ERIC ED204635: Toward a Theory of Vocational Education. Occasional Paper No. 73.

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BroudVr Harry s.

Toward a Theory of vocational Education. Occasional
Paper Ho. 73.

Ohio State Oniv. , Columbus. National Center for
Research in vocational Education.
Jul 81

15p.; Paper presented at the National Center for
Research in Vocational Education staff Developaent
Seminar (Columbus, OH, 1981).

National Center Publications, The National Center for
Research in Vocational Education, The Ohio State
university, 1960 Kenny Hd. , Colutbas, OH a3210 (OC
73, $1.90).

HF01/PC01 Plus Postage.

♦Educational Philosophy: Educational policys
♦Educational Theories; ♦Models: *"ocational
Education

ABSTRiCT

A theory of vocational education voald be a set of
reasoned beliefs about the aoals, policies, organization, curriculum,
and methods of teaching and learning for a prograa designed to
produce occupational competence. The well-worked-out theory would
provide a consistent set of guiding principles that might result in a
consistent policy for action. Need for a theory of vocational
education depends on how much its policy requires the clarification
of basic arguDents for vocational education. Vocational education
must be justified, and this can be accomplished by having vocational
educators who explore the possibilities of rationalizing,
standardizing, depersonalizing, and intfellectualizing vocational
occupations. A model for a theory of vocational edacatloh Is
virtually synonymous with a curriculum for the preparatioa/of
teachers and other professional workers in the field. The model
includes two major sections: the foundational studies presumably to
be required of all and the specialty. (YLB)

♦ Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made

* from the original document. ■

Occasional Paper No. 73

TOWARD A THEORY OF VOCATIONAL EDUCATION

by

Dr. Harry S. Broudy
Professor Emeritus, Philosophy of Education
University of Illinois
Champaign-Urbana Campus

The National Center for Research in Vocational Education
The Ohio State University
1960 Kenny Road
Columbus, Ohio 43210

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July 1981

"PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS
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TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES
INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)."

THE NATIONAL CENTER MISSION STATEMENT

The National Center for Research in Vocational Education's mission is
to increase the ability of diverse agencies, institutions, and organizations
to solve educational problems relating to individual career planning,
preparation, and progression. The National Center fulfills its mission by:

• Generating knowledge through research

• Developing educational programs and products

• Evaluating individual program needs and outcomes

• Providing information for national planning and policy

• Installing educational programs and products

• Operating information systems and services

• Conducting leadership development and training programs

For further information contact:
Program Information Office

National Center for Research in Vocational Education
The Ohio State University
1960 Kenny Road
Columbus, Ohio 43210

Telephone: (614) 486-3655 or (800) 848-4815
Cable: CTVOCEDOSU/Columbus, Ohio

FOREWORD

The development of a theory and philosophy is a painstaking procedure for a discipline to
undertake. The advice and counsel of a noted philosopher is essential to determine what is believed
to be true about vocational education. The National Center is very fortunate to have Dr. Harry J.
Broudy, Professor Emeritus, Philosophy of Education, from the University of Illinois to assist the
profession in understanding why a philosophy might be desired and how to go about formulating
one.

Dr. Broudy was a student at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and received a master's
degree from Boston University and a doctorate from Harvard. He has served as a distinguished lec-
turer at Kent State University and as the Boyd H. Bode Lecturer at The Ohio State University. He was
a Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. He has authored several books
including one entitled Building a Philosophy of Education.

On behalf of the National Center for Research in Vocational Education and The Ohio State
University, it is indeed a pleasure to share with you this presentation by Dr. Harry S. Broudy
entitled, 'Toward a Theory of Vocational Education."

Robert E. Taylor
Executive Director
The National Center for Research
in Vocational Education

TOWARD A THEORY . ^ ^lONAL EDUCATION

What Is A Philosophy of .onal Education?

A number of years ago when I was asked to do some work in the area of the philosophy of
vocational education, the inquiry I made of the per 'jn requesting the work was, "Do you need a
philosophy of vocational education?" The person rr^^ponded with, "What do you mean, do you
need one? Every educational program needs a phii > >phy." This notion comes, of course, from the
foundations departments in colleges of education.

I went on to say that vocational education is perhaps the only type of education that in recent
times has been successful. Vocational educators know what they are doing; they have a market; they
have a product; they can demonstrate it. Few other educators can say as much. Some school people
tend to substitute philosophy for competence, but vocational educators do not have to— they know
what they are doing. They have confidence in their programs, and every other educational field
envies them. They also envy the way vocational programs receive operating funds. So why would
vocational educators want to burden themselves with the excess intellectual baggage of a philosophy?
I would suggest, in all seriousness, that you consider whether you need one. If, however, the answer
to that question is yes, my discussion on how to arrive at a philosophy of vocational education may
serve as a guide to formulating one.

A complete theory of vocational education would be a set of reasoned beliefs about the goals,
policies, organization, curriculum, and methods of teaching and learning for a program designed to
produce occupational competence. These beliefs range from specific course outcomes to hypotheses
about the role of work and how it fits into the social order and into the life of individuals. Such a
theory would be capped at the highest level of generality by beliefs about the nature of knowledge,
goodness, and beauty, which could be used to justify subordinate beliefs but v;ould not themselves
be justified by any higher theory. If justified at all, it would be by the lives of those who espoused
these values.^

Such a set of beliefs and their justification are sometimes called "a philosophy." However, it
may be less confusing to say that it is a theory of which the most general beliefs come from the
standard branches of philosophy: epistemology, ethics, metaphysics, and aesthetics. The difference
is important because in most educational controversies, much of the evidence for conflicting beliefs
comes from empirical data and generalizations. There is no point in raising philosophical issues if
the controversy can be settled by facts or empirical theories about the facts. Sometimes the issue is
out-and-out political or simply a practical question of space, personnel, or funding. The philosophical
issue is raised when fact, common sense, experience, prudence, and ingenuity fail to solve problems
or resolve controversies— when the criteria of truth and goodness are themselves in question.

For example, if one argues that vocational training will increase income, the evidence is to be
sought in surveys. If one wishes to defend a project method of teaching vocational education as
compared to a lecture-laboratory approach, the evidence should come from studies on learning and
learning theory. However, when life outcomes are up for justification, there may be no clear answers

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EKLC

either in science or in fact. One may have to turn to philosophical theories of human nature and
happiness, to theories about what ought to be. For example, the Puritan work ethic cannot be
justified by empirical studies alone, for it is a hypothesis grounded in certain ideals of character
and religious principles, and these may not be amenable to empirical validation.

The claims of career education have come under attack recently because certain assertions of
theories about society and the role of work have been challenged.^ Some of the arguments come
from empirical studies; others from ideologies about the virtues and deficiencies of a capitalistic
society. Each side accuses the other of inadequate scholarship, a disrespect for the facts, and naivete
The controversy illustrates the scope of knowledge required of those who have a mind to engage in
philosophical debate regarding vocational education. An adequate theory or philosophy of vocational
education contains both factual and scientific propositions relevant to its problems and the philo-
sophical propositions by which all other problems are assessed.

Theory vs. Policy

A well-worked-out theory would provide vocational education with a consistent set of guiding
principles; and this, in turn, might result in a consistent policy for action. However, there can be
many well-worked-out theories consistent within themselves but in conflict with each other. For
example, on the one hand, it is quite possible to work out consistent theories of education based on
a fundamental belief in the existence of an intellectual and moral elite. On the other hand, other
educational theories could be based on egalitarianism. There is really no way of fully reconciling these
theories; their dissonance has perdured despite all efforts to harmonize them within the ideology of
democracy. Yet, a policy that does not combine them in some fashion would be in trouble.

Similarly, there is little hope of reconciling some Marxist views on the nature of knowledge and
the role of education with an Idealistic theory of knowledge. Marxist views state that the nature and
test of science are formed in t^e field and factory; the idealistic theory assigns them to a logical
structure that is independent of, although relevant to, the practical problems out of which the theory
IS born. The former is based on the assumption that the questions, "what is good chemistry" and
"what is chemistry good for" are identical; the latter argues that there can be a political decision on
the uses of chemistry, but not on its nature and structure.

Policy, to be effective in securing funds, power, and influence for vocational education, has to
be expedient, eclectic, compromising, and sensible. Good policy settles for the best the situation can
yield, and this means that principles may have to be ignored or suspended. However, expediency,
flexibility, and suspension of principle are precisely what a highly consistent theory or philosophical
system ordinarily will severely limit. For example, in the history of the vocational education move-
ment, there always has been pressure to compromise between technical training and general studies,
the first being used for an occupation, the second for citizenship.

These ad hoc compromises have prevented the exploration of how general studies do, in fact,
function in life and in work, with the result that the mixture never quite produces the quality of '
workmanship or citizenship that we would like. Here is an instance of compromise nof yielding good
policy, and one in which tougher adherence to the distinction between the various uses of knowledge
and schooling would everituate in a better policy.^' How badly vocational education needs or wants
a well-worked-out theory depends on how much its policy requires the clarification of its basic
arguments.

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ERIC

Some Needed Clarifications

Perhaps the way in which a theory or philosophy of education functions can be illustrated by
examining some of the arguments that have been advanced for vocational /occupational education.
Its advocates have presented the following arguments:

1 . Because the economic life of the social order is important, everyone ought to be
trained in the schools for economic productivity. This is regarded as especially impor-
tant for disadvantaged youth.

2. Failure in one's economic role causes or contributes to delinquency; hence, vocational
training in the schools is justified on sociological as well as economic grounds.

3. The social order, by affixing prestige and material rewards to certain occupations,
prevents or discourages young people from choosing vocations realistically; hence, a
massive program of vocational and personal counseling is justified.

4. The schools, by their traditional allegiance to a literary, academic, bookish curriculum,
have not given the proper attention to vocational training. Hence, there should be a
change, especially in the direction of secondary school vocational training for the
academically limited pupil.^

Let us consider some of the confusions that result when these contentions are not clearly distin-
guished. The economic life of the Eskimo, we can assume, is important to the Eskimo, and if the
Eskimos did not teach the young the vocational skills of the tribe, there would soon be no Eskimos.
This is a truism. The important point is that the necessary occupational training can be accomplished
by imitation and apprenticeship. No one had to urge the Eskimos to undertake this type of education.
It was part of the milieu in which the young grew up. Everyone learned about the same occupational
roles, although midwives and medicine men might be exceptions. The tasks comprising a given occu-
pational role were familiar, and the proper procedures could easily be demonstrated.

In these circumstances, the know-how needed for the economic well-being or the group could
be acquired and perfected without the benefit of formal occupational schooling. The moral of this
example is that the importance of economic activity does not of itself imply an argument for voca-
tional schools, programs, or curricula any more than the importance of breathing and exercise neces-
sarily justifies schools of physical education.

If these distinctions seem trivial, then call to mind how often advocates of vocational schooling
have rested their arguments on the importance of the economic functions of the social order and then
prescribed the kind of training resembling that which the Eskimos have been giving informally for
centuries. Contrariwise, when the American sci-:ool system is charged with neglecting vocational edu-
cation, it is often forgotten that at the higher education level, such schooling is not neglected at all.
Those making such charges have in mind, one must suppose, a type of vocational training that is not
professional, but which nevertheless cannot be acquired merely by living in the social order.

Nor is it helpful to confuse the need for more facilities for vocational schooling with the failure
of young people to take advantage of existing opportunities. Surely, these are different situations.
In the first situation one is saying that James and Susan wish to become electronic technicians but
that, regrettably, they can find no course or school in which to carry on the requisite studies. In the
second situation, one may be scolding Peter and Mary for electing a college preparatory course in
high school, when their abilities and station in life (as determined by scientific prognosis) point to
the advisability of a business course. The answers to the problems of James and Susan lie within the

educational wisdom and will of the community, but what is one to do with the alleged wrong-
headedness of Peter and Mary?

For these reasons, the strategy of justifying vocational education is not as simple as it seems,
and it may be profitable to specify the conditions that warrange new or improved programs of
vocational schooling.

1. One must show that the proposed training requires formal instruction. The need for
apprenticeship training not rooted in theory nor requiring theory for adequate
performance is not an argument for vocational schooling.^ It is, rather, a plea to the
U.S. Department of Labor to make suitable arrangements with industry and labor
unions for apprenticeship opportunities.

2. It is necessary to show that tUe economy clearly and insistently demands certain
categories of formal vocational training, that facilities are lacking to meet this demand,
or that they are rendered unavailable by high costs or unfortunate locations. For
example, on the one hand, our economy seems to domand personnel trained at a
sophisticated technical level, but in some localities, facilities for such training are
scarce or nonexistent. On the other hand, certain vocational training facilities may be
in excess of the needs of the economy.

3. One might show that certain occupations could be made more attractive by formal
schooling. We have as yet done little to upgrade many of the service occupations, for
which there is adequate economic demand but which are now too low on the social
scale to attract workers.

The first two issues, it would seem, could be settled by empirical data. The third involves not
only economic facts, but also sociopsychological and even philosophical understandings. Consider,
for example, the relationship between the desirability of a vocation and its formalization and intellec-
tualization. 1 am not referring to the euphemisms by which grave diggers evolved into undertakers
and subsequently into morticians, and by which janitors are transmuted into custodial engineers.
More fundamental are the mechanisms by which an unpleasant but socially important task is made
tolerable and honorable^ Nursing, cleaning, disposal of the dead, disposal of refuse, household
services, and many other personal services fall into this category. There is a constant, high demand
for such services, but they are unpleasant and tend to fall low on the social scale. They are not all
equally low, however. Nursing is a prime example of a calling that has risen on the social scale through
increased requirements for formal schooling.

There is no task so distasteful that routine, skill, and a uniform cannot make tolerable. The
individual who sweeps dung out of the stable is low on the social scale; the technician who examines
feces in the laboratory is not. Skill, knowledge, and standardized procedures justified by knowledge,
together with a uniform and organization, help to separate the unpleasantness of the task from the
character of the performer, or, to put it inelegantly, prevent it from rubbing off on the performer.

For example, it is important that the performer of a personal service not be stigmatized as a
body servant owing personal fealty to a master. Contrary to the common impression, depersonaliza-
tion-not personalization-is the key to vocational respectability. The loyalty of the professional
worker must be to the task, not to the person served. Even when an agency or firm boasts of pro-
viding personalized service, the personalization is so managed and routinized that it is depersonalized.
The gracious flight attendant is about as good an example as comes to mind. Any male traveler who
construes a female attendant's interest in him as personal is soon disillusioned. This may deflate the
ego of the customer, but it does wonders for the ego of the worker.

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Thus, although vocational educators cannot, by elevated rhetoric, raise the social status of
housework, practical nursing, gardening, and the like, they can, by giving some thought to the
question, explore the possibilities of rationalizing, standardizing, depersonalizing, and, insofar as
possible, intellectualizing these occupations. I take it that such study is properly within the province
of graduate students and research workers in vocational education.

A good test case for a foundational analysis of educational policy h the predicament of the
elderly. What sort of education can forestall the emptiness of old age? The world of work tends to
cast aside the elderly; their limited knowledge of anything other than their work leaves them vege-
tating in the sun if they can pay the cost of their basic needs, and rotting in misery if they cannot.
Their future is short in years, but their days are long; and if their health is poor, the nights are endless.
What design of vocational education will give a decent promise that the intellectual, aesthetic, social,
and moral resources of workers will flower when gainful employment is ended? One thing is certain:
a combination of skill training and a smattenng of general studies in high school will not guarantee
this. Are we ready to train vocational educators to provide a kind of general education that might
offer better prospects to the elderly?

A more balanced assessment of educational reform proposals might accrue from a well-developed
theory of education in general and of vocational education in particular. Many educational reforms of
the last decade have foundered because their advocates ignored the social reality in which schools
must operate, and reformers have so distorted the traditional rote of the school that failure of the
innovations was virtually guaranteed. Performance contracting, vouchers, decentralization, moral edu-
cation, and other funded projects ignored what a reasoned theory of schooling could have foreseen.
As a result, schools, along with other institutions, have lost much of their credibility. About all the
public believes is that any well-funded project will provide jobs for the reformers.

There is no lack of models or theories of vocational education. On the contrary, their abundance
is evidence of the lack of either craft or theory consensus in the field. Any suggested model should—

1. be organized around educational problems;

2. be amenable to systematic development;

3. yield materials, in the form of selected topics and literature, out of which a wide
variety of courses, seminars, and the like can be constructed.

A Model of the Preparation of Vocational Educators

A rriodel for a theory of vocational education is virtually synonymous with a curriculum for the
preparation of teachers and other professional workers (administrators, supervisors, and researchers)
in the field. The model includes two major sections: the foundational studies presumably to be
required of all, and the specialty. Under the foundational studies we have the following matrix:

FIGURE 1

DIVISIOIMS^CrP^UNDATIONAL STUDY

Problems of

Historical

Socioeconomic

Psyciiological

Piiilosopiiical

Objectives

Curriculum

Organization

Teaching/
Learning

Research

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The dimensic IS of the study of the specialty are as follows:

Cognate content - Subject matter studied because it is related to the field in question, although
it is not used directly in teaching or practice, e.g., demography or urban studies

Orientation to specialty - Familiarization with history of the specialty, current working conditions,
professional organizations, leading journals, and community study

Technical skiUs - To be mastered and taught

Teaching sl^ills/strategies — Laboratory, observation, practice

Internship - With supervision and opportunities for discussion of teaching and other professional
problems

I shall not presume to advise vocational educators on the study of the specialty, although it
might be wise for the professional organizations in this field to recommend the content within these
rubrics, so that soniethina like a consensus on topics could become at least a thinkable possibility.
Looking at the design for the foundations, the following may be noted:

1 . It is problem centered, a feature that distinguishes it from disciplinary studies, which
are organized around key concepts and relationships.

2. Some of the foundational dimensions are empirical or quasi-empirical. Some of the
materials within the socioeconomic dimensions come from the social sciences but
some may come from political science, which is not always scientific in the ordinary
meaning of the term. Likewise, although the psychological dimensions are commonly
thought of as empirical, it is difficult not to cross the line into philosophical theories
of mind and knowledge, which often are not empirical.

3. Within the philosophical dimension can be included relevant materials from episte-
mology, metaphysics, value theory, logic, and ethics, as well as social and moral
philosophy.

4. The divisions indicated in the design do not mark off separate courses. How the
material is to be organized for instruction is susceptible to a number of approaches,
although the topics to be covered could remain constant.

While this matrix is fairly simple in design, the work of filling the cells is not easy. It requires
not only a scanning of a wide range of materials, but also some kind of jury judgment as to quality
and appropriateness for instruction at different levels. It does not prescribe a common course for
every school or program, but it does serve as an inventory of problems that should be addressed and
topics and literature that have been judged suitable for dealing with them. It would have a legiti-
mate authority, having been prepared by scholars in collaboration with vocational educators' pro-
fessional organizations.

Structural unity is possible, though ideological unity is not, even if it were desirable. Paradigm
problems, standard literatures, and topics define the field of a professional study. Agreement on the
paradigms is more important than on the content. Creative innovation occurs at the frontiers of the

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field when a new discovery changes the paradigms themselves; but, as a rule, the great innovators go
through and beyond the standard problems and not around them. As Thomas Kuhn noted in The
Structure of Scientific Revolutions,^ the paradigms that deal with standard problems of a field and
the standard methodologies of inquiry into them are the paths by which students are inducted into
the professional guild.

For illustration, suppose we carry one problem through the matrix. Let us say chat we are
inquiring into the definition of objectives for vocational education. What can one say about the
historical roles of work in the economy of life? What is the key literature that might be studied at
the undergraduate, graduate, or inservice levels? For example, how did the English poor laws affect
the development of vocational education?

In the second row, we ask about the roles of work in the social and economic system. Does
social status depend on birth, caste, or is there a system of meritocracy? How do various types of
work rate in prestige and power? What has happened to the distribution of economic power as a
result of collective bargaining? What is the relationship of formal schooling and the credentialing
system to economic success? What effect will the feminist movement have on work patterns? In this
row, the fact that economists have been studying formal schooling as an investment can be examined.
The social aspects of work have been receiving a great deal of attention from sociologists and anthro-
pologists, as well as from political scientists, so the problem is that of selection among resources,
rather than a scarcity of them.

In the psychological row, the wealth of writing and discussion of the personal satisfactions and
dissatisfactions of work can be considered. The problems of the assembly line, the drudgery of
routinized work, the participation of workers in corporate decision making, the return of the crafts-
person, and the aesthetics of machine industry are all relevant topics. The relationship of work to
leisure and self-image is receiving increasing attention. The list of topics is long, and the volume of
available materials large. It will take careful study of materials to construct a curriculum that covers
the topics adequately and yet economically.

The philosophical dimensions of work have been prominent in the discussions of the Puritan
ethic in the sixties, as have the changes in the attitudes of the young toward steady employment in
the last few years. Perhaps the most systematic way of exploring this dimension is to ask aboivc the
role of work (gainful employment) in the various value domains; the role of work in the economic
domain is familiar, but there is also the relation of work to health, recreation, civic obligations, and
the various affectional associations (the satisfactions of being with the work gang on and off the
job). Questions to ask here might be to what extent does the job develop or stunt intellectual growth,
moral sensitivity, aesthetic satisfaction, and religious commitment and practice?

In our culture, work is likely to be everything or nothing. For some, it organizes all the other
values; friends, recreation, reading, and political views all revolve around the job. But for others,
work is so routinized and so unsatisfying that it figures in none save the economic domain of values.
A lifestyle can be defined by the kinds of values that dominate and subordinate all the others, and
work is a potent factor in determining the pattern that these values will take. How the various value
domains are organized so that the individual actualizes them optimally is what is meant by the art
of life or, if you like, the quality of life. When the diverse values reinforce and facilitate each other,
the quality of life is high, intense, rewarding, and highly individual. When the value domains conflict
or when they are attended to at random, there is the loss of energy and efficiency. In addition, life
loses its direction and tension and, along with these, its significance and interest. In these dynamics
of value, the role of work is always significant, positively or negatively.-^

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In similar fashion, the problems of curriculum organization and methods of teaching can be
studied in their historical, socioeconomic, psychological, and philosophical dimensions. Stabilising
the field even this much will help to clarify the problems and directions of vocational education if
as I believe, the confusions and conflict within the field are occasioned more by disagreements on '
context rather than in technics. To put it differently, our disagreements in education are largely in
the way we construe the social reality and what it demands of our pupils and citizens in a highly
complex, interdependent, and technologically sophisticated world. Vocational educators, and perhaps
all citizens, can no longer understand this social reality without deliberate, formal study;' the tele-
vision news is not enough. Nor is it safe to rely on the endless propaganda emanating from the vested
interests of the right and left.

Vocational education does need a theory/philosophy, but I hope that I have persuaded you that
such a philosophy is much more than a credo of principles arrived at in annual conventions. On the
contrary, it is a field of studies that takes effort to structure and even more to master. What can be
decided in conferences and conventions is whether the effort is worth the trouble.

Notes

1. For the most part I shall use vocational and occupational education as interchangeable terms and
not in the special meaning of the Smith-Hughes Act.

2. Eleanor Farrar McGowan and David K. Cohen, " 'Career Education'- Reforming School Through
Work." The Public Interest (Winter 1977). Cf. also W. Norton Grubb and Marvin Lazerson, "Rally
Round the Workplace: Continuities and Fallacies in Career Education." Harvard Educational
Review\io\. 45, no. 4 (November 1975): pp. 451-474.

3. For a more detailed analysis of the uses of schooling, see H. S. Broudy, Joe R. Burnett, and B. 0.
Smith, Democracy and Excellence in American Secondary Education (New York: Rand-McNallv
1964).

4. The Carnegie Council Series. Giving Youth a Better Chance (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1979).
This document lists "major" concerns with vocational education, ranging from reducing absentee-
ism in high school to improving paths into military service.

5. Whether apprenticeship training is needed is another matter; and it is significant that even in
England, a stronghold of apprenticeship, the Anglo-American Committee on Productivity recently
recommended (without success) the shortening of apprenticeship from seven years to nine months,
and the increase of fundamental education.

6. Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press
1962).

7. A detailed analysis of the several value domains and their interrelations can be found in H. S.
Broudy, Building A Philosophy of Education (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1954, 1971)
and Reprint Edition (Malabar, FL: Robert E. Krieger Publishing Co., 1977).

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LEADERSHIP SERIES
IN VOCATIONAL AND CAREER EDUCATION

Apker, Wesley. Policy lusues In Interrelating Vocational Education and CETA,^979 (OC 56—

$1.90).

Baker, Eva L. New Directions In Evaluation Research: Implications for Vocational Educaf/on, 1979
(OC 55— $1.90).

Broudy, Harry SToward a Theory of Vocational Education 1981 , (OC 73— $1.90).

Clark, David L. Research and Development Productivity In Educational Organizations, 1978 (OC
41— $2.20).

Cohen. Wilbur J. Needed Federal Policy In Education for Century III, 1977 (OC 24— $1.90).

Day, Sherman. Education and Training In the Criminal Justice System: Implications for
Vocational Education Research and Development, 1979 (OC 52— $1.90).

Delacruz, Joseph B. Educational Programs for Native Americans: Implications for Vocational
Education Research and Development, 1978 (OC 40— $1.90).

Delker, Paul V. Adult Educatlon^1980 and Beyond: Implications for Research and Development,

1979 (OC 59— $1.90).

Dunham, Daniel B. Vocational Education: Policies, Issues, and Politics In the 1980s, 1980 (OC
65— $2.20). ^

Ellis, John. Vocational Education and Federal Priorities, 1978 (OC 47— $1.90).

Ellis, Mary L. Vocational Education: The Future Is Now, 1978 (OC 37— $1.90).

Emmerij, Louis. National Strategies for Coping With Unemployment: An International
Perspective, 1981, (OC 69— $1.90).

Feldman, Marvin, Work, Employment, and the New Economics, 1981 (OC 70— $2.20).

Ganzglass, Evelyn. The Knowledge Development Plan of the Office of Youth Programs:
Implications for Vocational Education Research and Development, 1980 (OC 63— $2.20).

Gideonse. Hendrik. A Model for Educational Research and Development: 1985, 1978 (OC 44—
$2.20).

Glover, Robert W. Apprenticeship In the United States: Implications for Vocational Education
Research and Development, 1980 (OC 66— $1.90).

Halperin, Samuel. Emerging Educational Policy Issuet In the Federal City: A Report from
Washington, 1978 (OC 42— $2.20).

Hamp'.>n. Keith. The Relationship of School and Work: A British Perspective, 1979 (OC 57—
$1.90).

Herr, Edwin L. Work Focused Guidance for Youth In Transition: Some Implications for Vocational
Education Research and Development, 1978 (OC 43— $2.20).

Hicks, Laurabeth L. Programs of Guidance and Counseling Becoming of Age: Implications for
Vocational Education R&D, 1977 (OC 25— $1.75).

Jennings, John F. and Radcliffe, Charles W. Commentary on Legislation Affecting Vocational
Education Research and Development, 1977 (OC 27— $1.90).

9-13

Kolstoe. Oliver P. 'r^Pj/catlonso^ '^'^ Findings on Vocational and Career Education tor the
Mentally Handicapped, 1 977 (OC 33— $1 .90).

1I977I0C 3T-$^'9^ Pwraf/on Programs: Impllcatlc^t9 for Vocational Education,

Levitan. Sar A. The Unemployment Numbers Is the Message, 1977 (OC 38— $1.90).

Lund Duane R. The Role of Vocational Education In the Economic Development of Rural Areas:
Implications for Research and Development, 1980 (00 62— $2.20).

McCage, Ronald D. The Development of a Comprehensive State Capacity for Program
Improvement, ^978 {OC 34— $^. 75).

McCune. Shirley D. The Organized Teaching Profession and R&D, 1977 (OC 29— $1.90).

Martin. Edwin. New Directions In Vocational Education for the Handicapped: Implications for
Research and Devleopment, 1978 (00 35— $1.75).

Moody, Tom. Vocational Education, CETA, and Youth Unemployment: Meeting the Needs of
Inner City Youth, 1979 (00 50— $1.75).

Musick, Oraig D. Problems and Issues In Industry-Sponsored Vocational Programs: Implications
for Research and Development, 1980 (00 67— $2.20^. ^«"wn«

Petty. Reginald. Trends and Issues In Vocational Education: Implications for Vocational
Education Research and Development, 1978 (00 46— $1.90).

Pierce, William. Current and Emerging Structures for Education and Training: Implications for
Vocational Education R&D, 1980 (00 68— $2.20).

TJ^^' o!^'' efi^r^l?"- ^''^ ^^'^ ^' Mvlsory Councils In Vocational Education, 1978

(OC 36 — $1.90).

Reider. Corinne H. Women, Work and Vocational Education, 1977 (00 26— $1.90).

Schergens. Becky L. The Parent's Role In Career Development Implications for Vocational
Education Research and Development, 1980 (OC 60— $1.90).

Schmidt. Hermann. Current Problems of Vocational Education In the Federal Republic of
Germany, 1979 (00 54— $1.90).

Shannon. Thomas A. The Role of Local School Boards In the Development and Direction of
Programs of Occupational Education, 1980 (00 58— $1 .90).

Sticht. Thomas G. Literacy and Vocational Competence, 1978 (00 39— $2.80).

Striner. Herbert E.. The Relndustrlallzatlon of the United States: Implications for Vocational
Education Research and Development 1981. (00 71— $2.20).

Sullivan, Dennis J. Improving Productivity In the Work Force: Implications for Research and
Development In Vocational Education . 1981 (00 72— $2.35).

Taylor. Daniel B. Revitalizing the American Economy: A Research and Development Focus for
the 80s, 1980 (00 64— $1.90).

Tolbert, Jack F. The Role of Private Trade and Technical Schools In a Comprehensive Human
Development System: Implications for Research and Development, 1979 (00 53— $1.90).

^^l^9X'r?^^^^I^ ^- Desegregation and Its Implications for Vocational and Career Education,

1977 (00 30— $1.75).

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wills, Joan. Youth Unemployment: Implications for Vocational Education R&D, 1977 (OC 32—

$1.75). v,^ •

WIrtz, Willard R. and Fokd; Gerald R. Bringing the World of Work and the Institutions of
Education Closer Together, 1977 (OC 28— $1.75).

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