics and literature, out of which a wide 
variety of courses, seminars, and the like can be constructed. 

A Model of the Preparation of Vocational Educators 

A rriodel for a theory of vocational education is virtually synonymous with a curriculum for the 
preparation of teachers and other professional workers (administrators, supervisors, and researchers) 
in the field. The model includes two major sections: the foundational studies presumably to be 
required of all, and the specialty. Under the foundational studies we have the following matrix: 



Problems of 












The dimensic IS of the study of the specialty are as follows: 

Cognate content - Subject matter studied because it is related to the field in question, although 
it is not used directly in teaching or practice, e.g., demography or urban studies 

Orientation to specialty - Familiarization with history of the specialty, current working conditions, 
professional organizations, leading journals, and community study 

Technical skiUs - To be mastered and taught 

Teaching sl^ills/strategies — Laboratory, observation, practice 

Internship - With supervision and opportunities for discussion of teaching and other professional 

I shall not presume to advise vocational educators on the study of the specialty, although it 
might be wise for the professional organizations in this field to recommend the content within these 
rubrics, so that soniethina like a consensus on topics could become at least a thinkable possibility. 
Looking at the design for the foundations, the following may be noted: 

1 . It is problem centered, a feature that distinguishes it from disciplinary studies, which 
are organized around key concepts and relationships. 

2. Some of the foundational dimensions are empirical or quasi-empirical. Some of the 
materials within the socioeconomic dimensions come from the social sciences but 
some may come from political science, which is not always scientific in the ordinary 
meaning of the term. Likewise, although the psychological dimensions are commonly 
thought of as empirical, it is difficult not to cross the line into philosophical theories 
of mind and knowledge, which often are not empirical. 

3. Within the philosophical dimension can be included relevant materials from episte- 
mology, metaphysics, value theory, logic, and ethics, as well as social and moral 

4. The divisions indicated in the design do not mark off separate courses. How the 
material is to be organized for instruction is susceptible to a number of approaches, 
although the topics to be covered could remain constant. 

While this matrix is fairly simple in design, the work of filling the cells is not easy. It requires 
not only a scanning of a wide range of materials, but also some kind of jury judgment as to quality 
and appropriateness for instruction at different levels. It does not prescribe a common course for 
every school or program, but it does serve as an inventory of problems that should be addressed and 
topics and literature that have been judged suitable for dealing with them. It would have a legiti- 
mate authority, having been prepared by scholars in collaboration with vocational educators' pro- 
fessional organizations. 

Structural unity is possible, though ideological unity is not, even if it were desirable. Paradigm 
problems, standard literatures, and topics define the field of a professional study. Agreement on the 
paradigms is more important than on the content. Creative innovation occurs at the frontiers of the 



field when a new discovery changes the paradigms themselves; but, as a rule, the great innovators go 
through and beyond the standard problems and not around them. As Thomas Kuhn noted in The 
Structure of Scientific Revolutions,^ the paradigms that deal with standard problems of a field and 
the standard methodologies of inquiry into them are the paths by which students are inducted into 
the professional guild. 

For illustration, suppose we carry one problem through the matrix. Let us say chat we are 
inquiring into the definition of objectives for vocational education. What can one say about the 
historical roles of work in the economy of life? What is the key literature that might be studied at 
the undergraduate, graduate, or inservice levels? For example, how did the English poor laws affect 
the development of vocational education? 

In the second row, we ask about the roles of work in the social and economic system. Does 
social status depend on birth, caste, or is there a system of meritocracy? How do various types of 
work rate in prestige and power? What has happened to the distribution of economic power as a 
result of collective bargaining? What is the relationship of formal schooling and the credentialing 
system to economic success? What effect will the feminist movement have on work patterns? In this 
row, the fact that economists have been studying formal schooling as an investment can be examined. 
The social aspects of work have been receiving a great deal of attention from sociologists and anthro- 
pologists, as well as from political scientists, so the problem is that of selection among resources, 
rather than a scarcity of them. 

In the psychological row, the wealth of writing and discussion of the personal satisfactions and 
dissatisfactions of work can be considered. The problems of the assembly line, the drudgery of 
routinized work, the participation of workers in corporate decision making, the return of the crafts- 
person, and the aesthetics of machine industry are all relevant topics. The relationship of work to 
leisure and self-image is receiving increasing attention. The list of topics is long, and the volume of 
available materials large. It will take careful study of materials to construct a curriculum that covers 
the topics adequately and yet economically. 

The philosophical dimensions of work have been prominent in the discussions of the Puritan 
ethic in the sixties, as have the changes in the attitudes of the young toward steady employment in 
the last few years. Perhaps the most systematic way of exploring this dimension is to ask aboivc the 
role of work (gainful employment) in the various value domains; the role of work in the economic 
domain is familiar, but there is also the relation of work to health, recreation, civic obligations, and 
the various affectional associations (the satisfactions of being with the work gang on and off the 
job). Questions to ask here might be to what extent does the job develop or stunt intellectual growth, 
moral sensitivity, aesthetic satisfaction, and religious commitment and practice? 

In our culture, work is likely to be everything or nothing. For some, it organizes all the other 
values; friends, recreation, reading, and political views all revolve around the job. But for others, 
work is so routinized and so unsatisfying that it figures in none save the economic domain of values. 
A lifestyle can be defined by the kinds of values that dominate and subordinate all the others, and 
work is a potent factor in determining the pattern that these values will take. How the various value 
domains are organized so that the individual actualizes them optimally is what is meant by the art 
of life or, if you like, the quality of life. When the diverse values reinforce and facilitate each other, 
the quality of life is high, intense, rewarding, and highly individual. When the value domains conflict 
or when they are attended to at random, there is the loss of energy and efficiency. In addition, life 
loses its direction and tension and, along with these, its significance and interest. In these dynamics 
of value, the role of work is always significant, positively or negatively.-^ 



In similar fashion, the problems of curriculum organization and methods of teaching can be 
studied in their historical, socioeconomic, psychological, and philosophical dimensions. Stabilising 
the field even this much will help to clarify the problems and directions of vocational education if 
as I believe, the confusions and conflict within the field are occasioned more by disagreements on ' 
context rather than in technics. To put it differently, our disagreements in education are largely in 
the way we construe the social reality and what it demands of our pupils and citizens in a highly 
complex, interdependent, and technologically sophisticated world. Vocational educators, and perhaps 
all citizens, can no longer understand this social reality without deliberate, formal study;' the tele- 
vision news is not enough. Nor is it safe to rely on the endless propaganda emanating from the vested 
interests of the right and left. 

Vocational education does need a theory/philosophy, but I hope that I have persuaded you that 
such a philosophy is much more than a credo of principles arrived at in annual conventions. On the 
contrary, it is a field of studies that takes effort to structure and even more to master. What can be 
decided in conferences and conventions is whether the effort is worth the trouble. 


1. For the most part I shall use vocational and occupational education as interchangeable terms and 
not in the special meaning of the Smith-Hughes Act. 

2. Eleanor Farrar McGowan and David K. Cohen, " 'Career Education'- Reforming School Through 
Work." The Public Interest (Winter 1977). Cf. also W. Norton Grubb and Marvin Lazerson, "Rally 
Round the Workplace: Continuities and Fallacies in Career Education." Harvard Educational 
Review\io\. 45, no. 4 (November 1975): pp. 451-474. 

3. For a more detailed analysis of the uses of schooling, see H. S. Broudy, Joe R. Burnett, and B. 0. 
Smith, Democracy and Excellence in American Secondary Education (New York: Rand-McNallv 

4. The Carnegie Council Series. Giving Youth a Better Chance (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1979). 
This document lists "major" concerns with vocational education, ranging from reducing absentee- 
ism in high school to improving paths into military service. 

5. Whether apprenticeship training is needed is another matter; and it is significant that even in 
England, a stronghold of apprenticeship, the Anglo-American Committee on Productivity recently 
recommended (without success) the shortening of apprenticeship from seven years to nine months, 
and the increase of fundamental education. 

6. Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press 

7. A detailed analysis of the several value domains and their interrelations can be found in H. S. 
Broudy, Building A Philosophy of Education (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1954, 1971) 
and Reprint Edition (Malabar, FL: Robert E. Krieger Publishing Co., 1977). 




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McCage, Ronald D. The Development of a Comprehensive State Capacity for Program 
Improvement, ^978 {OC 34— $^. 75). 

McCune. Shirley D. The Organized Teaching Profession and R&D, 1977 (OC 29— $1.90). 

Martin. Edwin. New Directions In Vocational Education for the Handicapped: Implications for 
Research and Devleopment, 1978 (00 35— $1.75). 

Moody, Tom. Vocational Education, CETA, and Youth Unemployment: Meeting the Needs of 
Inner City Youth, 1979 (00 50— $1.75). 

Musick, Oraig D. Problems and Issues In Industry-Sponsored Vocational Programs: Implications 
for Research and Development, 1980 (00 67— $2.20^. ^«"wn« 

Petty. Reginald. Trends and Issues In Vocational Education: Implications for Vocational 
Education Research and Development, 1978 (00 46— $1.90). 

Pierce, William. Current and Emerging Structures for Education and Training: Implications for 
Vocational Education R&D, 1980 (00 68— $2.20). 

TJ^^' o!^'' efi^r^l?"- ^''^ ^^'^ ^' Mvlsory Councils In Vocational Education, 1978 

(OC 36 — $1.90). 

Reider. Corinne H. Women, Work and Vocational Education, 1977 (00 26— $1.90). 

Schergens. Becky L. The Parent's Role In Career Development Implications for Vocational 
Education Research and Development, 1980 (OC 60— $1.90). 

Schmidt. Hermann. Current Problems of Vocational Education In the Federal Republic of 
Germany, 1979 (00 54— $1.90). 

Shannon. Thomas A. The Role of Local School Boards In the Development and Direction of 
Programs of Occupational Education, 1980 (00 58— $1 .90). 

Sticht. Thomas G. Literacy and Vocational Competence, 1978 (00 39— $2.80). 

Striner. Herbert E.. The Relndustrlallzatlon of the United States: Implications for Vocational 
Education Research and Development 1981. (00 71— $2.20). 

Sullivan, Dennis J. Improving Productivity In the Work Force: Implications for Research and 
Development In Vocational Education . 1981 (00 72— $2.35). 

Taylor. Daniel B. Revitalizing the American Economy: A Research and Development Focus for 
the 80s, 1980 (00 64— $1.90). 

Tolbert, Jack F. The Role of Private Trade and Technical Schools In a Comprehensive Human 
Development System: Implications for Research and Development, 1979 (00 53— $1.90). 

^^l^9X'r?^^^^I^ ^- Desegregation and Its Implications for Vocational and Career Education, 

1977 (00 30— $1.75). 


wills, Joan. Youth Unemployment: Implications for Vocational Education R&D, 1977 (OC 32— 

$1.75). v,^ • 

WIrtz, Willard R. and Fokd; Gerald R. Bringing the World of Work and the Institutions of 
Education Closer Together, 1977 (OC 28— $1.75). 


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