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Ibistorical Series. 

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FROM CANADA, 1776-1777, 













Dedication, - 


The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, - 
Preface to Digby’s Journal, ______ 

The Campaign of 1776, 

The Campaign of 1777, - . 

Return of killed, wounded and prisoners during the Cam- 
paign of 1777, 

Return of the Army of the United States under the com- 
mand of General Gates, October 17, 1777, - - - _ 

Return of the British Troops under the command of General 

Return of the German Troops under the command of General 

General Burgoyne’s Speech to the Indians in Congress, June 

21, 1777, - - 

Reply of the Old Chief of the Iroquois, - - 1 - 














Portrait of General John Burgoyne, - - . Frontispiece. 

Portrait of General Horatio Gates, ------ 46 

Grave of Adams and Culbertson, - - - . ^ . 136 

Burial of General Fraser, 


to the 




My Raverad Fathar, 


to whom 

tha Man of tha Ravalutian wara tha mast Harolc, 
tha mast davatad to duty^ 
and tha most 
pura In haart of all man^ anclant or madarn, 


In offering to the public a new addendum to that stirring 
theme, the British invasion from Canada in the War of the 
Revolution, a few explanatory words seem proper. While 
engaged during the fall and winter of 1885-6, in examining 
manuscripts in English archives relative to America, a Jour- 
nal in the British Museum, written by William Digby, an 
officer in the army of invasion, and containing interesting 
particulars relative to the two campaigns of 1776 and 1777 
attracted my attention, and I obtained permission from the 
Museum authorities to have it copied. Having familiarized 
myself with the Journal, I became so interested in it, that I 
laid aside other work in which I was engaged and began 
collecting materials for annotating it. This work led to a 
study of the subject, of which the Journal treats but partially 
and to complete my task properly, a succinct account of the 
two campaigns and of questions growing out of them con- 
nected with the hero of the final and more important one- 
General Burgoyne - seemed necessary as introductory to 
Digby s work ; hence my account of the campaigns of Carle- 
ton and Burgoyne. In my work I have received favors 
from many sources, notably from the officials of the British 
Museum, especially from Mr. Henry Kensington ; from the 



British War and Admiralty Offices, which have generously 
furnished me with particulars relative to officers engaged 
in the two campaigns, and from Douglas Brymner, Esq., 
of Ottawa, Canadian archivist. Mr. William L. Stone, 
so well known to all historical students as an authority 
in matters relating to the Revolutionary period, has been 
untiring in giving me valuable aid and encouragement ; 
Mr. F. D. Stone, librarian of the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society, and particularly Mr. John W. Jordan, his able 
assistant, have rendered me valuable aid, and the same 
may be said of Mr. A. R. Spofford of the National 
Library at Washington; Mr. F. Saunders of the Astor 
Library, New York, and William H. Egle, M. D., of 
the State Library of Pennsylvania at Harrisburg. Last 
and not least, I must refer to the admirable, I may say 
unequaled work of Colonel Horatio Rogers, embodied in 
Hadden’s Journal and Orderly Books, from which I have 
derived much information. Of the author of the Journal, 
William Digby, but little can be said. I have been baffled 
thus far in obtaining particulars concerning his family and 
early history. He entered the British military service as 
an ensign in the Fifty-third Regiment of Foot, on Febru- 
ary 10, 1770, at which date the regiment was doing garri- 
son duty in Ireland under the command of Colonel John 
Toovey, an officer of distinction in the British army. In 
this capacity he served until April i, 1773, when he was 
promoted to the rank of lieutenant, which was his rank 
when hostilities commenced between Great Britain and her 
North American colonies. On the 4th of April, 1776, Digby 
embarked from Ireland with his regiment under Major- 
General Burgoyne for the relief of Quebec, and shared in 
the perils attendant upon the expulsion of the Americans 
from Canada during that year; and through the winter 
which followed was stationed at Chambly. In the spring 

hit rod net ion. 


of 1777, the four flank companies of the Fifty-third Regi- 
ment were selected to accompany Burgoyne’s expedition 
to reduce the colonists into submission to the British crown, 
eight battalion companies being left behind to protect 
Canada against another invasion. These companies were sub- 
sequently employed by Burgoyne to garrison Ticonderoga; 
but Digby followed the fortunes of his general through that 
trying campaign, which ended in the surrender of the Brit- 
ish army of invasion to the Americans at Saratoga. Digby 
was among the paroled officers, but unfortunately has left 
us no account of his experiences after the surrender. From 
the time when he signed the parole at Cambridge, he dis- 
appears from view until the loth of August, 1785, — some 
time after the acknowledgment by Great Britain of Ameri- 
can independence — at which date his regiment was still 
doing garrison duty in Canada, when we find him retiring 
on half pay, “ by exchange receiving the difierence,” and, 
on March i, 1786, he appears, by record of the War Office, 
under the title of lieutenant, “ by exchange, repaying the 
difference.” On the twenty-second of the same month he 
IS recorded as having retired. This is the last glimpse we 
have of our journalist. Of the Journal itself, I can say but 
little. It is not an original kept during the campaign, but 
a compilation made by the author, undoubtedly, as he says, 
for the partial eye of a friend. My copy was made by a 
scribe recommended to me at the Museum, and was com- 
pared with the original by Mr. Kensington, who pronounced 
It correct. It has been printed verbatim et literatim, except 
that I have introduced capitals in some instances where 
^ they seemed necessary, and have corrected the spelling of 
two or three words, which I believe have been errors of the 
scribe growing out of obscure writing, as Livingstone for 
Levestoe, and Ticonderoga for Ticonderago. I have also 
added to the punctuation and have placed a few words in 

' JT 







brackets to clear up apparent ambiguities of meaning. I 
regret having been unable to correct proof by the original 
manuscript, as this is the only proper way to secure verbal 
accuracy, but I trust that no material errors will be found 
in the work. 

6i Deering St., Portland, Maine, November i, i88y. 


1776 AND 1777. 

IHE author of the following journal, William 
Digby, lieutenant of the 53rd Regiment 
of British Grenadiers, had passed into 
oblivion and the stream of memory would never 
have brought us any tidings of him, had not this 
waif, surviving the vicissitudes and perils to which 
It must have been exposed for more than a century 
brought to hand enough to enable us to mentally 
outline the man and partially estimate his character. 

1 hat his was a manly spirit guided by an unswerving 
instinct of justice; devoted to duty and singularly 
tree from that undue proneness to criticism of those 
above him so common to men in conditions similar 
to those in which he found himself during the disas- 
trous campaign of General Burgoyne, all will be ready 
to admit after perusing his journal, and though we 

2 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

may know nothing of his family tree, of the time or 
place of his coming or going, or indeed of any sub- 
sequent events of his life, we shall regard him with 
confidence and respect. The regiment of which 
Digby was lieutenant was organized in I 755 »’ ^ 

time when the French with their savage Indian allies 
were attacking the American frontier settlements, 
rendering a war between the mother country and 
France unavoidable. * 

At the time of its formation it was called the 
55th, but Governor Shirley" of Massachusetts, and 
Sir William Pepperelb had each formed a regiment 
called respectively the 50th and 51st, which after the 
war were disbanded, and the gap was closed by 
lowering the numbers of the regiments above them, 
by which the 55th became the 53rd. At the time 
when the English colonies in America were demand- 
ing from the home government what they conceived 
to be their rights, the 53rd was garrisoned in Ire- 
land, from whence it was ordered to Canada to take 

^ i 

* Vide Historical Record of the 53rd Regiment (Cannon), 

London, 1834. The uniform of the regiment was: “Cocked 
hats ; red coats faced with red, lined with yellow and orna- 
mented with yellow lace ; red waistcoats and breeches and 
white gaiters.” , 

* William Shirley was governor of Massachusetts from 
1741 to 175^, and was prominent in the war with the 

® Sir William Pepperell was a colonel of militia, and dis- 
tinguished himself at the siege of Louisburg in 1745, for 
which he received the order of Knighthood. He died in 
1759. Vide Life of, by Parsons, London, 1856. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 3 

part in that momentous drama, the first scene of 
which had opened in the quiet rural village of 
Lexington. The troops sailed from Ireland with a 
knowledge of the successes which the American 
arms had achieved in Canada, expecting indeed to 
learn on their arrival that Quebec had fallen into 
the possession of Montgomery, but with antici- 
pation of a speedy subjugation of their despised 
antagonists, whose commander the aristocratic sup- 
porters of royalty designated as Mister,^ declining to 
recognize his title of general, and regarding those 
who had taken up arms in defense of their rights a 
lawless rabble, ignorant of civilized warfare.* The 

‘ Lord George Germaine, the British minister, persisted in 
his correspondence with Howe and others in designating 
General Washington as “ Mr.,” and this example of his 
superior the British commander felt bound to follow. He 
therefore addressed his first letter to Mr. Washington, 
which the latter declined to receive, and Howe returned 
it by Colonel Patterson, one of his officers, addressed to 
George Washington, etc., etc., etc. Washington took no 
notice of the insult, but stated that he declined to receive 
“ any letter directed to him as a private person when it 
related to his public station.” Colonel Patterson pointed 
out that “etc., etc., etc.” implied all the titles which he 
might choose to claim, and ended by verbally conveying 
to him the contents of Howe’s letter. This folly was not 
long persisted in by General Howe, who although he had 
declared that he would acknowledge “ no rank but that 
king,” found himself obliged to recognize 
Washington by his appropriate title if he would hold com- 
rnunication with him. Vide Sparks’ Life, Appendix No. i, 
Vol. IV. 

‘Not only were they characterized as lawless and igno- 
rant, but as full of all iniquity. General Gage wrote on 

4 The Campaigns of Carleton aud Burgoyne. 

expedition, consisting of fifty-four transport ships 
and convoyed by two men of war, sailed from Cork 
in April, 1776, the troops being under the charge of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Fraser, who ended his career in 
the campaign of the next year with so many others 
of his brave companions. Leaving these troops to 
pursue their voyage across the Atlantic, we will 
glance retrospectively at the progress of events 
during the preceding year. The battles of Lexing- 
ton and Bunker Hill had disclosed to the king and 
his ministers the unpleasant fact, that they had been 
at fault in supposing that Englishmen in America 
would give way at once upon the appearance of 
regular troops, a fallacy which they had hitherto 
indulged, and they began to awaken to the unpleas- 
ant prospect of a prolonged conflict, concerning the 
outcome of which, there was among thoughtful men 
a diversity of opinion. 

What made it the more embarrassing to the 
British government was the opposition of its peo- 
ple at home to the war. The principle for which 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 5 

the colonists had taken arms was a popular one 
and a powerful party in England warmly espoused 
W^hen the determination of the 'government to 
subjugate the colonists by force of arms became 
known, the ministry was bombarded with petitions 
from every part of the kingdom. These petitions 
set forth all the arguments against the course deter- 
mined upon which ingenuity could devise. Many 
even of the first officers in the army threw up their 
commissions, declaring that they would not serve in 
such a war 'against their own countrymen. But the 
sluggish spirit of George the Third was thoroughly 
aroused against his unruly subjects, and he was 
stubbornly deaf to arguments in their favor how- 
ever reasonable they might be. He was fully bent 
upon chastising them into submission, and was hotly 
seconded by his ministers. But the conditions exist- 
ing m the two countries were quite dissimilar. In 
the colonies the people freely offered their lives and 
fortunes to the common cause, and multitudes gath- 
ered under the new flag, animated with hope and 
with a fixed determination never to yield their 
rights, while in England on the contrary, the un- 
popularity of the war rendered enlistments on a large 
scale impossible. Though unusual bounties were 
offered, enlistments proceeded so slowly that the 
king found it necessary to look across the channel 
for aid. He applied to Catherine of Russia to lend 
him some of her battalions, but was met with a tart 





6 TAe Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

refusal;* to Holland, which turned an indifferent 
ear to his appeal, and finally to Germany with 
better success. 

The petty sovereigns of this country to their 
eternal disgrace, loaned for hire seventeen thousand 
of their people to the British king, as they doubtless 
would have loaned them to the colonists had they 
sought them with a larger price. When it became 
known in England that the king had hired German 
troops in order to subjugate their countrymen in 
America, a considerable portion of the English peo- 
ple raised their voices against the act. They saw in 
it perhaps, the possibility of an abridgment of 
their own liberties by similar means. But the king 
was delighted with the new acquisitions to his 
forces ; indeed, he' regarded them with greater com- 
placency than he regarded his own more thoughtful 
subjects. Their stolid minds were not agitated with 

.....V., when he applied to Catherine of Rus- 
sia for twenty thousand ofher subjects to employ against the 
colonies, gallantly left her to fix her own compensation ; but 
she refused his application with so much spirit, that the king 
in a letter to Lord North said, that some of her expressions 
might “be civil to a Russian ear, but certainly not to more 
civilized ones. Horace Walpole took delight in ridiculing 
the king for his correspondence with “ Sister Kitty.” Schiller 
thus holds up the German sovereign to public view. After 
speaking of the objections which some of the soldiers made 
to being sold for the American war, he continues: “Our 
gracious sovereign paraded the troops and had the chatter- 
ing fools shot then and there. We heard the crack of the 
muskets, we saw their brains sprinkled against the wall, and 
then the rest shouted, ‘ Hurrah for America! ’ ” 

The Campaigns o_f Carleton and Buygoyne. 7 

theories of human rights, and their sympathies 
would not be with a people whose manners were 
to them an offense, and whose language a mystery j 
hence there could be no fear that they would desert 
to the Americans as some of the English levies 
might. The employment of these hirelings against 
the colonists was abhorrent to many of the English 
people;^ but the employment of the savage Indian 
tribes against them was still more so, and this 
feeling was shared even by the British commanders 
themselves. But England possessed a monarch 
incapable of listening to reason where his prejudices 
were opposed, and a ministry whose incapacity has 
perhaps never been equaled. The harshest meas- 
ures were blindly resolved upon, and it was deter- 
mined to crush out the rebelliQn before it could 
gather more strength, or engage the sympathy of 
France, who was watching the struggle with keen 
satisfaction, not a satisfaction in which sympathy 
for the oppressed colonists found a place, as it 
was but the preposterous struggle of the canaille 
against the noblesse ; but a satisfaction which would 
be intensified if, peradventure, both combatants 
should be so weakened as to make it possible 

Chatham, Burke and others denounced the employment 
of the savages in the most ardent manner. We are told that 
the vehemence of the latter caused tears of laughter to roll 
“ down the fat cheeks of Lord North at hearing an absent 
man denounced for measures for which he himself was mainly 
and directly responsible.” Vide Fonblanque’s Life of Bur- 
goyne, London, 1856, p. 243, n. 

8 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

for her to again found her imperium in the new 

How was it with the Americans? Hopeful of suc- 
cess they had assumed the offensive and had made 
their triumphant way into Canada : Montgomery 
pushing through the lake region of northern New 
York, and Arnold through the wilderness of Maine, 
finally joined their forces together in the heart of the 
enemy’s country. Stronghold after stronghold fell 
before the invaders, until at last, the British General 
Carleton fleeing to escape capture in the habiliments 
of a peasant, took refuge in the fortress of Quebec, 
under whose walls the victorious Americans encamped, 
confident of conquering the last remnant of King 
George’s troops left on the soil of Canada. This was 
the condition of affairs in December, 1775, while the 
king was drumming up reluctant recruits in England, 
and negotiating for others with his brother despots 
on the continent, as before stated. But a Canadian 
winter was upon Montgomery ; disease and exposure 
were wasting his army, and something had to be done. 
The darkest and shortest days of winter came, and 
an attack, one of the most daring in the annals of 
arms, was made upon Quebec. Montgomery, whose 
intrepid spirit had never forecast failure, and whose 
presence alone gave animation to the enterprise, fell 
with many of his no less brave compatriots, and beaten 
back, shattered but not disheartened, the Americans 
sullenly sat down before the walls of the city, repaired 
as well as they could their sore damage, and laid 


Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 


out new schemes for the discomfiture of their 
enemies. Arnold was in command, a man perhaps 
no less daring nor less fruitful in expedients than 
Montgomery, and as spring advanced, he prepared 
for a final attack upon Carleton. His batteries 
commanded the river, his red-hot shot were thrown 
into the city, but disease was at work in his army to 
which few recruits found their way. In the beginning 
^ of May, Thomas,® who had been assigned to the 
' chief command, arrived, and while he was consid- 
ering the question of raising the siege, the advance 
ships of the fleet which had sailed from Ireland in 
April came in sight, and leaving behind every thing 
which could incumber his retreat, he at once hastened 
to abandon his position, followed by Carleton 
with reinforcements from the fleet. Although the 
Americans stubbornly contested their ground, as 
may be seen b y a perusal of this journal penned by 

® General John Thomas was from Plymouth, Massachu- 
setts, where his descendants still reside. He, like Mont- 

French and Indian wars. 
At the beginning of the war, he was one of the first to raise 
a regiment, with which he joined the Continental army at 
Roxbury in 1775 He was appointed one of the first briga- 
dier-generals, and commanded a division at the siege of 
Boston. He was appointed a major-general in March, 1776, 
and in the following May joined the army before Quebec, 
but was attacked by the small-pox, which prevailed among 
the troops, shortly after his arrival in camp, and died at 
Chambly on the 2d of June. He was a man of ability and 
greatly esteemed by his soldiers. Washington placed con- 
fidence in him, and believed that he would accomplish much 
lor the American cause. ^ 


h ’ 




lo 7"/ie Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

an unfriendly but just spirit, they were forced back 
by the superior strength of the British with their 
German and Indian allies. These divided into two 
parts, one under Carleton, who followed the St. 
Lawrence to Montreal to attack Arnold, who held 
that place, and the other under Burgoyne, who 
pressed on toward Fort St. Johns, forcing back Sul- 
livan^ to that point. 

Here however, Arnold, who had retreated before 
Carleton, was enabled to form a junction with Sul- 
livan ; but the two generals seeing how useless it 

®John Sullivan was of Irish parentage and a native of 
Berwick, Maine. He was born February 17, 1740, and was 
reared on a farm, but upon reaching maturity studied law 
and began the practice of his profession at Durham, New 
Hampshire. He was a delegate to the first Continental 
Congress. When the Continental army was organized in 
1775, he was appointed a brigadier-general, and the follow- 
ing year was made a major-general. He was assigned to 
the command left vacant by the death of General Thomas, and 
shortly after took the place of General Greene on Long 
Island. In the battle which took place there in August of the 
same year (177b) he was taken prisoner, but was soon 
exchanged, when he was assigned to the command of General 
Charles Lee's division in New Jersey, Lee having been taken 
prisoner. He participated in the battles of Brandywine and 
Germantown, and soon after was assigned to the command 
of the Rhode Island troops. He was engaged, in the sum- 
mer of in the unsuccessful siege of Newport, and the 
next year ended his military career in an expedition against 
the Indians. Owing to some difficulty with the board of 
war, he resigned his commission in 1779. He was after 
this, a mernber of Congress and president of New Hamp- 
shire, and in 1789, received the appointment of distrkt 
judge, an office which he retained until his death, January 
23, 1795- 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 1 1 

was to attempt to withstand the onset of forces 
so much superior to their own, determined to fall 
back upon Crown Point and there make a final 
stand. This determination they acted upon, leaving 

the enemy to pursue them as best they might a 

problem difficult of solution. In order to make an 
attack upon the Americans likely to be attended 
with success, vessels were requisite, and these must 
be provided. With commendable energy, Carleton 
at once set about improvising a navy, and by the 
5th of October had constructed and equipped a 
fleet of one ship,^ two schooners, one radeau,“ one 
gondola," and twenty-two gunboats with eighty-seven 
guns. Some of these vessels had been transported 
in pieces from Chambly to Fort St. Johns and there 
put together. Being now ready, Carleton proceeded 
with his fleet up the Sorel to Isle aux Noix at the 
entrance to the lake. He was now in a condition 
to attack the Americans with a good prospect of 
success, as he knew the force which they possessed 
was inferior to his. The fleet to be opposed to him 
had three more guns but of much lighter caliber 

•®The word radeau is equivalent to the English raft, 
the radeau was the prototype of the modern floating bat- 
tery having low but strong bulwarks to protect the men 
handling the guns, which were usually of heavy caliber It 

effecti^e'^^^’^^^”™^ manage, but, at the same time, 

» A gondola was quite unlike its Venetian namesake, being 
a large flat-bottomed affair with square ends, and having a 
large capacity for carrying. ^ 

1 2 The Campaig7is of Carleton and Burgoyne, 

and was inferior in other respects. On the morn- 
ing of the nth of October, accompanied by a large 
number of savages in their birchen canoes, some 
of which were of immense size, capable of carrying 
thirty men, Carleton moved upon the American fleet 
which, in command of Benedict Arnold, was drawn 
up in the form of a crescent between Valcour island 
and the mainland. A battle ensued, which was con- 
tested with spirit on both sides, but the tide of 
affairs with the Americans was at ebb, and when 
night fell they found themselves in no condition to 
continue the fight on the following day; hence in 
the darkness of the night, they passed unperceived 
through the British fleet and made all the speed 
possible to reach Crown Point, hoping that with the 
guns of that fortress joined with those of the fleet, 
they might counterbalance the superior force of the 
enemy. When in the morning, Carleton found that 
Arnold had eluded him, he followed in pursuit, and 
succeeded after a fierce battle in destroying and dis- 
persing the American fleet. Nothing now remained 
for him to do but to push on to Crown Point. This 
he did as quickly as possible, but the Americans had 
evacuated their works there and fallen back upon 
Ticonderoga, which they put into a good condition 
for defense before he was able to make an attack 
upon them in their new position. The season was 
advancing, and perhaps yielding a too-ready ear 
to the dictates of prudence, instead of following up 
his advantage and risking an attack upon Ticon- 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 13 

deroga, which if successful might have changed the 
issue of the war,” he resolved to proceed no farther, 
but to withdraw his army to winter quarters. Thus 
closed the campaign of ’76, disastrous and disheart- 
ening to the American patriots. 

General Carleton, having withdrawn his army from 
Crown Point, and stationed portions of it at Isle aux 
Noix, St. Johns, Montreal, and other points in the prov- 
ince, went himself to Quebec where his family was 
domiciled, while General Burgoyne sailed for England 
to make preparations for the campaign of ’77, which 
would, it was confidently believed by the British gene- 
rals, terminate the war. The winter passed pleasantly 
enough with the British troops, who found plenty to 
amuse them, but with the Americans quite differ- 
ently. The latter looked forward with anxiety to 
the coming campaign, and' labored to put themselves 
in a condition to meet it successfully. They suffered 
privations and hardships innumerable, but having 
put hand to plow thought not to look back. 
Doubtless they often longed for the comforts which 

“ Lord George Germaine sought in this delay an excuse 
for venting his rancor against General Carleton, but the 
king, in spite of the powerful influence which the minister 
exercised over his mind, defended his officer, for on the 
17th November he writes to Lord North, ‘ Sir Guy Carleton 
gives sufficient reasons for not earlier attempting to pass 
the lakes.’ ” He has been, however, severely criticised by 
writers for abandoning Crown Point, which would have 
afforded him an advanced starting point for the next cam- 
paign. Vide Fonblanque’s Life of Burgoyne, n. p. 217 
et seq., and General Phillips’ Letter, ibid. 


14 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

they had once enjoyed — the leeks and garlics which 
I they had forsaken to attain freedom — but they had 

in Washington a Moses in whom they confided, and 
they repined not over much. So the winter passed. 
Burgoyne in England with the ministers of the irate 
king, laid out an elaborate plan for the coming cam- 
paign. The New England provinces were to be 
violently dissevered from the western and southern 
, by two armies, which were to serve as opposite 

wedges ; the northern wedge to be directed by Bur- 
I goyne, the southern by Howe, and the two lines of 

; fracture to meet at Albany in the State of New 

;| York. It was an excellent plan, and to any but an 

omniscient eye would have appeared to be almost 
; certain of success. General Burgoyne arrived at 

f Quebec on the 6th of May, and on the loth, Gene- 

ral Carleton, who was to remain in Canada as com- 
mander-in-chief of the Canadian department, for 
r which reinforcements were on the way, passed over 

I to him in accordance with orders from England, the 

I command of about seven thousand troops. Germaine 

had written him under date of Whitehall, the 26th 
of the preceding March: “With a view of quell- 
“ ing the rebellion as soon as possible, it is become 
“ highly necessary that the most speedy juncture of 
“ the two armies should be effected ; and, therefore, 
“as the security and good government of Canada 
“ absolutely require your command for the defense 
“ and duties of that province, you are to employ the 
remainder of your army upon two expeditions ; the 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Bungoyne. 15 

“ one under the command of Lieutenant-General Bur- 
“ goyne, who is to force his way to Albany, and the 
“ other under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel St. 
“ Leger, who is to make a diversion on the Mohawk 
'‘nver.”*3 Upon receiving his command, Burgoyne 
at once proceeded to Montreal and began putting 
things in readiness to carry out this plan, so far as it 
related to the movement from the north which had 
been intrusted to him, writing to Germaine on the 
19th of May : “The only delay in putting the troops 
in motion is occasioned by the impracticability of 
the roads, owing to late extraordinary heavy rains, 
and this difficulty will be speedily removed by exert- 
ing the services of the parishes as soon as the weather 
clears. In the mean time, I am employing every 
means that water carriage will admit for drawing the 
troops and stores toward this point. I trust I shall 
have vessels sufficient to move the army and stores 
together, and, in that case, will take post at once 
within sight of Ticonderoga, and only make use of 
Crown Point for my hospital and magazine. It is 
consigned to the New England colonies to furnish 
supplies of men and provision to oppose the progress 
of my army, and they have undertaken the task, 
upon condition of being exempt from supplying Mr. 
Washington’s main army.”'< 

Vide h State of the Expedition from Canada. London, 
1780. Appendix IV, p. vii. 

Ibid., p. xi. 




i ' 






I i 

i : 




1 6 T'A^ Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

This letter serves as a prelude to that momentous 
drama, which Burgoyne has himself conveniently 
divided for us into three acts ; a drama which all 
Europe watched with intense curiosity, and which 
for a century has been discussed with unflagging 
interest. The first act of this great drama opens 
on the 1 2th of June at St. Johns, on the eve of the 
embarkation of Burgoyne’s army. Nothing which 
could promote its efficiency in the projected cam- 
paign had been neglected. Its equipment, which was 
lavish, included the most approved artillery of the 
age, and inspired with the confidence of success it 
awaited the order of its commander to embark. 
Carleton, with that amiable generosity which charac- 
terized him, had come to St. Johns to bid his old 
comrades in arms a god-speed: an abundant feast 
had been prepared, and for the last time Burgoyne, 
Riedesel, Acland, Fraser, Phillips, Carleton, Bal- 
carres and others of like bravery, who had passed 
thus far unharmed through many battles, gathered 
around the social board in joyous good-fellowship. 
After the repast to which wine and wit gave a 
keener zest, Carleton bade them an affectionate but 
enthusiastic good-bye, and with his staff' took the 
return road to his head-quarters at Quebec, while 
the first brigade of the army soon began its embark- 
ation, their martial ardor being inspired by the 
stirring strains of the regimental bands, and the 
awe-inspiring thunder of artillery as they marched 
to their boats. Both the English troops and their 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 17 

German allies were trained soldiers in ever)' sense, 
men who could march up to the cannon’s mouth 
without flinching, and they made a gala occasion of 
their embarkation on this, the most perilous expe- 
dition which they had ever undertaken. Burgoyne 
had divided his army into brigades, and its progress 
up the lake was at the rate of about twenty miles a 
day, every thing being ordered with such exactness, 
that each brigade occupied at night the camp left 
by its predecessor at daybreak. Anburey,’’ whose 
descriptions are so graphic, wrote of the splendid 
spectacle which Burgoyne’s army offered to the 
beholder as it floated on the placid bosom of the 
lake : “ I cannot forbear portraying to your imagi- 
nation one of the most pleasing spectacles I ever 
beheld. When we were in the widest part of the 
lake, whose beauty and extent I have already de- 
scribed, it was remarkably fine and clear, not a 
breeze was stirring, when the whole army appeared 
at one view in such perfect regularity as to form the 
most complete and splendid regatta you can possibly 
conceive. In the front the Indians went with their 

Thomas* Anburey was a volunteer in Burgoyne’s army, 
and was the author of a book entitled Travels through the 
Interior Parts of America, in a Series of Letters, By an 
Officer. It was published in London in 1789, and a second 
edition appeared in 1791. It was translated into German 
and, in 1793, into French, with annotations by M. Noel,ancien 
professeur de belles-lettres au College de Louis-le-Grand. 
Anburey remained a prisoner with the captive army until 
September, 1781, when he returned to England. 


iS Tke Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

f '' ” 

'j birch bark canoes, containing twenty or thirty each; 

jfj' then the advanced corps in regular line with the 

gunboats ; then followed the Royal George and 
Inflexible, towing large booms — which are to be 
thrown across two points of land — with the two 
brigs and sloops following; after them Generals 
Burgoyne, Phillips and Riedesel in their pinnaces ; 
; I' next to them the second battalion followed by the 

i German battalion, and the rear was brought up 

iL with the suttlers and followers of the army. Upon 

the appearance of so formidable a fleet you may 
imagine they were not a little dismayed at Ticon- 
deroga, for they were apprised of our advance as 
we every day could see their watch-boats.”’'* 

At this moment let us pause to take a view of the 
■ theatre of action. While Burgoyne is advancing 

I easily toward Crown Point, which Carleton had 

j abandoned the previous autumn, and which the 

' Americans have since neglected, St. Leger, who has 

been detached from Burgoyne’s command with a 
thousand men which he soon increases to seven- 
teen hundred, is quietly sweeping round by the St. 
Lawrence, Lakes Ontario and Oneida, toward Fort 
Schuyler, and after destroying all obstacles which 
oppose him, is to join his chief at Albany, the ob- 
jective point of Burgoyne’s expedition and that to be 
sent by Howe from the south to act in concert with it. 
On the American side, the army under the command of 

I Vide Travels Through the Interior Parts of American 

London. 1789. Vol. i, pp. 303-6. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 19 

General Schuyler is posted at the several forts about 
Lake George and along the Hudson and Mohawk 
rivers: St, Clair is at Ticonderoga; General Ganse- 
voort*^ at Fort Schuyler, and the commander-in- 
chief himself at Fort Edward, while various bodies 
of troops more or less important, are at other points 
not far distant, or drawing toward the expected 
field of conflict with the Britons from the North. If 
we look farther away, we shall find Howe and Clin- 
ton at New York, the former instead of directing a 
force up the Hudson to co-operate with Burgoyne at 
Albany, strangely preparing an expedition against 
Philadelphia, all of his preparations being jealously 
watched by Washington, who is planning to baffle 
him at every point. Without special incident of 
importance, Burgoyne arrived at Crown Point on 
the 29th of June, and on the ist of July his 
army appeared in front of Ticonderoga. On the 
2d, Fraser took possession of a rise of ground 
which was named Mount Hope, cutting off St. Clair’s 
communication with Lake George, while Phillips and 
Riedesel advanced, the former taking position on the 
right and the latter in front of Fort Independence, 

” Peter Gansevoort was a native of Albany, and born on 
July 17, 1749. He was a major under Montgomery in the 
campaign against Canada in 1775, and at the time here 
mentioned held a colonel s commission. His successful 
defense of Fort Schuyler when besieged by St. Leger, gained 
him the thanks of Congress. In 1781 he was commissioned 
by the State of New York a brigadier-general. He died 
July 2, 1812, after an honorable and useful life. 

20 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 

which formed a part of that system of defenses to 
which Ticonderoga belonged. With inexcusable 
folly, St. Clair had neglected to fortify a hill which 
overlooked and commanded his position, and when 
the sun arose on the morning of the 5th of July, his 
sentinels beheld the British in possession, planting 
their batteries on its summit and watching curiously 
his every movement with their glasses.'® Alarmed 
at this prospect a council was summoned, and it was 
resolved to abandon this important post in which so 
much confidence had been placed. Accordingly, 
St. Clair on the night of the 6th, fled in haste, not 
even stopping to destroy his stores which had been 
collected at infinite pains, but leaving guns, provisions 
and cattle to strengthen the hands of the enemy. 

The story of this disastrous retreat has been 
related too often to be repeated here ; suffice it to say, 
that the loss of Ticonderoga was a bitter one to the 
Americans, and by many was looked upon as a vital 
one, while in England the news of its capture was 
received with transports of joy. Germaine with great 

“It would appear from Digby’s Journal that the occupa- 
tion of this hill by Burgoyne was disclosed during the 
night to St. Clair, by fires carelessly built, presumably by 
his Indian allies. It is remarkable that St. Clair’s retreat 
on the next night was disclosed in a like manner, by a fire 
set carelessly at the head-quarters of General Roche De 
Fermoy, his French ally. Commenting on this latter inci- 
dent, General De Peyster remarks, “ that generally whenever 
the Americans were unsuccessful, a foreigner was mixed up in 
it.” If Digby’s presumption is correct, the English had like 
cause of complaint. 

The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne. 21 

complacency announced the event in Parliament, 
“as if it had been decisive of the campaign and 
of the fate of the colonies,” and King George when 
he heard of it was so elated, that he burst into the 
apartment of the queen exclaiming vociferously, 
“ I have beat them ! — beat all the Americans ! ” 
Burgoyne was triumphant, and on the loth, cele- 
brated his victory by a Thanksgiving, and ended 
the day with a feu de joie of artillery at Crown 
Point, Ticonderoga, Skenesborough and Castle- 
ton, and with this dramatic demonstration he 
closed the first act of his drama. 

On the next day he wrote to Germaine. “ Your 
Lordship will pardon me if I a little lament that my 
orders do not give me the latitude I ventured to pro- 
pose in my original project for the campaign, to make 
a real effort instead of a feint upon New England. 
As things have turned out, were I at liberty to march 
in force immediately by my left, instead of my right, 
I should have little doubt of subduing before winter 
the provinces where the rebellion originated.” " 
Feeling however obliged by his orders to force his 
way to Albany, he applied to Carleton to spare him a 
sufficient number of troops to garrison Ticonderoga, 
so that he might not be obliged to weaken his forces 
by leaving a portion behind for garrison duty; but 

” Vtde Journal of the Reign of George the Third, 
(Walpole) London, 1859, vol. 2, p. 13 1. 

“ Vide A State of the Expedition from Canada. 

22 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

Carleton did not entertain his application favorably, 
and in spite of his urgent appeal for help, left him to 
solve the problem of the campaign unaided, as best 
he might. 

Preparations therefore for an advance were actively 
undertaken, but while they were going forward 
Schuyler was not idle. Calm and undismayed by his 
severe losses, he directed every effort toward ob- 
structing the passage of his enemy southward. The 
keen axes of his skillful woodsmen soon laid the 
forests, which bordered the road leading from Skenes- 
borough where Burgoyne lay, across the pathway of 
the advancing Britons. He destroyed bridges; 
blocked water-courses with boulders ; stripped the 
country of subsi.stence, and drove the cattle away 
so as to leave nothing to sustain the invaders on 
their advance. Thus blocking the way between him 
and his enemy, he retreated southward and finally 
encamped his army near the junction of the Mohawk 
and Hudson. Here with his advanced outposts at 
Stillwater, he awaited coming events, strengthening 
by every means in his power his slowly-increasing 
army. Burgoyne now began to face troubles which 
he had not calculated upon. The difficulty of get- 
ting supplies increased, and the labor required of his 
soldiers in removing* obstructions from their path ; 
building roads and bridges and getting their artillery 
forward, told upon them severely, so that his pro- 
gress was slow. His Indian allies, discontented at 
being checked in their murderous career, began to 

The Campaigns of Carleton and BuTgoyne. 23 

desert in considerable numbers, and these deser- 
tions, added to his losses in battle and by sickness, 
weakened his army seriously. While these troubles 
were at their height, a messenger arrived at his camp 
with news that St. Leger had reached Fort Schuyler, 
and he at once felt the necessity of a movement 
forward. He had been informed that the patriots 
had gathered at Bennington, horses, provisions and 
other stores of which he was in sore need, and that 
many loyalists in the vicinity were only awaiting a 
favorable opportunity to join his army. He there- 
fore sent forward an expedition composed of Ger- 
mans under General Baum, to attack Bennington and 
seize the stores there. By accomplishing this pur- 
pose he would not only obtain provisions, which he 
so much needed, and horses, which would enable him 
to mount his cavalry, but would be in a position to 
open the way for co-operation with St. Leger. The 
plan was an unwise one and he paid the penalty of 
his rashness. Baum’s command was destroyed by 
Stark,*' and a body of troops under Breymann, sent 

John Stark was born of Scotch parents at Londonderry, 
New Hampshire, August 28, 1728. When twenty-four years 
of age he was surprised while on a hunting expedition, by a 
body of St. Francis Indians and carried into captivity, but 
was ransomed by a friend. He served as a ranger in the 
French and Indian war, and was made a captain in 1756. 
He was a conspicuous figure at the battle of Bunker Hill. 
He was in command at Trenton and Princeton, and after 
the battle of Bennington, he enlisted a considerable force 

24 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

to the support of the German commander, was 
driven back with the loss of guns, baggage, and every 
thing which could incumber flight. This blow fell 
heavily upon Burgoyne, who had begun the campaign 
as though he had an easy task before him, and had 
made himself somewhat ridiculous by bombastic 
proclamations, while success inspired the patriots with 
new hope, and their army grew apace while Bur- 
goyne’s constantly decreased. To add to his em- 
barrassments, his Indians who had set out so en- 
thusiastically under St. Luc, disheartened by the 
affair at Bennington, deserted him ; still, his orders 
were to force a junction with Howe at Albany, and 
there seemed but one duty before him, and that 
duty was to push forward. On the 20th of August, 
four days after the defeat at Bennington, he wrote 
to Germaine.” “ The great bulk of the country is 
undoubtedly with Congress in principle and zeal ; 
and their measures are executed with a secrecy and 
dispatch that are not to be equaled. Wherever the 
king’s forces point, militia to the amount of three or 
four thousand assemble in twenty-four hours ; they 
bring with them their subsistence, etc., and the alarm 
over, they return to their farms. The Hampshire 
Grants in particular, a country unpeopled and almost 

and joined Gates, having been raised to the rank of major- 
general. He served with honor through the war, and, at its 
close, retired to private life. He died on May 8, 1822, and 
lies buried at Manchester, in his native State. 

^ Vide A State of the Expedition. Appendix IX, p. 25. 

The Campaigns of Canleton and Burgoyne. 25 

unknown in the last war, now abounds in the most 
active and rebellious race of the continent, and hangs 
like a gathering storm on my left. In all parts the 
industry and management in driving cattle and remov- 
ing corn are indefatigable and certain ; and it becomes 
impracticable to move without portable magazines. 
Another most embarrassing circumstance is the 
want of communication with Sir William Howe. 
Of the messengers I have sent, I know of two being 
hanged, and am ignorant whether any of the rest 
arrived. The same fate has probably attended 
those dispatched by Sir W^illiam Howe, for only one 
letter is come to hand, informing me that his inten- 
tion is for Pennsylvania ; that Washington has 
detached Sullivan with two thousand five hundred 
men to Albany; that Putnam is in the Highlands 
with four thousand men. That after my arrival at 
Albany, the movements of the enemy must guide 
mine, but that he wished the enemy might be driven 
out of the province before any operation took place 
against the Connecticut ; that Sir Henry Clinton 
remained in the command in the neighborhood of 
New York, and would act as occurrences might 
direct. No operation, my lord, has yet been 
undertaken in my favor ; the Highlands have not 
even been threatened. Had I a latitude in my 
orders, I should think it my duty to wait in this 
position, or perhaps, as far back as Fort Edward, 
where my communication with Lake George would 
be perfectly secure, till some event happened to as- 

26 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

sist my movement forward ; but my orders being 
positive to ‘force a junction with Sir William Howe,’ 
I apprehend I am not at liberty to remain inactive 
longer than shall be necessary to collect twenty-five 
days’ provision, and to receive the reinforcement of 
the additional companies, the German drafts and 
recruits now (and unfortunately only now) on Lake 
Champlain. The waiting the arrival of this rein- 
forcement is of indispensable necessity, because from 
the hour I pass the Hudson’s river and proceed 
toward Albany, all safety of communication ceases. 
I must expect a large body of the enemy from my 
left will take post behind me. When I wrote more 
confidently, I little foresaw that I was to be left to 
pursue my way through such a tract of country, and 
hosts of foes, without any co-operation from New 
York ; nor did I then think the garrison of Ticon- 
deroga would fall to my share alone, a dangerous 
experiment would it be to leave that post in weak- 
ness, and too heavy a drain it is^upon the life blood 
of my force to give it due strength. I yet do not 
despond. Should I succeed in forcing my way to 
Albany, and find that country in a state to subsist 
my army, I shall think no more of a retreat, but at 
the best fortify there and await Sir W. Howe’s 

‘‘ Whatever may be my fate, my lord, I submit my 
actions to the breast of the king, and to the candid 
judgment of my profession, when all the motives be- 
come public, and I rest in the confidence that what- 

The Cavtpaigns of Cayleton and BuTgoyne. 27 

ever decision may be passed upon my conduct, my 
good intent will not be questioned. 

“ I cannot close so serious a letter without express- 
ing my fullest satisfaction in the behavior and coun- 
tenance of the troops, and my complete confidence 
that in all trials they will do whatever can be expected 
from men devoted to their king and country.” 

From this it will be seen that he fully realized the 
perils of his situation from a military point of view ; 
that when he passed the Hudson his communication 
would inevitably be cut off, and that he could not 
depend upon the country for subsistence. He had 
at least expected that Carleton would relieve him to 
the extent of forwarding troops to hold Ticonder- 
oga, that he might not be obliged to weaken his 
force by garrisoning that post ; but even in this he 
was disappointed, and obliged to leave some of his 
most effective troops behind to hold the forts he 
had captured. But he had no choice to make. His 
orders were peremptory to push forward. Misfor- 
tunes never come singly it has been said, and Bur- 
goyne soon had reason to realize the truth of the 
saying, for he had not recovered from the shock of 
his defeat at Bennington, when he learned of the 
defeat and flight of St. Leger. Thus was he left 
alone with his rapidly wasting army to meet the 
exultant forces of the patriots, and he looked 
anxiously for help toward the south. Where was 
Clinton, who was to have been sent by Howe from 
New York to co-operate with him ? He had heard 

28 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

nothing from that direction, and now sent a messen- 
ger in disguise to urge Clinton to hasten forward to 
his relief, at the same time gathering all the pro- 
visions possible for his army, and pushing on toward 
Albany. On the iith of September his troops 
received orders to be in readiness to cross the Hud- 
son, which they had reached, but heavy rains pre- 
vented them from so doing until the 13th, when 
they crossed on a bridge of boats. The hazard of 
thus severing communication with their base of 
operations was regarded with apprehension by his 
officers, and we know that Burgoyne himself fully 
comprehended the responsibility which he took in 
making the step, but it was a necessary one in the 
plan laid out for him, and in accordance with the 
key-note of the campaign — "This army must not 
retreat." Having crossed the river, he encamped on 
the heights and plains of Saratoga, where, like the 
excellent dramatist that he was, he completed the 
second act of his drama. Burgoyne ‘did not linger in 
camp. Albany, where he was to meet Clinton, and 
where he had hoped also to have met St. Leger, had 
not his plans in connection with that officer gone 

® Clinton wrote, some days later : “ There is a report of a 
messenger of yours to me having been taken, and the letter 
discovered in a double wooden canteen.” Probably this 
was the messenger dispatched at this time, and one of the 
several which suffered death at the hands of their captors. 
Previous to this he had dispatched at least ten messengers 
at different times and by different routes to open a commu- 
nication with Clinton. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 29 

awry, was his objective point, and on the 15th, his 
army in splendid array set out in three columns to 
the music of fife and drum, with standards flutter- 
ing in the breeze, gay uniforms and glittering 
arms, forming a pageant which was never forgotten 
by those who witnessed it, and which the imaginative 
may still depict with approximate accuracy. That 
night he encamped his army at Dovegat where it 
remained for two days, while the way was being 
cleared for the advance of his artillery. Realizing 
the dangers which surrounded him, his orders were 
strict. His troops lay upon their arms fully accoutred, 
and he issued orders that any soldier who passed 
beyond his advanced sentries should be instantly 
hung. As though they already felt the shadow of 
coming disaster, a strange silence suddenly fell upon 
his camp. It was remarked by the Americans that 
neither drum beat nor trumpet sounded within the 
British lines, perhaps because of the constant activity 
required in opening roads and getting forward bag- 
gage and supplies, with the fatigue consequent upon 
such exertions, or that their position might not be 
too well defined. General Gates had superseded 
Schuyler — an officer of superior merit — the loss of 
Ticonderoga having afforded the enemies of the 
latter an opportunity for a hearing by Congress, 
and his army blocked Burgoyne’s path to Albany. 
The Americans had thrown up fortifications from the 
river bank back to the heights a mile away. On the 
19th, Burgoyne having divided his army again into 

30 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

three columns, himself led the center composed of 
English regiments toward the heights, while Riedesel 
and Phillips took the road by the river, and Fraser 
swept round to the west by the Quaker Springs road 
to join Burgoyne upon a clearing known as Freeman’s 
Farm, near the American left wing, Burgoyne having 
ascertained by a reconnoissance that the American 
right occupied a position too strong for him to suc- 
cessfully attack. The march of the British was nec- 
essarily slow on account of the difficulties which 
they encountered, as it was often necessary to halt 
in order to remove trees and construct bridges over 
water-courses. Shortly after noon, Morgan began 
the action by attacking the advancing center, which 
being reinforced by Fraser compelled him to give 
way in confusion ; but subsequently receiving rein- 
forcements he renewed the conflict. The battle 
becoming general, Arnold, who had harassed the 
enemy continually on its advance, now engaged in 
conjunction with Morgan the combined divisions 
of Burgoyne and Fraser. Although they fought 
with desperate energy, the odds were against them, 
when Gates sent his tardy reinforcements to their 
support, and they were seemingly upon the point of 
victory when the artillery of Phillips forced them 
back toward their lines. The two armies were now 
face to face upon opposite slopes, and for a short 
space there was a lull in the storm of battle ; but the 
struggle was soon resumed, and the tide of conflict 
ebbed and flowed, each side at times seeming near 

The Campaigns of Cavleton and Bungoyne. 3 1 

victory, when at a critical juncture for the British, 
Riedesel came upon the field at double quick and 
with his well served artillery brought the battle to 
a close — the exhausted Americans falling back to 
their camp, carrying with them their wounded and 
prisoners. At this critical juncture, Fraser and 
Breymann quickly prepared to follow up the advan- 
tage thus gained, and were about to pursue and 
attack the Americans in their camp, when they were 
recalled by the prudent Burgoyne, much to their 
chagrin and that of the troops in their command, 
who were eager to follow. What the result of such 
a movement would have been, it is now impossible 
to calculate,®^ but the failure of Burgoyne to follow 
up the advantage gained by Riedesel was made 
one of the many subjects of severe criticism against 
his management of the campaign. Burgoyne held 
the field and claimed a victory ; but, says an eminent 
authority “ As the intention of the Americans was 
not to advance, but to maintain their position, and 
that of the English not to maintain theirs, but, to 
gain ground, it is easy to see which had the advan- 
tage of the day. The British army as it lay upon 
the field, was kept in constant alarm through the 

^ General Schuyler, in his diary, says : “ Had it not been 
for this order of the British general, the Americans would 
have been, if not defeated, at least held in such check as to 
have made it a drawn battle.” 

Colonel William L. Stone, in Burgoyne’s campaign, 
Albany, 1877, p. 49. 

32 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

night by parties of skirmishers from the patriot camp, 
and could get no rest. The irrepressible Arnold, 
who seemed never so happy as when breasting 
the infernal billows of carnage, urged Gates with 
all his eloquence to make a night attack, but was 
not listened to, and this difference of opinion 
resulting in angry words. Gates suspended his 
impulsive subordinate from command, an act which 
probably ignited that train of passion which finally 
destroyed the patriotism which had possessed his 
soul, and made room for the foul spirit of treason to 
brood in. On the following morning, his sick and 
wounded having been removed to the river bank in 
the rear of the army, Burgoyne formed his lines 
for a forward movement and awaited the lifting of 
the river fog, which hung like a veil between him and 
the American camp, when there occurred one of 
those singular events which apparently insignificant 
in themselves, are fraught with momentous conse- 
quences. General Fraser, who was his most trusted 
adviser and ever foremost in daring enterprise, sug- 
gested to Burgoyne that as the grenadiers who were 
to lead in the attack were fatigued by the duty of the 
previous day, it would be well to let them rest until 
the following morning, when they would be in a con- 
dition to advance with greater spirit. To this Bur- 
goyne listened and recalled his orders, permitting 
his soldiers to return to camp, where they rested as 
well as they might under the circumstances. By 
this delay a messenger from Clinton was enabled to 

The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne. 33 

reach him, bearing a letter in cypher with the cheer- 
ing news that the fleet from the south was about to 
ascend the Hudson for his relief, and that the forts 
below Albany, which was now but about thirty miles 
from his camp, would be attacked on the 22d. 
This information completely changed his plans and 
perhaps the fate of his army, as he resolved to fortify 
his camp and to remain where he was until he 
received further news from Clinton, to whom he 
immediately sent back his messenger,’® informing him 

^ Fonblanque tells us that “ This communication was 
deposited in a hollow silver bullet, which the bearer was 
directed to deliver into the general’s own hands. The man 
succeeded in making his way to Fort Montgomery, on the 
Hudson, where, in compliance with his inquiries for Gen- 
eral Clinton, he was led into the presence, not of Sir Henry 
Clinton, but of a namesake. General Clinton of the Ameri- 
can army, the late governor of New York. On discovering 
his mistake the unfortunate man swallowed the bullet, but 
an emetic being administered, the dispatch was discovered, 
and its bearer hanged as a spy.” Vide Life of Burgoyne, 
p. 286 etseq. It is hardly probable that two incidents of pre- 
cisely the same nature could have occurred, yet there may 
be seen in the rooms of the New York Historical Society a 
copy of the identical dispatch, in the handwriting of Gov- 
ernor Clinton, which was taken from the silver bullet borne 
by the messenger who was hung, and this message was not 
from Burgoyne to Clinton, but from Clinton to Burgoyne, 
and bears date nearly three weeks later than the date of the 
message dispatched by Burgoyne. It is as follows : 

“ Fort Montgomery, October 8, 1777. 

“ Nous y void, and nothing now between us and Gates. 

I sincerely hope this little success of ours may facilitate 
your operations. In answer to your letter of the 28th Sep- 


34 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

of his perilous situation, and urging his co-operation. 
This delay was of almost vital importance to the 

t ember, by C. C., I shall only say, I cannot presume to 
order, or even advise, for reasons obvious. I heartily wish 
you success. 

‘‘ Faithfully yours, 

‘‘Gen. Burgoyne.” “H. Clinton.” 

The bearer of this message was Sergeant Daniel Taylor, 
who, about noon on the loth of October, rode into the 
camp of the American General Clinton and inquired for 
General Clinton, stating that he was a friend and wished to 
see him. Upon being conducted to his presence he saw his 
mistake, and hastily swallowed the bullet,which was of an oval 
form. The movement was noticed, and Dr. Moses Higby 
sent for, who administered an emetic, which caused him to 
throw up the bullet. He recovered it and succeeded in 
swallowing it a second time, and refused to again take an 
emetic ; but Clinton threatened to hang him and find it with 
the surgeon’s knife, when he yielded and again threw it up. 
On the 1 2th he was hung upon an apple tree near the 
church in the village of Kingston, during the conflagration 
of the village, which had been fired by Sir Henry Clinton s 
troops who had then reached there. This is substantially 
the account given by Lossing and others, and can only be 
reconciled with Fonblanque’s account, which is wholly based 
upon that of Lamb (vide Journal of Occurrences, etc., p. 
162), by supposing the messenger sent by Burgoyne to 
Clinton on the night of the 21st of September, to have been 
Daniel Taylor. Learning subsequently the story of his 
fatal mistake and death, without knowing the date of its 
occurrence, Fonblanque supposed his capture to have taken 
place while he was on his way to Clinton instead of on his 
return to Burgoyne. We can only account for Taylor s 
error in mistaking the American for the British camp, by 
supposing that when Taylor left Sir Henry Clinton at Fort 
Montgomery, which that general had just captured from 
his namesake, he understood that Sir Henry was to immedi- 
ately advance, and that meeting with insurmountable difii- 

The Ccmtpazgns of Cavleton and Buz'^oyne. 35 

Americans, as it enabled them to strengthen their 
position and to get forward much-needed reinforce- 
ments and war material; indeed, Wilkinson, who 
can never be accused of pessimism, took a rather 
despondent view of the situation of the American 
position at this moment of suspense when the 
patriots, anxiously peering through the fog, were 
awaiting the expected attack. He says “ We were 
badly fitted to defend works, or meet the close ren- 
contre ; the late hour at which the action closed the 
day before; the fatigue of officers and men, and 
the defects of our organization had prevented our 
left wing from drawing ammunition, and we could 
not boast of more than a bayonet for every three 
muskets; the fog obscured every object at the short 
distance of twenty yards. We passed an hour of 
awful expectation and suspense, during which, hope, 
fear and anxiety played on the imagination.” But 
Burgoyne waited in vain. On the 2zd and 23d, 
to make sure that Clinton should receive a knowl- 
edge of his situation, he dispatched officers in dis- 
guise to him, with an urgent request to hasten to his 

culties which delayed him, and supposing Sir Henry to have 
gotten ahead of him, he thought it proper to report in person 
to the author of the message the particulars of his delay ; 
otherwise it would have been a useless performance for 
Taylor to have sought Sir Henry Clinton’s presence. Unless 
we adopt such an explanation there would seem to be no 
reason for the act. 

^Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, Phila., 1816, vol. i, 
p. 250. 

36 The Campaigns of Car let on and Burgoyne, 

aid, and on the 27th and 28th sent two other mes- 
sengers on the same errand.*® The 5th of October 
arrived ; the season was advancing ; his army was on 
short allowance and some movement must be made. 
He now convened a council of his officers to consider 
the situation. Riedesel wisely advised him to fall 

^The dispatch sent on the 23d reached Clinton on the 5th 
of October. The officer dispatched on the 27th was Captain 
Thomas Scott of the Fifty-third regiment, who has left a 
journal recounting the perils through which he passed. 
After eleven days of travel, he was told by a man whom he 
met that Sir Henry Clinton was in possession of Fort Mont- 
gomery, and he turned his weary steps thitherward, reach- 
ing the fort on the 9th, and safely delivering his dispatch 
to Clinton. On the loth, he departed northward with 
the expedition of Clinton to Kingston, reaching it on the 
1 2th, at which time it was fired by the British while the 
execution of poor Taylor was taking place. From here he 
started to reach Burgoyne, but after encountering great 
perils and learning of Burgoyne’s surrender, he made his 
way back and finally reached Clinton in safety. The officer 
dispatched on the 28th was Captain Alexander Campbell of 
the Sixty-second regiment, who made his way safely through 
the American lines and delivered his dispatch to Clinton 
at Fort Montgomery on the 5th of October, the day upon 
which the dispatch of the 23d reached its destination. 
Campbell set out immediately on his return, and eluding 
the vigilance of the Americans reached Burgoyne*s camp 
on the night of the i6th, after the terms of the surrender 
had been agreed upon, but before the articles had been 
signed. It was the cheering news which he bore of Clinton’s 
advance up the Hudson, which for a moment rekindled 
Burgoyne s waning hope and caused him to reconsider the 
terms of surrender which he had agreed upon. Captain 
Campbell was one of the officers who surrendered, and 
after much service, and passing the intervening grades of 
rank, became a general in the British army January i, 18 1 2. 

The Campaigns of Canleton and Burgoyne. 37 

back to Fort Edward and there await the expected 
aid from the south, but Burgoyne hesitated. His 
position was daily becoming more critical. An officer 
whom Gates had allowed to return to his camp, 
brought news of an attack by the Americans in his 
rear upon Ticonderoga, an attack, which though un- 
successful, had resulted in the capture of a portion of 
the P'ifty-third regiment with one of his brigs and 
a bateau : indeed, he realized that he was being 
cut off from his base of operations. The wolves, 
attracted by the bodies of the slain exposed by 
partial burial, made night hideous by continual bowl- 
ings, which added to the alarms pervading his camp 
day and night on account of threatened or attempted 
attacks, destroyed all repose, the loss of which 
told upon the strength and spirits of his men. He 
now resolved to make a reconnoissance in force, and 
if he found the Americans too strong, to fall back 
as advised. On the 7th of October, selecting fif- 
teen hundred men, with Riedesel, Phillips and Fra- 
ser, himself assuminp- command, he formed this force 
in line of battle in a field within three-quarters of a 
mile of the American left wing, intending to test the 
possibility of forcing a passage, and if he found this 
to be impracticable, he deemed it probable that 
his enemy by a vigorous attack could be dislodged, 
which would greatly favor his retreat. But the 
Americans were awaiting this movement of their 
foes with anxious impatience, and Gates was soon 
made aware of the movement in front, by the drum- 

38 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

beat to arms, which was caught up and repeated until 
it reached him at his head-quarters in the rear. Wil- 
kinson, his dashing adjutant, then but a mere youth, 
was at once dispatched to learn the cause of the 
alarm, and soon returned, reporting the nature of the 
movement and advising an attack. To this advice 
Gates replied: “Well, then, order on Morgan to 
begin the game.”*’ Making a detour through the 
wood, Morgan attained a ridge above Fraser — who 
with five hundred men was posted so as to be able 
to attack the American left — from whence he fell 
upon him with terrible fury, while simultaneously an 
attack was made by General Poor on the British left, 
and Learned held the center composed of Germans 
in check. So impetuous was the onslaught of Mor- 
gan, that Fraser’s command, composed of the flower 
of the army, gave way, though Fraser himself was 
ubiquitous, inspiring his men at every point by word 
and example. Morgan then, with his usual celerity 
of movement, fell upon the flank of the British right, 
causing it to waver, when Dearborn^ with his New 

” Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 268. 

** Henry Dearborn was born at Hampton, New Hampshire, 
March, He was one of the first to receive a captain’s 

commission in the continental army, and participated in the 
battle of Bunker Hill in June, 1775 * When the expedition 
for the invasion of Canada was organized, he was one of the 
foremost to take part in it, and in the assault on Quebec was 
made prisoner, but in May, 1776, was liberated by the 
magnanimous Carleton. He was immediately after his 
liberation promoted to a majority, and subsequently to a 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 39 

England troops, fell upon the front with such effect 
as to shatter it to fragments. The Americans now 
attacked the center with all their force, and for 
awhile the Germans sustained the brunt of the bat- 
tle unmoved. Arnold, although deprived of his 
command by Gates, was a controlling spirit in the 
conflict and fought on his own account, appearing 
everywhere at the proper moment to turn the tide 
in favor of the Americans. Seizing at this moment 
the command of two brigades, he led them to the 
assault, and although the Germans stood firm for 
a while, in the end he succeeded in completely rout- 
ing them. Fraser, who had been the most conspicu- 
ous figure in the conflict, had fallen mortally wounded 

lieutenant-colonelcy in Scammel’s regiment, succeeding 
that officer in command at his death. He took a prominent 
part in the battles of Saratoga and Monmouth, and wit- 
nessed the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. After the 
war he removed to the district of Maine, and in 1789, was 
appointed by President Washington marshal of the dis- 
trict. He served two terms in Congress and was secretary 
of war under President Jefferson in 1801, which office he 
retained for eight years, when he received the appointment 
of collector of customs at the port of Boston. Wh^n the 
War of 1812 with Great Britain broke out, he was created 
senior major-general, and at once entered active service, 
capturing York in Upper Canada, and Fort George at the 
mouth of the Niagara. Subsequently he was in command 
of the military district of New York. At the close of the 
war, he resigned his commission and was appointed minis- 
ter to Portugal, which office he retained for two years when 
he resigned. On the 6th of June, 1829, he died at Rox- 
bury, Masssachusetts. 

40 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 

by one of Morgan's sharpshooters, and Burgoyne 
had taken his place, exposing Jiimself recklessly to 
the fire of the American riflemen. He seemed to 
see the shadow of coming disaster, and paid little 
heed to the urgent appeals of his officei:s not to 
expose himself unnecessarily. Thus the fight con- 
tinued, until seeing his troops everywhere giving way, 
Burgoyne ordered a retreat, and the British fell back 
within their lines abandoning their artillery. Although 
Arnold as before stated was without a command, 
he placed himself at the head of a body of Ameri- 
cans, and under a consuming fire assaulted the works 
of the enemy from right to left. With the fury of 
a madman he attacked the great redoubt, and driv- 

During the battle Fraser was everywhere, inspiring the 
troops by word and example. He rode a gray horse and 
was a conspicuous object. Arnold had noticed him from 
time to time, and knowing how important a factor he was 
in the conflict, he approached Morgan and said: That offi- 

cer upon a gray horse is of himself a hosty and must be dis- 
posed of. Direct the attention of some of the sharpshooters 
among y our riflemen to himl' Morgan immediately selected 
several of his best riflemen, among whom was Timothy 
Murphy, a famous shot, and called their attention to the 
heroic rider of the gray charger, saying; That gallant 
officer IS General Fraser. I admire and respect himy but it is 
necessary that he should die ; take your stations in that wood 
and do your dutyi" In a moment a bullet severed the crup- 
per of the general’s horse, and then another cut through his 
horse’s mane. Strf said his aid, ‘‘ It is evident that you 
are marked out for particular aim ; would it not be prudent 
for you to retire from this place ? ” ‘‘ My duty forbids me to 
fly from danger replied Fraser, and immediately fell, 
drooping upon his horse’s neck, mortally wounded. The 
deadly bullet of Tim Murphy had done its cruel work. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 41 

ing the infantry of Balcarres from an abattis within, 
he dashed to the left, regardless of the fiery storm 
which swept his path, and taking the lead of 
Learned’s brigade attacked the Germans on their 
right flank, killing General Breymann and taking the 
key of the British position. As the Germans 
retreated they fired a parting volley, killing his horse 
and wounding him severely in the leg. With the 
approach of darkness the conflict came to an end, 
and with it Burgoyne’s last hope of success. The 
next morning Fraser, who was the idol of his brother 
officers as well as of all grades of the army even to 
the camp followers, died, and Burgoyne who was 
deeply affected by his loss, remained within his lines 
during the day. At sunset, in accordance with his 
friend’s request, Burgoyne buried him with the most 
impressive solemnity on a hill within the great 
redoubt. A retreat was immediately ordered, and 
at nine o’clock the British stole away in the dark- 
ness, drenched to the skin by one of those cold, 
driving storms so common to the autumnal season 
in this latitude. His wounded and sick he left 
behind, confiding them to the tender mercy of his 
enemy. Through the darkness and the storm, the 
beaten but brave army pursued its weary march 
northward, Burgoyne intending to push it across the 
Hudson, so as to resume communication at Batten- 
kill with Lake George and Canada. Two hours 
before daybreak, the almost exhausted troops reached 
Dovegat, where Burgoyne called a halt against the 

42 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

advice of his officers, who urged him to press on. 
By this halt he lost valuable time, as the heights of 
Saratoga which commanded the Fish creek ford was 
only occupied by a smalbforce of Americans, and he 
might have reached the place and crossed the Hud- 
son without serious opposition. As it was however, 
Wilkinson says that when ''the front of Burgoyne's 
army reached Saratoga the rear of our militia was 
ascending the opposite bank of Hudson's river, 
where they took post and prevented its passage." 3* 
After a two hours' halt, Burgoyne moved his army 
from Dovegat across Fish creek where it encamped 
on the opposite bank, while he remained on the south 
side, taking possession of General Schuyler's mansion, 
in which he passed the night. Xhe next morning 

^ Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 282. 

^ Every writer upon this subject hitherto, has charged 
Burgoyne with spending this night in revelry, and even his 
biographer, Fonblanque, who would present him to us in 
favorable light, fails to examine critically the evidence upon 
which this charge rests, and leaves us with the unpleasant 
impression of Burgoyne’s criminal frivolity still upon our 
minds. The original evidence of this charge appears to be 
a statement made by Madame Riedesel, a lady who held 
Burgoyne in condemnation, but whom we must allow to 
have been above doing an intentional injustice even to one 
whom she condemned. The halt had been called and Bur- 
goyne had taken possession of Schuyler's deserted house, 
when General Phillips informed Madame Riedesel some- 
what sarcastically, that Burgoyne intended to spend the 
night there and give them a supper, and she continues, 
" In this latter achievement, especially. General Burgoyne 
was very fond of indulging. He spent half of the nights in 

The Ccimpai^ns of CuTloton emd Buy^oync. 43 

Burgoync beesme &warc thEt the Americans were in 
possession of the heights on the opposite side of the 
river, and finding it impossible to cross in the face of 

singing and drinking and amusing himself with the wife of 
a commissary, who was his mistress, and who, as well as he, 
loved champagne.” By this passage, if carefully read, it 
does not appear that Madame Riedesel alludes to this par- 
ticular night when they were all in such a distressing situa- 
tion, but in a general way to numerous nights, and as she 
was not prepossessed in favor of Burgoyne, she probably 
made her statement as explicit as an adherence to truth 
would permit her to make it. In “ The German Auxiliaries 
in America,” we find the account as follows : “ While the 
army were suffering from cold and hunger, and every one 
was looking forward to the immediate future with appre- 
hension, Schuyler’s house was illuminated, and rang with 
singing, laughter, and the jingling of glasses. There Bur- 
goyne was sitting, with some merry companions, at a dainty 
supper, while the champagne was flowing. Near him sat 
the beautiful wife of an English commissary, his mistress. 
Great as the calamity was, the frivolous general still kept up 
his orgies. Some were of the opinion that he had made 
that inexcusable stand merely for the sake of passing a 
merry night.” Writers upon this subject have adopted this 
account, inferring that it is original, when it is only Madame 
Riedesel’s dressed up by a reckless writer. Given Bur- 
goyne’s fondness for a merry supper and the commissary’s 
wife, with Phillips’ sarcastic remark relative to the halt, 
which he disapproved of, and we have all the elements of 
this improbable if not impossible story. That a man situ- 
ated as Burgoyne then was, would halt his exhausted and 
half-famished army, and that too in a position which im- 
periled its very existence, as well as his own, for the express 
purpose of having a dainty supper and an hour’s dalliance 
with his mistress, is too much to believe without the most 
explicit statements of a truthful eye-witness, and for the 
sake of humanity we are glad that no such evidence exists. 
This however is by no means a singular instance of a fiction 
growing out of the careless reading of a truthful statement. 

44 'The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

such a force, took post on the ground he had occupied 
on the 13th of September, on the heights of Saratoga. 
He now resolved to continue his retreat up the west 
bank of the Hudson, and sent forward a force to 
clear his way to Fort Edward ; but to his dismay, 
his men came hastily back with the news that it was 
garrisoned by the Americans. Gates, who had 
waited for the storm to cease, advanced on the 
loth, and late in the afternoon encamped south of 
Fish creek. 

Being misled by the departure of Burgoyne’s expe- 
dition to clear a way to Fort Edward into the 
belief that his army was retreating, he ordered an 
attack to be made early in the morning on what he 
supposed to be a guard left to protect the baggage, 
and returned to his head-quarters a mile and a half 
in the rear. Burgoyne becoming aware of this, pre- 
pared a trap which would have resulted disastrously 
to the Americans had it not been opportunely dis- 
covered, greatly to his chagrin, for he afterwards de- 
nominated it “ One of the most adverse strokes of for- 
tune during the campaign.’’^^ And where was Clinton? 

Wilkinson gives a graphic account of this movement. 
He says Gates had the night before given the following 
order ; “ ‘ The army will advance at reveille to-morrow morn- 
ing, Morgan's corps to keep the heights on the left, and the 
main body to march on the great road near the river.' I 
could not approve of this movement, and the general 
required my objections. I was of opinion ‘ that he would 
commit himself to the enemy in their strong position.’ He 
replied ‘ that they were already on the retreat, and would 
be miles ahead of us before morning.’ I answered, ‘ that he 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 45 

He had started on his expedition up the Hudson 
most grandly; had attacked and taken Forts Mont- 
gomery and Clinton, 35 and having removed obstruc 

had no assurance of this, and that I had just left their 
guards on post ; ' and went on to observe, ‘ that, with sub- 
mission, I conceived we ought to reconnoiter before the 
army marched ; because, should we, contrary to his calcula- 
tion, explore our way through a dense fog, and fall in with 
the enemy posted behind their intrenchments, the conse- 
quences might be destructive.* These observations ap- 
peared to have weight with the general, and he ordered me 
to rise early to attend to the movement, and report to him ; 
but he would not give up the opinion that the enemy had 
retreated, and observed, ‘ it was natural that they should 
sacrifice guards to conceal their movements.* ** Wilkinson was 
up, and riding to the front, found Morgan already on the move, 
and that he had been fired upon by a picket. He hastened 
to Gates, and was instructed to order Patterson and Learned 
to support Morgan. Just then he says, the order came 
from Gates : “ ‘ That the troops must immediately cross the 
creek, or return to their camp.* I felt the critical import- 
ance of the movement we were making in the dark, for the 
fog still continued ; I feared the consequences, trembled for 
my general, and was vexed at his absence. In this tumult 
of the passions, I returned an hasty answer: ‘Tell the gen- 
eral that his own fame and the interests of the cause are at 
hazard ; that his presence is necessary with the troops.* ** 
They had reached the creek, when he continues : “ Our horses 
had halted to drink, and, in leaning down on the neck of 
my own, I cast my eyes up to the opposite bank, and 
through the fog discerned a party of men in motion.** This 
led to the discovery that the British army was awaiting them 
with its artillery ready to pour destruction into their ranks. 
The discovery was however made in time to prevent the 
advancing troops from being caught in the dangerous trap 
which the British general had set fof them. Vide Memoirs 
of My Own Times, vol. i, pp. 285-289. 

^ Forts Clinton and Montgomery were placed on contigu- 
ous heights, the former one hundred and eighty feet above 

46 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

tions, had apparently opened a path to Albany ; but 
after burning Kingston and sacking a few of the 
stately mansions near the river, he quietly returned to 
New York leaving Burgoyne to his fate. The position 
of that general was now desperate, his army being 
constantly under fire on its flanks, in front and rear. 
He was even cut off from a supply of water although 
so near the river, as the sharpshooters prevented 
his soldiers from getting any by day or night. A 
council was now called and five propositions laid 
before it. General Riedesel advised the adoption of 
the fourth, which was to leave the artillery and bag- 
gage, and following the west side of the Hudson, to 
cross the river four miles above Fort Edward,then gar- 
risoned by the Americans, and to continue the retreat 
to Ticonderoga leaving Lake George to the right. 
Burgoyne adopted the proposal of Riedesel, which 
was a wise one had the way then been open, and he 
had every thing made ready for the march, when 
he learned by scouts that the Americans were 
intrenched opposite the ford which he would have to 
cross, and that parties were posted along the shore 

the river, and were constructed in 1775-6. Fort Montgom- 
ery was large enough to accommodate eight hundred, and 
Clinton four hundred men, and both were built of stones and 
earth. Below them the river was obstructed by a strong 
boom and massive iron chain, the latter eighteen hundred 
feet in length, buoyed by spars and timber rafts. These 
obstructions were the result of a recommendation in a re- 
port of a commission to Congress, of which General Knox 
of Maine was one. 

S 46 The of CmrleioH B%rgD^ 

tif*n&. Kud ikpt>4rt'Htiy op^’wwi ^ 1® A)J.'*awy’ * but 

Aba fcuming Kt»g!<<on -*a« *;udtjn^' a l<iw of ihir 
• rat«U iiiaasior' r lb# rtver*he quietly r#U*n'«l 
Vork ik>*irtrt»yne t® bis fate. The }' o«fioo 

ni that grnefa! u w tksperate, his arwv W-Ag 
ecrustiin'-^y eftdi h* flanks, in fro^ * r^t. 

H" war' -vew «»»* a supply of wat S ''-‘v::h 

a® the sharpshooters - ? 

^ , fT.»r- *:.j- *iay •«• ’ ■*■ 

<5QtifVf‘3 tSv® •' 

“advised the 

to leave the aniUery ; '. 

^ •'~Wini^~4 *«uve t-«^t^ If - 
ife ^T*;*e?l4ans and to continue t ?• 

{»" - ;-iU ng Lake Georgfc to tis- 

If .: ;. < !.►»! the proposal of Riedesnj 

^as 2 5C 'nv the way then been open 
.«ipi| m:td<? ready for the mar* < 

;4 that the Amer*^ 

ha* j ford which he woul i 

posted along tt v- 

tht* Wytff* and * *5ff constructed in 177^ r, , 
e«vivi^h to accommodaU < 
i te' >n >uf hwndr^ men, and both wert 
C4Tth, Heiow them the river wa» ob^rv'.^i t 
buom and massive iron chain, the ktter erg 

r_ f * ^v. » - 1- 

r the 

fe#t ill length, buoytd by spara and timhuwr - 
olAtrtKiiuaa were the result of a recommenis^ ' ^ tr* 

port of a commtfiakm to Congress, of whrr.h 
^ Mahie was one. , ^ . 




i!U A .Tojw Ni*uy$T\ 






The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 47 

to watch his every movement. Worn out, without 
food or shelter, what could be done? A night of 
suffering and suspense fell upon the devoted army, 
and under the cover of the darkness, the Americans 
crossed the river and completely blocked the way 
before him. 

Seeing that all hope was gone, on the 13th, he 
again called a council of his generals, who unani- 
mously decided to at once open a treaty with 
General Gates for a surrender. Even while they 
deliberated, their tent was perforated with rifle 
balls, and an eighteen-pound shot swept across the 
table at which they were seated. On the 14th, 
Burgoyne sent Lieutenant-Colonel Kingston to 
the camp of Gates with a proposal for a “ cessation 
of arms ” pending negotiations for a surrender. This 
was acceded to, and on the 15th articles of “con- 
vention,” as Burgoyne desired to call them, were finally 
agreed to. These articles were to receive his sig- 
nature on the morning of the i6th, when news reached 
him of the taking of the forts on the Hudson by 
Clinton, and of the probability of his presence there 
at this time with his forces. He at once called a 
council of his officers to see if he could get their sup- 
port in breaking the agreement with Gates. They 
decided that he could not do so with honor. How- 
ever, he resorted to a pretext, and sent word to Gates 
that he could not sign the articles unless convinced 
that the American army outnumbered his own by at 
least three or four to one, as he had heard that he 

48 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

had sent a part of his army to Albany during the 
negotiations, which was contrary to good faith. 
This Gates denied and asserted on his honor that his 
army had not been divided in order to relieve Albany, 
and was even stronger than when negotiations were 
entered into. He moreover drew up his army in order 
of battle on the dawn of the 17th, and gave Bur- 
goyne to understand that he must sign the articles 
of convention or prepare for battle. His generals 
urging him, Burgoyne at nine o’clock on the 1 7th of 
October, finally placed his reluctant signature to the 
important paper, which placed his army as prisoners 
in the power of a lately despised foe. At eleven 
o’clock, the splendid army which had left Canada a 
few months before, now shattered and disheartened, 
laid down its arms and prepared for its sad march to 
Boston where it was to embark for England. Bur- 
goyne in full court dress upon which he had bestowed 
great care, was presented to Gates, who was dressed 
in a plain blue overcoat, and after the introduction, 
the captive generals proceeded to the head-quarters 
of Gates, where they were received by the American 
generals with proper courtesy. Riedesel immediately 
sent for his brave and lovely wife, his constant com- 
panion in so many trying scenes, who came at once 
with their children and was taken charge of by General 
Schuyler, who arranged every thing possible for the 
comfort of herself and helpless charge. The English 
and German generals dined in the tent of Gates ; 
compliments were passed and healths drunken in 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Bungoyne. 49 

strange contrast to the scenes of a short time before. 
As the dinner ended, the captive army began its 
march to Boston, while Burgoyne in the presence of 
the two armies drew his sword and presented it to 
Gates, who receiving it with a courteous salute, 
returned it immediately to his vanquished foe, who 
thus closed the third act in his picturesque but tragic 

But another act must be added, and one fraught 
with momentous interest to Burgoyne. By the 
articles of convention which he had just signed, he 
and his troops were to embark at Boston on trans- 
ports to be sent there by his government. This was 
a convenient port for the captive army to reach, and 
it probably did not occur to either Burgoyne or Gates 
that it could be other than a convenient one for 
embarkation. Had Burgoyne objected to it. Gates 
would probably have yielded to his views, as he had 
become alarmed at the information which had reached 
him of Clinton’s progress up the Hudson, and desired 
to bring the negotiations to a speedy conclusion. 
We shall see that in selecting Boston as his port 
of embarkation, Burgoyne was mosd unfortunate. 
After a tedious march, his troops divided into two 
columns under guard of a force of Americans reached 
Boston on November the sixth, where they were quar- 
tered in barracks ; the Germans on Winter, and the 

“ Vide Journal of Occurrences during the Late American 
War, etc. (Lamb), Dublin, 1809, p. 167; A State of the 
Expedition, etc., Appendix XV. 


50 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

British on Prospect Hill, while quarters were provided 
for the officers in Cambridge and adjoining towns. 
Wilkinson was dispatched by Gates to convey the 
good news of the surrender and the articles of con- 
vention to Congress, but was delayed on the way by 
illness, and the news arrived some time before he was 
able to present them in person.^^ He found that copies 
of the articles had already preceded him, and that a 
variety of opinions prevailed respecting them. Gates 
being openly blamed for the too liberal concessions 
which had been granted to a foe, who it was claimed, 
was wholly in his power ; indeed, Wilkinson found it 
necessary to defend the action of his chief, by show- 
ing that he had been obliged to concede many points 
under the pressure of Clinton's advance, which at the 
time was threatening. Washington had received 
news of the surrender, but not from Gates, who only 
mentioned it to him incidentally in a letter more than 
two weeks after the fact,^® and he at once saw that if 

^Vide A State of the Expedition, Appendix XV, XVII. 

^ Lord Mahon remarking upon this inexcusable slight of 
Washington says, that he evinced his usual magnanimity. 
He felt, he could but feel, the slights put upon him at 
this period, both by his superiors and by his subordinate, 
by the Congress and by General Gates. But he allowed no 
word of unworthy complaint to fall from him.” His letter 
to Gates was characteristic. He congratulated him in 
frank and generous terms, but in closing alluded to the un- 
worthy act of his subordinate in the following manly words : 
“At the same time, I cannot but regret that a matter of 
such magnitude, and so interesting to our general operations, 
should have reached me by report only, or through the chan- 
nel of letters not bearing that authenticity which the im- 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 51 

the captive troops were enabled to embark so as to 
reach England during the winter, nothing in the 
convention would prevent the British government 
from assigning them to garrison duty, thereby reliev- 
ing a corresponding number of troops, who might join 
in the spring campaign against the colonies. He 
promptly called attention to this fact, and in reply to 
Heath’s urgent request to facilitate their removal 
as soon as possible,^^ on account of the great 

portance of it required, and which it would have received 
by a line under your signature stating the simple fact/' 
And subsequently to a friend he wrote : ‘‘ It is to be hoped 
that all will yet end well. If the cause is advanced, it is 
indifferent to me where or in what quarter it happens." 
Shortly after, LaFayette wrote him alluding to the effort 
which Gates was making to supplant him. When I was in 
Europe,! thought that here almost every man was a lover of 
liberty. You can conceive my astonishment when I saw 
that Toryism was as apparently professed as Whigism itself. 
There are open dissensions in Congress ; parties who hate 
one another as much as the common enemy; men who, 
without knowing any thing about war, undertake to judge 
you and to make ridiculous comparisons. They are infatu- 
ated with Gates, without thinking of the difference of cir- 
cumstances, and believe that attacking is the only thing 
necessary to conquer." Fortunately for the cause, the ani- 
mus of Washington's enemies became apparent and their 
schemes came to nought. Vide History of England by Lord 
Mahon, London, 1858, vol. 6, p. 193; Sparks' Life of Wash- 
ington, vol. 5, p. 124 et seq.; Letter to Patrick Henry, ibtd,^ 
p. 147 ; Marquis de LaFayette, to Washington, Dec. 30, 1777. 

^ Washington’s exact words are as follows : ‘‘As you have 
wrote to Congress respecting the difficulty of supplying the 
prisoners of General Burgoyne's army with quarters, fuel 
and provisions, I imagine they will give proper directions in 
the matter. I do not think it to our interest to expedite 

52 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

burden which they would be to the distressed inhab- 
itants of Boston, he reminded him that it would be 
impolitic to hasten their departure, going so far 
indeed as to advise that they should not be furnished 
with, nor allowed to purchase provisions in the 
country for their voyage home. He also suggested 
that Burgoyne would probably apply to have the 
place of embarkation changed to a port farther south, 
as the transports would hardly be able to make the 
port of Boston so late in the season, but this, he 
said, could not be asked as a matter of right, since 

the passage of the prisoners to England ; for you may de- 
pend upon it that they will, immediately upon their arrival 
there, throw them into different garrisons, and bring out an 
equal number. Now, if they sail in December, they may 
arrive time enough to take the places of others who may be 
out in May, which is as early as a campaign can be well en- 
tered upon. I look upon it that their principal difficulty 
will arise from the want of provisions for the voyage ; and, 
therefore, although I would supply them with every article 
agreeable to stipulation, I would not furnish an ounce for sea 
store, nor suffer it to be purchased in the country.'’ In con- 
sidering this last clause in Washington's letter, one should 
bear in mind the great scarcity of provisions then prevail- 
ing in the country ; indeed, the question of the subsistence 
of his own troops was one which caused him constant anx- 
iety. In this same letter he says: ‘‘The present state of 
the commissary's department gives me great uneasiness," and 
somewhat later, “ the state of the commissary's department 
has given me more concern of late than any thing else. 
Unless matters in that line are speedily taken up and put in 
a better train, the most alarming consequences are to be ap- 
prehended." Moreover, it was but proper that provisions 
for the sea voyage should be furnished from the magazines 
of General Howe. Vide Washington's Letters to Heath, 
Part I, pp. 77-79. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 53 

Boston was the only port agreed upon, and should not 
be granted as a favor, since it would prove of dis- 
advantage to the American cause. ■*° This view of the 
case was also communicated to Congress, and served 
as the key-note to all its subsequent action in the 

Application was made to change the place of 
embarkation to Newport, but permission was not 

Occasions soon arose to complicate affairs. It 
had been stipulated that subsistence should be sup- 
plied to Burgoyne’s men at the same cost as to 
the American troops in the vicinity. One dollar 
in specie was at this time equivalent to about 
three dollars in continental currency, yet Congress 
gave orders that General Heath should demand 
payment in specie. This would have been well 
enough if the price had been estimated at the 
specie value, but naturally, values were adjusted 
to the currency of the country. The question 
was too simple it would seem for discussion, 
since it depended wholly upon a fact, namely, 
whether prices were calculated at the currency value 
or not ; and yet Burgoyne whose expenses were 
$20,000 a week, was asked to pay for his supplies a 
sum in gold, which changed into the currency of 
the country would purchase nearly three times the 
quantity which he received. This was certainly un- 

^Vide Sparks’ Life of Washington, vol. 5, pp. 144, 147- 






54 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

fair, and cannot be adjusted to any system of ethics 
with which we are conversant. It is but just how- 
ever to Washington to say, that he protested 
against this exaction, which he said would “ destroy 
the idea of a cartel. ”■*' Another question was raised 
which was reasonable and sufficient. Burgoyne was 
in arrears for his supplies, since it was no easy mat- 
ter at this time to get remittances from England, 
and he was given to understand that he would not 
be permitted to embark until all indebtedness was 
canceled, “ by an actual deposit of the money.”'*’ All 
these obstructions to his plans caused him anxiety 
and awakened indignation which he did not hesitate 
to express. Various annoyances arose. Descrip- 
tive lists of his officers and men were demanded, 
that a proper record might be made for future use, 
a demand which he denominated an insult to his 
nation, but finally acceded to. An inquiry was also 
instituted relative to the colors of the regiments, 
the military chest, etc., which were not found in 
the return by General Gates of property delivered 
him by Burgoyne in accordance with the articles of 
convention. This was a proper inquiry, and it 
was resolved fairly enough, that the embarkation 
was not to be delayed on account of it. The 
inquiry was directed to Gates, who replied that the 
custom during the last war had been for the mili- 

*‘^Vide Sparks’ Life of Washington, vol. 5, p. 307. 

*^Vide Washington’s Letter to Congress, Dec. 14, 1777, in 
Sparks’ Life, vol. 5, p. 187. 

The Campaigns of Cavleton and Buvgoyne. 55 

tary chest to be kept in some secure town by 
the paymaster-general, upon whom warrants were 
granted, and that “ from the best accounts, the enemy’s 
army had been lately cleared off ; so that it is not prob- 
able there was any military chest.” With respect 
to the colors, he affirmed that General Burgoyne 
declared upon his honor, that his regimental colors 
were left in Canada. These last inquiries arose from 
“ suspicions that the convention had not been strictly 
complied with on the part of General Burgoyne, 
agreeable to its true spirit, and the intention of the 
contracting parties.” « We shall see that these sus- 
picions had a basis in fact. Indeed, General Wilkin- 
son intimates that Gates was cognizant of this in 
spite of his reply to Congress, as he wished to 
shield himself from blame as far as possible, on 
account of his loose dealing in the matter.'” Madame 
Riedesel states in her journal, that the colors of the 
German regiments were secreted in her bed, and 
were afterward sent in the mattress of an officer to 
Halifax where her husband subsequently found 
them.” Of the English colors, it is not to be 
supposed that they were left in Canada. The 
colors of the Sixty-second regiment were on the 
field on the 19th of September,'*® and we have an 

Journals of Congress, Jan. 8, 1778, p. 42. 

**Vtde Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 303 ef seq. 

Vide 'Letters and Journals of Madame Riedesel, Albany, 
1869 (Stone), p. 143 et seq. 

*^Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 304. 

56 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

interesting account of the colors of the Ninth, 
which were concealed in the baggage of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Hill, and were by him presented to 
the king upon his return home/^ How Burgoyne 
could have stated that they were left in Canada is 
inexplicable. Had this concealment of the colors 
been known at the time, it would have afforded 
good ground for Congress to declare the convention 
broken ; as it was, it had no proof whatever of the 
matter, and it was doubtless believed that they had 
been burnt by those having them in custody, that 
they might not become trophies to the enemy ; 
hence, the matter of these inquiries relative to 
the concealment of property, which rightfully should 
have been delivered to Gates at the surrender, 
afforded no ground whatever for Congress to 
detain the convention prisoners. Doubtless an 
impression prevailed in this season of exaggerated 
sentiment, when suspicion, jealousy and prejudice 
necessarily held sway, that if the convention pris- 
oners were allowed to return to England, they 
would break their paroles and re-enter the service 
against the colonies, an impression which was unrea- 
sonable and unworthy of indulgence. We know, 
that even Congress did not hesitate to openly charge 
“ former frauds in the conduct of our enemies,” which 
caused Burgoyne to declare his “ consternation in 
finding the British honor in treaties impeached.” 

*'Vide Historical Record of the Ninth Foot (Cannon), 
p. 32 et seq. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 57 

Every utterance of the British general was carefully 
scanned, and a letter which he wrote to General 
Gates served to strengthen the impression spoken 
of. In this letter, dated November 14th, complaining 
of the quarters which had been assigned to his troops 
and which were undoubtedly quite unfit for them, he 
used these words : While I state to you, sir, this 

very unexpected treatment, I entirely acquit M. Gen. 
Heath and every gentleman of the military depart- 
ment of any inattention to the publick faith engaged in 
the convention. They do what they can, but while the 
supreme powers of the State are unable or unwilling to 
enforce their authority, and the inhabitants want the 
hospitality or indeed the common civilization to assist 
us without it, the publick faith is broke and we are 
the immediate sufferers.”^® These words, the publick 

Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne and the Conven- 
tion of Saratoga, p. 35» by Charles Deane, LL. D., Worces- 
ter, 1878, to which the reader is referred for an able state- 
ment of the subject. The connection of Gates with the 
efforts being made to evade the obligations of the conven- 
tion has not heretofore been especially noticed. While his 
position, being a party to the compact, rendered it proper 
that he should at least remain neutral, we find that he was 
active in suggesting pretexts for an evasion of that compact. 
A letter of his to General Washington under date of No- 
vember 23d, has been published, in which he says: If Gen- 

eral Burgoyne has any sinister design, what I suggested to 
Congress in my letter of the loth instant, a copy of which 
I conclude your excellency has received, will be a good 
method of delaying, if not final preventing, the execution 
of his project.*' The letter of the loth of November here 
alluded to, though often sought for without success, was re- 
cently placed in my hands by the kindness of Mr. A. R. 


58 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 

faith isbrokeP were immediately caught up as a notice 
from Burgoyne that he considered the terms of the 
convention broken, and although he denied any such 
intention, and even offered to re-affirm them by the 
signatures of his officers if desired so to do, he was not 
listened to, but Congress resolved that these words 
indicated his intention and afforded just grounds of 
fear,*' that he would ‘‘avail himself of such pretended 
breach of the convention, in order to disengage him- 
self and the army under him of the obligations they 
are under to these United States; and that the 
security which these States have had in his personal 
honor is hereby destroyed,'' and they further resolved 
to suspend the embarkation “ till a distinct and 
explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga 
. shall be properly notified by the Court of Great 
Britain."^^ This requirement. Congress must have 

Spofford, the librarian of Congress, and by it we see what 
General Gates considered “ a good method of delaying, “ if 
not final preventing the fulfillment of the terms of the con- 
vention. He says “ It has occurred to me, that should Sir 
William Howe still Obstinately refuse to settle an equitable 
Cartel, for the Exchange of Prisoners, that Congress would 
be Justified, in Ordering the fulfiling the Convention of Sar- 
atoga to be delayed, until the United States received Justice 
in that particular. At any rate, there will be very few of 
Genl. Burgoyne's soldiers to Embark, as most of the Ger- 
mans, and a great many of the British, have deserted upon 
their march towards Boston, and numbers more will yet 
Desert.'' This letter was directed to the president of Con- 
gress, and the original is in the State department at Wash- 

Vide Journal of Congress, Jan. 8, 1777, p. 43. 

The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne, 59 

known the British government could not comply 
with. For it to have ratified the convention formally 
would have been to recognize the colonies as bel- 
ligerents, which was tantamount to a recognition of 
their independence ; yet Sir Henry Clinton went so 
far as to offer by authority of the crown, a renewal 
of all the obligations of the convention, an offer 
which was not accepted. It had evidently been 
determined to detain the captured army as prisoners 
of war. The severe strain to which Burgoyne had 
been subjected had seriously impaired his health, and 
he obtained leave to return to England on parole, 
agreeing to return whenever Congress demanded it. 
He took passage home on the Grampus sloop of war 
from Newport, Rhode Island, on April 20th, 1778, 
and landed at Portsmouth, England, on May 13th. 
Before leaving, he paid in specie a large sum for sup- 
plies to his troops on their march from Saratoga which 
General Glover had advanced in Continental cur- 

®® John Glover was born in Salem November 5, 1732. 
While a young man, he with three brothers removed to 
Marblehead, where for a while he practiced his trade of 
shoemaking ; but being ambitious to advance his fortunes, 
he embarked in mercantile business and became one of the 
leading merchants of the province. He was early in life 
interested in military affairs, and in 1759, was ensign in 
Captain Reads company of militia; in 1762, a lieutenant in 
Captain Orne's company, and in 1773, a captain in Colonel 
Fowle’s regiment. At the beginning of the war he was made 
colonel of a regiment called Glover's Marblehead regiment, 
the uniform of which consisted of a blue jacket and trousers 
adorned with leather buttons. On the 22d of June, I775,he 
was ordered with his regiment to Cambridge. On the ist 

6o The Campaigns of Car let on and Burgoyne, 

rency, and in order to avoid the unfair exactions 
imposed upon him, of paying in specie for supplies to 
the troops left behind, he arranged to repay in kind 
for supplies advanced to them by the American 
commander. Provisions were to be shipped from the 
British commissary department on transports, which 
were to be allowed to enter Boston and depart from 
it unmolested. A large sum was left in pledge for the 
performance of this contract, and the provisions were 
regularly shipped for the maintenance of the troops; 
but advantage was taken here, and great expense 
was incurred in handling and storing the supplies 
after their arrival, payment for which was demanded 

of January, 1776, Glover’s regiment was reorganized as the 
Fourteenth Continental regiment, and on the 9th of August, 
joined Sullivan’s brigade at New* York. After the battle 
of Long Island, Glover’s regiment of sailors and fisher- 
men, succeeded by their skill in transporting the army 
in vessels and boats safely across the river. “ This 
extraordinary retreat,” says Washington Irving, “which, in 
silence and celerity, equaled the midnight fortifying of 
Bunker’s Hill, was one of the most signal achievements of 
the war, and redounded greatly to the reputation of Wash- 
ington. It may be truly said, that by Glover’s efforts the 
army was saved from destruction. On the 23d of February, 
1777, Glover was created a brigadier-general, and in the 
succeeding summer sailed with his brigade to reinforce 
Schuyler at Saratoga. In the arduous service which fol- 
lowed, Glover’s brigade was one of the most efficient, and 
suffered severe loss. At the battle of October 7th, Glover 
had three horses shot under him. His brigade formed part 
of Washington’s arm)^ at Valley Forge, and in June, 1778, 
Glover assumed command of Fort Arnold near West Point. 
From this time he was in active service until July, 1782, 
when owing to failing health, the result of exposure and 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 6i 

in specie, although General Heath®' paid the expense 
in currency, of which at this time it took about four 
dollars to equal the value of one dollar in gold. 
General Heath called the attention of Congress to 
this unfair exaction, but it was promptly resolved to 
continue it ; so that after all, not much was saved 
by the British government in this attempt to victual 
the convention prisoners. This condition of affairs, 
however, could not continue indefinitely, and find- 
ing that there was no prospect that the American 

hardship, he retired on half pay. His death took place 
January 30, 1797. Vide Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolu- 
tion, New York, 1855, vol. II, pp. 34, 606, 609, 128, et passim. 
History and Traditions of Marblehead, Boston, 1880, pp. 
117, seq., 140-153, 157, et passim. 

'’^William Heath was born in 1737, in Roxbury, Massa- 
chusetts, where his ancestors had settled in 1636. He says of 
himself that he was “ of the fifth generation of the family 
who have inherited the same real estate (taken up in a state 
of nature), not large, but fertile and pleasantly situated.” 
From youth he says that he procured and studied atten- 
tively “every military treatise in the English language 
which was attainable.” In 1770, he was captain of an 
artillery company, and was a writer under the nom de plume 
of “ A Military Countryman ” for the Boston Gazette. In 
these articles he advocated the study of arms, and in one of 
them used these extraordinary words : “ It is more than 
probable that the salvation of this country, under heaven, 
will sooner or later depend upon a well-regulated militia.” 
Having been commissioned a captain in the Suffolk regi- 
ment, and subsequently superseded by Hutchinson, he was 
chosen in I774> captain of the first company of Roxbury, 
and the same year colonel of the Suffolk regiment. He was 
a delegate to the Provincial Congresses of 1774 and 1775. 
In June of the latter year he was made a provincial major-, 
general, and in the August following, the Continental Con- 


62 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

Congress would allow the convention prisoners 
to return to England, General Clinton gave notice 
that he should cease supplying them with subsist- 
ence, and that they would have to be provided for as 
were other prisoners of war. It now being feared 
that a rescue might be attempted, they were, in No- 
vember, 1778, a year after their capture, compelled to 
take up their weary march for Virginia. There, as we 
know, they remained until the close of the war. 
Whether the American government, or rather the 
American Congress, for this was all the government 

gress conferred upon him the same rank. He was the only 
general ofhcer at the famous battle of Lexington, and 
organized and directed the hardy farmers, who on that occa- 
sion put the British regulars to flight. Heath commanded 
a division during the siege of Boston, and was at the head 
of the eastern department in 1777, and subsequently was 
assigned to a post on the Hudson. He returned to his farm 
at the close of the war, and was a delegate to the conven- 
tion which adopted the Federal Constitution in 1788 ; was a 
State senator in 1791-92, and judge of probate for Norfolk 
county from 1793 until his death, January 24, 1814. Eight 
years previous to this date he had been chosen lieutenant- 
governor of his native State, an honor which he declined. He 
was a great friend of Washington for whom he possessed a 
remarkable admiration. When Washington parted with 
him, he gave him a letter testifying to his faithfulness, and 
this letter he valued beyond price. When Brissot de War- 
ville visited him at his farm in 1788, Heath said; “This 
letter is a jewel which, in my eyes, surpasses all the eagles 
and all the ribbons in the world.” Vide Memoirs of Wil- 
liam Heath, Boston, 1798. The Town of Roxbury, Rox- 
bury, 1878, pp. 387-390- New Travels in the United States 
of America, Dublin, 1792 (J. P. Brissot De Warville), p. 

1 17. Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. I, pp. loo, 
566. II, pp. 614 .PP 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 63 

that the United States then possessed, acted justly 
with regard to the convention, is left for those who are 
interested in the question to judge. We know from 
the history of similar assemblies composed of men 
of various degrees of moral dignity, and in some 
measure relieved from personal responsibility, that 
questions possessing elements of a political nature 
are not apt to receive the same careful treatment, 
which would be bestowed upon them by a judicial 
tribunal removed from popular influence and feel- 
ing the direct weight of moral responsibility; or 
indeed from an individual occupying a like position ; 
hence we ought not to be over surprised at the 
action of our first Congress^* in this matter of the 
Saratoga convention. That convention was entered 
into in good faith by the contracting parties, and 
should have been justly carried out in letter and 

“ In all great struggles in which imperfect men engage, 
there are those who ally themselves to the cause of 
right, and who acquit themselves valiantly, yet are domi- 
nated in all they undertake by selfishness. It was so 
in our great struggle for freedom, and it is painful to con- 
template the fact, that many of the men who donned the 
spotless armor of patriotism and won thereby the admira- 
tion of their fellows, were self-seekers in the worst sense of 
the term. Even Washington justly used the following terms 
in speaking of some of his contemporaries, who were appar- 
ently ardent supporters of the noble cause for which he and 
a few other pure patriots like himself were willing to sacri- 
fice their lives and all they held dear. Such a dearth of 
public [spirit] and want of virtue ; such stock-jobbing and 
fertility in all the low arts to obtain advantages of some 
kind or another in this great charge of military management, 
I never saw before, and pray God I may never be witness to 





64 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

spirit by the American Congress. It seems to have 
failed from considerations of policy so to act, just as 
any similarly composed body of men in any other 
• portion of the globe might at that time have failed 
to act, and while we may not excuse, we may per- 
haps in some measure mitigate our chagrin with this 
consideration, though we should have rejoiced had 
it taken higher ground than any other government 
in the world would have been likely to take at that 
period. Burgoyne sailed for home, feeling keenly the 
injustice which he deemed had been practiced upon 
him by the American government ; but if that gov- 
ernment treated him unjustly, his own subsequently 
treated him with still greater injustice. 

The disaster to Burgoyne’s army had not been 
unexpected in England. When the rumor of 
Howe’s erratic expedition against Philadelphia and 
apparent abandonment of the plan of co-operation 
with Burgoyne reached England, several weeks before 
the latter’s surrender, although the public mind was in 
a state of elation at his success at Ticonderoga, it 
was thrown into consternation, and predictions of 
defeat were in the air. Even Germaine admitted to 
one of his noble friends, that Howe had ruined his 
plans by not operating in conjunction with Bur- 
goyne, and the ministers hastened to send orders to 

again.” Letter of Washington to Joseph Reed, February 
10, 1776. Happily for the cause of human progress, there 
was after all enough of public spirit and virtue to overbal- 
ance the self-seeking and vicious spirit which prevailed, and 
the right triumphed, as it ever must triumph, in the long run. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 65 

the latter not to attempt to advance beyond Albany 
until he could bring about concerted action with 
Howe. So much apprehension respecting Bur- 
goyne’s position was felt in London, that a states- 
man of the day, in a letter to a friend as early as 
November 2d, said: “I believe it is also true 
that a very great man said within these few days, 
that he expected accounts of a general defeat very 
soon ,”53 and Chatham, two weeks before the news 
reached England, spoke of “ the sufferings, perhaps 
the total loss of the northern army.” Tidings of 
the disaster reached England on the 2d of Decem- 
ber, and on the next day Colonel Barre called upon 
Germaine, “ to declare upon his honour what was be- 
come of General Burgoyne and his troops. Lord 
North admitted, in reply, that very disastrous infor- 
mation had reached him from Canada. A fierce 
outburst against the ministry followed. Motions 
were made in both houses of Parliament for papers. 
They were, however, successfully resisted on the 
ground that no official information had been re- 
ceived, and the ministry succeeded in adjourning 
Parliament. Said Shelburne, “ talk to them about 
truth. Like Pilate they waived the question and 
adjourned the court.” Burgoyne’s dispatches an- 
nouncing his surrender reached the ministry on the 
1 2th, and excited the ridicule of his enemies by its 

“The Duke of Richmond to Lord Rockingham. 

“ Vide Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, London, 1876, 
vol. Ill, p. 10 et seq. 




I ' I 

66 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

sonorous character,®® although the passage most ridi- 
culed was strictly true. This was to the effect that 
he had “ dictated the terms of surrender,” The 
news of the disaster fired the popular spirit, and 
subscriptions were at once started throughout the 
kingdom to raise and equip regiments. The min- 
istry was bitterly assailed, and especially Germaine, 
who resorted to every means in his power to shield 
himself by throwing the responsibility of the dis- 
aster upon Burgoyne. Germaine himself was sug- 
gestively reticent ; but his friends ,and supporters 
were alert and blatant. This was the condition of 
affairs which Burgoyne, broken in health and spirits, 
met upon reaching London, Apparently withobt 
realizing the situation, he at once waited upon Ger- 
maine, who received him with marks of friendship 
and drew upon his confidence, thus gaining facts 
of importance. It was agreed between them to 
arrange an inquiry, an order for which had al- 
ready been prepared and was then in the pocket 
of Germaine. At this juncture, Burgoyne discov- 
ered that he was to submit to the “ etiquette ” of 
not appearing at court, by which means he was 
to be kept from seeing the king®* and impressing 

®® “ The style charmed every reader ; but he had better 
have beaten the enemy and misspelt every word of his dis- 
patch, for so, probably, the great Duke of Marlborough 
would have done, both by one and the other.” Mrs. Inch- 
bald in Preface to the Heiress. 

®® Vide a letter from Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to his 
constituents upon his late resignation, etc., London, 1779. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 67 

him with a knowledge of the true state of the case. 
This, Burgoyne, whose eyes were now open to the 
artifice of the minister, refused to accede to, and 
an open war between him and Germaine followed. 
Burgoyne demanded a court-martial, which was 
denied him on the ground that he was then a 
prisoner of war, a novel position to assume but one 
not without plausible features, and he then decided 
to appeal to the country. Upon claiming his seat 
in the Commons, to which he was entitled as the 
representative of Preston, he was met with the objec- 
tion which had before proved potent, that he was a 
prisoner of war, and therefore not entitled to a seat 
in Parliament ; but happily this objection failed to 
be sustained, and on the 21st day of May he took 
his seat and asked for an investigation of his con- 
duct. A day was assigned for him to make his 
statement, which was to the effect that no discre- 
tionary powers had been granted to him by the min- 
istry in carrying out his instructions ; but that they 
were “positive, peremptory and indispensable.” 
Burgoyne seconded a motion to inquire into his con- 
duct of the campaign, but Germaine, who dreaded 
an investigation, succeeded in defeating the motion. 
This unfair treatment gained him friends and re- 
vived the popular interest in him, and his opponents 
becoming alarmed, it was determined to get him out of 
the way ; hence the king was persuaded to order 
him back to America as a prisoner of war, although 
no demand had been made for his return by the 

68 The Campaigns of Carleton aud Burgoyne. 

American government. This was an extraordinary 
proceeding and revealed the desperate straits to 
which the ministry was reduced. Against this injus- 
tice Burgoyne remonstrated so forcibly,” that the 
king was compelled to suspend his order, and the 
persecuted general proceeded to publish an address 
to his constituents on the conduct of the campaign 
in America, which brought to the attention of the 
English people, for the first time, the full history of 
the matters at issue ; at the same time he applied 
himself assiduously to obtain a ratification of the Sar- 
atoga convention, that his captive army might be 
liberated. To counteract the influence of his state- 
ments, which were gaining him many adherents, he 
was vilified and abused by his opponents without 
stint. He was accused of employing savagfes and 
sanctioning their barbarities ; of artfully supplanting 
Carleton, and maliciously destroying property on his 
march toward Albany, all of which charges he fairly 
refuted at the first opportunity. At the next ses- 
sion of Parliament, Burgoyne renewed his efforts to 
obtain a vindication of his conduct, openly charging 
the ministry with double dealing,” and he so far suc- 

”In a letter to the war office, June 5, 1779, he asserted 
that his health was such that to expose his constitution to 
another American winter would, in all probability, doom 
him to the grave. Vide ibid., pp. 22, 26. 

” Vide Speech on a Motion made by Mr. Vyner in the 
Parliament, May 26, 1778. 

” Vide Speech on the Review of the Evidence in the 
House of Commons ; also. Speech of December 14, and 
April 22, 1779. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 69 

ceeded as to gain permission to present his case, 
which he prepared most elaborately, supporting 
his position in a convincing manner by documentary 
evidence and the testimony of Sir Guy Carleton 
and officers in his command ; but the ministry 
becoming alarmed at the damaging nature of his' 
revelations, brought matters to a summary con- 
clusion by a sudden prorogation of Parliament, and 
he again received the royal command to return to 
America. This he refused to do, and resigned all his 
valuable appointments except that of lieutenant- 
general. He was stranded, but not disheartened ; 
for he put the printing press into requisition, and 
under the title of the “ State of the Expedition from 
Canada,” a book which he dedicated to his captive 
army, he presented to justice-loving Englishmen a full 
account of the proceedings. In vain was he assailed 
by anonymous pamphlets, one of which was attrib- 
uted to Germaine ;®° the sentiment of unprejudiced 

This pamphlet is entitled “ A Reply to Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral Burgoyne' s Letter to his Constituents," and bears for a 
motto the words, “ Expende Hannibalent." It strikes at the 
outset the key-note of Germaine’s attempt to get him out of 
the way. “ Men of honour,” it says, “ were at a loss to com- 
prehend upon what principle you could justify your absence 
from your captive army, whose calamities they considered it 
your duty to share.” His bravery and zeal are extolled, and 
the cause of difference between him and Germaine pointed 
out, and his course in defending his conduct and refusing to 
obey the mandate of the king to return to and give himself 
up to the Americans, severely criticised. Vide pp. i, 5-7. 
Another is entitled '•‘An Essay on Modern Martyrs^ and is 
conceived in a harsher spirit of censure. The writer most 






70 Tke Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

men was in his favor, and the incapacity of Ger- 
maine became so conspicuous, that he was obliged, 
upon the surrender of Cornwallis, to retire from 
office, though his influence with the king was so 
great that he effected his retirement “ under the cover 
• of a peerage.”®' Burgoyne was in some measure 
compensated for his almost unexampled trials, but 
as a popular idol was never restored to his niche. 
What was often asserted and quite widely believed 
at the time, that Burgoyne’s army was sacrificed to 
a blunder of Germaine, is now known from docu- 
ments left by a contemporary. Germaine, it would 
appear, was a peculiar man, and one of his peculiar- 
ities was an over-nicety with regard to the clerical 
work of his office. He had arranged to take a va- 
cation in the country, and on the morning of his de- 
parture, called at his office to examine the orders to 
Burgoyne and Howe which were to be dispatched 
upon that day to America. Upon examining Howe’s 
orders, he was displeased because they were not 
“ fair copied,” and angrily ordered them to be re- 
copied. He then went into the country and forgot 
all about the matter. The result was, that Bur- 

sarcastically criticises Burgoyne’s unfortunate use of the word 
“ dictated!’ as applied to the terms of surrender, which he 
claimed were of his own dictation, and remarks with much 
force ; “ It is not probable, therefore, that he (Gates) would 
have opposed your wishes, had you (instead of leaving it to 
his choice) assigned Quebec as the place of embarkation, 
by which means you might immediately have conducted the 
whole army out of the provinces in rebellion.” Vide p. 45. 

^Wide Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, vol. I, p. 359. 

The Campaigns of Carleton andBurgoyne. 71 

goyne’s orders were dispatched to him, but Howe’s 
were pigeon-holed, hence the ruin of the elaborate 
plan to subjugate the colonies.®® It cannot be de- 
nied however, . that Howe understood the plan of 
the campaign. He says in his narrative, “ On the 
5th of June I received a copy of the secretary of 
State’s letter to Sir Guy Carleton, dated the 26th of 
March, 1777, wherein he communicates to him the 
plan of the northern expedition, and adds ‘ that he 
will write to Sir William Howe by the first packet.’ ” 
It can only be .plead in his defense that he had no 
“positive, peremptory and indispensable orders” to 
co-operate with Burgoyne. This plea he makes 
for himself, in the letter under consideration, in 
these words : “ I must observe, that this copy of a 
letter to Sir Guy Carleton, though transmitted to me, 
was not accompanied with any instructions whatso- 
ever; and that the letter intended to have -been* 
written to me by the first packet, and which was prob- 
ably to have contained some instructions, was never 
sent .”®3 That the plan of the campaign was generally 
understood we well know, and moreover that Howe’s 
failure to co-operate with Burgoyne was a puzzle to 
Washington. On the 4th of July he wrote General 
Heath: “ General Howe evacuated Amboy on Sunday 
last. From present appearance, Hudson’s river seems 
to be the object of his attention and on the 19th : 

^Wide ibid., p. 358 seq. 

^Vide Narrative of Lieutenant-General Sir William Howe, 
London, 1780. 

72 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

“General Howe still lays entirely quiet on board 
the fleet at Staten Island. Very few troops remain 
on shore, and the destination [is] a profound secret. 
Whatever were his intentions before this unlucky 
blow to the northward,” — referring to the fall of Ticon- 
deroga, — “he certainly ought now, in good policy, to 
endeavor to co operate with General Burgoyne. I 
am so fully of opinion that this will be his plan, that 
I have advanced the army thus far to support our 
party at Peekskill, should the enemy move up the 
river. This leads us to inquire into the motives 
which influenced Howe at this juncture, and a careful 
study of the man and his environments may enable 
us to reach an approximate comprehension of them. 
Howe, who through an illegitimate source had de- 
scended from royalty, was a man enervated by patron- 
age and pampered with flattery ; such a man as would, 
irupon sufficient occasion, almost unconsciously permit 
his amour propre to overrule his amor patriee. 
Burgoyne, a man of singularly popular qualities and 
rapidly rising in public esteem, had been cast for the 
principal part in the drama about to be enacted, — was 
to play the heroic roll, so to speak, — and influenced by 
that common sentiment of dislike to a subordinate 
part, — a sentiment especially active with men engaged 
in public affairs — Howe was disposed quite naturally 
to view the scheme of the ministry with languid 
indifference. Although he knew well what the plan 

^Vide Washington’s Letters to Heath, Part I, pp. 64, 66 et 

The Cdwpaigns of Cayletoti cind BwKgoyne. 73 

of the ministry was, the blunder of Germaine in not 
giving him peremptory orders to enact the part 
assigned him was a sufficient pretext *for him to 
select a role more congenial to his tastes, one indeed 
in which he would enact the part of hero ; hence his 
brilliant, but impracticable scheme of a southern 
campaign, the fruit of a confidence rooted in the rank 
soil of a hitherto successful experience. This scheme 
once conceived, would continue to grow more and 
more attractive in his imagination, and to delude him 
with visions of a fame to which his ambition yearningly 
reached ; nor were the obstacles in the way of success 
seemingly great. In common with his fellow officers 
at this time, he still under-estimated his opponents 
and failed to comprehend the character of the war in 
which the British government was engaged ; hence 
it is not strange that he should formulate the scheme 
of a southern campaign, nor that he should pursue it ' 
with confidence. The climax so disastrous to British 
hopes, and which an eminent writer, classifying it with 
the decisive battles of the world,®* has declared to 
have been ‘ more fruitful of results than those con- 
flicts in which hundreds of thousands of men have 
been engaged, and tens of thousands have fallen,” 

^Vide History of England, by Lord Mahon, vol. VI, p 

war, which rent away 
the North American colonies of England, is of all subjects 
in history the most painful for an Englishman to dwell on. 
It was conceived and^ carried on by the British ministry in 
miquity and folly, and it was concluded in disaster and shame. 
But the contemplation of it cannot be evaded by the his- 

74 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 

we have witnessed. That Burgoyne was unfairly 
treated by his own government cannot now be gain- 
said, nor tflat hitherto our own people have too 
lightly regarded his conduct of the campaign from 
Canada. In estimating his character we meet with 
difficulties, possessing as it does qualities of almost 
kaleidoscopic variety. 

We cannot reconcile the warm terms of friendship 
which he used in addressing Lee, an old companion 
in arms then in the American service, with the 
unfriendly epithets of “late half-pay major, and 
incendiary in the king’s service — major-general and 
demagogue in the rebel army,” which he applied to 
that friend shortly after in correspondence with Lord 
North, when he was anxious to excuse himself for 
holding communication with a rebel ; ^ nor his state- 
ments regarding his regimental colors, with what we 
now know to be facts ; nor yet again can we under- 
stand, how, after the direful disasters which had 
befallen his faithful army, at the moment too in 

torian, however much it may be abhorred. Nor can any 
military event be said to have exercised more important in- 
fluence on the future fortunes of mankind, than the com- 
plete defeat of Burgoyne's expedition in I 777 > ^ defeat which 
rescued the revolted colonies from certain subjection, and 
which, by inducing the courts of France and Spain to attack 
England in their behalf, insured the independence of the 
United States and the formation of that trans- Atlantic 
power which not only America but both Europe and Asia 
now see and feel.” Vide Fifteen Decisive Battles of the 
World, etc., by Sir Edward Creasy, London, 1873, p. 292. 

^Vide Political and Military Episodes, etc., London, 1876, 
pp. 169-175. 

The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 75 

which he was to deliver his worn-out and almost 
heart-broken soldiers into captivity, he could bedeck 
himself in the gorgeous habiliments of the court. 
These are beyond our comprehension. At the same 
time, we must admit that he was a man of noble 
parts, a scholar, a statesman of no mean ability and 
a thoroughly brave and capable officer. The army 
which he led has probably never been excelled in 
soldierly qualities. No one capable of appreciating 
character can make the individual accquaintance of 
the men, both British and German who comprised it, 
and whose biographies have come down to us, with- 
out feeling an admiration for and a friendly interest 
in them. “ Opinionum commenta delet dies naturce 
judicia confirmat." 


53*? Regiment. 








WILLIAM DIGBY, Lieutenant 53D Regiment. 



My chief design in committing the following 
passages to paper was with a view of hereafter 
bringing to my memory, (when a dull hour presented 
itself), some incidents which have happened in the 
course of the Campaigns 1776 and 1777. I have 
wished to confine such, as much as possible, to the 
partial eye of a particular friend, one who will 
make many allowances for their numerous defects, 
from the degree of friendship subsisting between 
us. The only merit, (if it can deserve such an 
appellation), I can claim, is a strict adherence to 
truth inserted without exaggeration, and facts set 
down plainly as they happened, not but in some 
places oversights may have been committed from 
the inattention to which at times all mankind are 
liable. I cannot pass over mentioning that during 
a campaign, the many requisites for bringing such 
an undertaking to the smallest degree of perfection 
are impossible to be attained, & even time, one 
of the first and most necessary ingredients, is often 
stinted from the frequent calls of duty. It would 
exceed the bounds I at first prescribed, to enter 
into the grand causes which actuate a General in 



the mancEuvres and movements of an army ; the 
impossibility of such an attempt must appear evi- 
dent to every person from- the variety of intelli- 
gence he must often receive through private chan- 
nels, together with his orders for acting, neither of 
which could be communicated to every individual ; 
from the above reasons I have confined myself to 
simple occurrences, such as were publicly known to 
the army in general, as it would be the greatest pre- 
sumption in me to insinuate a knowledge of more. 
As digressions are often tedious and tiresome, I 
have put in as few sentiments of my own as 
possible, being well assured that in such passages 
where they may be wanting, the reader can supply 
their place more advantageously than I could pre- 
tend to do. To conclude, I have not attempted to 
apologize or even to enumerate the many faults 
contained in the following pages. In place of the 
former, I have depended entirely on the friendship 
already wished for, & mentioning the latter were 
to doubt the discernment of the reader, who, if he 
takes the trouble of venturing on them, will soon, 
I fear, discover enough to prevent his going through. 
If on the contrary, his good nature induces him to 
lean lightly on what cannot merit his approbation, 
and with a friendly eye pass over their numerous 
unconnected passages put down without regularity 
or order, he will cause me to feel for their want of 
merit onjy, as they are deficient in affording him 
amusement or entertainment in return. 







1776 April 

AILED from the Cove of Cork in the 
Woodcock Transport of 250 tons burthen, 
accompanied by 43 sail of ship's full of 
troops and convoyed by the Caresford and Pearl 
ships of war, supposed to be destined for Quebec 
in Canada, — the troops commanded by Lieu^ CoL 
Frazier 24}^ Regiment until their arrival in America, 

^ “ Simeon Fraser,” says Fonblanque, was born in 1729, 
had entered the army at an early age, and attained the 
command of the Twenty-fourth Regiment of Foot before 
the war with America broke out,” and Colonel Rogers traces 
through many intricacies his advancement in the army as 
follows : Lieutenant Seventy-eighth Foot, January 5, 1757 ; 
captain lieutenant, September 27, 1758; captain, April 
22, 1759; major in the army, March 15, 1761; major in 
the Twenty-fourth Foot, February 8, 1762; lieutenant- 
colonel, July 14, 1768; brigadier-general, June 10, 1776. 
He received the rank of colonel in the army July 22, 1777. 
He had fought shoulder to shoulder with New England 
troops at Louisbourg and Quebec. He was an officer 
of great ability and beloved by the entire army. Vide 
Political and Military Episodes, 241 ; Hadden’s Journal 
and Orderly Books, p. 455. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

when Genl Carlton,^ Governor of Canada, was to 
take the command, and, under him, Lieu^ Gen\ 

^ Guy Carleton was of Irish birth, being born at Strabane, 
Ireland, September 3, 1724. His soldierly qualities brought 
him promotion, and in 1757 we find him holding the rank 
of chief lieutenant in the First Foot. He took part in 1758 
in the successful siege against Louisbourg, and for his signal 
services in that campaign was made lieutenant-colonel of 
the Seventy-second Foot. His ability attracted the atten- 
tion of General Wolfe, who selected him as his quarter- 
master general, and in the great battle on the heights of 
Abraham he was severely wounded by a musket ball in the 
head. On September 24, 1766, he was made lieutenant- 
governor, and October 26, 1768, governor of Quebec. He 
had known Montgomery in the French war, and when the 
latter invaded Canada, realized that he had no ordinary foe 
to combat. With all the material at his command, he en- 
deavored to hold back the enthusiastic invaders, but with- 
out success, and barely escaped capture at Trois Rivieres, 
which he left in disguise just as the victorious Montgomery 
entered the town. Carleton did not remain in America 
through the war, but returned to England, July 29, 1778, 
where he was warmly received. In the spring of 1782 he 
superseded Sir Henry Clinton as commander-in-chief of the 
forces in America, and won much popularity by his liberal 
and just administration of the affairs of his department. A 
recent historian thus speaks of him : By his tenderness 

and humanity, he gained the affection of those Americans 
who fell into his hands. His conduct in this respect affords 
a striking and happy contrast to that of nearly all the Brit- 
ish officers who served in this country during the Revolu- 
tion.’* While we are glad to admit that he showed great 
kindness to the prisoners who fell into his hands, we must 
remember The Cedars and his reply to Washington’s request 
for an exchange of prisoners, accompanied by a copy of the 
Declaration of Independence. While he was not responsi- 
ble for the barbarity committed upon our soldiers at The 
Cedars, this reply suggests the spirit which inspired his 
subordinate in that affair. In the reply alluded to occur the 
following indecent words : 

Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 85 

Burgoyne. We soon lost sight of Ireland, having 
a fair wind. We had on board two companies 

“ His Excellency General Carlton orders that 

The commanding Officers of Corps will take especial care 
that every one under their command be informed, that Letters, 
or messages from Rebels, Traitors in Arms against the King, 
Rioters, disturbers of the public Peace, Plunderers, Robbers, 
Assassins, or Murderers, are on no occasion to be admitted : 
That shou’d emmissaries from such lawless Men again presume 
to approach the Army, whether under the name of Flag of 
Truce Men or Ambassadors except when they come to im- 
plore the King’s mercy, their persons shall be immediately 
seized and committed to close confinement to be proceeded 
against as the Law directs: Their Papers & Letters, for 
whomsoever directed (even this Com’r in Chief) are to be 
deliver’d to the Provost Martial, that unread and unopen’d 
they maybe burned by the hands of the common Hangman.” 

These are not the words of a philanthropfst or even 
of a calm and generous mind, but rather those of a 
tyrant, who, if he possessed the power, would use it most 
cruelly. We know what Garneau says of his treatment 
of the Canadians after his return from the campaign of 
’76, namely, that he “ sent detachments to pick up strag- 
gling enemies, arrest colonists who had joined the Ameri- 
cans and fire their houses; for the British, who spared 
from destruction the property of insurgents in the Anglo- 
American colonies, followed their ancient practice with 
respect to Canada and its foreign-derived race. As in 1759, 
they now marched torch in hand.” We know how Washingl 
ton received this intemperate reply. He simply said, with 
calmness and dignity, to Hancock: “I shall not trouble 
Congress with my strictures upon this performance so 
highly unbecoming the character of a soldier and a gentle- 
man.” This was all the notice he took of the matter. In 
a note referring to this extraordinary reply of General 
Carleton, Sparks seems almost inclined to doubt its genuine- 
ness, but the recent publication of Hadden’s Journal sets 
the matter at rest, as the document is there published in 

86 Lieutenant Digby s Journat. 



of the 53*^ Regiment, Major, Earl of Balcarres^^ 
and the Grenadiers to whom I had the honour 

full Carleton was, at the time of penning it, laboring under 
great excitement caused by the shooting of General Gordon 
by the scout, Whitcomb, a most cruel act, but no more 
cruel than others which were perpetrated by individuals on 
both sides, for which neither government was responsible. 
Carleton seems to have felt ashamed of this performance 
himself, for, perhaps feeling its effect upon his troops in 
exciting them to unnecessary cruelty, he issued soon after 
an order admonishing them not to return evil for evil, nor 
to forget that the Englishman, always brave, is accus- 
tomed to act magnanimously and philanthropically/' and 
that it behooved ‘‘ the troops of the king to spare the blood 
of his subjects.'' On account of his services in America, he 
was created Baron of Dorchester, August 21, 1786. He 
had the same year already been appointed governor of the 
British possessions in North America, which office he held 
for a period of ten years. He died in his own home in 
Berkshire, November 10, 1808. Vide Collin's Peerage, vol. 
8, pp. 112-117; British Army Lists, in loco ; Journal of the 
Principal Occurrences During the Siege of Quebec (W. T. 
Shortt), p. 42 ; Garneau's History of Canada, Montreal, 
1862, vol. 2, pp. 135, 151 ; Burke's Peerage and Baronet- 
age, in loco; History of Connecticut (Hollister), vol. 2, 
p. 294, et seq,; Annual Register for 1808, p. 162; Life of 
Washington (Sparks), vol. 3, p. 268 ; Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 55-57; 
Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 7-10. 

Alexander Lindsay, sixth Earl of Balcarres, was of Scotch 
descent, and at this time but twenty four years of age, hav- 
ing been born January 18, 1752. He was commissioned an 
ensign in the Fifty-fifth Foot, July 15, 1767, and after two 
years’ experience at Gibralter, and as long a period in study 
at Gottingen, he returned to England and was commissioned 
a captain in the Forty second Foot, January 28, 1771. He 
became by purchase major of the Fifty-third Foot, Decem- 
ber g, 1775, and upon his arrival in Canada, was appointed 
by Carleton to the command of the light infantry. At the 
battle of Hubbardton he was wounded, and had many nar- 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 87 

to belong. The wind continued fair for us till the 
19* when we were becalmed. About noon, we 
perceived from the main top mast head, a fleet to 

row escapes ; after the death of Fraser he succeeded that 
officer in command, and was commissioned lieutenant-colonel 
of the Twenty-fourth Foot, October 8, 1777. 

Finding after the capture of Burgoyne’s army, that a 
general exchange of prisoners was not to take place, he 
refused to accept his liberty, and returning to Cambridge, 
shared the captivity of his men until the latter part of 1778, 
when he returned home on parole. An interesting anecdote 
is related of a meeting which he had with Arnold while the 
latter was having an^audience with the king. As Balcarres 
entered the royal presence, the king introduced Arnold to 
him, but with an action expressive of disgust, Balcarres 
drew back, exclaiming, “ what, sire, the traitor Arnold? ” A 
challenge from Arnold was the result. At the signal to fire 
Arnold discharged his pistol without effect, and Balcarres 
cooly turning upon his heel was walking away, when Arnold 
cried out, “ why don t you fire, tny lord ? " To this, Balcarres 
looking over his shoulder, replied, “ sir, I leave you to the 
executioner." He was appointed lieutenant colonel in com- 
mand of the second division of the Seventy-first Highland- 
ers, February 13, 1782, and colonel in the army November 
20th, of the same year. He was in Parliament as a peer of 
Scotland in 1784 and for several successive years, and 
became colonel of the Sixty-third Foot, August 27, 1789. 
He was made a major-general October 12, 1793, and the 
next year assumed military and civil command at Jamaica. 
After seven years of continued and most successful warfare, 
he resigned his position and returned to England. He had’ 
been commissioned a lieutenant-general January i, 1798, 
and September 25, 1803, he was made a general in the army. 
After his return to England he devoted himself to the care 
of his estates until his death, which occurred at Haight 
Hall, in Lancashire, March 27, 1825. Vide British Army 
Lists, m loco ; Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage, in loco ; Fos- 
ter’s Peerage and Orders of Knighthood, in loco ; Three 
Years in North America (Stuart), vol. i, p. 462. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

windward bearing down to us with all the sail they 
could set. On their approaching nearer, we found 
they were the fleet from Plymouth,^® mostly Ger- 
mans. General Burgoyne was on board one of 
their frigates, who, after giving some orders, sepa- 
rated from us about the 21“ as winds were turned 
rather foul for us at that time. 

May 4‘^ Discovered at a distance numerous islands 
of ice, some three times higher than our main top 
mast head and formed in the most romantic shapes, 
appearing like large castles, when the sun shone on 
them, all on fire. The sailors from this imagined 
we could not be a great distance from Newfound- 
land, it being about the season for the quantities 
of ice that surround that part during the winter to 
break up, they obliged us to steer with great 
caution, as were a vessel to strike on such a solid 
body, she must inevitably be dashed to pieces. 

5‘^ Prepared lines to fish on the banks but found 
no success, though many of our fleet killed some. 
The banks are properly a mountain hid under water, 
with various depths of water from 25 to 60 fathom. 
During our stay upon this kingdom of cod fish, we 
found it very unpleasant, as the sun scarce ever shews 
himself, and the greatest part of the time thick and 
cold fogs ; but there are none of these fish which 

“ The fleet from Plymouth ” consisted of thirty sail, and 
had on board General Riedesel and his German troops. 
Riedesel, in a letter to his wife, gives an entertaining 
account of his life on board ship, for which reference may be 
had to “ Letters and Journals of Mrs. Riedesel,” p. 22. 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 89 

require warmer seas. There are also on the banks 
of Newfoundland great numbers of whales, spouting 
fish, porpoises, sword fish, &<=. The sword fish is as 
thick as a cow, seven or eight feet long, gradually 
lessening towards the tail ; it takes its name from its 
weapon, a kind of sword three feet long and about 
four inches wide : It is fixed above its nose and has 
six rows of teeth on each side, an inch long, at an 
equal distance from each other ; this fish is excellent 
eating. The whale and the sword fish never meet 
without fighting ; the latter, they say, is always the 
aggressor. Sometimes two sword fish join against a 
whale, and then it is not an equal match. The whale 
has neither weapon offensive nor defensive, but his 
tail . To make use of it against his enemy, he plunges 
his head under water, and, if he can strike his enemy, 
he kills him with a blow of his tail ; but he is very 
dexterous to shun it, and instantly falls upon the 
whale and runs his weapon in his back ; most com- 
monly it pierces not to the bottom of the fat, and so 
does no great injury. When the whale can see the 
sword fish dart to strike him, he plunges, but the 
sword fish pursues him in the water and obliges him 
to appear again ; then the fight begins again and 
lasts till the sword fish loses sight of the whale, 
which fights always retreating and swims best on the 
surface of the water. It is said, with what truth I 
cannot say,^* t hat the cod can turn itself inside out 

Cf. Make Brun, vol. 5, p. 19. 



Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

like a pocket, and that the fish frees itself from any 
thing that troubles it by this means. I wont vouch 
for the truth of this.'* 

6‘\ Fell in with a French fishing vessel. We had 
mostly got over our sea sickness ; though I was but 
little troubled in that way after the second or third 
day. Our Cap° Richardson was a good seaman and 
an agreeable companion, which does not always fol- 
low. The ship was stout but often missed stays in 
tacking, not answering the helm well, and, of course 
not a pleasant vessel to sail with a large fleet. 

7*^ About II at night our captain seemed very 
uneasy at not hearing a signal from the man of war ; 
it blew fresh against us ; we were going on the wind 
and the night dark and hazy, which is generally the 
case on the banks. Our grog being out, we prepared 
for rest, when he came down and told us if the signal 


This is a prudent disclaimer of our author, who was but 
repeating the popular belief with regard to this fish (rnorhua 
vulgaris), which is extremely voracious, devouring indiscrim- 
inately, says Herriot, “ every substance which it is capable 
of gorging ; even glass and iron have been found in the 
stomach of this fish, which by inverting itself has the power 
of becoming disburdened of its indigestible contents^ Vide 
Travels through Canada, p. 30. It is certain that the cod 
is a great collector of deep-sea objects, and naturalists are 
indebted to it for specimens of rare and new shells other- 
wise unattainable. The Basques were fishing as early as 
1504 along the Newfoundland shores, to which they applied 
the name of Baccalaos or Codlands, and although for nearly 
four centuries the business has been constantly increasing, 
such is the rapid multiplication of the cod that its numbers 
, have not decreased. 

Lieutenant Digby's Journal. gi 

was not made (which was firing two guns from the 
Cares/ord) by 12 o’clock, he would put the ship 
about, as by his reckoning, we must be very near 
Cape Race, no pleasing circumstance at that time 
of night He had scarce spoke when the sailors 
on deck cried out, we were most on shore, and we 
could easily perceive the breakers at a small dis- 
tance, on which the vessel was put about with the 
greatest dispatch, and all our guns fired as signals 
for the rest of the fleet to keep off. Some we saw 
much nearer land and feared they would be lost, 
in short, it was a scene of the greatest confusion, 
every ship getting from shore as well as possible. 
Cape Race is the south east point of the island of 
Newfoundland ; it lies in 46 degrees 30 minutes north 
latitude, and the coast runs from thence 100 leagues 
to the west and terminates at Cape Ray, about 47 
degrees, and nearly half way is the great bay of 
Placentia, one of the finest ports in America. 

8‘\ At day break discovered Cape Ray, and soon 
after passed close to the little island of St. Paul; 
tried to count our fleet and found two transports, 
the Henry and Sisters, missing with 3 companies of 
our regiment, and the Ltthy with one company of the 
3P‘ regiment. A vessel, whom we spoke with, in- 
formed us she saw them among the rocks and feared 
they were lost, the night being dark and the shore 
not the best. We still continued our course into the 
gulph of St. Lawrence, which is 80 leagues long, and 
went through it in about 30 hours with a good wind. 

92 Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

Near half way we fell in with the Bird islands.” 
They are very near each other and covered with 
birds and nests. They have been often visited, 
and boats have been entirely loaded with eggs of 
all sorts. Surely it is wonderful in such millions 
of nests, every bird should find its own, and had 
we fired a gun, it is reported the air would be 
darkened two or three leagues round. Near this 
we fell in with a fishing vessel ; but she could 
give us no intelligence, whether Quebec was in 
our hands or our enemies — the latter we had the 
greatest reason to believe. 

9‘^ We were almost becalmed, so prepared 
for fishing and had very good success. ’ We hoped 
soon to double Cape Rosiers, which is at the en- 
trance of the river St. Lawrence. Newfoundland 
that we had so lately left behind us, and the first 
land we meet with coming to Canada, “ It could 
never be known,” a French writer observes, “for 
certainty whether it had any native inhabitants.” 
Its barrenness, supposing it every where as real 
as it is thought to be, is not a sufficient proof 
that it has had no native inhabitants ; for fishing 

” On Deny’s map of 1672, these islands are called “ Les 
isles aux Oyseaux.” They were subsequently called the 
Magdalen islands, and reference is here made to the north- 
ernmost of the group. They were formerly owned by Sir 
Isaac Coffin, a distinguished naval officer, and a native of 
Nantucket on the coast of Massachusetts, where many of 
the family name still reside. One of these islands is called 
Coffin’s island from its former proprietor. Vide Canada, 
Nova Scotia, etc., Buckingham, London, 1843, P- 3 I 4 - 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 93 

and hunting are sufficient to maintain savages. 
This is certain, that here was never seen any but 
Eskimaux who are not natives of this country. 
Their real home is Labrador or New Britain. It 
is there at least they pass the greatest part of 
the year ; for it would be profaning the name of 
the native country to apply it to wandering bar- 
barians who, having no affection for any country, 
travel over a vast extent of land. In fact, besides 
the coasts of Newfoundland which the Esquimaux 
range over in the summ’er, in all the vast continent 
which is between the river St Lawrence and Canada 
and the North Sea, there has never been seen any 
other people than the Eskimaux. They have been 
met with also a good way up the river Bourbon, 
which runs into Hudson’s Bay, coming from the 
West. The original name of these people is not 
certain, however it is very probable that it comes 
from the Abenaqui word, Esquimantsic, which signi- 
fies an eater of raw flesh.’'*' The Eskimaux are, in 
fact, the only savages known that eat raw flesh, 
though they have also the custom of dressing it or 
drying it in the sun. It is also certain, that of all 
the people known in America, there are none who 
come nearer than these to complete the first idea 
which Europeans had of savages. They are almost 

This shows our author to have been a careful student. 
These Indians called themselves Innuits, but the name 
Esquimaux, the proper signification of which is here given, 
was applied to them by the Algonquins, of which family the 
Abenaquis were the eastern representatives. 

94 Lieutenant Diky's Journal. 

the only people where the men have any beard, and 
they have it so thick up to their eyes that it is diffi' 
cult to distinguish any features of the face ; they 
have besides something hideous in their look ; little 
eyes looking wild, large teeth and very foul. Their 
hair is commonly black, but sometimes light, much 
in disorder, and their whole outward appearance very 
rough. Their manners and their character do not 
disagree with their ill look. They are fierce, surly, 
mistrustful, uneasy, always inclined to do an injury 
to strangers, who ought therefore, to be upon their 
guard against them. As to their wit and under- 
standing, we have had so little commerce with this 
people that we can say nothing concerning them, 
but they are, however, cunning enough to do mis- 
chief. They have often been seen to go in the night 
to cut the cables of ships that were at anchor that 
they might be wrecked upon the coast, and they 
make no scruple of attacking them openly in the 
day when they know they are weakly mann’d. It 
was never possible to render them more tractable, 
and we cannot yet treat with them, but at the end of 
a long pole. They not only refuse to approach the 
Europeans, but they will eat nothing that comes 
from them. They are tall and pretty well shaped ; 
their skin is as white as snow, which proceeds, with- 
out doubt, from their never going naked in the hot- 
test weather ; their hair, their beards, the whiteness 
of their skin, the little, resemblance and commerce 
they have with their nearest neighbours, leave no 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 


room to doubt that they have a different origin from 
other Americans, but the opinion, that which makes 
them descended from the Biscayners,” seems to me 
to have a little foundation, especially if it is true, as 
I have been assured, that their language is entirely 
different. For the rest, their alliance would do no 
great honour to any nation, for, if there was no country 
on the face of the earth less fit to be inhabited by 
men than Newfoundland and Labrador,’* there is 
perhaps no people which deserve more to be con- 
fined here than the Eskimaux. For my part, I 
am persuaded they came originally from Greenland, 
These savages are covered in such a manner, that 
you can hardly see any part of their face [or] the 
ends of their fingers. Upon a kind of shirt made 
of bladders or the guts of fish cut in slips and pretty 
well sowed together, they have a coat made of bear 

” Biscayners or natives of Biscay, one of the Basque prov- 
inces of Spain, are supposed by some ethnologists to be the 
aboriginal inhabitants of Europe. Traces of them have 
been found in England, France, Germany, Denmark and 
Sweden as well as in Spain. These consist of implements 
of peculiar construction, burial places and kitchen middens. 
Pickering in Races of Men, p. 19, agrees with our journalist 
that they are a distinct race from our so-called aboriginal 

Caspar Cortereal visiting this coast in the year 1500, 
seized fifty-seven of the natives of the country and carried 
them home for slaves. On account of the anticipated traffic 
in the inhabitants of this region, the name of Tierra Labora- 
dor or the Land of Laborers was bestowed upon it according 
to one authority, while according to another, it was to dis- 
tinguish it from Greenland, which was barren, while this 
would yield to the labor of man. 




Digbys Journal. 

or deer skins, and sometimes of birds skins. A capu- 
chin of the same stuff, and which is fastened to it 
covers their head, on the top of which there comes 
out a tuft of hair which hangs over their forehead. 
The shirt comes no lower than their waist ; their coat 
hangs behind down to their thighs, and terminates 
before in a point something below the waist ; but 
the women wear them both before and behind to 
the middle of the leg, and bound with a girdle, from 
which hang little bones. The men have breeches of 
skins with the hair inwards, and which are often cov- 
ered on the outside with the skins of ermine or such 
like. They wear also socks with the hair inwards, 
and over this, a boot furred in like manner on the 
inside, then a second sock and second boots, and 
they say, that these coverings for the feet are some- 
times three or four fold, which does not, however, 
hinder these savages from being very nimble. Their 
arrows, which are the only arms they use, are armed 
with points made of the teeth of the sea cow, and 
they sometimes make them of iron when they can 
get it. It appears that in summer they keep in the 
open air night and day; but in the winter, they lodge 
under ground in a sort of cave where they all lie 
one upon another : but to return, — the island of 
Anticosty ” lies at the entrance of the river St. Law- 

’’^Anticosti. This wild island is still uninhabited except 
by a few fishermen and Indians, who make it their home for 
a brief season in the summer. It has no harbor in which 
ships can take refuge anywhere along its coast. The soil 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 97 

rence. It is about 40 leagues long and but very 
little breadth, poorly wooded and a wretched barren 
spot. — 

20^^ About 10 at night a melancholy accident hap- 
pened to us. In a gale of wind, the Providence trans- 
port ran foul of our vessel, which, as there was a 
great swell of sea at the time, was attended with 
some danger. One of our grenadiers, I suppose 
thinking our ship going down, run- from his berth 
below, (where some said he had been asleep\ and 
attempted to get on board her, but in the trial fell 
between and was instantly crushed to pieces. — Soon 
after we got clear of her, she being a much larger 
ship than ours, though neither of us suffered any 
thing to speak of. I dont think any thing can be 
more alarming than 2 large ships running foul of 


thus far has not tempted man to cultivate it. As its situa- 
tion renders it dangerous to navigation, two relief stations 
have been established at different points upon it, sup- 
plied with provisions for the benefit of those who may be 
so unfortunate as to be cast upon its inhospitable shores, 
and guide boards are placed here and there to direct them 
to these stations. When it was discovered by Jacques 
Cartier on the day of the Festival of the Assumption, that 
pious navigator named it Vyle de V Assumption, but quite 
properly, its old Indian name as given by Champlain, or 
perhaps a corruption of it, as early writers differ in their 
orthography, has stuck to it. Thus, Thevet calls it Naticou- 
sti, and De Laet, Natiscotes, but Champlain may, after all, 
have given us in his orthography the sound of the Indian 
word more nearly than they have done. Vide Charlevoix, 
tom. I, p. 16; Brief RHit, 9; Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 292; 
Champlain’s Voyages, vol. 2, p. 233; Bonchetti, vol. i, p. 



98 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

each other in a gale of wind, though I should imag- 
ine it worse in a dead calm and great swell of sea, as 
then there must be a difficulty in getting clear of 
each other ; and, yet, this is often the case in large 
fleets, where all transports are kept as regular as pos- 
sible in their stations by the men of war, who often 
fire on them for attempting to go ahead, and make 
them pay much for the first shot, doubling it till 
they become obedient. — On our sailing from Cork 
harbour, all the masters of transports received sealed 
instructions, which were not to be opened until by 
stress of weather, or any other cause, their ship was 
separated from the fleet 24 hours, after which, these 
instructions were to be opened, and by them they 
were ordered to make the best of their way to 
the island of Coudres 15 leagues below Quebec, 
that being the place appointed to rendezvous at, 
as I believe, on our leaving Ireland, it was not well 
known whether Quebec was in our hands or the 
enemies. As the weather was still very fogg^ and 
hazy, we were obliged to steer with great caution, 
constantly ringing our bells to prevent other vessels 
from coming too near. I shall not attempt to enter- 
tain the reader with a storm, (so often done by fresh 
water sailors), where the sea was swelled into bil- 
lows mountains high, on the top of which our vessel 

” Isle aux Coudres, i, e. — Filbert Island — the name which 
it still bears, and which was bestowed upon it by Jacques 
Cartier on account of the abundance of hazel nuts or filberts 
which he found upon it nearly two and a half centuries 
before Digby saw it. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 


hung, and was in danger of being precipitated to the 
abyss beneath, as, in general, the weather was as fa- 
vourable for us as we could have wished, and our 
passage rendered shorter than it is commonly per- 
formed with a fleet, where the whole are often obliged 
to slacken sail for one heavy sailing ship. 

2i®‘. Found our mizzen mast had sprung near the 
deck, so dare not crowd much sail on it ; our exact- 
ness in keeping proper order in our stations while 
under way, and obeying of signals from the convoys, 
was a pleasing sight to one not used to such a 
scene. — 

24‘\ Had the pleasure of seeing a small vessel a 
head of us coming from Quebec with the agreeable 
news of that place being still in our possession ; 
though the enemy had lain before it most part of the 
winter and made an attempt to storm it on the 3i*‘ 
December under the command of General M^Gomery, 
who fell with many others in the attempt, tho’ their 
numbers were treble ours.” I shall here insert his 

” Richard Montgomery was born at Raphoe, Ireland, 
December 2, 1736, and fell in the attack on Quebec, Decem- 
ber 31, 1775. He was commissioned in the British army in 
1754, and participated in the siege of Louisburg in 1758, 
and after service in the West Indies, returned to Kngland 
in 1763. He emigrated to New York in 1772, when he 
married a daughter of Robert Livingston and settled in 
Rhinebeck. He was representative to the Provincial Con- 
gress in I775» and appointed a brigadier-general early in the 
same year. On December 9th, while before Quebec, he 
received his appointment as brigadier-general. While lead- 
ing the assault against the upper town, having captured the 
first barrier, he was killed, and his troops seeing him fall fell 


icxD Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

orders to his troops the day before the storm, as it 
will serve to show, how sure he was of success, and 
the poor opinion he had of our garrison. 

General orders 30™ Dec', 1775. 

The general having in vain offered the most fa 
vourable terms of accommodation to the governor, 
and having taken every possible step to prevail on 
the inhabitants to desist from seconding him, in the 
wild scheme of vigorous measures for the speedy 
reduction of the only hold possessed by the ministe- 
rial troops in the province, flushed with continual 

back in disorder. Montgomery was buried on the 3rd of 
January, and Henry who was present and witnessed it, thus 
describes his funeral : “ It was on this day that my heart 
was ready to burst with grief, at viewing the funeral of our 
beloved general. Carleton had in our former days with the 
French, been the friend and fellow soldier of Montgomery. 
Though political opinion, perhaps ambition or interest, had 
thrown these worthies on different sides of the great ques- 
tion, yet the former could but honor the remains of his 
quondam friend. About noon the procession passed our 
quarters. It was most solemn. The coffin covered with a 
pall, surmounted with transverse swords, was borne by men. 
The regular troops, particularly that fine body of men, the 
Seventh Regiment, with reversed arms, and scarfs on the left 
elbow, accompanied the corpse to the grave. From many of 
us it drew tears of affection for the defunct, and speaking for 
myself, tears of greeting and thankfulness toward General 
Carleton. The soldiery and inhabitahts appeared affected 
by the loss of this invaluable man, though he was their 
enemy.’’ Other writers mention the peculiar affection borne 
toward the brave general by those opposed to him. In 
the British Parliament the most illustrious men of the time 
eulogized him. It was certainly a strange sight. It is said 
that “ Colonel Barre was particularly remarked for the noble 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, loi 

success and confident of the justice of their cause, 
and relying on that Providence which has uniformly 
protected them, the troops will advance to the attack 
of works incapable of being defended by the wretched 
garrison posted behind them, consisting of sailors 
unacquainted with the use of arms, of citizens incapa- 
ble of soldier’s duty, and a few miserable emigrants. 
The general is confident a vigorous and spirited at- 
tack will be attended with success. The troops shall 
have the effects of the governor, garrison and such 
as have been active in misleading the inhabitants 
and distressing the friends of liberty, equally divided 

pathos of the regrets he consecrated to the death of his 
gallant enemy. Burke and Fox endeavored to surpass this 
eulogium in their speeches ; Fox especially, who, as yet 
very young, already discovered the man he was afterward 
to be. Lord North reprehended them sharply, exclaiming 
that it was indecent to lavish so many praises upon a rebel. 
He admitted that Montgomery was brave, able, humane and 
generous, but still he was only a brave, able, humane and 
generous rebel. He cited this verse of Addison in Cato : 
‘ Curse on his virtues, they’ve undone his country.’ Fox 
answered him immediately, with warmth, that ‘ the term 
‘ rebel,’ applied to that excellent person, was no certain mark 
of disgrace, and therefore he was the less earnest to clear 
him of the imputation, for that all the great asserters of 
liberty, the saviours of their country, the benefactors of 
mankind, in all ages, had been called rebels ; that they even 
owed the constitution, which enabled them to sit in that 
house, to a rebellion.’ He added this passage from the 
prince of Latin poets, ‘ Sunt hie etiam sua proemia laudi, 
sunt lachrymoe rerum, et mentum mortalia tangunt.’ ” Vide 
Account of Arnold’s Campaign Against Quebec (Henry), 
Albany, 1877, p. 134; Ramsay’s American Revolution, Phila., 
1789, vol. I, p. 244 ; Botta’s History War of Independence, 
1820, vol. 2, p. 66. 







Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

among them. The one hundredth share of the whole 
shall be at the disposal of the gen', and given to 
such soldiers as' distinguish themselves by their ac- 
tivity and bravery, and sold at public auction. The 
whole to be regulated as soon as the city is in our 
hands and the inhabitants disarmed. — 

During the whole. General Carlton behaved with 
the utmost coolness and good conduct, and deserves 
the greatest credit for keeping the place with such a 
wretched garrison as M'' M'Gomery was pleased to 
call them. 

26‘^ Anchored off the Island of Coudres, which 
is remarkable for a mountain being rooted up in the 
year 1663 and thrown upon this island, which was 
made one half larger than before, and in place of 
the mountain, there appeared a gulph which is not 
safe to approach.®® 

These are almost the exact words of Charlevoix, who 
says: “In 1663 an earthquake rooted up a mountain and 
threw it upon the Isle aux Coudres which made it one half 
larger than before.” This earthquake, according to a manu- 
script in the Jesuits’ College at Quebec, began on the 5th 
of February, 1663, at about half-past five o’clock in the after- 
noon. It extended, as we know, throughout the northern 
part of America. The first shock, and the most violent one, 
lasted for half an hour, but it is said the earthquake con- 
tinued at intervals for a period of six months with incon- 
ceivable violence. Forests were uprooted, mountains pre- 
cipitated into valleys, rivers diverted from their courses and 
often swallowed up altogether, and even the mighty waters 
of the St. Lawrence were lashed to sudden whiteness by 
subterranean commotion, while showers of volcanic ashes 
darkened the air in some places, but the country being so 
lightly inhabited, of course no great damage was done. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

Got a pilot to conduct us as quick as possi- 
ble to Quebec. 

Being one of the first ships in the fleet, we 
were met near the island of Orleans,®' (a beautiful 
island about 14 leagues in compass and many 
inhabitants), by the Hope ship going express to 
England. A lieutenant of a man of war came on 
board us, and very politely offered to take charge of 
any letters we might wish to forward to our friends 
the other side the'Atlantic. He informed us General 
Carlton had made a sally on the enemy, tho. greatly 
superiour to him in numbers, and drove them with 
the 29^*^ & 47^ regiments, to a strong post they had up 
the river,®* where he was obliged to halt till our 

From the accounts which have come down to us, it was far 
more violent than any which has occurred in southern 
Europe within the historic period. Vide Letters to the 
Duchesse de Lesdeguieres, London, 1763, p. 15 ; Josselyn's 
Two Voyages, Boston, 1865, p. 205; Conquest of Canada, 
London, 1849, Appendix XXI. 

The Indian name for this island was Minigo^ but Cartier 
who discovered it in 1535, gave it the name Isle of Bacchus, 
on account of the wild grapes found growing there. Lorsque 
Jacques Carthier decouvrit cette ile il la trouva toute rem- 
plie de vignes, et la nomina ITle de Bacchus. Ce naviga- 
teur ^tait Breton, apres lui sont venus de Normands qui 
ont arrach^ les vignes et a Bacchus ont substitu^ Pomme 
et Ceres.^* Vide Journal Historique, p. 102; Brief Recit., 
etc., faite en MDXXXV, Paris, 1863, p. 14. 

^ This was at Fort Sorel, which took its name from its 
builder, M. de Sorel, whose name also attached itself to the 
river, at the mouth of which the fort was placed. It was 
first named by Champlain, The River of the Iroquois, and 
subsequently received the name of the Richelieu from the 
famous Cardinal of that name. 

1 04 Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

arrival, they being strongly entrenched. He then 
proceeded on his voyage. About 12 at night, we 
came to an anchor before Quebec ; Lord Balcarres, 
our major, and I went on shore. This is the only 
city in the world that can boast of a port in fresh 
water 1 20 leagues from the sea and capable of con- 
taining 100 ships of the line, situated on the most 
navigable river in the world, in latitude 47*5^* 
then went on board the Isisy a 50 gun ship, com- 
modore Douglas®^ commanding, and from him re- 
ceived orders to proceed directly, (the wind being 
fair), up the river, and ordered another pilot to con- 

^ Sir Charles Douglas, “ a very good, a very brave and a 
very honest man,'’ was a descendant of the Earl of Morton, 
and was appointed a lieutenant in the British navy, Decem- 
ber 4, 1753. He was a man of great energy and of a fear- 
less spirit. Finding the ice obstructing his course to 
Quebec, and being anxious to relieve the besieged forces 
there, he put his ship before the wind during a gale and ran 
her with full force against a block of ice twelve feet thick, 
crumbling it in pieces by the shock. He said in his dis- 
patches : “ We now thought it an enterprise worthy of an 
English ship of the line in our king and country’s sacred 
cause, and an effort due to the gallant defense of Quebec, 
to make the attempt of pressing her, by force of sail, 
through the thick, broad and closely connected fields of 
ice (as formidable as the Gulf of St. Lawrence ever ex- 
hibited), to which we saw no bounds.” His arrival on the 
6th of May before Quebec caused the besiegers to abandon 
their post. After a life zealously devoted to his country’s 
welfare, he died March 10, 1789, at Musselburgh, formerly 
Eskmouth, Scotland. Vide Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. 2, 
p. 506; Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage, in loco ; American 
Archives, vol. 6, p. 456; British Family Antiquity (Playfair), 
London, 1811, vol. 7, pp. Ixxxix-xcv. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 105 

duct our ship. It was on the arrival of this man 
of war the enemy flew, she appearing before Quebec 
the sixth of May, which was one of the earliest 
ships that ever made that place before, on account 
of the ice, and she was near lost, being almost 
froze in. The great joy expressed by the inhabit- 
ants on our informing them what a large body of 
troops we had coming to their relief is not to be 
described, after all they had suffered during the 

3i®‘. Came to an anchor at Port Neuf 12 leagues 
above Quebec. The wind not continueing fair, we 
went on shore and got great plenty of vegetables, 
from the Canadians. The weather was lovely. 
The country is only cleared about half a mile from 
the river, and behind such woods, — in all appearance 
as old as the world itself, — as were not planted by 
the hands of men. Nothing is more magnificent 
to the sight ; the trees lose themselves in the 
clouds, and there is such a prodigious variety of 
species, that even among those persons who have 
taken most pains to know them, there is not one, 
perhaps, that knows half the number. Many of our 
fleet were a small way in our stern waiting for the 

June Received orders to disembark, (the 
wind still against us or rather a calm), and march 
up on shore towards the enemy. We were about 
500 men — and more, we hoped, not far in our 
rear — all in great spirits on leaving the ships. Our 



I o6 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

camp equipage and other baggage were left on 
board, to come up‘ when the wind ^ would serve. 
After easy marches, we came to Trois Riviere®'^ 
a neat village and one of the oldest in the colony 
half way from Quebec to Montreal, the whole being 
sixty leagues, the river being navigable loo leagues 
from the sea for large vessels. Troops were joining 
us fast. I suppose we might then have about i,ooo 
with some field pieces & many of our ships off the 
town. We posted strong guards, the enemy being 
so very near, and intended to halt there till the com- 
ing up of the rest of the army. 

More of our troops came up by water. 

About 4 in the morning an alarm was given 
by an out picquet, of the approach of a strong 
body of the enemy. The greatest part of the 
troops still remained on board as they had arrived 
late the night before. Soon after the alarm was 
given, a few shots were heard from one of our 
armed vessels that was stationed a small way above 
the village, who fired on part of the enemy advanc- 
ing between the skirts of the wood and the river. 
In the mean time, the troops on shore were ordered 

^ Trois Rivieres is situated at the confluence of the rivers 
St. Maurice and St. Lawrence, and was thus named on 
account of an island so dividing the waters as to give the 
appearance of three rivers. The town was founded in i6i8, 
and at the time Digby saw it, contained about two hundred 
and fifty houses and twelve hundred inhabitants. At the 
present time it contains nearly ten thousand inhabitants and 
is increasing in prosperity. 

Lieutenant Digby's Journal, 107 

to line every avenue from the village to the wood, 
and take post in the best manner possible. Those 
on board were ordered to land with the greatest 
dispatch. About 5 o'clock, strong advanced parties 
were sent towards the wood, where they discovered 
the enemy marching down in three columns, who 
immediately began a heavy fire with small arms, 
which was instantly returned. In the meantime, 
a strong reinforcement of our troops with some field 
pieces arrived, which soon swept the woods and broke 
their columns, the remains of which were pursued by 
us as far as was prudent. The enemy from that time 
did nothing regular; but broken and dispersed, fired 
a few scattered shots which did little execution. A 
strong detachment of 1200 men under the command 
of Lieu^ Colonel Frazier, marched up the river to try, 
if possible, to get between [them] & their battows 
(boats flat bottomed) but the attempt did not suc- 
ceed thro, their hasty flight. We took 280 prisoners 
with their general Thompson,®^ who commanded the 

^ William Thompson, of whom says Henry, ‘‘ this is a 
man,” was a native of Ireland, and had served as a captain 
in the seven years* war. The year before, he had been made 
colonel of the Pennsylvanian battalion. It had been proposed 
to give him the command in Virginia, but Washington, 
although Thompson had served with him at Cambridge and 
won his esteem, fearing that it would create jealousy, opposed 
the appointment. Congress, however, soon after raised him to 
the rank of brigadier-general and assigned him to service 
in Canada. During the battle, Thompson with Colonel 
Irvine and a small body of men, were cut off from the main 
body, and becoming entangled in swamps for twenty-four 
hours wandered about till exhausted. We concluded,** 

■ io8 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

I expedition, and six other officers. Upwards of 50 

I were found killed in the woods, and it was supposed 

r ! many others, wounded and straglers, must have 

perished there, for they themselves acknowledge on 
, that day to have lost 630 men. Ours was 5 killed 

^ , and 14 wounded; no officer was hurt.^^ 

J • said Irvine, “ it would be better to deliver ourselves up to 

i British officers than to run the risk of being murdered in 

! |: the woods by the Canadians ; accordingly we went up to a 

1 house where we saw a guard and surrendered ourselves, 

. prisoners at discretion.” He complained of the treatment 

■ f of Colonel Nesbit, the officer in command, who hurried 

them with a crowd of prisoners on a forced march to headquar- 
ters, six miles distant, but said that upon their arrival there 
' they found Generals Carleton and Burgoyne, who treated 

them very politely and ordered for them refreshments, which 
General Burgoyne himself served. General Riedesel, how- 
\ ever, seems to have regarded the captives with contempt, as 

; he alludes to General Thompson as a certain Thompson 

I ’ who represents a so-called general.” He remained a pris- 

; , oner for two years, when he was exchanged. In a letter to 

General Heath, Washington wrote, referring to a proposed 
exchange of Generals Thompson and Hamilton : If you 

' ■ cannot succeed in that, they ” (the Board of War) desire you 

to feel the pulse of the two other brigadiers, either of whom 
; j we would willingly exchange for General Thompson.” He 

^ lived but three years after his exchange, and died Septem- 

; ber 4, 1781, at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Vide Account of 

Arnold's Campaign Against Quebec, p. 175 ; Sparks' Wash- 
'j , ington, vol. 3, pp. loi, 309, 315, passim, vol. 5, 358 ; Ram- 

1 say's American Revolution, vol. i, p. 273; Hadden's Journal 

i and Orderly Books, n,, p." 176; Memoirs of Major-General 

Riedesel, Albany, 1868, vol. i, p. 289. 

^ After the death of General Thomas, who was withdraw- 
; ( ing his forces towards the south in order to place them in 

as strong and safe positions as possible, the command de- 
i volved upon Sullivan, who, from his dispatches, appears to 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 109 

9^^ About 6 in the evening we came into the vil- 
lage, after leaving strong guards out. The trans- 
ports, supposed to have gone on shore the night of 
the 7 May, arrived to our great joy ; but this was 
considerably damped by the account of the death of 
poor Charles Haughton,®^ a lieutenant in our regi- 
ment and my particular friend. He was killed by a 
fall from a rock, in the island of Coudres, the chape 
of his sword running into his temple. His premature 
death was lamented by all who knew him. The differ- 
ent brigades were then formed, and our corps, consist- 
ing of all the light infantry and grenadiers of the 
army, (viz 9^^ 20^^ 21®^. 24}^. 2j\ 31®^. 34^^ 53^ & 

62°^^ regiments, with the 24^^ regiment under the com- 
mand of Brigadier general Frazier, lieutenant colonel 
of the 24^^ regiment, and called the advanced corps, 

have been elated at finding himself in possession of the 
chief command, and he conceived, without knowing the 
strength of the enemy, the possibility of “ recovering,’* as 
he expressed it, with his shattered and starving forces, 
“ that ground which former troops have so shamefully lost.” 
In pursuance of this impracticable scheme, for which it is 
but fair to say he was but partially responsible, since Con- 
gress pressed him to it, he pushed the Pennsylvania troops 
back against the overwhelming forces of the enemy, and 
thereby sacrificed them, a blunder almost inexcusable under 
the circumstances. 

^ Charles Houghton, Digby’s friend, has left no record of 
his death save in this journal of his companion in arms. A 
search of the army lists reveals that he was commissioned 
an ensign in the Fifty-third Foot on November 6, 1769, and 
a lieutenant on July 3, 1772. He was, it appears, suc- 
ceeded by William McFarlane, July 10, 1776, but no men- 
tion is made of his death. Vide British Army Lists, in loco. 

I lO 








Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

the rest of the army consisting of the British regi- 
ments above named, and German troops under the 
command of General Reidezel,®® were formed into 
brigades & brigadier generals commanding them, by 
which we took leave of our respective regiments till 
the closing of the campaign. Lord Balcarres, major 
to the 53^ regiment, was appointed major to the light 

Frederick Adolphus Riedesel was born June 3, 1738, at 
Lauterbach in Rhinehesse, and was in command of the 
Brunswickers. He entered college at the age of fifteen, 
but, having his military ardor awakened by witnessing the 
evolutions of the troops at Marburg, he left the law school 
there and joined a regiment. He served during the seven 
years’ war with distinction, and was made major-general of 
the Brunswick troops, which George the Third hired to aid 
in quelling the rebellion of his American subjects. He was 
not exchanged until late in the autumn of 1780. After his 
exchange, he was put in command at Long Island, but in 
the summer of 1781 resumed his command in Canada. 
Here he remained until 1783, when he was ordered home. 
His devoted wife with her children accompanied him through 
the war, and often shared his perils. Her letters home, giving 
a graphic account of the scenes witnessed by her during the 
war, are extremely interesting, and show her to have been a 
remarkable woman. The Americans were greatly incensed at 
the employment of foreign troops against them by the British 
monarch, and exclaimed : “ He employs the borrowed tools 
of the most detestable tyrants of Europe to subvert Ameri- 
can liberty and to erect on its ruins the same despotic 
power of which they are the instruments and guardians in 
their own native land.” The detestation in which these 
foreign hirelings were held, doubtless caused their acts to be 
greatly exaggerated. In their own country they were re- 
garded as noble men and brave soldiers, and their martial 
deeds were embalmed in song. It is well to see how they 
were received on their return home after their campaign in 
America, that the scene may be contrasted with the pictures of 

1 1 1 

Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

infantry ; and major Ackland,*® major io^ regiment, 
to the battallion of grenadiers. I suppose the army 

at this period about 9,000. — 

io‘'’. Received orders to embark except the above 

1 200 under the command of brigadier general Frazier, 

them by American writers. Says Madame Riedesel, writing 
a few days after her return home : “ I had the great satis- 
faction pf seeing my husband, with his own troops, pass 
through the city. Yes’! these very streets, in which eight 
and a half years before, I had lost my joy and happiness, were 
the ones where I now saw this beautiful and soul-stirring 
spectacle. But it is beyond my power to describe my emo- 
tions at beholding my beloved, upright husband, who the 
whole time had lived solely for his duty, and who had con- 
stantly been so unwearied in helping and assisting, as far as 
possible, those who had been intrusted to hint, often, too, 
out of his own purse, never receiving any return for the 
expenditure — standing, with tears of joy in his eyes, in the 
midst of his soldiers, who in turn were surrounded by a joy- 
ous and sorrowful crowd of fathers, mothers, wives, children, 
sisters and friends — all pressing around him to see again 
their loved ones.” This was in the autumn of 1783. Gen- 
eral Riedesel lived for seventeen years after this, dying 
January 6, 1800. Vide Letters and Journal of Madame 
Riedesel, pp. 2-7 ; Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel, pp. 
2-6; Graham’s History of the United States, vol. 6, p. 420. 

John Dyke Acland was a native of Tetton, Somerset- 
shire, and was born February 21, 1747. He was commis- 
sioned an ensign in the Thirty-third Foot, March 23, 1774. 
He became a captain in the same regiment March 23rd, and 
a major of the Twentieth Foot, December 16, 1775, by pur- 
chase. He commanded the grenadiers, both in the campaign 
of ’76 and that of ’77. His bravery and carelessness of 
exposing himself in battle caused him to be twice wounded 
in the latter campaign, at Hubbardton through the thighs, 
and at Bemus Heights through the legs. While lying on 
the field wounded and partially supported by a fence he 
would have been murdered by a young barbarian, who was 

I 12 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

who had not then taken the command of the ad- 
vanced corps but was expected hourly. 

upon the point of shooting him when arrested in his cruel 
design by Major Wilkinson, who protected him. One of the 
many patriotic poets of the period referred to him and 
the lamented Fraser in this manner: 

“ Bleeding and lost the captured Acland lies, 

While leaden slumbers seal his Fraser’s eyes ; 

Fraser ! whose deeds unfailing glories claim, 

Endear’d by virtue and adorn’d by fame.’' 

His wife, the Lady Harriet Acland, accompanied him 
through the terrible campaign of '77, and by her beauty, 
refinement and devotion to her husband, has been made the 
theme of many pens, and gained the admiration of all lovers 
of exalted virtue. During his brief captivity, he made many 
friends among the Americans, and on his return to England 
defended them against unfair criticism. He had recently 
entered Parliament, when he was suddenly cut short in a 
most promising career, dying at Pixton, in Somersetshire, 
November 22, 1778, but a few months after his return from 
America. Many conflicting accounts have been given of the 
cause of his death, one making him the victim of a duel grow- 
ing out of his defense of the Americans. He had indeed, 
on the morning of his fatal attack, had a harmless duel, 
when having returned to breakfast he was suddenly seized 
with apoplexy, and died four days after. Conflicting stories 
have also been related of his wife^s subsequent marriage. 
Fonblanque and other writers have declared that after 
her husband^s death, she married the chaplain who accom- 
panied her after the battle of Bemus Heights through storm 
and darkness to the American camp to seek her wounded 
husband, but Mr. Wm. L. Stone has furnished undoubted 
proof that she died the widow of Major Acland, July 21, 
1815. Vide Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage, and British 
Army Lists, loco; A State of the Expedition, p. 127; 
Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, pp. 269-271, 377; Polit- 
ical and Military Episodes, p. 301, et seq. ; W. L. Stone in 
Magazine of American History, for January, 1880; Hadden’s 
Journal and Orderly Books, pp. lii-Ivi, 88. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 1 1 3 

ii“* & 12*. Were becalmed. 

13*. Sailed up the river with a fair wind as far as 
lake St. Piere where the wind failed us. 

14*. About one i?i the morning, his excellency, 
general Carlton, came up and immediately ordered 
the fleet to get under way ; the wind then turning 
fair, but soon after an express arriving and some 
shots being heard fired on shore [he] ordered them 
to anchor. The appearance of such a fleet so great 
a distance from the sea, was well worth seeing, 
also the beauty of the river, many villages being 
scattered on its banks, with the mildness of the 
weather and the verdure of the country, (the trees 
being then all in bloom), formed a most romantic 
and charming prospect, particularly after being so 
many weeks at sea. In less than an hour, the 
general’s ship got under way, [and] sailed ahead 
towards the frigate, when the whole fleet weighed, 
and at day light, were ordered to form a line of 
battle as near as the channel would admit. On our 
opening [upon] the fort Sorrel, the troops got orders 
to be in readiness to land on the shortest notice, 
the signal being a blue ensign at the frigate’s miz- 
zen picue. Soon after we received orders for the 
light infantry and grenadiers of the army, with the 
first brigade only, to land, and about 9 in the eve- 
ning, reached the shore under the command of 

This lake was so named by Champlain who entered it 
June 29th, St. Peter’s day. Vtde Champlain’s Voyages, vol. 
I, p. 259. 


1 14 Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

brigadier general Nesbit,^* lieutenant colonel of 47^ 
regiment. — 

We found the enemy had deserted their lines, 
and about 10 o^clock the troops took post and lay 
all night on their arms. 

1 5^. At day break, lieutenant general Burgoyne’* 
landed with the 9^^ & 31^^ Battallions, with six six- 

William Nesbit had been stationed in Massachusetts and 
was the Lieutenant-Colonel Nesbit who took part in the 
battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill and participated in 
the burning of Charlestown. He had at this time been in 
the king’s service twenty-five years, having entered the 
Thirty-sixth Foot as an ensign, April 20, 1751, and been 
advanced to a lieutenancy October 15, 1754, and a captaincy 
in the second battalion of the Thirty-first Foot, September 
2, 1756, which became subsequently the Seventieth Foot. 
Of this regiment he was made Major May i, 1760, and 
November 24, 1762, was raised to the lieutenant-colonelcy 
of the Fourth Foot. This was his rank in the Forty-seventh 
Foot at the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. His 
regiment was ordered to Canada in the spring of ’76, and 
Nesbit became brigadier-general of the First Brigade. He 
was a strict disciplinarian, and was accused by the Americans 
of harshness and cruelty. He was taken suddenly sick dur- 
ing the campaign of ’76, and returned to Quebec, where after 
an illness of a few weeks, he died. Vide British Army Lists, 
in loco ; History of the Siege of Boston (Frothingham), p. 
200; American Archives, series 5, vol. 3, p. 1089. 

John Burgoyne was the descendant of an old and noted 
family of Sutton. In 1 38/ it is said that John of Gaunt granted 
to the family the extensive manors of Sutton and Potton by 
the following curious deed : 

'* I, John of Gaunt 
Do give and do graunt 
Unto Roger Burgoyne 
And the heirs of his loyne 
All Sutton and Potton 
Until the world’s rotten.” 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 115 

pounders, as he was appointed to command the 
expedition against fort Chamble and fort St 

He was born February 4, 1722-3. The question of his 
paternity has been discussed by many writers, most ably 
by Colonel Horatio Rogers, to whose article the reader is 
referred. He was educated at Westminster, and in 1744 
held a commission in the Thirteenth Dragoons. At the age 
of twenty-one he eloped with Lady Charlotte, the daughter 
of the Earl of Derby. Four years later he retired from the 
army and resided on the continent until June 14, 1756, when 
he re-entered the army with a captain’s commission in the 
Eleventh Dragoons and served under the great Duke of 
Marlborough in the attacks on Cherbourg and St. Malo in 
1758, and on May loth, of the same year, he was appointed 
captain-lieutenant in the Second Foot Guards with the 
army rank of lieutenant-colonel. On August 4, 1759, he 
was appointed lieutenant-colonel in command of the Six- 
teenth Dragoons, which achieved fame as Burgoyne’s 
Light Horse.” In 1762, with the rank of colonel in the 
army and of brigadier-general for the campaign, he served 
with honor in Spain and returned to England the next year 
with a brilliant reputation. He had been elected to repre- 
sent the borough of Midhurst in Parliament in 1762, and 
served as a representative of this borough for six years, when 
he was elected to represent Preston, which position he con- 
tinued to hold through life. He was now at the height of 
his fame, rich and courted, with a marked reputation as a 
statesman and literary man. Among other honors conferred 
upon him, was that of being raised to the rank of major- 
general in the army May 25, 1772. When the war with 
America broke out, Burgoyne was one of the first to whom 
the king turned, and with Clinton and Howe was assigned to 
service there. The frigate upon which they embarked April 
20, 1775, and which reached Boston May 20th, bore the sug- 
gestive name of the Cerberus^ which inspired the following 
humorous lines : 

Behold the Cerberus the Atlantic plough, 

Her precious cargo, Burgoyne, Clinton, Howe, 

Bow, wow, wow.” 


1 1 6 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

Johns, the latter on the banks of lake Champlain and 
the former 1 2 leagues nearer Quebec ; and at 9 o clock, 
the army in number about 4000, received orders to 
march. That night we reached St Denis, about 50 

He witnessed the battle of Bunker Hill, but took no part 
in it, and in November returned to England. The remain- 
der of his military career may be traced here in the journal 
of Digby. Burgoyne's wife died June 7, 1776, while he was 
engaged in the campaign of that year. Some time after his 
return from his disastrous campaign in America, he became 
connected with a public singer with whom he reared out of 
wedlock, four children, one of whom became the noted field 
marshal. Sir John Burgoyne. Some of his dramatic com- 
positions attained great popularity and ran through many 
editions. A complete collection of his works are to be 
found in the British Museum. He died August 4, I 792 > ^^d 
was buried in Westminster Abbey. Vide Burke’s Peerage 
and Baronetage ; British Army Lists, and Chronological 
Register of Parliament, in loco; Political and Military Epi- 
sodes, pp. 4-9, 1 5, 27, 54, et passim ; Remembrancer of Public 
Events, London, i775,vol. i,p. 16; Registers of Westminster 
Abbey, p. 250; British Family Antiquity, vol. 6, p. 314. 

^Chambly. This fort as well as the town situated at the 
foot of the rapids of the river Richelieu or Sorel, twelve 
miles east, south-east of Montreal, took its title from a 
Frenchman of that name. It occupied the site of a wooden 
structure called Fort St. Louis, erected in 1764 to protect 
the inhabitants from the hostile Iroquois. Chambly was 
captured by the Americans, October 20, I 775 > ^-^id had been 
held by them to this time. Fort St. Johns, about twenty- 
eight miles south-east of Montreal on the same river, had been 
taken by Montgomery in November, he having passed it in 
the night and captured Chambly below, which was not so 
well garrisoned, as the British supposed that St. Johns would 
be the object of attack. The works here had been first 
erected by Montcalm, and subsequently enlarged and 
strengthened by the British. It was about one hundred and 
fifteen miles north of Ticonderoga, the American stronghold. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

miles, which, notwithstanding the great heat of the 
day and the fatigue the men underwent the night 
before, they executed with the greatest cheerfulness. 
We heard the enemy were flying before us in the 
greatest terror. The Canadian voluntiers took one 
prisoner and shot another who was in liquor and 
refused to surrender.’^ 

I6‘^ The army halted greatly fatigued, owing 
chiefly to their being so long confined on ship 

^ Jones, on the other side, gives graphic pictures of this 
retreat. He says that the troops “ Had barely quitted one 
end of Chamblee when the advance-guard of the column 
under Burgoyne entered it at the other. The sick had been 
sent on ahead from St. Johns to Isle-aux-Noix. But two 
men could be spared from those fit for duty to row each 
boatload of them, and these pulled wearily all night long, 
with their helpless burdens, against the current of the river, 
for the distance of twelve miles. They reached Isle-aux- 
Noix just before day. What more distressing situation can 
be imagined ? The greater number of the sick were utterly 
helpless, some died on the way, others were dying, — all 
crying out for relief which could not be furnished them. 

‘ It broke my heart,’ wrote Dr. Meyrick, a surgeon who was 
with them on the Isle-aux-Noix, ‘ and I wept till I had no 
more power to weep.’ ” And another writer speaking of the 
troops which reached Crown Point: “The broken fragments 
of the army of Canada presented one of the most distress- 
ing sights witnessed during the whole war. Of the five 
thousand two hundred men collected at Crown Point, two 
thousand eight hundred were so sick as to require the atten- 
tion of the hospital, while those reported fit for duty were 
half naked, emaciated and entirely broken down in strength, 
spirits and discipline.” Vide Campaign for the Conquest of 
Canada, Philadelphia, 1882, p. 88; History of Lake Cham- 
plain, (Palmer) Albany, 1866, p. 115. 

ii8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

1 7‘^ The whole moved in the evening and reached 
Belloeille, eight leagues. 

i8‘\ Marched at 2 o’clock in the morning for fort 
Chamble, which we reached about 9 the same day, 13 
miles, and found the fort burned, the enemy having 
retreated to St Johns. We found 4 battows and took 
2 prisoners. ’Tis remarkable they did not burn or 
destroy any bridges from Sorrel ; had they done so, it 
must have delayed us greatly, but between the forts 
of Chamble and St John’s, about 12 miles, they de- 
stroyed all the bridges, which in such a wild country 
are not a few, for every rivulet must have something 
like a bridge to render it passable, and this detained 
us some hours. About 12 at noon, the line was 
ordered to move [on] the enemy, who were not then 
5 hours before us. The army marched in the greatest 
regularity, as from intelligence received, the general 
had no doubt but he should be attacked on his march, 
our road leading thro, thick woods. When we got 
within about a league of St Johns, the general was 
informed that a party which had been taken for 
an advance guard of theirs coming out to meet 
us, was their rear guard, covering their retreat, 
on which three companies of light infantry were 
ordered on, which they did on a trot, and reached 
the fort about dark, finding it abandoned and on 
fire. The army came up about half an hour after 
and lay on their arms all night. 

Following are the general orders from Burgoyne 
to the army. — 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 119 

General Orders. 

“The expedition on which Lieut Gen. Burgoyne 
has had the honour to be employed being finished 
by the precipitate flight of the rebels, he shall 
think it his duty to make a faithful report to his 
excellency the commander in chief, of the zeal 
and activity shewn in the officers and men under 
his command, to surmount the difficulties of the 
march and come to action. Those are principles 
that cannot fail to produce the most glorious 
effects whenever the enemy shall acquire boldness 
enough to put them to the proof. — ” 

Thus was Canada saved with much less trouble 
than was expected on our embarking from Great 
Britain. How to pursue them over Lake Cham- 
plain, was our next thought, and the tediousness 
that threatened our operations necessary for so 
great an expedition was far from pleasing. We 
had every thing to build, battows to convey the 
troops over, and armed schooners and sloops to 
oppose theirs, most of which were taken from us 
at the breaking out of the affair. It was thought 
that every thing would be ready in 7 or 8 weeks, 
but the undertaking was a great one, and, I must 
say, persevered in with the greatest dispatch possible. 
Carpenters from all the ships were ordered up with 
artificers from the different regiments. Most of the 
Canadians thro, the province were employed in mak- 
ing roads through the woods, bringing up cannons, 
provisions and all other kind of stores requisite for 

1 20 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

such an undertaking. The disaffected Canadians were 
obliged to work in irons. Our fleet at that time was 
got up to Montreal, where, I believe, they before 
never saw such a one. The island of Montreal is 
ten leagues long from east to west and near four 
leagues in breadth. A mountain rises in the 
middle about half a league from the town, which is 
a long square situated on the bank of the river. 
Boats from all the ships were sent round by the 
river Sorrel, (which runs into the St Lawrence at 
that town,) with every article wanting at fort St 
Johns. There was a carrying place of 6 or 7 miles 
between that place and fort Chamble, where all boats 
and battows were drawn over by rollers, with a great 
number of horses. Two sloops of war carrying 12 
guns each, then lying at Chamble, were attempted 
to be so brought up, but found not practicable, on 
which their guns were taken out, the vessels taken 
to pieces and rebuilt at St Johns, during which time, 
other hands were busyily employed in building the 
Carlton, a 12 gun schooner, and the Injiexible, a 28 
gun frigate, also a floating battery of great strength, 
carrying mortars, shells and 24 pounders ; during 
which the army was encamped as contiguously to the 
lake as possible. 

July 5‘^ We were joined by a nation of savages, 
many more were shortly expected at our camp, and 
I must say their appearance came fully up [to] or 
even surpassed the idea I had conceived of them. 
They were much encouraged by Gen Carlton, as 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 121 

useful to the army in many particulars, but their 
cruel and barbarous custom of scalping^^ must be 
shocking to an European ; though practised on our 
enemies. They walked freely thro, our camp and 
came into our tents without the least ceremony, 
wanting brandy or rum, for which they would do any- 
thing, as their greatest pleasure is in getting beastly 
intoxicated. Their manner of dancing the war 
dance is curious and shocking, being naked and 
painted in a most frightful manner. When they 
give the war whoop or yell, (which is a signal for 
engaging) they appear more like infernals, than of 
the human kind ; but more of them hereafter. The 
weather was then intensely hot, scarce bearable in a 

We are told that the torture of prisoners had its origin 
with the Iroquois, and was adopted by other Indian tribes 
throughout America ; but the practice was world-wide be- 
fore America was discovered. The fearful accounts in the 
relations of the Jesuits of the tortures inflicted upon their 
captives by the savages, find an almost exact parallel in 
Maccabees, where Antiochus not only mutilates and burns, 
but scalps his victims. Scalping was also common among 
the Scythians. The modern scalping-knife,’* says Catlin, 
“ is of civilized manufacture, made expressly for Indian use, 
and carried into the Indian country by thousands. His 
untutored mind has not been ingenious enough to design 
or execute any thing so savage or destructive as these 
civilized refinements in Indian barbarity. If I should ever 
cross the Atlantic with my collection, a curious enigma 
would be solved for the English people who may inquire 
for a scalping-knife, when they find that every one in 
my collection bears on its blade the impress 'G. R.” 
Vide 2 Maccabees 7, pp. 3-20; Moeurs des Sauvages 
(Lafitau), vol. 2, p. 287; American Indians (Catlin), vol. i, 
p. 236. 


122 Lietdenant Digby' s Journal. 

camp, where the tents rather increased than dimin- 
ished it, and the great number of men in so small a 
space made it very disagreeable, though we all went 
as thinly clothed as possible, wearing large loos^ 
trousers to prevent the bite of the moscheto, a small 
fly which was then very troublesome. Our men in 
general were healthy, and not much troubled with 
fevers and fluxes, so common when encamped in a 
warm climate, and lying nights on the ground under 
heavy dew. The tree spruce, which grows there in 
great plenty, as indeed in most parts of America, is 
an excellent antiscorbutic, and when made into beer 
is far from a disagreeable flavour. The Canadians in 
general are a very happy set of people. They pos- 
sess all the vivacity of their ancestors, the French, 
and in the country appear on an equal footing ; their 
noblesse choosing mostly to reside in Montreal or 
Quebec, both good towns and many English settled 
there. It would be the greatest presumption in me 
to attempt a description of the customs, manners, 
curiosities, trade of Canada. For such I must 
refer the reader to many abler hands who have 
more fully expatiated on them than I could pretend 
to do 

22*^. Lieut Fraziei^ 9 reg‘ and lieu‘ Scott’^ 24 regt 
were sent on a party of observation by gen Frazier 

Alexander Fraser was a nephew of General Simon 
Fraser, and had served in the Ninth Regiment of Infantry 

” Thomas Scott was commissioned an ensign in the 
Twenty-fourth Foot May 20, 1761, and served in Germany 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 


to discover if possible what the enemy were about 
on the lake. They had 12 regulars and about 
30 Indians in cannoes. The bark cannoes are the 
best and will paddle very swift. They are made in 

for ten years, having been commissioned a lieutenant Octo- 
ber 25, 1766. He was made a captain-Heutenantr May 13, 
1776, on which date General Carleton, in an order, directed 
him to report to General Burgoyne, “ in order to receive his 
commands relative to the assembling of the Indians,’* and it 
appears that he was placed in command of a body of these 
blood-thirsty savages, whom he found it no easy matter to 
control. We are told that on a certain occasion, having 
friends to dine, the Indians of his command unceremoniously 
came into the room where he was entertaining his guests and 
insisted upon drinking with them. He at first prevailed 
upon them to retire by giving them a bottle of rum, but 
they soon returned, under pretense of having business with 
him, and grew so troublesome that he was obliged to break 
up his entertainment. Having been dispatched to Canada 
before the surrender of Burgoyne, he escaped captivity with 
his fellow soldiers. He was transferred to the Thirty-fourth 
Foot November ii, 1776; was made major in the army 
November 18, 1790; lieutenant-colonel March i, 1794, and 
of the Forty-fifth Foot, September i, 1795, and shortly after 
disappears from the army lists. Vide British Army Lists, 
in loco; Letters of Sir Guy Carleton, 1776-78, voL i, p. 482; 
Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, 
pp. 214-19. 

the following year, and later at Gibraltar. He was advanced 
to a lieutenancy June 7, 1765. He served through this and 
the subsequent campaign with distinction, and was made a 
captain-lieutenant July 14, 1777. He was intrusted by 
Burgoyne, after the terrible battle at Freeman’s Farm, with 
the dangerous service of conveying dispatches through the 
American lines to General Clinton, which would subject 
him to certain death if discovered. He has left a journal of 
his adventures upon this occasion. After eleven days, in 







Digby s Journal. 

the following manner : the bark which is very thin, 
they lay on flat ribs mostly made of cedar. These 
ribs are confined their whole length by small cross 
bars which separate the seats of the cannoe. Two 
main pieces of the same wood, to which these little 

which he encountered hardship and peril, he reached Clin- 
ton just after he had captured Fort Montgomery, and 
delivered his dispatches. On the next day he set out on his 
return to the imperiled army of Burgoyne, and, after several 
days, making his way through woods and marshes, he heard 
rumors of Burgoyne’s capitulation, and found it impossible 
to get through the American lines. He therefore turned 
back and was fortunate enough to reach Clinton’s fleet in 
safety. He shortly after found his way to Canada, and on 
October 8th was appointed captain in the Fifty-third Regi- 
ment, a portion of which had been left by Burgoyne to 
garrison Ticonderoga. He served with marked ability in 
Canada, returning to England in 1788. After severe service 
on the continent, in which he participated in many battles, 
he was promoted to the rank of major November 13, 1793, 
and on the 27th of October, 1794, lieutenant-colonel of the 
Ninety-fourth Regiment by purchase, and, in 1796, was 
adjutant-general to the forces at the Cape of Good Hope. 
During the year 1799 he was in command of a native brigade 
in India, and participated in the taking of Seringapatam. 
On January i, 1801, having returned to England the previ- 
ous year, broken in health by severe and almost constant 
service for forty years, he was made colonel by brevet, and 
assigned to the recruiting service. On August 10, 1804, he 
was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, and April 
25, 1808, major-general on the North Britain staff, in which 
position he served until June 4, 1813, when he received his 
last appointment of lieutenant-general in the army, a posi- 
tion which he had earned by service of the most arduous 
kind performed with unusual judgment and zeal. He died 
in 1814. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Captain Scott’s 
Journal, quoted by Fonblanque, pp. 287-90; Burgoyne’s 
Orderly Book, pp. 53-55. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

bars are sewed, strengthen the whole machine. 
Between the ribs and the bark they thrust little 
pieces of cedar which are thinner still than the ribs, 
and which help to strengthen the cannoe, the two 
ends of which rise by degrees and insensibly end in 
sharp points that turn inwards. These two ends are 
exactly alike, so that to change their course and turn 
back, the canoemen need only change hands. He 
who is behind, steers with his oar, working continu-^ 
ally, and the greatest occupation of him who is for- 
ward, is to take care that the cannoe touches nothing 
to burst it. They sit or kneel on the bottom, and 
their oars are paddles of 5 or 6 feet long, com- 
monly of maple ; but when they go against a current 
that is pretty strong, they must use a pole and stand 
upright. One must have a good deal of practice to 
preserve a ballance in this exercise, for nothing is 
lighter and, of consequence, easier to overset than 
these cannoes, the greatest of which, with their load- 
ing does not draw more than half a foot of water, 
and will carry 12 men, two upon a seat, and 4000 
pounds weight. The smallest of these will carry 
a sail, and with a good wind can make 20 leagues 
in a day. Without sails they must be good 
canoemen to make 12 leagues in a dead water. — 
About 20 miles from St John’s near the Isle aux- 
Noix — island of nuts — they fell in with a party 
of the enemy, and, after some fireing, brought 
them to us prisoners, with the loss only of one 
Indian and a few wounded. The captains name was 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

Wilson, who informed us they were very strong 
at Crown Points and Ticonderoga,'°® both places 

^ James Armstrong Wilson, son of Thomas Wilson and 
Jean Armstrong, was born in 1752 in the Cumberland valley, 
and came from warlike stock, some of his ancestors having 
served as officers in the French and Indian wars. When the 
Revolution opened, he raised a company of which he was 
commissioned captain January 9, 1776. This company was 
included as number five in Colonel William Irvine’s, or the 
Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment. He had command of a party 
of thirty men, and was on a reconnoissance, when without 
exercising sufficient prudence, he penetrated to the river 
Sorel, where he encountered the British and Indians, under 
the command of Captain Craig. Wilson’s men fought so 
well as to excite the admiration of their foes. Two men on 
each side lost their lives ; one of the British infantry being 
mortally wounded, and one of their Indian allies killed ; and 
on the American side, likewise, one man was killed and 
another mortally wounded. After his release from captivity 
he returned to his home near Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where 
he remained until his exchange was effected. He was sub- 
sequently commissioned a major in one of the regiments of 
the Pennsylvania line, then being organized, but owing to 
disability caused by exposure in the Canadian campaign he 
was compelled to retire from service. He continued in fail- 
ing health until March 17, 1783, when he died, in the thirty- 

^ Crown Point is on the western shore of Lake Champlain, 
about ninety miles north of Albany. On the peninsula, 
which is nearly a mile in width, the French built a fort in 
1731, which they named Fort St. Frederic, in honor of 
Frederic Maurepas, the secretary of state at that time. 

Ticonderoga, or Cheonderoga (brawling waters) as the 
Indians called it, a promontory at the outlet of Lake George, 
has been the scene of many battles, and its soil has been 
often enriched with human blood. There can be but little 
doubt that on this historic spot occurred the battle which 
Champlain so graphically describes as having taken place 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

of great strength by nature, and neither men 
nor cannon wanting to make them more so ; also 
their force on the lake was great and much superior, 

sixth year of his age. The Carlisle Gazette thus spoke of 
him : ** The many virtues of this good and amiable man 

endeared him in a particular manner to all who knew him. 
In him his country has lost a disinterested and inflexible 
patriot.*' Major Wilson married Margaret, daughter of 
Captain Robert Miller of the Revolution, who, with several 
children, survived him. 

I am indebted for important facts in this note to the kind- 
ness of Dr. W. H. Egle, of Harrisburg, State Librarian of 
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 

In 1759 this fort was captured by the British and Provin- 
cials, under General Amherst, and was taken from fhem by 
the Americans, under command of Colonel Seth Warner, in 
May, 1775, there being at this time a garrison of but twelve 
men in the fort. 

between the Iroquois and the Hurons, in which he took part 
so unwarrantably in the summer of 1609. From immemorial 
time it had served as the gateway between the vast tribal 
regions of the south and those of the north. Here, so well 
suited was the place for a defensive post, Montcalm, in 1756, 
built his fort, and, with “ the poet's tongue of baptismal 
flame," called it Carillon, on account of the music of the 
waterfall near by, which reminded him of a chime of bells. 
But the sweet voice of the waterfall was drowned by the 
harsh din of battle in 1758, between the English and French. 
In this battle, the English under Abercrombie were defeated. 
The next year Amherst laid siege to and captured it. For 
sixteen years it remained in the possession of the English, 
when Ethan Allen, in 1775, took it from the English, who 
retook it in 1777, but were soon forced to part with it. In 
1778 it was again taken by General Haldeman, but was soon 
abandoned to the Americans. Vide Champlain's Voyages, 
Prince Society, vol. 2, p. 223; Hinton's Hist. U. S., vol. i, 
pp. 172, 174, 231 et passim. 

128 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

he believed, to any we could bring against them that 
year. The fort of St Johns, at the time it was at- 
tacked by the enemy, was garrisoned by a few com- 
panies of the 26“* regmt. They stood out some days 
but were obliged to surrender to superior numbers. 
The remainder of the regiment, with part of the 7“* 
were at Chamble, where they made but a very short 
stand ; less than even the enemy imagined. There 
they took a great store of powder which might have 
been easily destroyed, and turned out the means of 
their rapid movement toward Quebec, the capital. — 
25‘\ As brig, gen Gordon,'” who commanded the 
first bggade of British, was rideing from St Johns 

The following account of the capture of Fort St. John 
is from Hadden’s Journal, pp. 2 and 3 : ''The Fort at Cham- 
blee or rather the Shell of a large square House loop holed, is 
an ancient structure raised about 50 Feet, totaly of Masonry 
and intended as a defence against the sudden attack of the 
Savages. It was surrender’d by Major Stopford (last year) 
to the Rebels (who brought i Gun & a Horse load of powder 
against it) after firing a few Shot: and he neglected to 
destroy a large quantity of powder then in the Fort, they 
were enabled to return' and attack Fort St. Johns. The 
powder might have been thrown into the Rapids as the Fort 
is immediately above them. There was also a Well in the 
Fort. Timidity and Folly in this instance seem to have 
been the cause of all the succeeding misfortunes in Canada. 
I did not learn that any Men were Killed or wounded in 
the Fort, and it certainly might have held out long enough 
for the Enemy to have expended all their ammunition, in 
which case they must have abandoned their enterprise. On 
the contraiy with the above supplies they besieged and took 
St. Johns in about Six weeks.” 

Patrick Gordon was commissioned in the First Foot as 
captain, or first lieutenant, January 22, 1755, and promoted 


Lteutenant Digby s Journal. 

to Lapraire, (about 4 leagues') he was shot by a 
scouting party of the enemy from the wood; two 
balls took place in his shoulder, of which he died 
the following day, and in a general order to the 

to the captaincy of the second battalion of the same regi- 
ment, February 16, 1756, and major of the One Hundred 
and Eighth Foot, October 17, 1761. He was raised to the 
lieutenant-colonelcy of the Twenty-ninth Foot previous to 
the departure of the troops from Ireland, and soon after his 
arrival in Canada was further rewarded by having bestowed 
upon him a brigadier-general’s commission. He died on the 
first of August, and was buried at Montreal on the third. Had- 
den says : “ About the 2nd of August Brigadier Gen 1 Gordon 
was wounded and died. Lord Petersham narrowly escaped 
the same fate. The distance between St. Johns and Montreal, 
passing by Chatnblee, is about 30 miles ; on this Road the 
Army lay encamped or Canton’d, but there was a shorter 
route by La Pratrte, and this tho. unguarded, was thought 
secure from the distance & panic of the Enemy, and Officers 
constantly travell’d it without escorts. The Rebels having 
information of this circumstance and wishing for intelligence, 
detached one Whitcomb, with four others to waylay this 
Road, and they succeeded but too well. Whitcomb shot 
Gen’l Gordon when he might have taken him Prisoner. The 
day following he seized & carried off, the Qr. Master of the 
29th Reg’t and a Noncommissioned Officer, who knew noth- 
ing of the late accident. Whitcomb returned by the edge of 
Lake Champlain and got safe into Tyconderoga with his Pris- 
oners tho. pursued by the Savages.” Whitcomb’s own account 
of this transaction is as follows : “ Twenty third, early in the 
morning, I returned to my former place of abode, stood there 
the whole day, saw twenty three carts laden with barrels and 
tents going to St. Johns. Twenty fourth, staid at the same 
place till about twelve o’clock then fired on an officer, and 
moved immediately into Chambly road ; being discovered, 
retreated back into the woods and staid till night , then 
taking the road and passing the guards till I came below 
Chambly, finding myself discovered, was obliged to conceal 


130 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

army from his excellency, general Carlton, after 
having expatiated on such a cowardly and cruel 
manner of carrying on the war ; he describes the 
dress, person of the scout, their captain, called 

myself in the brush till dark/' The next day he completed 
his escape. Anburey gives an interesting account of the 
affair, and says that after being wounded, The General 
immediately rode as fast as he could to the camp at St. 
Johns, which he had but just reached, when with the loss of 
blood and fatigue, he fell from his horse ; some soldiers took 
him up and carried him to the hospital, where, after his 
wound was dressed, and he was a little at ease, he related 
the circumstance, which being immediately made known to 
General Carleton, a party of Indians were sent out to scour 
the woods, and search for Whitcomb, but in vain, as he 
hastened back to Ticonderoga. General Carleton, however, 
imagining he might be lurking about the woods, or secreted 
in the house of some disaffected Canadian, issued out a 
proclamation among the inhabitants, offering a reward of 
fifty guineas to any one that would bring Whitcomb, alive 
or dead, to the camp. A few days after this. General Gordon 
died of his wound, in whpse death we sincerely lamented 
the loss of a brave and experienced officer. When Whit- 
comb returned to Ticonderoga, and informed the General 
who commanded there, that although he could not take an 
officer prisoner, he believed he had mortally wounded one, 
the General expressed his disapprobation in the highest 
terrns, and was so much displeased at the transaction, that 
Whitcomb, in order to effect a reconciliation, offered his 
services to go again, professing he would forfeit his life, if he 
did not return with a prisoner." We shall see how well he 
promise. General James Wilkinson calls 
Whitcomb an assassin, and doubtless states correctly that 
the shooting of Gordon was looked upon by the Americans 
as a criminal act. V ide British Army Lists, in loco ; Hadden's 
Journal, pp. 4 ~bj American Archives, Fifth Series, vol. i, p. 

Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, 
p. 256 ; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 69. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 1 3 1 

Whitcomb, a famous ranger from Connecticut, 
wishing, should he be taken, he might be spared for 
the hands of the hangman, a soldier’s death being 
too honourable for such a wretch. 

J® Lieutenant Benjamin Whitcomb was one of the most 
active and daring scouts on the American side. ^ For his 
services he was, shortly after this date, made a major. After 
shooting General Gordon and narrowly escaping capture by 
the troops and Indians sent in pursuit of him, which would 
have resulted in his immediate execution, being stung by 
the reproaches of some of his companions in arms, who re- 
garded the shooting of Gordon a criminal act, he immedi- 
ately returned to the place where the shooting took place, 
though it seemed certain death for him so to do, avowing it 
as his purpose to capture an officer or lose his life in the 
attempt. The result was the capture by him of the quarter- 
master, Alexander Saunders, and a non-commissioned officer, 
both of whom he carried prisoners safely to Ticonderoga. An- 
burey relates the particulars of the affair : “ The regiment of 
which our friend Sfaunders] is Quarter-master, having occa- 
sion for some stores from Montreal, he was going from the 
camp at St. John’s to procure them ; he was advised not to 
go this road, but by way of Chamblee, on account of the 
late accident ; but you know him to be a man of great 
bravery and personal courage, joined with uncommon 
strength ; resolving not to go so many miles out of his 
road for any Whitcomb whatever, he jocosely added that he 
should be very glad to meet with him, as he was sure he 
should get the reward; in this, however, he was greatly 
mistaken, his reward being no other than that of being 
taken prisoner himself. Previous to his setting out he took 
every precaution, having not only loaded his fusee, but 
charged a brace of pistols ; when he came near to the 
woods I have already described, he was very cautious, but 
in an instant Whitcomb and the two men he had with him 
sprung from behind a thick brush and seized him before he 
could make the least resistance ; they then took from him 
his fusee and pistols, tied his arms behind him with ropes. 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

2(J. By a flag of truce, the general sent all the 
prisoners taken at Trois Rivieres on parole to their 
respective homes, relying on their word of not bear- 
ing arms till duly exchanged ; how they attended to 
their parole I am not a judge, though many were of 

and blindfolded him. It was three days before they reached 
the canoe that had been concealed, during which time they 
had but very scanty fare ; a few hard biscuits served to allay 
their hunger, while the fruit of the woods was a luxury ! 
When Whitcomb had marched him to such a distance as he 
thought he could not make his escape, were he at liberty, 
through fear of losing himself, for the greater ease on his 
own part and to facilitate their march, they untied his hands 
and took the cloth from his eyes.— At night, when they had 
partaken of their scanty pittance, two out of the three used 
to sleep whilst the other kept watch. The first night he 
slept through fatigue ; on the second, as you may naturally 
suppose, from his great anxiety of mind, he could not close 
his eyes, in the middle of which an opportunity occurred 
whereby he could have effected his escape, for the man whose 
watch it was, fell fast asleep. He has since told me how his 
mind wavered for a length of time, what measures to pursue ; 
he could not bear the idea of putting them to death, though 
justified by the rules of war; if he escaped from them, they 
might in all probability retake and ill-treat him. The great 
hazard of all, which determined him to abide by his fate, 
was, that by being so many miles in a tract of wood, where 
he could not tell what direction to take (having been blind- 
folded when he entered it), he might possibly wander up and 
down till he perished with hunger. In this restless state he 
remained till daybreak, when they resumed their march, and 
in the evening came to the creek where the canoe was con- 
cealed.’’ The next morning Whitcomb reached Ticonde- 
roga with his prisoners. The shooting of Gordon stirred up 
much bitterness of feeling against the Americans, and when 
a flag of truce was sent by them to the British the day after 
Gordon’s death. General Carleton issued the following 
proclamation : 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

opinion it would soon be forgot on their getting clear 
from Canada.’®^ 

Head Quarters, Quebec, Au^. 4**, 1776. 

“The commanding Officers of Corps will take especial 
care that every one under their command be informed, that 
Letters, or messages from Rebels, Traitors in Arms against 
the King, Rioters, disturbers of the public Peace, Plunderers, 
Robbers, Assassins, or Murderers, are on no occasion to be 
admitted : That shou’d emmissaries from such lawless Men 
again presume to approach the Army, whether under the 
name of Flag of Truce Men or Ambassadors except when 
they come to implore the King’s mercy, their persons shall 
be immediately seized and committed to close confinement 
to be proceeded against as the Law directs : Their Papers & 
Letters for whomsoever directed (even this Com’r in Chief) 
are to be deliver’d to the Provost Martial, that unread and 
unopen’d they may be burnt by the hands of the common 

The following is extracted from an order of General Phil- 
lips, issued from Chamblee the 26th of July. After speak- 
ing of the shooting of General Gordon, he says : 

“ The Person who commanded the Party which attacked 
General Gordon is Whitcomb of Connecticut calling himself 
Lieutenant. He is between 30 and 40 years of Age, to 
appearance near 6 feet high, rather thin than otherwise, 
light brown Hair tied behind, rough Face, not sure whether 
occasioned by the small Pox or not. He wears a kind 
of under Jacket without Sleeves, slash Pockets, leather 
Breeches, grey woolen or yarn Stockings, and Shoes. Hat 

1 ** The kindness of General Carleton to his prisoners was 
never forgotten by them. Henry, one of those released 
prisoners whom Digby here alludes to, calls him the 
“ Amiable, it might be said, admirable Major Carleton.” 
After their parole, a copy of which may be seen in Henry’s 
account, he says : “ Captain Prentis procured me permission 
from government with a few friends to traverse the city. 
An officer of the garrison attended us. Our first desire was 


Lieutenant Digby s Jour^tal. 

August I4‘^ Our corps moved up to the Isle 
Aux Noix,*°5 in such battows as were ready, by which 
the first brigade took up our ground at St John’s, 
and was, of course, a general movement to the army. 
The island is about one mile long and half a one in 
breadth, mostly covered with wood, which in a short 
time we cleared for our camp, which was badly situ- 
ated, being in a swamp, and much troubled with 

flapped, a gold Cord tied round it. He had a Forelock, 
Blanket, Pouch and Powder Horn. 

“Should he, or any of his Party, of the same nature, 
come within reach of our Men, it is hoped they will not 
honor them with Soldier’s Deaths if they can possibly avoid 
it, but reserve them for due Punishment, which can only be 
effected by the Hangman.” Vide Hadden’s Journal and 
Orderly Books, pp. ;, 8, 237 ; Travels Through the Interior 
Parts of America, vol. i, pp. 258-263. 

to see the grave of our general and those of his aids, as well 
as those of the beloved Hendricks and Humphreys. The 
graves were within a small place of interment, neatly walled 
with stone. The coffins of Montgomery, Cheeseman and 
McPherson were well arranged side by side. Those of 
Hendricks, Humphreys, Cooper, etc., were arranged in the 
south side of the inclosure; but, as the burials of these 
heroes took place in a dreary winter, and the earth im- 
penetrable, there was but little soil on the coffins, the snow 
and ice, which had been the principal covering, being now 
dissolved. The foot of the general’s coffin was exposed to 
the air and view. The coffin was well formed of fir plank. 
Captain Prentis assured me that the graves should be 
deepened and the bodies duly deposited, for he also knew 
Montgornery as a fellow soldier and lamented his untimely 
fate. Vide Arnold’s Campaign Against Quebec, p. 170. 

Isle-aux-Noix, situated at the northern extremity of 
Lake Champlain and commanding the entrance to the 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 


snakes The old lines thrown, up by the French, 

[in the] last war, when they expected General Am- 
herst"°^ from Crown Point, were mostly out of repair 
and cost us some fatigue to put them in a state 
of defence, as also to throw up others towards the 
enemy. I cannot here omit inserting an epitaph • 
wrote by the enemy on the grave of a captain, lieu- 
tenant and two privates, who were, a few days before 
their main body sailed from the island, and a little 
after our arrival at St Johns, scalped by some of 
our Indians, after having surprised them, though the 
most positive orders to the contrary were given by 
General Burgoyne, with a reward offered for prison- 

Richelieu or Sorel, was so named by Champlain on account 
of the abundance of nut trees found growing there by him. 

In the campaign alluded to by Digby, the fortification of the 
island by the French is described by Sismondi, and seems to 
be of sufficient interest to reproduce here. He says: Ils 

durent ^vacuer encore la position de Fort Fr^d^ric (Crown 
Point). Toutefois leur commandant, Burlamanque, se for- 
tifia ^ rile-aux-Noix, k Textremit^ du Lac Champlain; et 
comme il avoit encore sous ses ordres trois mille cinq cents 
hommes, il r^ussit a fermer le chemin de Quebec au G^n- 
^ral Amherst, et k Tempecher de seconder Tattaque du 
G^n^ral contre cette ville.*’ Vtele Histoire des Fran9ais, 
vol. 29, ch. 54. 

^^1. Jeffery Amherst was born in Kent, January 29, 1717, 
and entered the army at the early age of fourteen years. 
He saw active service on the continent under General 
Legineu, upon whose staff he served, and by his ability rose 
rapidly in rank. In 1758 he was a major-general, and in 
that year engaged in the conquest of Canada, aided by New 
England troops, who entered into the contest with enthusi- 
asm ; indeed, it was in this war that the men who were now 

136 Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

ers to prevent scalping. The following was wrote 
on an old board at the head of the grave, which is 
no bad ruff production, and I wish with all my 
heart there had been no occasion to have shewn the 
author’s talents on such a melancholy subject. I 
shall not speak of the horrid cruelty of such a custom 
being well assured the reader’s heart must detest 
such barbarity, and be roused against the cruel sav- 
ages who inflicted [it], though on our enemies, who 
still are our fellow creatures, on whom the rules of 
war even among the most uncivilized nations do not 
justify the exertion of such a scene of torture. 

Beneath this humble sodj 

Capu Adams, Lieut Culbertson & 2 privates of 
the 2d Pensilvanian regiment.] 

Not Hirelings but Patriots 

Who fell not in battle, 

but unarmed. 

Who were barbarously murdered and inhumanly 
scalped by the emissaries of the once just but 
now abandoned Kingdom of Britain. 

Sons of America rest in quiet here, 

Britannia blush, Burgoyne let fall a tear. 

And tremble Europe* s Sons hfith savage race 
Death and revenge await you with disgrace 

opposing the British troops in their attempt to subjugate 
them were trained in arms. For his success in wresting 
Canada from the French, he received the order of the Bath. 
In 1763 he was made governor of Virginia, and in 1770 of 
the Isle of Guernsey. In 1772 he was made commander-in- 
chief of the army, and in 1776 was created a baron. He 

Very few particulars of this distressing occurrence have 
come down to us. Robert Adams was the son of Thomas 

Tlie Burial Piace of Adam and CulbertsoUi 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

The main land was but a small distance from us, 
it scarce there deserves the name of a lake, it being 

died, after a most brilliant career, August 3, 1787. Vide 
British Army Lists, in loco ; The Conquest of Canada, pp. 
230-277, et passun ; History of the United States (Hinton), 
Boston, 1834, vol. I, Book 2; History of Nova Scotia 
(Haliburton), Halifax, 1829, vol. i, pp. 199-229. 

and Katherine Adams, and was born in 1745 what was 
subsequently Toboyne township, in Cumberland county, 
Pennsylvania. He was a soldier in the Bouquet expedition 
to the westward in 1764, and when the Revolution opened 
he raised a company of Associators,*’ which formed the 
second company of Colonel William Irvine’s regiment, of 
which he was commissioned captain, January 9, 177b* 
Joseph Culbertson was the son of Alexander and Margaret 
Culbertson, and was born in 1753 in the Cumberland Valley. 
His ancestors came from the North of Ireland about the 
year 1730, subsequently locating about seven miles from 
what is now Chambersburg. Owing to several contiguous 
farms being owned by different members of the tamily, the 
place was known as ^‘Culbertson’s Row.” Joseph was an 
early “ Associator,” and received his commission as ensign 
in Captain Wilson’s company, January 9th, the same day 
that Adams received his. He had two brothers in the 
Pennsylvania line, Robert and Samuel, both officers. It 
would appear that Adams and Culbertson, in company with 
several other officers and men, on the 21st of June, crossed 
from their camp at Isle-aux-Noix to the western shore of the 
lake for the purpose of fishing, and not supposing any 
enemy to be in the vicinity, took no arms with them. Near 
the shore was the house of a Frenchman who sold spruce 
beer to the soldiers, a beverage which was not only refresh- 
ing, but supposed to possess medicinal virtues and very 
popular at this time. A small band of Indians, in which 
were two Canadians, were in ambush on the shore of the 
lake watching their movements, and surprised them while 
they were stopping at the Frenchman’s house to drink, kill- 
ing Adams and Culbertson and two of their companions, 


138 Lieutenant Digby’s Journal. 

not very broad, but the shore is such a swamp and 
so thick with wood, that you can scarce land, and 
those unbounded forests quite uninhabited, except 
by Indians and other savage beasts, 

30*^ For some days past we had the most severe 
and constant rain ; it poured through all our tents 
and almost flooded the island ; yet the days were 
very hot with violent bursts of thunder, attended 
with frequent flashes of lightening. The idea of 
service to those who have not had an opportunity of 
seeing any, may induce them to believe the only 
hardship a soldier endures on a campaign is the 
danger attending an action, but there are many others, 
perhaps not so dangerous, yet, in my opinion, very 
near as disagreeable, — remaining out whole nights 
under rain and almost frozen with cold, with very 
little covering, perhaps without being able to light a 
fire ; fearing the enemy’s discovering the post, and 

and, with the exception of two who escaped, carrying the 
others into captivity. The men thus cruelly murdered, for 
they had no arms and were therefore incapable of defense, 
were scalped and mutilated in the usual barbarous manner 
of the Indians. As soon as Colonels Wayne and Hartley 
heard of the affair, they started in pursuit of the murderers, 
but failed to capture them. They, however, destroyed the 
house and mill of a Tory named McDonald, who was sup- 
posed to have furnished information to the savages. This 
“ accident ” Wilkinson suggests, caused General Sullivan to 
^acuate his position at Isle-aux-Noix. Vide Letter from 
Crown Point, American Archives, vol. 6, pp. 1253, 1270 ■ 
Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 61. I am indebted 
for several important particulars in this note to Dr, Wm. 
H. Egle of Harrisburg, librarian of the Commonwealth of 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

not knowing the moment of an attack ; but always in 
expectation of one ; not that I would be thought to 
insinuate from this a preference to the former, 
excepting when the nature of the service required it, 
and visible advantages were likely to flow from it. 
We had a guard about 4 miles above the island, 
on the main land, where there were great flocks of 
wolves. During the night we could hear them after 
a deer through the woods, and then cry something 
like a pack of hounds in full chase. They often 
came near our out centries, but they being loaded, 
did not much mind them. 

Sep 2^ I went on duty to St Johns, and was pres- 
ent at the launching of the Carlton schooner. She 
was compleat in guns &®. &®. and the command of 
her given to lieut. Decars'°® of the navy. — 

James Richard Dacres, who was now put in command of 
the Carleton, was born in February, 1749, and entered the 
navy at the early age of thirteen years. He was a lieuten- 
ant on the ship which bore Burgoyne to Quebec. In the 
battle which followed his appointment to the command of 
the Carleton, he was severely wounded and supposed to be 
dead ; indeed, he was about to be consigned to the waters 
of the lake, when a brother officer interfered and his life was 
thereby saved. He recovered sufficiently from his wounds 
to be the bearer of dispatches to England announcing the 
particulars of the engagement. In these dispatches his gal- 
lantry was highly commended by Capt. Pringle, and he was 
soon put in command of the sloop- of-war Ceres, which was 
subsequently captured by the French frigate Iphigenie. He 
was made a post-captain September 13, 1780, and was en- 
gaged in many brilliant naval achievements during the next 
few years. For his important services to the crown he was 
made a rear-admiral of the Blue, February 14, I799> 

140 Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

About 10 o’clock at night an alarm was given 
by a cannoe full of Indians, that the enemy were 
bearing down upon the island (the wind being fair 
for them) with 6 or 7 schooners & sloops, and many 
battows full of men, on which General Frazier de- 
sired we might stand to our arms without the least 
noise or beating of drums & there wait their arrival. 
Our works were not near finished, but what cannon 
we had were immediately drawn up to the embrasures 
to play on them while landing. Our advanced corps, 
which was all the force we had on the island, con- 
sisted of about 1400 men all in good health and 
spirits and well prepared to give them a warm re- 
ception. An express was directly sent down in a 
cannoe to Genl Carlton at St Johns, acquainting him 
with the above particulars and stateing the strength 
of the island, &®. &®. I shall here insert general 
Frazier’s orders to us, as it may be the cause of the 
reader’s having some idea of the island. 

Brigade Orders. 

In case of an alarm, the Battallion of Grenadiers 
to form behind the lines directly in their front. The 

White, January i, 1801, and of the Red, April 23, 1804, and 
in the latter year was put in command of the Jamaica station, 
where he remained until 1808, being promoted to the rank 
of vice-admiral of the White, November 9, 1805. He died 
in England, January 6, 1801. Vide Royal Naval Biography 
(Marshall), part i, vol. 2, p. 29 ; Universal Magazine, London, 
vol. 59, pp. 270-2 ; Ibid., vol. 62, p. 274 ; London Chronicle, 
vol. 48, p. 282; Ibid., vol. 49, pp. 40, 214; Allen’s Battles 
British Navy, vol. i, pp. 391, 415 ; Annual Register for 1799, 
1801, 1804. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 141 

light infantry will man the lines in their front, their 
left towards their own quarter guard, and the 24“* 
regiment to form on the right of the light Infantry. 
The officer commanding the Grenadiers to detach a 
subaltern and 40 privates to assist in working the 
long 1 2 pounders and howitzers placed to guard the 
west passage of the river. The officer commanding 
the Light Infantry to send one captain, one subaltern 
and 60 privates to the 4 gun battery which guards 
the East passage^ The officer commanding the 24“* 
regiment will send a subaltern and 40 men to the 
bastion in which the 4 six pounders are ; these de- 
tachments to be made immediately on hearing an 
alarm. The whole to strike their tents and leave 
them on the ground. The men are to get under 
arms without the beating of drums or making the 
least noise ; they are to be particularly careful not 
to throw away their ammunition by fireing at too 
great a distance. Officers will be very attentive 
that the men are well covered by the works from the 
fire of shipping. All guards without the lines, to 
retire to the inside on the appearance of shipping. 
The guards at the landing place to remain, and to 
take care that no person takes a battow without 
permission. The serjeant of that guard will like- 
wise take charge of all the wooden cannon, and to 
be under the charge of the centry. A non commis- 
sioned officer of the Artillery to be at the store for 
the purpose of delivering ammunition, the surjions 
to take post there. The women and children to go 


142 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

immediately to the northern extremity of the island, 
where the bullocks are to be drove. The general 
will take post at the 4 gun battery in front of the 
light Infantry, An orderly officer from each Battal- 
lion to attend him to carry orders. The Canadian 
labourers to be divided in three parts, and a division 
to be placed in the rear of each battallion with 
spades, pick axes and hand barrows. Artificers, con- 
valescents, and every person in the least able to serve 
to take arms. Captain MonningV®® company of 
Canadians to retire to Scot’s farm, and the guard be- 
hind Blury river”® to advance to Livingston’s house ; 
these posts to be defended to the last extremity. 

During the night we rested on our arms expecting 
them every minute. 

4‘\ About 6 in the morning, we very distinctly 
heard 13 or 14 cannon shot, and imagined they 
were fireing on a small guard of ours up the river. 
Cap" Frazier and a few Indians were sent out to 
try, if possible, to take a prisoner. All hands were 
ordered out to throw up more works,- and the 
Enemies delay surprised us, as they well knew the 

Monin commanded an irregular company of Canadians, 
and was engaged with the reckless McKay in expeditions 
against the Americans, small parties of whom he surprised 
and either killed or captured. These men, on account of 
their cruelty, were warmly hated by the Patriots, who 
repaid them in their own coin whenever occasion offered. 
Monin was killed in the battle of Freeman’s Farm Sep- 
tember 19, 1777. 

“"The Bleurie river is opposite Isle-aux-Noix and empties 
mto Jackson’s creek. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

more time we had to repair our works, the stronger 
the island would be. We continued very impatient 
for a prisoner to acquaint us with their intentions, 
not judging what their aim could be by bringing so 
large a force so very near and yet not attacking us. 

5. Captain Frazier returned without any intelli- 
gence, except counting their vessels. On being per- 
ceived, they gave chase, but he being in a birch 
cannoe soon got clear of them. 

6‘^ Lieutenant Scott went up towards the enemy 
who were still cruising off the island Amott, about 
30 miles from us. He had a cannoe full of In- 
dians, and was if possible not to return without a 
prisoner. When night came on, he paddled his 
birch cannoe through their fleet. This the reader 
will think rather improbable; but the Indians have 
a method of putting the paddle in the water and 
taking it up again without the smallest noise, and 
the night being very dark favoured him. He thus 
got through their fleet undiscovered, and at day 
break covered himself and party in some bushes 
on [the] shore side, where he did not long remain 
until a battow of theirs came on purpose to cut wood 

Isle la Motte is an island about six miles long in the 
northern part of the lake. The sieur la Mothe, a French 
officer, erected on the west side of this island and near the 
water’s edge, in 1665, a wooden fort or redoubt, to which he 
gave the name of Fort St. Anne. This fort was subse- 
quently called Fort la Mothe, and the Frenchman’s name 
was also bestowed upon the island. When Kalm passed 
through the lake in 1749, he says that the fort had entirely 
disappeared, though he was shown the spot where it stood. 

144 Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

for fuel ; they not dreaming of danger left their 
arms in the boat on going ashore. The first who 
landed, an Indian starting from his ambush caught 
him by his pouch-belt, but the fellow by a sudden 
exertion, and being greatly frighted, disengaged him- 
self, the belt breaking, and ran with all his speed 
to alarm his comrades in the battow ; who, before 
they could make use of their arms, received a heavy 
fire from the Indians, which did great execution 
among them, and left but a very few to row back the 
battow. Scott findeing he would soon be discovered, 
was obliged to take into the woods, where the Indians 
in some time brought him opposite our island."* 

18. Our Indians destroyed another battow of the 
enemy, but could not take a prisoner. We then gave 
over all thoughts of their comeing down to attack 
us, and the building of our vessels went on with great 
dispatch at St Johns. 

This is the American account of this affair ; " On the 
same day (6th) the boats were ordered on shore to cut fas- 
cines to fix the bows and sides of the gondolas, to prevent 
the enemy from boarding them and to keep off small shot. 
A boat’s crew of the sloop Enterprise went on shore with- 
out a covering party. They had been out on the same duty 
the two preceding days with covering parties and returned 
unmolested, but upon this occasion they neglected that pre- 
caution, when they were attacked by a party of the Forty- 
seventh Regiment and savages, under Lieutenant Scott of 
the light infantry of the Twenty-fourth Regiment, who 
pursued them into the water. They all reached the boat, 
but before they could row off, three of them were killed, 
and six others were wounded.” Vide The Campaign for the 
Conquest of Canada, p. 145, et seq. 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

25. An officer of theirs gave himself up to us."^ 
The manner it happened was as follows. He was 
sent with two men from them to reconnoitre our 
situation They had seven days provisions 

given them on setting out, and came undiscovered 
opposite our island, where he took an exact view of 
our camp works and sent one man back with 

the intelligence. He and the other then proceeded 
through the woods down to St Johns, where he saw 
the Carlton and Maria^^^ near finished and other 
vessels on the stocks. His seven days provisions 
being then almost finished, he returned back, still 
undiscovered' by our Indians, which was surprising, 
as they were generally on scouting parties through 
the woods. On comeing opposite to where their 
fleet lay when he left them, he perceived they had 
. quit that station, as the preceding day, from a gale 
of wind, they were obliged to take shelter under the 
Isle-of-Mott. He was then greatly at a loss what 
course to take, his provisions being all gone, and 
after liveing a day or two on nuts and whatever he 
could pick up in the woods, he was obliged to sur- 
render himself to one of our out posts and was imme- 
diately conveyed to General Frazier, who from his 

This was probably Ensign McCoy, who was dispatched 
by Arnold down the west side of the Sorel with a squad of 
three men to obtain intelligence of the enemy. Lieutenant 
Whitcomb was also dispatched with a like squad down the 
east side of the river for the same purpose, but we have an 
account of his return, while no mention is made of McCoy’s. 

She was so named in honor of the Lady Maria Howard, 
the wife of Sir Guy Carleton. 




146 Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

sullen manner did not much depend on the intelli- 
gence he gave. He informed that they had no 
intention of coming down to attack us by land, 
well knowing the great superiority they must have 
over our forces on the lake, their fleet being 
much superior, he was convinced, to any we could 
bring against them that year. That Col Arnold 

Benedict Arnold was born at Norwich, Connecticut, 
Ja.nuary 3, 1741. His father was a man of character, and of 
his mother it was said by one who knew her intimately, that 
she “was a saint on earth and is now a saint in heaven.* ** 
A letter from her to Benedict while at school, is worthy of 
reproduction here, as showing the character of his early 
training : 

“ Norwich, 12, 1754. 

“Dear Child: I received yours of the ist instant and 
was glad to hear that you was well ; pray, my dear, let your 
first concern be to make your peace with God, as it is of all 
concerns of the greatest importance. 

“ Keep a steady watch over your thoughts, words and 
actions. Be dutiful to superiors, obliging to equals, and 
affable to inferiors, if any such there be. Always choose 
that your companions be your betters, that by their good 
examples you may learn. 

“ From your affectionate mother, 


** P. S. — I have sent you 50s. Your father put in 20 
more. Use it prudently, as you are accountable to God and 
your father. Your father and aunt join with me in love and 
service to Mr. Cogswell and lady, and yourself. Your sister 
is from home.** 

In spite of his excellent training, he grew to be a man 
ostentatious in manner, insincere and thoroughly selfish. 
That he possessed military ability of a high order, was ever 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

was Commodore on the lake, and commanded on 
board the Royal Savage of great force. He also said 
that there were 20,000 men at Crown Point and 
Ticonderoga well supplied with cannon provisions 

26* We had a violent storm of rain, wind, thunder, 
and great flashes of lightening’ during the night. I 
often thought the tent would take fire. Next morn- 
ing I mounted an advanced guard four miles above 
the island, the storm still continueing, and passed a 
most disagreeable day and night with scarce any 
shelter from the constant heavy rain. We could 
there hear their evening gun very plain, and it was 

alert and thoroughly brave, no one can doubt. Many of the 
men who engaged with him in the war for independence 
were governed by no higher motives than those which actu- 
ated him : possessed, indeed, a desirefor self aggrandizement 
as inordinate as his, and never realized the moral splendor 
of the cause for which they contended. When the news of 
the battle of Lexington reached him at New Haven, where 
he was keeping a druggist’s shop, he at once seized his 
sword and hastened to Boston to offer his services to his 
country. He suffered severe hardships in the war which 
followed, and did not shrink from making any personal sacri- 
fice to attain success. He rendered valuable service to the 
cause of liberty ; but smarting under the sting of disap- 
pointed ambition, he rushed in a fit of passion to the , 
commission of an act wholly inexcusable. That he has 
been painted in darker colors than he deserved is now 
known. After his treason, he went to England and died at 
Brampton June 20, 1801. Though treated with considera- 
tion by the king, he suffered indignities from men, who 
perhaps, made the occasion of his treason serve to enable 
them to show their inborn contempt of a New England 
colonist who was naturally disliked at this time in England. 


« 148 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

proposed in a few days to move up to Riviere-la- 
Cole,”® seven miles nearer them. 

27‘^ Had the pleasure of seeing two of our 
' schooners, the Maria & Carlton, come up to us 
from St Johns. Captain Pringle”^ was appointed 
Commodore of the Lake Champlain and to com- 
mand on board the Maria, so called after lady Maria 
Carlton. In the evening I was seized with a 
violent shivering and lightness in my head, which 
was attributed to cold, I must have got the pre- 
ceeding night on guard. About 10 o clock I was 
quite delireous and out of my senses, after which I 

Riviere la Colle, nine miles southerly from Point au Fer, 
on the western side of the lake. According to Hadden, 
there was a small settlement there at this time. 

Thomas Pringle was of Scotch birth, and this was the 
beginning of a notable career. After his success on Lake 
Champlain, he returned to England as bearer of dispatches, 
and was made a post-captain November 25th. In January, 
1777) he was assigned to the command of the Ariadne and 
joined the West India fleet, attaining distinction in several 
naval engagements. On April 4, 1 794, he was made colonel of 
the Marine Forces, and on J une 4th, in reward for his brilliant 
services in the victory over the French fleet of Admiral 
Villaret, he was created a rear-admiral of the Blue, and 
June I, 1795, rear-admiral of the Red. He subsequently 
took command at the Cape of Good Hope, and February 14, 
1799, was made vice-admiral of the White, and January i, 
1801, vice-admiral of the Red. His death took place at 
Edinburgh Decembers, 1803. Vide Political Index to His- 
tories Great Britain, etc. (Beatson), vol. 2, p. 47 ; London 
Chronicle, vol. 41, p. 406, vol. 43, p. 186, vol. 44, p. 458, vol. 

» 45, p. 286, vol. 48, p. 58; Universal Magazine, London, vol. 

62, pp. 140, 274 ) Military Memoirs (Beatson), vol. 6, pp. 160, 
270; Annual Register, 1794, 1795, 1799, 1801; Naval His- 
tory of Great Britain (Brenton), vol. 2, pp. 42, 169, et seq. 

Lieutenant Diky's Journal. 


cannot tell what happened. I was blistered on 
my back, and all the next day continued in the 
same distracted situation. Indeed, I believe my 
friends thought it was all over with me, but it 
pleased God to spare me, and on the 3® ^ 

returned to my senses, but so weak and faint, 
as scarce able to turn in my bed, and what made 
it more disagreeable was our corps of Grenadiers 
moveing up to Riviere-la-Cole the day I fell ill. 
My tent could not be struck on account of my 
situation, so [I] was left almost alone on the island, 
but did not remain long in that situation, as the First 
Brigade landed from St Johns, the 3 regiment com- 
posing part of it, when my brother in law, Capt. 
Pilot,"® gave me every assistance in his power, — got 

™ Henry Pilot, the brother-in-law of Digby, was com- 
missioned a lieutenant in the Thirty-first Foot, July 18, 
1764 and shortly after embarked for Pensacola, the capital of 
West Florida, which country had the previous year been 
ceded to Great Britain by Spain. At this time the yellow 
fever prevailed there, and upon its arrival the regiment 
suffered severe mortality. It continued here however, until 
the breaking out of the Carib war. On the eve of the cam- 
paign against the Caribs — September 23, 1772 - Pilot was 
promoted to a captaincy, and served in that capacity during 
the arduous and destructive campaign of the following two 
years At the conclusion of the Carib war, he returned to 
England where he was stationed at the time of the break- 
ing out of the war in America. He participated in the 
campaign of ’76, but was performing garrison duty when 
Burgoyne’s army surrendered; hence he escaped the 
captivity which befel a portion of his regiment. As his 
name disappears from the army list in 1782, it is reasonable 
to suppose that he left his regiment in Canada, where it was 

150 Lieutenant Digby s Jour nal. 

i me a good physician and had me removed into his 

' tent which had a stove, where I recovered fast. The 

few days I continued ill, there was heavy rain and the 
island almost flooded ; but, fortunately, my tent had 
^ stood it out pretty well. We were all provided for 

the cold weather — we then soon expected in cross- 
■ ing the lake, — with warm clothing, such as under 

waistcoats, leggings, socks &^, and smokeing 
tobacco was counted a preservative of the health 
against dews, which arose from the many swamps and 
; marshy, drowned lands that surrounded the island. 

October 5^^ Went up to our corps at Riviere-la- 
[ ' Cole, after remaining with my friends of the 31®^ 

regiment till I recovered sufficient strength. I 
sailed up in a raddoux vessel carrying six 9 
j pounders, commanded by captain Longcroft,”^ who 

then and for several years afterward stationed, and returned 
- home, perhaps with Digby, who retired at the same time, 

t From this period we lose sight of him until June 14, 1800, 

^ when he was appointed town major of Dublin. Of his sub- 

sequent career we have no particulars. Vide British Army 
Lists, in loco ; Historical Record of the Thirty-first Foot, 
pp. 33-42. 

Edward Longcroft’s name does not appear in the subse- 
quent operations of Burgoyne’s Army. After his return to 
England he was commissioned a commander in the British 
service, April 23, 1782, a position which he continued to 
hold for a number of years. Vide Court and City Register 
for 1789 and 1794. Edward Longcroft entered the British 
naval service as a midshipman on board the Arrogant^ 
October 3, 1769, and served on this ship until he joined the 
Namur, December 26, 1770. On April 18, 1771, he joined 
the Princess Amelia of eighty guns, then under the orders of 
Admiral Rodney, who had recently been appointed to the 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 15^ 

showed me every civility in his power. The floating 
Battery, Maria and Carlton, sailed with us, and our 
little voyage was pleasant, the day being fine and the 
lake now running very broad. General Burgoyne 
was on board the Maria, who ran aground on a bank, 
but was towed off without any damage. The ves- 
sels were all cleared and ready for action, waiting 
only for the Inflexible, our largest vessel, which was 
shortly expected up.“° 

Jamaica station, and served until July 14, ^ 77 ^> when he 
received his discharge. We see no more of him until we 
find him in command of the Loyal Convert on Lake Cham- 
plain. It is probable that he was on the fleet that sailed 
from Cork, in the spring of 1776, for the relief of Quebec, 
and that he wa*s acting as a volunteer, since his name does 
not appear on the Admiralty record during this period. At 
what time he returned to England we are not informed ; 
but he was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant on the 
Grafton, February 13, 1781. He was placed on half pay 
September ii, 1781 ; but on May i, 1782, was put in com- 
mand of the Zebra, one of the squadron under command of 
Commodore Dacres, who has been mentioned elsewhere. 
On April 15, 1783, he went on half pay and remained out of 
the service until April 15, 1805, when he was put in com- 
mand of the Sea Fencibles between Kidwelly and Cardigan. 
On March i, 1810, he again went on half pay, and died 
August 16, 1812. I am indebted to the courtesy of the 
Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty for materials of this 

'“The Inflexible was a three-masted vessel, and the Maria 
and Carleton were schooners. After trying in vain to drag 
these vessels around the Chambly rapids on rollers, they had 
been taken to pieces and so transported to a convenient 
place from which they could be launched. After laying the 
keel, the Inflexible was ready to enter the water in twenty- 
eight days, but Carleton was obliged to float her below the 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

ji 5* Xhe fleet went up a little higher with a fair 

! ' wind. The enemies were cruising off Cumberland 

Bay, about 20 miles above ours. 

I The First Brigade moved up to our post at 

! ; Riviere-la-Cole, and ours went up to point-au-Faire,"' 

; . seven miles higher. The order for our proceeding 

' [ on the Lake was as follows. Three small boats in 

front of all as a party of observation, our schooners 
i and armed vessels in line of battle following : Gun 

' 1 ; 

Isle-aux-Noix, where the water had a sufficient depth, in 
1; order that she might receive her guns, which consisted of 

' eighteen twelve-pounders. The “ raddoux vessel which 

Digby was on, was the Loyal Convert, and had been cap- 
tured from the Americans when they abandoned Quebec. 

! The entire fleet was as follows : 

, , Ship Inflexible, Lieutenant Schank, 18 12-pound guns. 

I Schooner Maria, Lieutenant Starke, 14 6-pound guns. 

' j Schooner Carleton, Lieutenant Dacres, 12 6-pound guns. 

I Radeau Thunderer, Lieutenant Scott, 6 24-pound guns, 6 

12-pound guns, 2 howitzer guns. 

! ■ Gondola Loyal Convert, Lieutenant Longcroft, ^ 9-pound 

• guns. 

i Twenty gunboats, each having a brass field-piece of from 

9 to 24 pounds each, some carrying howitzers. 

( Four tenders, or long boats, carrying field pieces. 

’ ! Twenty-four long boats carrying provisions. 

The entire fleet comprised twenty-nine vessels armed with 
I eighty-nine guns and manned with six hundred and seventy 

I thoroughly trained and disciplined men, all under the com- 

I mand of Pringle, who on all occasions showed himself to 

: be a most daring and efficient officer. Both Pringle and 

I i Dacres rose subsequently by their ability to the highest rank 

I I in the British navy. 

I ; Point au Fer is a headland on the eastern shore of the 

I lake. Burgoyne considered it of sufficient importance to 

I fortify it with a block-house. 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

boats carrying 24 or 12 pounders in their bow and 
maned by the Artillery. The battallion of Gren- 
adiers in flat bottomed boats, and in their rear, 
the remainder of the army in battows. One gun 
fired from a gun boat, was a signal to form 8 boats 
a breast ; and two guns, a signal to form a line of 
boats. This had a pretty effect, as our men were 
all expert at rowing, having been ordered to practice 
frequently. This was the first intention of our cross- 
ing, but afterwards, found not to answer so well as 
our armed vessels and gun boats engageing theirs 
separately, leaving the troops on land to wait the 
decision, as were any accident to happen to the 
armed vessels, the troops must be in a most hazard- 
ous situation, and little able to defend themselves 
with small arms against the cannon of the enemy. 

At Point-au Faire, the lake turns quite a sea, form- 
ing a most beautiful prospect, being intersperced 
with numerous islands, mostly thick with trees, which 
at that time of the year (the trees changing their 
colour) added still to the scene. This place is thickly 
covered with wood, under which we pitched our tents, 
waiting for the Inflexible; she being obliged from want 
of water to have her guns brought up in boats, after 
which a ship of the line would have water sufficient ; 
and it certainly was a noble sight to see such a vessel 
on a fresh water lake in the very heart of the Continent 
of America & so great a distance from the sea 

8‘^ It blew fresh and a good deal damaged our 
battows by strikeing against each other, on which we 


154 Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 

anchored our flat bottom boats off the shore, and 
brought the battows round a point to a small creek 
under some shelter from the land. There were many 
deer in the woods about, some of which we shot, also 
great flocks of wild pidgeons, which, as our fresh pro- 
visions (sheep we brought from St Johns and 
Isle-aux-Noix) were almost finished, helped out his 
majesties allowance of beef and pork very well. 
The wood was so thick round us, that some of our 
men were near losing themselves on straggling a 
small distance from camp, against which there were 
particular orders. It is surprising, with what a degree 
of certainty an Indian will make his way from one 
country to another through the thickest woods, allow- 
ing the sun to be constantly hid from his sight by 
clouds, where a person, not used to such a country, 
would soon be lost, and the more attempts made to 
extricate himself, perhaps, would only serve to entan- 
gle him the deeper. 

9. We had .3 men killed on the spot by a tree 
that was cut down near their tent, and unfortunately 
fell on them while asleep. To prevent such a melan- 
choly accident happening again, an order was given 
for no tree to be felled, within 100 yards of the 
camp. About 1 2 o’clock we heard the enemy very 
distinctly scaleing the guns'“ on board their fleet, and 
soon hoped to make [them] exercise them in a 

Scaling a gun is, in military parlance, to cleanse it of 
scales occasioned by rust, which is accomplished by explod- 
ing in the gun small charges of powder. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal 

different manner. The bad intelligence, the army 
received of General Howes”^ opperations to the 
southward, was not a little surprising, our expecta- 
tions being sanguine from that quarter, he having 
the command of so great an army, and so fine a fleet 

12* Sir William Howe was a grandson of George the First by 
his mistress, the Baroness Kilmansegge. He was born August 
lO, 1 729, and entered the army at the age of eighteen. He was 
made lieutenant, September 21, 1747. and captain of the 
Twentieth Foot, June i, 1750, major of the Sixtieth hoot, 
January 4, 1756, and lieutenant-colonel, December 17, I 757 - 
He took part in the siege of Louisbourg, in 1758, and par- 
ticipated as commander of the light infantry in the capture 
of Quebec under General Wolfe. He was in command of a 
brigade against the French in 1761, and, in .1762, acted as 
adjutant-general in the operations against Havana. He 
was commissioned a colonel in the army, February 19, 1702, 
colonel of the Forty-sixth Foot, November 21, 1764, and 
lieutenant-governor of the Isle of Wight in 1768. He was 
created a major-general. May 25, 1772, and, when the war 
broke out in America, formed one of the noted trio to whom 
was assigned the task of subjugating the refractory colonists. 
With his associates, Clinton and Burgoyne, he reaped Bos- 
ton, May 25, 1775, and led the assault on Bunker Hill. He 
succeeded General Gage in the command of the British 
forces in America in the following October. He was m 
great favor with the government, which seems to have placed 
full confidence in his ability. He led a luxurious life in 
Boston, frequenting, it is said, the faro table, the ball-room 
and the theatre, and carrying on an affaire d' amour with a 
popular belle of the day, which caused a writer to say that 
“ as Cleopatra of old lost Mark Antony the world, so did 
this illustrious courtesan lose Sir William Howe the honor, 
the laurels, and the glory of putting an end to one of the 
most obstinate rebellions that ever existed.” He was created 
lieutenant-general in the army, August 29, 1777. He was 
relieved from his command in America in May, 1778, and 
returned to England. He represented Nottingham in Par- 


156 Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

under his brother lord Howe,^"^ we could expect no 
accounts by land, that being in possession of the 
enemy, but the sea was open, and, had he performed 
any capital stroke, it should not be kept a secret from 
the army. General Carlton, some imagined, might 
have received intelligence, which it was said he could 
not divulge were they ever so favourable. Certainly he 
is one of the most distant, reserved men in the world ; 
he has a rigid strictness in his manner, very unpleas- 
ing, and which he observes even to his most particu- 
lar friends and acquaintance, at the same time he is 
a very able General and brave officer ; has seen a 

liament during the sessions of 1778, '79 ^.nd '80, and became 
lieutenant-general of ordnance, April 23, 1782, member of 
the Privy Council June 21st of the same year, colonel of the 
Nineteenth Light Dragoons, April 21, 1786, general in the 
army, October 12, 1793, governor of Berwick in 1795. On 
the death of his brother. Lord Viscount Howe, in 1799, he 
succeeded to his titles. In 1808 he was appointed governor 
at Plymouth. He died July 12, 1814. Vide British Army 
Lists, in loco ; Siege of Boston (Frothingham), pp. 1 33-149 
et passim; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco ; His- 
torical Record Forty-Sixth Foot; History of New York 
During the Revolutionary War (Jones), vol. i, pp. 252, 716 
et passim; vol. 2, pp. 86, 423 et passim. 

Richard Earl Howe was born in 1725, and succeeded to 
the titles of his elder brother, the friend of Schuyler, who 
was killed at Ticonderoga in 1758. He was a midshipman 
at the age of fourteen under Lord Anson, and was a lieuten- 
ant at twenty. He had risen to the rank of rear-admiral in 
1770, and, in I775,was made vice-admiral of the Blue. After 
his return from America he became first lord of the admi- 
ralty and commanded the British fleet successfully against 
the French in 1794. He died August 5, 1799. Burke's 
Peerage and Baronetage, in loco. 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 157 

great deal of service and rose from a private life, 
though a very good family, by mere merit to the 
rank he at present bears. In time of danger he pos- 
sesses a coolness and steadiness, (the attendant on 
true courage) which few can attain ; yet he was far 
from being the favorite of the army. Genl Bur- 
goyne alone engrossed their warmest attachment. 
From haveing seen a great deal of polite life, he 
possesses a winning manner in his appearance and 
address, far different from the severity of Carlton, 
which caused him to be idolized by the army, his 
orders appearing more like recommending subor- 
dination than enforcing it. On every occasion he 
was the soldiers friend, well knowing the most san- 
guine expectations a general can have of success, 
must proceed from the spirit of the troops under his 
command. The manner he gained their esteem was 
by rewarding the meritorious when in his power, 
which seldom failed from the praise which they re- 
ceived, to cause a remissness in duty [to be] odious 
and unmanly, and a desire of emulation soldier like 
& honourable. But I shall often have occasion to 
mention him In the following pages. 

Io'^ About 1 2 o clock our small fleet sailed up with 
a fair wind, which was a most pleasing sight to the 
army. Their decks were all cleared & ready for 
immediate action. Genl Carlton went in person (tho. 
many blamed his hazarding himself on an element 
so much out of his line), on board the Maria, and 
gave the command of the fleet to Pringle as coni- 

158 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

modore, by which he was of very little service on 
board, excepting proveing his courage, which no man 
in the army has the least doubt of. The wind 
blowing fresh, we expected shortly to hear of their 
engageing, on which our fate in a great measure 

1 1‘^ We were in hourly expectation of intelligence. 
Our Indians were on the banks on the lake, who, we 
eagerly hoped, would come down to inform us of 
any thing particular, and that day passed over in the 
greatest state of uncertainty. 

12* Was awoke very early in the morning by a 
confused noise about my tent, and on hearing the 
word Carlton named, imagined something had hap- 
pened, so arose and made the greatest haste to the 
shore side, where a boat had just arrived with our 
wounded men from the fleet. The accounts were, 
that our fleet came pretty near them, when the wind 
shifted a little about, when none of our vessels could 
haul so much to the windward as the Carlton, who 
made all the sail possible for them and stood most 
of their fire for a long time, assisted by a few gun 
boats; that the Royal Savage^^^ engaged her, and 
at last was obliged to strike to the Carlton, but. 

The Royal Savage was a schooner, and had been built 
under the supervision of General Arnold. She carried four 
six and eight four-pound guns, and was manned by fifty men. 
The account of her destruction, here given by Digby, is 
doubtless as it was given to him, but is incorrect. The 
Royal Savage, while beating up against the wind where there 
was insufficient room, was stranded on Valcour Island. She 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 159 

against all the rules of war, after strikeing, they 
ran her on shore, blew her up and escaped in the 
wood. The greatest praise was given to lieut Decars 
for his spirited behaviour, as he did not retire till so 
much shattered in masts & rigging, as made it nec- 
essary to tow the vessel off by boats. Our gun boats 
also did great execution, but unfortunately, one of 
them blew up on the water. The sailors also informed 
us, that the enemy wanted to fly from us, but that 
our fleet had got them into a bay which they could 
not escape from, without fighting, and that our Float- 
ing battery was moored at the entrance of the bay, 
and three 24 pounders ready to open on them by 
day light. From these accounts, it was imagined 
that in all probability, a few hours would determine 
who should be masters of the Lake — though we made 
but little doubt of our being victorious ; and all that 
day, waited with the greatest impatience — watching 
earnestly with our glasses for the appearance of a 

Was passed over in the same state of sus- 
pense and uncertainty. 

14* We were very impatient for an express, and 
did not well know what to think, when about 3 
o’clock a cannoe was perceived at a great distance 
makeing all the way possible for our camp. On her 

had been much injured in the engagement, and as it was 
found impossible to get her afloat, she was abandoned, and 
her crew escaped. A party of British troops boarded her 
during the night, and to prevent the Americans from making 
any use of her again, set her on fire and so destroyed her. 

i6o Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

nearer approach we perceived it was Sir Francis 
Clark,"® the general’s aid-de-camp, who waving the 

‘28 Sir Francis Carr Clerke was born in London, October 
24 1748, and entered the Third Foot Guards, January 3, 
?7’70 San ensign, and received a lieutenant’s commission, 
July’26, i77S,which was equivalent to the rank of a captain 
in the army. He was made adjutant, February 3, 1776, and 
accompanied Burgoyne, with whom he was a favorite to 
America as an aide-de-camp. When Burgoyne returned to 
England, after the campaign of 76, Clerke accompanied 
hini, and also returned with hiin the next ^ e 

capacity of private secretary and aide-de-camp. In the bat- 
tle of October 7, 1777, while riding to deliver an order 
which Burgoyne said would have changed the fortunes of 
the day had it been delivered, he was shot in the bowels 
and taken prisoner. He was taken to the tent of General 
Gates, where he remained, tenderly cared for, until his death. 
Wilkinson gives the following affecting particulars of the 
closing scenes of Clerke’s life: “On one occasion, the 

wounded general inquired if the American surgeons we^re 
good for anything, as he did not like the direction of his 
wound, and wished to know whether it was fatal, or not. 1 he 
physicians concealed their fears from ^m, but carefully 
watched him day and night. Seeing Dr. T ownsend hesitate 
when he pressed him for an opinion, he exclaimed in his 
usual frank way, ‘ Doctor, why do you pause ? Do you 
think I am afraid to die?’ and upon being advised by that 
physician to adjust his private affairs, he thanked him, and 
quietly complied.’’ Burgoyne said of hirn: “ He had 
inally recommended himself to my attention by his talents 
and diligence ; as service and intimacy opened his character 
more, he became endeared to me by every quality that (^n 
create esteem. I lost in him a useful assistant, an amiable 
companion, an attached friend ; the State was deprived by 
his death of one of the fairest promises of an able general. 
He died on the 13th of October following his injury. Vide 
British Army in loco ; Burke’s Peerage and Baronet- 

age, in loco ; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 269; A 
State of the Expedition, p. 125. 

Lieutenant Diky's Journal. i6i 

enemies colors, thirteen stripes,”’' declared the day 
was all our own. This happy intelligence was 
answered by the troops in three huzzas, and the joy 
expressed by the whole, gave evident signs of their 
satisfaction on so important a victory. He informed 
General Frazier that the enemies fleet had by some 
means escaped ours on the night of the 12*^; but 
the following day ours came up, and after a smart 
action, burnt, took or destroyed all their vessels on 

^ A flag bearing thirteen stripes, alternate red and white, 
emblematical of union, suggested, perhaps, by the Roman 
fasces, was first displayed over the American camp at Cam- 
bridge on the 1st of January, 1776, and the next month 
Commodore Esek Hopkins sailed from the Delaware to 
operate against Lord Dunmore’s fleet, which was then on 
the Virginia coast, bearing the striped flag with the addition 
of a rattlesnake stretched diagonally across it with the 
words “ Dm’i tread on me ” underneath. It was not until 
the 14th of June, 1777, that Congress “resolved that the 
flag of the United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red 
and white; that the Union be thirteen stars, white, in a 
blue field, representing a new constellation.” When St. 
Leger appeared before Fort Schuyler, in the beginning of 
the following August, the fort was without a flag, and as it was 
necessary to have one. General Gansevoort caused one to 
be made, in accordance with the resolve of Congress, by cut- 
ting the white stripes from a shirt, and the red ones from 
the petticoat of a soldier’s wife, using the blue cloak of 
Captain Abraham Swartwout to make a field upon which to 
display the new constellation. This flag, Mr. Wm. L. Stone 
informs us, is in the possession of a descendant of General 
Gansevoort, by whom it is cherished as a most precious 
relic. As Digby does not mention that the flag which Sir 
Francis Clerke had captured bore upon it the stars or the 
serpent, we must infer that it was like the one displayed at 
Cambridge at the beginning of the year. 


1 62 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

the lake. That a general Waterbury”® and a great 
many were made prisoners ; and that it was general 
Carlton’s orders we immediately strike our camp, 
embark in our boats without loss of time, and make 
the best of our way to Crown Point, where we 
should receive further orders. I shall here insert 
the fate of the enemies fleet on the ii* and 13“* 
of October. 





Weight of Metal. 129 





a "" 




•0 2 






1 Pounders. 
1 6 





Row gal- 


Congress — burnt 









Washinrton — taken 










Turnbull — escaped 










Philadelphia — sunk 





New York — burnt 





J ersey — taken 

* J 





Gondolas. . 

Providence — burnt 






Newhaven — burnt ......... 






Spitfire — burnt 





Boston — burnt 






Connecticut — burnt 






Schooners . 

Royal Savage — blown up. . 






Revenge — escaped 





Enterprise — escaped 



. _ 

Lee cutter — taken 










David Waterbury, Jr., was born at Stamford, Connecti- 
cut, February 12, 1722. He was a man of great energy 
and had a predilection for military affairs, having, in 1747, 
nearly thirty years before this date, been an ensign in the 

The number of guns and weight of metal here given are 
much exaggerated. The following is the correct armament 
of the vessels, with the names of their commanders : 


Lieutenant Diky's Journal. 163 

At Ticonderoga and had not joined the fleet, — 
one row galley lo guns, and the schooner Liberty, 8 

State militia, and subsequently having served through six 
campaigns against the French and Indians. Naturally he 
was one of the first to actively espouse the American cause, 
and we behold him in July, 1775, at the head of his regi- 
ment marching to occupy Crown Point and Ticonderoga. 
His uncompromising patriotism rendered him harsh and 
severe toward those who did not support the popular cause ; 
indeed, the historian of Stamford says that “ he seems to 
have shown them no mercy. One of the reasons given by 
citizens in this vicinity for going over to the enemy was the 
excessive rigor of Colonel Waterbury. This resentment, 
however, against traitors, as they were popularly but not 
reasonably called, was general. Lord Mahon says in refer- 
ence to it, that “ a ferocious saying came to be current in 
America that, though we are commanded to forgive our 
enemies, we are nowhere commanded to forgive our friends. 
General Carleton was elated at his capture, and immediately 
reported it to Germaine. He was soon exchanged and again 
in service. At the close of the war, he returned to the 
plough, and died on his farm at Stamford, June 29, 1801. 
Vide History of Stamford, Ct. (Huntington), pp. 417-23; 
History of England (Mahon), vol. 6, p. 127; Sparks’ Life of 
Washington, vol. 7 > P- 288 ; vol. 8, pp. 88, 92, et passim. 




















Vessels’ names. 



























IvviW VTcLUcy . • 

Wasliington .. 











Wiggles worth. 








New York 






















- - 










New Haven .. 

















4 » 

Boston - 




. . 













Royal Savage - 










164 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

^uns. One of the ^oncictloes> I no confirmed 
account of, but believe she was burned i3‘'* October 


Sir Francis also informed that general Arnold 
who acted as commodore, after finding all was lost 
some how escaped on shore, after behaving with 
remarkable coolness and bravery during the engage- 
ment. In the following pages will be seen how great 
an acquisition his being taken would have been to 
us, as he is certainly a brave man, and much confi- 
dence reposed in him by their Congress. We em- 
barked about 4 o’clock in the evening, and though 
we made the greatest expedition possible did not 
arrive at Crown Point until the 2o‘^ where our fleet 
had been for some days. The lake in ruff weather 
is dangerous for battows, as there are great swells in 
many parts, but none that did our small fleet any 
damage ; and we arrived there without any accident 
happening to us. We had good sport in shooting 

It will be seen that the British fleet carried a much heavier 
weight of metal. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 165 

pidgeons, flocks of which flew over us thick enough 
to darken the air, also large eagles. There were 
herds of deer all along the shore side, which were 
seldom disturbed, the country being but little altered 
since its first state of nature, except now and then 
a wandering party of savages comeing there to hunt 
for their subsistance. At night we landed and lay 
warm enough in the woods, makeing large fires. When 
it rained, it was not so pleasant, but use reconciled 
all that soon to us, and we slept as sound under the 
canopy of the heavens as in the best feather bed. 
Crown Point is a remarkable fine plain, an uncom- 
mon sight to us after being so long buried in such 
boundless woods, where our camp formed a grand 
appearance. Some few families who had not joined 
the enemy lived there ; but had suffered much, as 
their cattle were mostly drove away for their loyalty. 
They had a force at Crown Point under the com- 
mand of a Major Heartly,'3° who thought proper to 

'^Thomas Hartley was a native of Reading, Pennsylvania, 
and was born September 7, 1748. He was bred to the law, 
and was practicing his profession at York when the war 
broke out with the mother country. He at once threw 
aside his Coke and Blackstone and hastened with other 
patriots to offer his services to his country. He received a 
commission as lieutenant-colonel of the Sixth Pennsylvania 
Regiment, January 9, 1776, and, after Colonel Irvine was 
taken prisoner, the command devolved upon him. He was 
an energetic officer, and showed great zeal in the prosecu- 
tion of the plans which were assigned to him to carry out. 
In common with Waterbury and other commanders in the 
American army, he was hostile to those who espoused the 
royal cause, or who, while professing neutrality, were ready 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

retire to Ticonderoga on our fleet comeing so near 
his works, where they were thunder struck at hearing 
of the defeat of theirs, thinking it scarce possible. 
Our loss on the* lake was about 6o men killed and 
wounded. Xheir general Waterbury, & the rest of 
the prisoners were sent back to them by general 
Carlton to Ticonderoga on their parole, and Capt 
Craig "31 47th Infantry, went as a flag of truce 

to afford aid and comfort to the enemy, and he showed them 
no favor. In lyyS, after the massacre of Wyoming, he led 
an expedition into the valley, and for his brave and efficient 
conduct in the prosecution of this enterprise, was highly 
commended by the government. Shortly after, he retired 
from military life, and was a member of the Council of Cen- 
sors in 1783, and one of the convention delegates of Penn- 
sylvania which ratified the Constitution of the United States, 
December 12, 1787. He was a member of Congress from 
1789 until the day of his death, which took place at York, 
in his native State, December 21, 1800. Vide Revolutionary 
Record, p. 202 ; Sparks* Washington, vol. 4, p. 12; vol. 5, 
p. 422, et passim; Field Book of the Revolution (Lossing), 
vol. I, p. seq.; Campaign for the Conquest of Canada, 

pp. 73, 100, 107, et passim. 

^ 3 ^ James H. Craig was born at Gibraltar in 1748, his father 
being judge of civil and military affairs there. When he was 
fifteen years of age, the Thirtieth Foot was in garrison at 
Gibraltar, and young Craig, being infected with the military 
fever, obtained through the influence of his father a com- 
mission as ensign, which bore date June i, 1763. He was 
promoted, July 19, 1769, to a lieutenancy, and March 14, 
1771, was commissioned a captain in the Forty-seventh 
Foot, which he accompanied to America in 1774. This 
regiment was stationed at Boston during the siege of that* 
city, and formed part of Lord Percy*s command on that 
memorable nineteenth of April, when the first battle for 
American independence took place. Captain Craig was at 


Lieutenant Digby s JournaL 

with them. In return, they sent the general a letter 
of thanks, but would not permit even the prisoners 
to enter the fort, but sent them directly away, which 
was politic enough, as by their informing their 
country men how well they had been used, might 

the battle of Bunker Hill in which he was wounded. He 
joined Carleton at Quebec in the spring of 1776, and accom- 
panied him in the campaign of that year. He was also in 
the disastrous campaign of Burgoyne, was wounded at Hub- 
bardton and Freeman's Farm, and conducted the negotia- 
tions for the surrender of the army. In these negotiations 
every thing was done to salve the wounded pride of Bur- 
goyne and his aristocratic officers, and, among other things, 
the term convention was substituted for capitulation in the 
preparatory articles of surrender, at Captain Craig's solicita- 
tion. He went to England after the surrender with dis- 
patches, where he received the appointment of major in the 
Eighty-second Foot, and returned to Halifax in 1778, and 
was engaged during the following year in operations in east- 
ern Maine. He served through the war of the Revolution, 
was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel of his regiment, 
December 31, 1781, and of colonel in the army, November 18, 
1790. In 1794 he was made major-general, and the next 
year was appointed governor of the Cape of Good Hope, 
having conducted a successful expedition thither. He re- 
turned to England in 1797, and was raised to the peerage for 
his efficient services. In January, 1801, while in India, where 
he had been in service nearly four years, he received a com- 
mission of lieutenant-general, and the next year returned to 
England, where he was at once assigned to a command. At 
the close of a successful service in the Mediterranean, he 
received, in 1807, l^be appointment of governor-general of 
British North America. His hatred of every thing savoring 
of democracy caused him to act harshly toward every move- 
ment of a liberal character, and he soon found himself sur- 
rounded by enemies. For four years he held the reins of 
office, when, broken in health and disgusted with the people 
of the province, who it would seem were equally disgusted 

1 68 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

induce some to turn on our side. Gen Gates then 
commanded there ; of whom I shall have occasion 
to speak more of hereafter. He was formerly in our 
service, but from his wife’s connections, who is an 
American, he was induced to change into theirs. He 
is a man much confidence is reposed in by their Con- 

with him on account of his tyrannical administratiori of 
affairs he returned home in the summer of i8ii, and died 
the January following. Vide British Army Lists, tn loco ; 
Memoirs of My Own Times, pp. 309 ~ 3^7 > Occur- 

rences During the Late American War, Dublin, 1809, p. 174 ; 
Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. 48, p. 55 

>32 Horatio Gates was born in 1728, and it has been asserted 
that he was a natural son of Horace Walpole. Even as 
recent and generally accurate a writer as Fonblanque says, 
“he was related by marriage to the Earl of Thanet, and 
was a godson (scandal attributed a nearer relationship) of 
Horace Walpole,” a statement precisely similar to that made 
with respect to the parentage of Burgoyne, which was attrib- 
uted to Lord Bingley, and which Fonblanque labors to 
disprove. Strange to say, Fonblanque does not seem to 
have thought of examining the life of Walpole to ascertain 
what probability existed for this story. Horace Walpole 
was born October 5, 1717, and at the time of Gates’ birth 
was less than eleven years of age, and this fact, hitherto 
unnoticed, should set this idle story at rest ; but it will 
probably be repeated by careless writers till the end of time. 
Horace Walpole was his godfather, and had a brother 
Horatio, Baron of Wolterton, and what more probable than 
that the name of his august kinsman applied to the obscure 
infant of the housekeeper who was intimate with “ my 
mother’s woman,” was an incipient display of that humor 
which subsequently made the genius of Walpole con- 
spicuous? Walpole’s journals have been published, and, 
fortunately, he has left an item relating to the matter. He 
says that Gates “ was the son of a housekeeper of the second 
Duke of Leeds, who, marrying a young husband when very 

Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 169 

gress, but as to what he deserves for the exchange, I 
shall leave the reader to judge. Their force then 
at Ticonderoga, about 14 miles, was said to be 20,000, 
and it was thought from the lateness of the season 
and many other reasons, but this, the one most 
material, that it would be but a vain attempt to 

old, had this son by him. — -My mothers woman was inti- 
mate with that housekeeper, and hence I was godfather to 
her son, though I believe not then ten years old myself.’* It 
would almost seem that Walpole had heard that the parent- 
age of Gates had been ascribed to him, and therefore placed 
this statement on record to refute it. When twenty-six 
years of age, Gates, who had been bred to the profession of 
arms, and had served as a volunteer under Cornwallis while 
the latter was governor of Halifax, joined General Braddock 
at Fort Cumberland, and participated in the unfortunate 
campaign which ended so disastrously to the British arms. 
In this battle he was wounded, but more fortunate than 
many of his brother soldiers, escaped with his life. He was 
subsequently stationed in western New York with his com- 
pany, and while there was commissioned a brigade major. 
He was then selected by General Monckton as aide-de-camp, 
and accompanied that officer to the West Indies, where he 
gained attention by his gallantry in the capture of Martinico. 
He was bearer of dispatches to London announcing the vic- 
tory, and was rewarded by being made a major in the Royal 
Americans. Although his advancement had been unusually 
rapid, he was disappointed ; and having married a lady of 
high connections, he sold his commission and endeavored, 
through the influence of his friends and the family relations 
of his wife, to obtain a lucrative appointment under the 
government. Failing in this, he emigrated to America and 
settled on an estate which he purchased in Berkeley county, 
Virginia. He was a friend of Washington, and was dining 
at Mount Vernon when the news of the battle of Lexington 
was received. He was at once aroused to take part in the 
popular cause, and Washington procured his appointment as 



1 70 Lieutenant Digby s JournaL 

besiege it that year, we having but a small part of 
the army on that side of the lake ; viz, the first Bri- 
gade and our Advanced corps. The remainder of 
the army nor having battows ready to remove from 
St Johns, and the Isle-aux-Noix, from whence it was 
thought by the advice of the engineers who were 

adjutant general with the rank of a brigadier. He joined 
the camp at Cambridge in July, and busied himself in organ- 
izing the raw recruits, in which service he was very efficient. 
He was made a major general in May, I 77 b> ^J^d in the 
June following, was appointed to the command in Canada. 
Naturally of a jealous ^disposition, he was disturbed at the 
ever-growing popularity of Washington and instead of 
assisting, as in duty bound, his old companion-in-arms in his 
arduous campaign during the winter of ’76 and *77, he busied 
himself in efforts to supplant him. Washington was, how- 
ever, too magnanimous to allow the treachery of Gates to 
disturb him, and he endeavored to secure his really valuable 
services in reorganizing the army at his old post, as adjutant- 
general. A conflict of authority now arose between him 
and Schuyler, a pure and reasonably disinterested patriot, 
which was settled by Congress, which decided in favor of 
Schuyler. Gates at once proceeded to Philadelphia to lay 
his grievances before Congress, but made so poor a display 
of himself as to excite the opposition of that body, and he 
retired with indignation. The failure of St. Clair to main- 
tain his position at Ticonderoga, which was in Schuyler’s 
department, gave an opportunity for the enemies of Schuy- 
ler and the friends of Gates to get the former removed, and 
he was superseded by Gates. When he assumed the com- 
mand, every thing was in readiness, as far as it possibly could 
be, to meet the onset of the advancing army of Burgoyne, 
Schuyler having bent all his energies toward rendering the 
advance of the enemy difficult and the American army effi- 
cient, so that he found nearly every thing shaped to his hand. 
Many writers have criticised the action of Gates in this cam- 
paign, one of whom we will quote: Says Lossing: ‘‘While 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 171 

consulted respecting works, that the enemy must 
return to winter in Canada, they not being then able 
to throw up lines for above 1300 men, and even then, 
we should have no place to cover our troops from the 

Arnold was wielding the fierce sickle of war without, and 
reaping golden sheaves for Gates’ garner, the latter was 
within his camp, more intent upon discussing the merits of 
the Revolution with Sir Francis Clarke, Burgoyne’s aide-de- 
camp, who had been wounded and taken prisoner, and was 
lying upon the commander’s bed at his quarters, than upon 
winning a battle all important to the ultimate triumph of 
those principles for which he professed so warm an attach- 
ment. When one of Gates’ aids came up from the field of 
battle for orders, he found the general very angry because 
Sir Francis would not allow the force of his arguments. He 
left the room, and, calling his aid after him, asked, as they 
went out : ‘ Did you ever hear so impudent a son of a b — h ? ’ 
Poor Sir Francis died that night upon Gates’ bed.” That, 
in spite of his faults, which have perhaps been exaggerated, 
and for which he subsequently suffered. Gates possessed 
noble qualities, is evidenced by his domestic correspond- 
ence, the emancipation of his slaves and generous provision 
for their support. Not long before his death, near the end 
of a disappointed life, he wrote, expressing these noble senti- 
ments : “ I am very weak and have evident signs of approach- 
ing dissolution. But I have lived long enough since I have 
lived to see a mighty people animated with a spirit to be free 
and governed by transcendent abilities and power. He 
died in New York, April 10, 1806, at the age of 78. Vide 
Political and Military Episodes, p. 283 ; British Army Lists, 
in loco; Last Journals of Horace Walpole, London, 1859, 
vol. 2, p. 200; George III (Horace Walpole), London, 18471 
vol. I, p. 401 : Irving’s Life of Washington, vol. i, p. 422, 
et seq. ; vol. 3, p. 66; Life of Washington (Sparks), vol. 2, 
p. 469; vol. 3, pp. 6, 7, 483. 481, et passim; Curwen’s Jour- 
nals and Letters, N. Y., 1842, p. 475 . et seq.; Fmld Book of 
the Revolution, vol. i, p. 63 ; Memoirs of My Own limes, 
vol. I, p. 269. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

very severe cold shortly expected to set in. The 
cruelty exercised by Major Heartly over the poor 
inhabitants was great ; burning many of their habi- 
tations and small effects, and driveing away their 
cattle, many of which we found in the woods, which, 
by the generals order, were either returned to the 
owners, or an adequate price paid them for such 
cattle as were wanted for the use of the troops, 
and it gave me the sincerest pleasure to think 
our troops could relieve the miseries of the un- 
fortunate as well as conquer the enemies of our 
country. On general Burgoynes first hearing of 
the compleat victory gained by our fleet over the 
enemy, he gave out the following orders to the army, 
and which I should have inserted sooner. In it, he 
pays the greatest compliment to General Carlton. — 

'^The Americans were waiting at Ticonderoga with 
anxious impatience for Carleton to attack them, and were 
in excellent condition to receive him. Arnold held an im- 
portant command, and was active in strengthening his posi- 
tion. It was supposed that an attack would be made upon 
the old French lines, and every preparation was made to 
meet it there. Every precaution was taken by the Ameri- 
cans to prevent a surprise, and every effort resorted to in 
order to obstruct the approaches to their works. The 
weather continued bad, but supplies of munitions of war 
and of men continued to arrive. Gates wrote to Schuyler 
on the 24th : “ Carleton keeps very close to Crown Point, 
his navy at anchor on his flanks. I have scouts constantly 
down on both sides of the lake. I apprehend by this time 
his force is all collected, and expect this stillness will be suc- 
ceeded by a grand attack. The army here are in good 
spirits and think only of victory.'* Had Carleton followed 
the urgent advice of Burgoyne and Phillips, there is a fair 
probability that he would have met with defeat. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

General Orders. 

1 7*** Oct*^ Riviere Sable, Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, have- 
ing received authentic intelligence of the late victory, 
obtained by the commander in chief in person, takes 
the first moment to communicate to the army, that 
of the 1 6 vessels of which the rebel fleet consisted 
before the action, three only escaped, all the others 
either taken or destroyed. The importance of the 
conquest is not greater to the national cause, than is 
the glory achieved to his majesty’s arms, conspicuous 
by the general behaviour of the officers and men. It 
is a part of magnanimity to spare public demonstra- 
tion of triumph on the present occasion ; but it is 
not doubted that this army will be affected with 
every sentiment the brave are accustomed to feel 
from present great & glorious examples. 

24‘**. Lieut Gen Burgoyne sailed in the W zshington 
prize for St J ohns, from where he was to go by land 
for Quebec where a frigate was ready to sail with him 
to England, as it was then determined the army was 
to return to winter in Canada, & make their appear- 
ance early the following season before Ticonderoga, 
when every thing necessary for the reduction of that 
fort would be in greater readiness, and the season 
more favourable for our operations than so late in the 
year, during which time our fleet would be masters 
of the Lake, and the severity of the winter too great 
for them to build any vessels that could obstruct 
our movements early in the spring ; even at that 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

time the cold was very severe and our tents but a 

t small covering against it. 

25‘^ Our Indians, who with Capt” Frazier were ad- 
vanced nearer their lines, took a prisoner and before 
they brought him to us painted the poor devil in a 
most curious manner, which almost frighted him out 
of his wits. It often surprised us their not attacking 
us at Crown Point, their numbers being so greatly 
superior to ours. 

29*. Gen Carlton and General Phillips,^34 ^ho 
command the Artillery, went up towards their lines 

William Phillips entered the Royal Military Academy 
at Woolwich, August i, 1746, as a cadet ; was made lieuten- 
ant-fireworker in the Artillery, January 2, 1747; quarter- 
master of the First Battalion, April i, 175°; .second lieuten- 
ant, March i, 1755, and first lieutenant, April i, 1750. As 
captain in the Royal Artillery, to which he was commissioned 
May 12, 1756, he distinguished himself in Germany. At the 
battle of Minden, in 1759, he commanded three companies 
of the Royal Artillery, and was particularly thanked by 
Prince Ferdinand, who testified his appreciation of his dis- 
tinguished services by a present of a thousand crowns. At 
Warbourg the next year he gained attention by his skill and 
efficiency in handling his artillery, and August 15th, was 
promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army. In 
1768 he received the appointment of lieutenant-governor of 
Windsor Castle, and was commissioned a colonel in the army. 
May 25, 1772. He was elected in the autumn of 1774 to 
represent Boroughbridge in Parliament, and when the war 
between England and her trans-Atlantic colonies broke out, 
he was commissioned, January i, 1776, a major-general for 
service in America. He had seen long and arduous service, 
in which he had always shown great skill and bravery. He 
it was who planted his batteries upon Sugar Loaf Hill, which 
forced the evacuation of Ticonderoga without a battle, and 
sent St. Clair, discomfited and disgraced, on his flight south 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

to reconnoitre their strength, situation and which 
by them were thought of great extent & force. By 
deserters we heard they were then receiving fresh 
supplies of cannon and other stores. During the 
months of October and November, there are frequent 
squalls of wind on the Lake, which come momentary 

with his shattered army. On April 25, I777> he had been 
appointed major in the artillery, and on August 29th, he 
was promoted to the rank of major-general in the army. He 
was fully trusted by Burgoyne, and assumed command of 
the captive troops after the latter’s return to England. He 
was proud and passionate ; and, during his captivity at Cam- 
bridge, was confined by General Heath to the limits of his 
house and grounds and the road leading to the quarters of 
his troops, for using language which reflected upon the honor 
and dignity of Congress. When in Virginia with the cap- 
tive army, he made the acquaintance of Jefferson, and was 
hospitably entertained by him and Mrs. Jefferson at their 
mansion. Jefferson afterward spoke of him as “ the proudest 
man of the proudest nation on earth.” He was exchanged 
on the 25th of October, 1780, and the following spring set 
out upon an expedition into Virginia. He was accompaiiied 
by Benedict Arnold, who had, since his last battle against 
Phillips, at Saratoga, joined the British side. On this expe- 
dition Phillips contracted a fever and died at Petersburg, 
May 13th. While he lay upon his death-bed, Lafayette 
appeared upon the heights opposite Petersburg and began 
a cannonade of the British position, one of his cannon balls 
going through the dying general’s chamber and killing a 
female negro attendant. Vide Travels Through the Interior 
Parts of America, vol. 2, p. 506, British Army Lists, in loco; 
History of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), London, 1872, yol. 
I, pp. 207-217; A State of the Expedition, Appendices 
XLVHI, LIV; Memoirs of General Heath, pp. 166, i^, 
et passim; Simcoe’s Journal, London, 1787, pp. 129-140; 
Life of Jefferson (Randolph), pp. 50, 53 k Historical Maga- 
zine, vol. 9, p. 247. 

176 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

off the land and do great damage particularly to small 
craft A few days before, the Carlton being under 
way and cruising on the Lake, one of these sudden 
squalls was very near laying her on her beani ends. 

30, Our floating battery sailed for St Johns with 
stores which opportunity we took to forward 
letters to Montreal post, in order to their being 
sent to our friends in Great Britain, as few vessels 
ever sail from Quebec after the November on 
account of the frost, which begins to set in with great 
violence about that time, after which Canada is as 
much shut out from all communication with the rest 
of the world as possible, particularly then, as the 
country from Ticonderoga was in possession of the 

November 2“**. We embarked in our battows and 
long boats for Canada, and proceeded about 17 
miles, where our small fleet were obliged to put 
into a creek, the wind blowing very fresh, though 
fair for us, but causing a deep swell which was not 
so safe for the battows ; as to the long boats there 
was but little danger. Our soldiers called this place 
Destruction Bay, and not unaptly, as there we saw 
the great execution the enemy suffered from the fire 
of our fleet in the engagement on the iC' and 13^'* 
October. Some of their dead were then floating on 
the brink of the water, just as the surf threw them ; 
these were ordered to be directly buried. During 
the night it blew fresh and was attended with a fall 
of snow which was the first we had experienced. 


Lieutenant Dikiys Journal. 

The weather being fair we got under way, and with 
both sails and oars got a good distance before night. 

6‘'’. After a variety of weather, we made Point-au- 
faire. We had a strong gale of wind crossing over 
Cumberland Bay, where we could not keep the shore 
without going six times the distance at least, and this 
short cut, if I can call it so, was near endangering 
many of our battows. Near that, we saw the wreck 
of the Royal Savage, and had the rest of their fleet 
behaved as well as she did, we should not have been 
so easyly masters of the Lake, We found one Artil- 
lery man of ours who fell the him we buried. 
At night we made large fires as before, and lay 
round them, keeping our feet always next the fire, as 
when they are warm the body is seldom cold. 

9“*. Embarked for St Johns after remaining at 
Point-au-faire from the 6‘^ on account of the delay 
in getting over provisions ammunition &^, all 
which were sent down to St Johns before our moveing 
from that post. We also brought with us the fami- 
lies who resided before at Crown Point, as it would 
have been cruel to have left them to the mercy of 
the enemy, who no doubt would persecute them, for 
their attachment to us. We had scarce pushed off 
the shore, about break of day, when the greatest fog 
arose I ever beheld, and which prevented our seeing 
above 3 or 4 yards from our boat’s bow, in conse- 
quence of which we separated, some steering one 
way and some the other. Brig Gen Frazier caused 
drums to beat in his boat, by which he collected many 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

others, but in place of going to St Johns he went 
directly the opposite course back to the Isle of mott, 
where he thought proper to land and wait till next 
day, which was clear. Our boat, by great good 
fortune, made St Johns before night, though we saild 
round a small island twice, thinking it the mam land. 
At night we found a hearty reception from our Regi- 
ment, who garrisoned that fort and had not crossed 

the Lake. 

Io‘^ The remainder of our Corps came down, the 
day being clear. Our ships were all laid up at this 
place for the winter, masts and rigging taken from 
them, and the ice broke round every morning and 
evening to prevent their keels from suffering by the 
severe frosts then shortly expected. 

13 *. We marched for Vershere,'35aneat village on 
the banks of the river St Lawrence, and about six 
leagues below Montreal. 

^s^Vercheres is a small village on the right bank of the St. 
Lawrence, twenty-three miles below Montreal, and is still 
a small village, its population not greatly exceeding one 
thousand persons. It derives its name curiously h*om a 
heroine, Madame de Verchere, who in the year 1690, being 
left alone in the little palisaded block-house here, while the 
few people who composed the hamlet were at work in a dis- 
tant clearing, perceived a party of Indians approaching to 
attack the place. She instantly seized a gun and fired upon 
them ; and although several attempts were made to scale 
the palisade, she kept them at bay until help arrived. At 
another time a larger body of savages attacked 
prisoners all the men who were laboring in the fieMs. 
Madame Verchere with one soldier, her daughter and other 
women, were in the block-house, and seeing their husbands 


Lieutenant Digby s Jourtial. 

1 6* Our battallion of Grenadiers arrived at Ver- 
chere our winter quarters, after a pleasant and agree- 
able march, and our men were billeted through the 
parish, 2 or 3 in each house. The army were quar- 
tered in like manner through the province, where 
there were prepared good stoves and plenty of fuel 
to enable us to bear comfortably the severity of the 
approaching season, as during that time every thing 
is froze. All kinds of provisions are laid up in that 
frozen state, during the winter, and when wanted to 
be used, are gently thawed in cold water for some 
time and then cooked, when they eat perhaps after 
being months killed, as well as if just before slaugh- 
tered ; and, were a thaw to take place during the 
winter months, there would be every prospect of a 
famine in the province, as at the setting in of the 
frost, such eatables as are to serve the inhabitants 
for near half the year are all slaughtered; cows. 

taken prisoners, many of the women made loud larnenta- 
tions To prevent their cries from reaching the Indians, 
and encouraging them in their designs upon the fort, she 
shut them up, and hastily assuming the garb of a soldier, 
trained a cannon upon the foe. She resorted to the strata- 
gem of firing first from one embrasure and then froni 
another, and prevented the Indians, who supposed the fort 
held a considerable number of defenders, from taking it 
until a force arrived from the fort at Chambly where the 
cannon had been heard, and not only raised the siege, but 
was fortunate enough to rescue the prisoners who were in 
the hands of the savages. Madame Verchere subsequently 
returned to Normandy, where, at her death, a tombstone 
was reared over her, upon which was placed an inscription 
commemorating these acts of bravery. 

i8o Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

beeves pigs and all sorts of fowls [are] laid up in this 
manner, nay, I have seen cream hawked through 
the streets of Quebec and sold by weight, carried 
in a basket. The great river St Lawrence in one 
night’s frost will have ice thick enough to bear any 
carriage. Then the Carrioling ,^36 is the princi- 

pal amusement of the Canadians, commences. That 
carriage from the great velocity it moves on the snow 
& ice, from its easy and pleasant motion seems to 
engross all their attention during the winter months. 
It is drawn by one or two horses, which in Canada 
are excellent for the draught, tho in general small, 
and is rather a help, so very easy is the draught to the 
horses, to keep them steady on the ice. The persons 
seated in the Caryole, generally two, are dressed 
entirely in furs. The ladies [furs] in general and of 
the higher rank are elegant, so famous in that part of 
the world to protect them from the severe cold ; but, 
yet it is pleasant, the sky being quite serene and not 
a cloud to be seen in the hemisphere. Thus equipt 
you parade over the ice & snow amidst perhaps a 
hundred other caryoles, painted in the most gaudy 

This is a word of purely Canadian coinage, and has 
passed unnoticed by lexicographers. “ Carriole ” is a French 
word for a small, light carriage, and, strangely enough, has 
been metamorphosed into carryall and applied to a cumber- 
some vehicle formerly much in vogue in New England, but 
unknown in Europe. Hadden gives the word as cabri- 
olingC a word of very different etymology, from caper.^ a 
goat, referring especially to the leaping motion of that ani- 
mal, and applied also to a carriage (cabriolet and cab), which 
originally was a small one-horse carriage (cabriolet and cab), 
to which the horse imparted a jerking motion. 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. i8i 

colours, which from the great contrast of the snow 
has a beautiful effect. The ice is much smoother 
and better for this amusement before a snow storm, 
which is there frequent ; but yet the idea of the 
water being deep enough under you to float a ship 
of the line, and the ice so very transparent as fish 
to be seen under it, has rather an alarming appear- 
ance to a stranger, though very seldom accidents 
happen — as by an order from the governor the roads 
are marked out on the river, keeping clear of all 
springs, many of which are to be found on the St 
Lawrence — except at the breaking up of the ice — the 
thaw generally coming on about the latter end of 
March — when Caryoles are sometimes lost; for ex- 
ample one officer of our regiment. Captain Scott 

Alexander Scott belonged to a noted Scotch family- 
known as the Scotts of Logie, and was commissioned an 
ensign in the Thirty-seventh Foot, October 3, 1757- 
advanced to the rank of lieutenant. May 17, 1759, and served 
with his regiment through the French war, when, in 1763, 
his regiment, the Seventy-fifth Foot, which was composed 
of the Second Battalion of the Thirty-seventh Foot-— 
that battalion having been detached and so numbered in 
1759 — was disbanded. From that time until February ii, 
1767, he was on half pay, but on the date named was made 
a lieutenant in the Fifty-third Foot while it was stationed at 
Gibraltar. The next year he accompanied his regiment to 
Ireland, and, when it was ordered to America in the spring 
of ’76, he accompanied it, and served through the campaign 
of that year, being assistant commissary of Powell’s Brigade. 
In a note to Hadden’s Journal and Orderly Books, p. 206, he 
is stated to have served through the Burgoyne campaign, and 
to have died in 1778 ; but this statement of Digby corrects 
the error. Vide Burke’s Landed Gentry and British Army 
Lists, in loco. 

i 82 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

and one of regiment, Cap Lestrange.’^^ both 

unfortunately lost their lives in this manner. The 
thaw is attended with a tremendous noise, the ice 
rushing down from the great Lakes in large bodies 
crushing all before them many leagues after clearing 
the gulph, and rendering the approach of ships to 
that coast at this time of the year very dangerous. 

All the great Lakes and Rivers we passed during 
the summer in boats and battows were at this season 
of the year fine plains for caryoling. — The cold is 
so very intense, that we have had port wine froze 
in the bottles, though in a room with a stove. On 
going out in the air, you must be very well raped up 
with furs or the most tender parts will be frost 
bitten, which the only remedy for is being well 
rubbed with snow, else the part will, perhaps, mortify 
or drop off. Some few of our men have suffered in 
this manner through their own carelessness, as they 

Richard L’ Estrange entered the Forty-seventh Foot as 
an ensign, June 13, 1765. He was promoted, November 6, 
1769, to the rank of captain-lieutenant, and to that of captain. 
May 25, 1772. At the date of his latter promotion, the 
Forty-seventh was stationed at Ireland, from whence it sailed 
for America in 1773. The Forty-seventh, which had before 
seen service in America, having distinguished itself under 
Wolfe at the fall of Quebec, was one of the regiments ordered 
to Boston at the beginning of troubles there, and in the bat- 
tles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, Captain L’Estrange 
participated. After the evacuation of Boston, he sailed with 
his regiment to Halifax, and soon after joined General Carle- 
ton’s command and participated in the campaign of ’76, which 
was his last. Vide Historical Record of the Forty-seventh 
Foot and British Army Lists, in loco. 

*■ Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 183 

were all provided with caps, gloves, blankets coats, 

A poor fellow of our company died during the 
winter, and we found it a most difficult affair to 
bury him. After near a days labor with crows, pick- 
axes we had a grave dug for him, the ground 
being froze above* six feet deep. This was matter 
of surprise to the Canadians, who place their dead 
at this season in a small habitation built beside their 
places of worship, where they remain froze till the 
warm weather allows them burial. — At this time the 
wolves and bears come from the woods to pick up ^ 
food, when the former are dangerous ; they are taken 
in traps when they howl most dreadfully. We killed 
a fine bear and his flesh proved not very bad ; at 
least it was a variety. It had a young cub which we 
tamed and in a little time was very tractable. All 
the hares turn at this season as white as snow, as 
indeed do many other beasts in more nothern countrys. 
Nothing but a melancholy white strikes the eye on 
every side, and [there is nothing] which takes the 
place [better] of that beautiful variety of colours, 
which is the greatest ornament of the country, than 
[the] trees, which appear planted in the snow and 
which present to our sight only hoary heads and 
branches loaded with icicles. During the winter 
there were balls, assemblys at Quebec and Mon- 
treal ; the former is the seat of the Governor, who 
lives in a great degree of elegance, and as absolute 
in his government as possible. Gen Carlton, notwith- 

184 Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

standing his severity, was much liked by the Cana- 
dians, perhaps fear might have something to say in 
that case. ' 3 ’ General Phillips commanded at Mon- 
treal, and general Riedzel, of the foreign troops, at 
Trois Riviere. The persons of the Canadians , 
but I am exceeding the bounds, I at first prescribed 
in my preface, by a digression no doubt tedious & 
tiresome to the reader. — 

Thus situated we passed the Winter in as agreeable 
a manner as was in our power, with an expectation 
of opening the campaign early the ensueing season. 

Reference has been made — note 68 — to the 
French historian, Garneau’s statement, that General Carle- 
ton, on his return to Canada, punished most barbarously 
with fire and sword those Canadians who had exhibited 
pathy with their brother colonists from the south, who had 
invaded their country. It is strange that neither Hadden, 
Pausch nor Digby alluded to this, a matter which ought 
naturally to have engaged their attention. The nearest 
approach to such an allusion is this of Digby, and is not 
sufficient to base an opinion upon. From the absence in 
these journals of any statement bearing out the assertion of 
Garneau, we may infer that it is exaggerated. 
















1777 - 

AY 6, 1777- Lieut. General Burgoyne made 
Quebec in the Apollo frigate, with orders 
from Government, to take the command of 
the army, which, though it pleased the troops in gen- 
eral, yet caused some surprise at General Carlton’s 
being set aside ; and which could be accounted for only 
in the following manner; first his not being able as 
Governor to leave the province, as were he to effect a 
junction with General Howe, who was appointed Com- 
mander in chief of all America, and which was thought 
very probable. General Carlton, as the oldest officer, 
must have taken the command, from whence it was 
judged better not to let them clash ; some gave another 
reason, which, I think, must appear an unjust one, 
namely, his not attempting to reduce Ticonderoga the 
preceding season ; and I am positive every officer in 
the army, if called upon, would acquit him of acting 
imprudently in retireing from that place to winter 
in Canada, the season being so very severe and far 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

advanced. The troops were assembled at St Johns 
ready to cross over Lake Champlain, The 31 , 29 
and 34“* regiments were left to garrison Canada. The 
troops were all in the greatest health and much im- 
proved since their sailing from Great Britain; as 
many were then recruits, they were also better inured 
to the climate than the preceding season, 'and General 
Burgoyne seemed extremely pleased, as indeed he 
must have been, with the good appearance of the 
army on taking the field ; and I make no doubt, but 
the expectations of the people at home were sanguine 
respecting his opperations necessary for the junction 
with the Southern army, under the command of 
General Howe. On his takeing the command, he 
gave out the following manifesto or proclamation, 
intending it for the benefit of the Americans, where 
his army was intended to act, and as he afterwards 
says in the House of Commons, rather to hold out 
terrors, than put them into execution. Many copies 
were soon dispersed through the Provinces of the 
enemy. How it was attended to will be seen in the 
following pages. 

i«>The subject of placing Burgoyne in command of the 
campaign about to be inaugurated, was widely discussed at 
home as well as in the army, and Burgoyne was openly 
accused by his adversaries of having supplanted a brother 
officer by the use of ineans not honorable to a soldier. This 
charge he met and refuted in Parliament. On the other 
hand, many saw in the action of the government a disap- 
proval of Carleton’s management of the previous cam- 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 189 

By John Burgoyne, E®** 

Lieutenant General of his Majesties Armies in 
America, Col° of the Queen’s regiment of Light 
Dragoons, Governor of Fort William in North Brit- 
ain, One of the representatives of the Commons of 
Great Britain in Parliament and Commanding an 
army and fleet employed in an expedition from 
Canada &®. 

The forces intrusted to my command are designed to 
act in concert and upon a common principle with the 
numerous armies and fleets which already display in 
every quarter of America the Power, the Justice 
(and when properly sought) the Mercy of the King. 
The cause, in which the British arms are exerted, 
applies to the most affecting interests of the human 
heart, and the military servants of the crown, at first 
called forth for the sole purpose of Restoring the 
rights of the Constitution, now Combine with love of 
their Country, and duty to their Sovereign, the other 
extensive incitements which spring from a true sense 
of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes 
and ears of the temperate part of the public, and to 
the breasts of the suffering thousands in the Prov- 
inces, be the melancholy appeal, whether the present 
unnatural Rebellion has not been made a foundation 
for the completest system of tyranny that ever God, 
in his displeasure suffered for a time to be exercised 
over a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary 
Imprisonment, confiscation of property, Persecution 

I go Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

and torture unprecedented in the Inquisition of the 
Romish Church are amongst the palpable enormities 
that verefy the affirmative. These are inflicted by 
Assemblys and Committees, who dare to profess 
themselves friends to Liberty, upon the most quiet 
subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the 
sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having 
adhered in principle to the Government under which 
they were born, and, to which, by every tie Divine 
& Human, they owe allegiance. To consummate 
these shocking proceedings, the profanation of re- 
ligion is added to the most profligate prostitution of 
common reason ; the consciences of men are set at 
naught, and multitudes are compelled, not only to 
bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an usur- 
pation they abhor. Animated by these considera- 
tions, at the head of troops in full power of health, 
discipline and valour, determined to strike when 
necessary, and anxious to spare when possible. I 
by these presents, invite and exhort all persons, in 
all places where the progress of this army may point, 
it (and by the blessing of God I will extend it far) to 
mentain such a conduct as may justify in protecting 
their lands. Habitations and Families. The inten- 
tion of this address, is to hold forth security, not 
depredation to the country. To those whom spirit 
and principle may induce to partake [in] the glorious 
task of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons, 
and reestablishing the blessings of Legal Govern- 
ment, I offer encouragement and employment, and 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 191 

upon the first intelligence of their associating, I will 
find means to assist their undertakings. The Domes- 
tic, the industrious, the infirm and even the timid 
inhabitants I am desirous to protect, provided they 
remain quietly in their houses ; that they do not suffer 
their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage 
to be secreted or destroyed ; that they do not break 
up their bridges or roads, nor by any other acts, 
directly or indirectly, endeavor to obstruct the oppe- 
rations of the Kings troops, or supply or subsist those 
of the enemy, every species of provision brought to 
my camp will be paid for at an equitable rate and in 
solid coin. The consciousness of Christianity, my 
Royal Master’s clemency, and the honour of soldier- 
ship, I have dwelt upon in this invitation, and wished 
for more persuasive terms to give it impression ; and 
let not people be led to disregard it by considering 
their distance from the immediate situation of my 
camp. I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces 
under my direction, (and they amount to thousands) 
to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain 
and America. I consider them the same where ever 
they may lurk. If notwithstanding these endeavours, 
and sincere inclinations to effect them, the phrensy of 
hostility should> remain, I trust I shall stand acquit- 
ted in the eyes of God and men in denouncing and 
executing the vengeance of the State against the wil- 
ful outcasts. The messengers of J ustice and wrath 
await them in the field, and Devastation, famine and 
every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indis- 

ig2 Lieute^iant Digby s Journal. 

pensible prosecution of military duty must occasion, 
will bar the way to their return/^' 

General Orders. 

Disposition of the army under the Command of 
Lieu‘ Gen* Burgoyne. 

Many humorous replies were made to this high-sound- 
ing proclamation of Burgoyne, one of which Digby himself 
gives us. Another, ascribed to William Livingston, Gov- 
frnor of New Jersey, was especially witty, and purported to 
be an agreement for exchange of prisoners, supposing the 
commander-in-chief himself fell into the hands of the Ameri- 
cans. It was arranged in articles, in which his various titles 
were appropriately numbered, and a value set upon each for 
purposes of exchange. Thus it was proposed to give, as 
follows : 

“ I For Tohn Burgoyne Esquire, some worthy justice of the peace. 

“ 2 For T B. lieut. gen. of his maj’* armies in Am. 2 major generals. 

“ 'K For T. B. Col. queen’s reg. It. dragoons, at least 3 Continental colonels. 

“ 4 For T. B. gov. of fort Win. in N. Britain, i Goy. because his multititu- 
larv excellency is gov. of a fort & 2 as that f. is in Norik Britain 
“ e. For T B one of the representatives of Great Britain, the first member 
of Congress who may fall into the enemy’s hands. 

6. For J. B. com. of a fleet employed on an expedition to Canada, the 

admiral of our navy. j- • r t 

“ 7. For J. B. com. of an army employed in an expedition from Canada, i 

commander in chief in any of our departments. 

“ 8. For J. B. &c. &c. &c. which he humorously discusses, 3 privates. 

Washington issued a counter-proclamation, which was in 
strong contrast to Burgoyne’s, being characterized by simple, 
but lofty and dignified sentiments. It closed with these 
noble words : “ Harassed as we are by unrelenting persecu- 
tion, obliged by every tie to repel violence by force, urged by 
self-preservation to exert the strength which Providence has 
given us to defend our natural rights against the aggressor, 
we appeal to the hearts of all mankind for the justice of our 
cause ; its event we leave to Him, who speaks^ the fate of 
nations, in humble confidence that as his omniscient eye taketh 
note even of the sparrow that falleth to the ground, so he will 
not withdraw his countenance from a people who humbly array 
themselves under his banner in defense of the noblest prt7iciples 
with which he has adorned humanity P 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 


Brigadier General Frazier will be joined by the 
Canadian companies of Moning and Boucherville,"'^ 
Capt“ Frazier’s detachment and a body of Savages. 
The German Grenadiers, Chassieures, Light Infantry 
under the command of Lieu* Col° Bremen"'*^ form a 
corps of Reserve, and will never encamp in the line. 
The regiment of Riedesel’s Dragoons is also out of 
the Line, and for the present, will be employed to 
cover head quarters. The provincial corps of Peters 

Ren6 Antoine de Boucherville was born at Cataracouy, 
the Indian name of a settlement which occupied the site of 
the present busy town of Kingston, on February 12, 1735. 
He was an active partisan in the war, and subsequently at- 
tained prominence in political affairs, becoming a member 
of the Canadian Legislative Council, and occupying other 
official positions. He died at Boucherville, Canada, Sep- 
tember 2, 1812. Colonel Rogers questions the identity of 
the officer mentioned in this journal with the Seigneur Rene 
Antoine, above noted. His reasons may be found in Ap- 
pendix number twelve to Hadden’s Journal and Orderly 

Heinrich Christoph Breymann was lieutenant-colonel of 
the grenadiers loaned by the Duke of Brunswick to George 
the Third. He was a brave and efficient officer, but was 
severely criticised for tardiness in marching to the support 
of Baum, at Bennington. A report was current in Bur- 
goyne’s army, says Hadden, “that an old picque between 
Brymen & Baume might occasion his tardiness, as he was 
heard to say, ‘ we will let them get warm before we reach 

’“John Peters was a Connecticut yankee, and was born at 
Hebron in 1740. He was of sound rebel stock. His father, 
John, was a staunch patriot, and his cousin, John S., was 
governor of Connecticut. The historian of Connecticut, the 
Rev. Samuel, was his uncle. He was a graduate of Yale 
College in the class of 1759, and studied the profession of 


IQ4 LietUenant Digby s Journal. 

and Jessop'« are also out of the line. The recruits 
of the 33^'* regiment, and the other regiments under 

them’ when he heard the firing.” Be this as ™ay, he 
fought well after reaching the scene of action, was himself 
wounded, and his command suffered seve^ loss. 
subsequently killed in the battle of Bemus Heights, October 
7 , 1777 - Vide Hadden’s Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 36, 

the law, remoidng in 1766 to Vermont, where he became a 
prosperous citizen, holding important civil offices until the 
opening of the war. He was a member of the provincial 
congress, but was hostile to independence, and allied himself 
to the Tories in the war, and accompanied General Carleton 
on the campaign of ’76 as a volunteer. He went on the raid to 
Bennington with Baum, as lieutenant-colonel of the Queen s 
Loyal Rangers, expecting to add to his command from the dis- 
affected after the expected defeat of his fellow-coi^trymen, 
but in the battle lost a large portion of his men. He tought 
with Burgoyne through the campaign of ’77, and on the eve 
of that general’s surrender of his army he escaped to Canada. 
Here he seems to have been neglected, and the promises 
made to him broken. His property was, of course, confis- 
cated, and he was unable on account of the act of attainder, 
to return to his old home. Broken in health, and unable 
even to get pay for his services, he finally went to England 
to urge his claims upon the government, leaving his family, 
consisting of a wife and eight children, at Cape Breton, but 
a deaf ear was turned toward him, and for three years he 
hung about the back doors of royalty begging in vain, when 
death came to his relief in 1788. Vide History of New 
York During the Revolutionary War (Jones), vol. i, pp. 686- 
692 ; History of Vermont (Hall), p. y 6 g ; Loyalists of the 
American Revolution (Sabine), Boston, 1864, vol. 2, p. 183. 

^^^Ebenezer and Edward Jessup were brothers, born in 
the Province of Connecticut, who, several years before the 
commencement of the Revolution, removed to northern 
New York where they had acquired extensive possessions, 
and erected houses and mills. They were both justices of 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 195 

the command of Lieu‘ Nutt’'*® are, for the present, 
to serve on board the Fleet. 

the peace for the Province of New York, and engaged in 
business enterprises of importance, but when the war began, 
thought best to cast in their lot with the British invaders of 
their country. Edward Jessup had already had military 
experience, having been a captain of Provincials in I759- 
Both brothers, it would seem, were considered competent to 
command, hence we find them both prominent among the 
commanders of Provincial loyalists. Burgoyne, however, did 
not regard these soldiers very favorably, as they did not 
stand by him with that constancy which he demanded of 
them, but we must remember that he had been bred in the 
regular service, and consequently would, of necessity, be 
prone to regard Provincial irregulars unfavorably. The 
brothers Jessup never returned to the United States and 
their property was confiscated. A Jessup genealogy by 
Prof. Henry G. Jessup is in press, to which the reader is 
referred for further particulars. Also, vide Hadden’s Journal 
and Orderly Books, pp. 67-74, \ \2 et passim. I am indebted 
for several particulars in this note to Mr. Douglass Brymner, 
Canadian archivist. 

George Anson Nutt became an ensign in the Thirty- 
third Foot, August 28, 1771, and a lieutenant, October 26, 
1775. He was in command of a body of about one hundred 
and fifty men to recruit the Thirty-third — the regiment of 
Lord Cornwallis, which had accompanied Sir Peter Parker’s 
unsuccessful expedition against Charleston, South Carolina, 
and which was to have joined Carleton at Quebec, had not a 
change of plan taken place. He was attached with his 
command to the artillery in the campaign of ’77, and suffered 
captivity with the surrendered army until September 3, 1781, 
when he was exchanged. On October i, 1780, during his 
captivity, he was promoted to the rank of captain-lieutenant. 
In 1783 he went on half pay, but returned to active service 
in 1787, and became, on May 30, a captain in the Sixty- 
fifth Foot. Two years later his name disappears from the 
rolls. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Hadden’s Journal and 
Orderly Book,pp. lx, Ixx; Burgoyne’s Orderly Book, p. 178. 


I * 


Lieutendfit Digby s JouYfidl. 

The line upon the next movement will encamp 
in order of Battle as follows, and will continue the 
same till Countermanded. 







ctf . 

4 > 



h£ . 




Brigdr Genl 


Brigr General. 

Hamilton 148 . 

47th Regiment. 
53rd Regiment. 
9th Regiment. 

2ist Regiment. 
62nd Regiment. 
20th Regiment. 

Henry Watson Powell became a lieutenant in the Forty- 
sixth Foot, March lo, 1753 , and a captain, Septeinber 2, 1756, 
in the Eleventh, which afterward became the Sixty fourth 
Foot. In this regiment he served against the French Wes 
Indies in 1759, and in 1768 accompanied his regimen o 
America. June 2, 1770, he was promoted to a majority in 
the Thirty-eighth, and July 23, 1771, to a lieutenant-colonelcy 
in the Fifty-third Foot. After his arrival in America in the 
spring of ’76, General Carleton assigned him to the com- 
mand of the Second Brigade with the rank of bri^dier- 

general. Upon the evacuation by the Americans of licon- 

James Inglis Hamilton. Owing to the fact that there 
were several of this name in the army at the same period, it 
is difficult to identify the siibject of this note during the 
early part of his career. Dr. O’Callaghan sup^ses him to 
have been commissioned captain in the army, February 28, 
1755, and of the Thirty-fourth Foot, August 25, 1750. In 
1758 this regiment formed part of the expedition against St. 
Malo, and in 1760 against Belle Isle. On October 17, 
he was appointed major in command of the One Hundred 
and Thirteenth Royal Highland Volunteers, which regiment 
being disbanded, he retired on half pay on May 25, 1772, 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 


deroga, July 6, 1777, General Powell was left in command of 
the captured fortress. After the battle of Bennington, an 
attempt was made to sever Burgoyne’s communication with 
Canada, and an attack was made upon Ticonderoga, which 
he repelled, though with such a considerable loss of men — a 
large number being taken prisoners — as to give to success 

when he was appointed lieutenant-colonel in the army. 
On March ii, 1774, he was made lieutenant-colonel of the 
Twenty-first Foot. He served under Carleton in the cam- 
paign of ’76, and was appointed brigadier-general November 
5th of that year. He participated in the disastrous cam- 
paign of Burgoyne, acquitting himself ^‘with great honor, 

W. R. Von Gall was colonel of the Hesse Hanau regi- 
ment, but at this time was in command of the Hessian 
regiments of Prince Frederick and Hesse Hanau, which 
had been formed into a brigade by General Carleton, and he 
therefore held the rank of brigadier-general during the cam- 
paign. Colonel Von Gall was in the various battles of the 
campaign of '77, and shared the hardships attendant upon it, 
and seems to have been a good and faithful officer. He was 

Johann Friederich Specht, colonel of the regiment of 
that name, did not arrive in Canada until the autumn of 
1776; hence he did not take part in the campaign of that 
year. He, however, participated in the campaign of Bur- 
goyne, and commanded the first German brigade. He was 

198 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

If it should become necessary to form two lines, 
the second line is to be formed by the Second 
Brigade of British doubling upon the first, and the 
Second Brigade of Germans, doubling in the same 
manner upon their first. The Brigadiers are always 
to encamp with their Brigades. 

Lieut Gen* Burgoyne takes the occasion of the 
Army’s assembling to express publickly the high 

the hue of defeat. After Burgoyne’s surrender, he abandoned 
Ticonderoga and returned to Canada, where he held com- 
mand for several years. He was made a colonel in the army, 
February 19, 1779, and in 1780 purchased an estate in the 
suburbs of Quebec. He was made a major-general, Novem- 
ber 20, 1782 ; colonel of the Sixty-ninth Foot, April 16, 
and of the Fifteenth Foot, June 20, 1794; lieutenant-general, 

activity and good conduct,” according to Burgoyne. He 
was among the convention prisoners, and was exchanged 
September 3, 1781. He subsequently became colonel in the 
army, September 3, 1781 ; major-general, September 28, 1787; 
colonel of the Fifteenth Foot, August 22, 1792, and of the 
Twenty-first Foot, June 20, 1794; lieutenant-general, Janu- 

among the captured officers and shared the captivity of his 
men. He was unjustly accused of appropriating money to 
his own use, a charge which grew out of an arrangement 
which he made, while in winter quarters, with some of the 
inhabitants, to board his men in exchange for their army 
rations. These rations he cut down in quantity, in order to 
accumulate a reserve fund for them, and although it appeared 
that he was not doing this for private gain, his tyrannical 
prince, when he returned, after his captivity in 1781, angrily 
turned him out of his service. There was another reason, 
however, quite as potent with the prince. As long as his 
officers remained out of the country, either in the service of 

among the captured troops, and after his exchange in Octo- 
ber, 1780, returned to Canada and remained there until peace 
was declared, when he returned home, in October, 1783. He 

Lieutenant Digby's Jourrial. 


opinion he entertains of the Troops, which his 
Majesty has been graciously pleased to intrust to 
his command. 

They could not have been selected more to his sat- 
isfaction, and the lieu‘ Gen‘ trusts it will be received 
as one mark of his attention to their glory and wel- 
fare, that with the promise of every encouragement 
the service will allow, he declares a determination and 
he calls upon every officer to assist him to mentain 
a steady, uniform system of subordination and obey- 

May 3, 1796, and general, January i, i8or. He died at 
Lyme, England, July 14, 1814. Vide British Army Lists, in 
loco ; Burgoyne’s Orderly Book, p. 10; Hadden’s Journal and 
Orderly Books, pp. 45, 117, et passim; Journal of Occurrences 
During the Late American War, p. 173 ; Gentleman’s Maga- 
zine, vol. 84, part 2, p. 190. 


ary 26, 1797, and general, April 29, 1802. He died July 27, 
1803. Vide 'Qntish Army Lists, in loco ; Burgoyne’s Orderly 
Book, pp. 22, et seq., 190, et passim ; A State of the Expedi- 
tion, Appendix 49 ; Hadden’s Journal and Orderly Books, 
pp. 45, 176, et passim. t 

the British king, or in captivity, the result of that service, 
the prince received a considerable income from the treasury 
of Great Britain. Specht and others remained in Canada in 
the service of George the Third, until the peace, and Von 
Gall it appears did not have permission to return ; hence he 
was made an example of, and the principal reason given was 
his return without permission. Certainly no other officer 
attempted to return after this,salutary example. Vide Me- 
moirs of General Riedesel, vol. r, pp. 39, 100; vol. 2, pp. 
101-105, 216-218. 

died at Brunswick, June 24, 1787. Vide Memoirs of General 
Riede.sel, vol. i, pp. 26, 62, 66; vol. 2, pp. 47, 73, 100, et pas- 
sim; Journal of Madame Riedesel, p. 160. 

4 , 



I : 



200 Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

After which the standing regulations of the army 
respecting Dutys in camp &<= are inserted, with orders 
for officer’s strictly to observe on their several guards 
and out posts, which from their length I am obliged 
to omit inserting here. — 

General Orders, June 29. 

The army embarks tomorrow to oppose the enemy. 
We are to Contend for the King and the Constitution 
of Great Britain ; to vindicate law and relieve the 
oppressed ; a cause in which his majesties Troops, 
and those of the Princes, his allies, will feel equal 
excitement. The services required of this particular 
expedition are critical and conspicuous. During our 
progress occasions may occur in which no^difficulty, 
nor labour, nor life are to be regarded.— 

We crossed the Lake pretty much in the same 
manner before related, excepting that the season was 
a more pleasant one, and our being a longer time on 
the passage, owing to the great tediousness of bring- 
ing over Artillery and other stores, so requisite for 
such an expedition. We remained near a week at 
Bouquet river,'^* 30 miles North of Crown Point, 
where we were joined by a nation of Indians, and 
who, from General Burgoyne, received the most posi- 
tive orders not to scalp, except the dead. 

The river Bouquet derives its name from Colonel Bou- 
quet, who commanded an expedition against the Indians 
while Canada was under the French. It was at the place 
here mentioned that he negotiated a treaty of peace with the 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 201 

30. The Advanced Corps made their appearance 
before Ticonderoga. We encamped at Three Mile 
Point. The line, with the general, were at Putnam’s 
Creek, about six miles in our rear, but expected 
shortly up. We had a full view from our post of 
their works lines and their flag of Liberty dis- 
played on the summit of the Fort. Our gun boats 
were anchored across the river out of the range of 
their cannon, and our two frigates, the largest called 
the Royal George carrying 32 Guns, and built at St 
Johns during the winter, with the Inflexible at a 
small distance from the Gun boats, with a large boom 
ahead to prevent fire ships coming down from the 
Fort. Our Indians had many small skirmishes with 
parties of theirs, and always came off victorious, and 
what prisoners were taken, all seemed to agree that 
they intended to make a vigorous defence. With 
our glasses we could distinguish every thing they 
were about in the Fort, appearing very busy about 
their works, and viewing with their glasses our situa- 
tion force It was entertaining enough, being a 
scene of life I had not been accustomed to before, 
and its novelty made it amusing. 

State of the Army rank and file fit for Duty. 

British 3.252 

Germans 3,007 

Canadians 145 

Indians 500 

Total 6,904 


202 Lieutena 7 it Digbys JournaL 

I have not included sick officers, servants, Batt- 

men*52 . , , . i 

The Country round the Fort is covered with thick 
wood through [which] roads were to be made for 
our carrying on regular approaches. 

July I. About 12 o clock a small boat of theirs 
rowed down from the fort within reach of the cannon 
from our gun boats ; she lay on her oars, when we 
saw her intent was to reconnoitre our post, at first it 
was proposed to fire on her, but the smallness of the 
object made it not worth perhaps expending a few 
shots on, and she returned quietly back to the Fort. 

2 ^. A detachment of about 500 men from our corps 
were ordered, under the command of Brig^ Gen^ 
Frazier, to take possession of an eminence, said to 
command the Fort. We moved at one o clock, and 
about three had a skirmish with a large party of the 
enemy, and drove them under cover of their cannon. 
We lost some Indians and poor Rich‘S Houghton,^s3 a 

Batmen. Bdt is a French word, signifying pack-saddle. 
The government formerly allowed to every company of a 
regiment in foreign service a batman, whose duty it was to 
take charge of the cooking utensils, etc., of the company. 
The term came to be applied to men in charge of baggage, 
and, finally, though inappropriately, to men in charge of 
officers* horses. The pack-horses were also called bat-horses, 
and money paid for service bat- money. 

Richard Houghton was wounded on the night of July 
2d while engaged in trying to save some savages from being 
captured or destroyed. They had been having a pow-wow, 
and had become drunk as usual, and probably in a spirit of 
bravado approached the American lines. Houghton, while 

Lieutenant Diky's Journal. 203 

lieu‘ of our regiment [was] severely wounded. During 
that night they were constantly fireing on us from 
under cover of their guns, where they well knew we 
could not follow them. Our out sentries and theirs 
were very near each other, and sleep was a stranger 
to us. We had but two 6 pounders with us, the road 
not being cut for a large gun. We fired two evening 
guns to make them believe there were two Brigades 
on the ground, and also caused our drums to beat to 
alarm them in the Fort. 

3^ At day break, the remainder of our corps joined 
us with the First Brigade of British, and soon after, 
they opened a nine pound battery on us, and by the 
direction of their shot, they must have seen our 6 
pounders, as they killed a man and horse harnessed, 
in the carriage of the gun, on which we were obliged 
to move them under cover of a small hill. During 
the day they killed a few of our men, and some balls 

endeavoring to get the worse than useless creatures back 
within the British lines, was fired upon by the Americans 
and wounded. One of the savages was killed and another 
wounded. Lieutenant Houghton obtained his first com- 
mission in the Fifty-third Foot as an ensign, August 30, 1768, 
and was promoted to a lieutenancy, April 30, 1771. Being 
wounded in the battle of the 7th of October, and carried 
to the rear, he was not among the convention prisoners, and 
undoubtedly remained with the Fifty-third in Canada until 
its return to England in the summer of 1789. He was com- 
missioned as captain and captain-lieutenant, December 27, 
1785, and his name so appears in the army lists of 1793, 
after which date it is dropped. Vide British Army Lists, in 
loco; Journal of Occurrences During the Late American 
War, pp. 174, 176; Hadden’s Journal and Orderly Books, 
p. 83; Historical Record of the Fifty-third Foot, p. 4. 

204 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

went through our tents, their ground commanding 

Before day light, we shifted our camp farther 
back a small way from the range of their shot, until 
our 12 pounders could come up to play on them 
in return ; by their not throwing shells, we supposed 
they had none, which from our camp being on a 
rocky eminence would have raked us much ; as to 
their balls we did not much mind them being at too 
great a distance to suffer from any point blank shot 
from their cannon. About noon we took possession 
of Sugar loaf hill ’'^4 on which a battery was imme- 

^^Sugarloaf Hill, or Mount Defiance, was an elevation 
difficult of ascent, which commanded the extensive works at 
Ticonderoga. The command of Ticonderoga and the de- 
fenses in the vicinity had been assigned to Gates by Schuy- 
ler, who was in command of the department ; but the jealousy 
of Gates caused him to decline it, and this occasioned some 
delay in getting the defenses into a condition to meet an 
assault. Schuyler was bending all his energies toward 
strengthening the works in his department, and as soon as the 
decision of Gates was known, he dispatched General Arthur 
St. Clair to Ticonderoga, which he reached on the twelfth 
of June. With a strange want of foresight, he took no steps 
to fortify the important hill which commanded his works, 
but devoted himself to strengthening them. Burgoyne thus 
speaks of this neglect of St. Clair : “ The manner of taking 
up the ground at Ticonderoga, convinces me that they have 
no men of military science. Without possessing Sugar Hill, 
from which I was proceeding to attack them, Ticonderoga 
is only what I once heard Montcalm had expressed it to be: 
‘ Une porte pour un honntte homme de se deskonorer.* They 
seem to have expended great treasure and the unwearied 
labor of more than a year to fortify, upon the supposition 
that we should only attack them upon the point where they 
were best prepared to resist.*’ Vide Letter to Earl Hervey, 
nth July, Fonblanque, p. 247. 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

diately ordered to be raised. It was a post of great 
consequence, as it commanded a great part of the 
works of Ticonderoga, all their vessels, and likewise 
afforded us the means of cutting off their communica- 
tion with Fort Independent, a place also of great 
strength and the works very extensive. But here the 
commanding officer was reckoned guilty of a great 
oversight in lighting fires on that post, tho I am in- 
formed, it was done by the Indians, the smoak of 
which was soon perceived by the enemy in the Fort ; 
as he should have remained undiscovered till night, 
when he was to have got two 1 2 pounders up tho 
their getting there was almost a perpendicular ascent, 
and drawn up by most of the cattle belonging to the 
Army. They no sooner perceived us in possession of 
a post, which they thought quite impossible to bring 
cannon up to, than all their pretended boastings of 
holding out to the last, and choosing rather to die in 
their works than give them up, failed them, and on 
the night of the 5“* [day] they set fire to several 
parts of the garrison, kept a constant fire of great 
guns the whole night, and under the protection of that 
fire, and clouds of smoke they evacuated the garrison, 
leaving all their cannon, amunition and a great quan- 
tity of stores. They embarked what baggage they 
could during the night in their battows, and sent them 
up to Skeensborough under the protection of five 
schooners, which Captain Carter of the Artillery 

'“John Carter became a cadet at Woolwich, February 18, 
1752; lieutenant-fireworker in the artillery, March i, 1755; 


Lietitenant Digbys Journal. 

with our gun boats followed and destroyed with all 
their baggage and provisions. As I happened to be 
one of the Lieutenants of the Grenadiers piquet that 
night, when we perceived the great fires in the Fort, 
the general was immediately made acquainted with 
it and our suspicion of their abandoning the place, 
who with many other good officers imagined it was 
all a feint in them to induce us to make an attack, 
and seemingly with a great reason of probability, tho 
to me, who could be but a very poor judge, it seemed 
quite the contrary, as I never before saw such great 
fires. About 1 2 o clock we were very near committing 
a most dreadful mistake. At that hour of the night, 
as I was going my rounds to observe if all the 
sentrys were alert on their different posts, one sentry 
challenged a party of men passing under his post, 
which was situated on the summit of a ravine or 
gully, and also heard carriages dragging in the same 
place, who answered friends, but on his demand- 
ing the countersign, they did not give it, and by 
their hesitating appeared at a loss ; when the fellow 
would have instantly fired upon them according to 

second lieutenant, April i, 1756; first lieutenant, April 2, 
1757; captain-lieutenant, January i, 1759, and captain, Decem- 
ber 7, 1763. He participated in the campaign of 1776. At 
this time he was in command of a park of artillery. He 
was created a major in the army, August 29, 1777, and was 
among the captured officers, but died a prisoner, on March 
17, 1779. VideK-ane's Artillery List ; British Army Lists, 
in loco ; History American War (Stedman), vol. i, p. 324; 
History Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. i, pp. 176, 244; Had- 
den’s Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 91, 250, 317, et passim. 


Lieutenant Digby's Jo^lrnaL 

his orders, had not I come up at the time, on which * 
I caused him to challenge ^ them again ; they not 
answering, I called to the piquet to turn out and 
stand to their arms, still lothe to fire. Just at the 
time. Captain Walker came up in great haste and 
told me it was a party of his Artillery with two 
1 2 pounders going to take post on Sugar loaf hill, 
and his orders to them was to cause it to be kept 
as secret as possible, which by their too strictly 
attending to, in not answering our challenge, which 

Ellis Walker was made a cadet at Woolwich, March i, 
1755, and became a lieutenant-fireworker in the Royal Artil- 
lery October 29th of the same year. He advanced rapidly 
in his profession, being commissioned as second lieutenant, 
April 2, 1757; first lieutenant, January i, 1759, and captain- 
lieutenant, August 5, 1761. In this year, war again broke 
out between England and France, and Captain-Lieutenant 
Walker sailed on the expedition under Major-General Hodg- 
son against Belle-Isle, in the Bay of Biscay, which, after 
several attacks and the loss of many men, was captured on 
the seventh of J une, two months after the appearance of the 
fleet before Port Andre. Walker became a captain, January 
1, 1771, and was in the campaign of 1776. In the campaign 
of 1777 he had charge of the artillery of General Fraser’s 
brigade. He returned to England after the war, and appears 
on the army list as late as 1820, sixty-five years from the date 
of his first commission, being then a general, having received 
the following commissions, viz.: Of major in the army, June 
7, 1 782 ; lieutenant-colonel in the artillery, December i , 1 782 ; 
colonel in the army, October 12th, and in the artillery, 
November i, 1793; major-general, February 26, 1795 ; colonel 
commanding, September 25, 1796; lieutenant-general, April 
29, 1802, and general, January i, 1812. Vide British Army 
Lists, in loco; Kane’s Artillery List ; History Royal Artillery 
(Duncan), vol. i, pp. 224, 229 ; Hadden’s Journal and Orderly 
Books, pp. 154, 159, 250-254, et passim. 

2o8 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

could never be the intention of their orders, was 
near involving us all in a scene of the greatest 
confusion, which must have arose from our piquet 
firing on them. I own I was somewhat alarmed, still 
thinking the great fires in their lines a feint, and 
their coming to attack us with more security, imag- 
ineing we gave into that feint. 

6*. At the first dawn of light, 3 deserters came in 
and informed that the enemy were retreating the 
other side of mount Independent. The general was, 
without loss of time, made acquainted with it, and 
the picquets of the army were ordered to march and 
take possession of the garrison and hoist the King’s 
colors, which was immediately done, and the Grena- 
diers and Light Infantry were moved under the 
command [of] Brigadier General Frazier, if possible 
to come up with them with the greatest expedition. 
From the Fort, we were obliged to cross over a 
boom of boats between that place and Mount Inde- 
pendent,’" which they, in their hurry, attempted to 
burn without effect, as the water quenched it, though 
in some places we could go but one abreast, and had 
they placed one gun, so as the grape shot [could] 

Mount Independence. It had received this name on the 
eighteenth of the previous July. On the morning of that 
day, just after the beating of the reveille, a courier reached 
the camp of the Americans, who were posted on this hill, 
with a copy of the Declaration of Independence, which 
caused great enthusiasm in the camp. A feu-de-joie of 
thirteen guns, in honor of the thirteen Confederated States, 
was fired, and the hill was named Mount Independence to 
commemorate the event. 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. . 209 

take the range of the bridge — and which surprised 
us they did not, as two men could have fired it, and 
then made off — they would, in all probability, have 
destroyed all or most of us on the Boom. We con- 
tinued the pursuit the whole day without any sort of 
provisions, and, indeed, I may say, we had very little 
or none, excepting one cow we happened to kill in 
the woods, which, without bread, was next to nothing 
among so many for two days after, a few hours rest 
at night in the woods was absolutely necessary 

After marching 4 or 5 miles we came up with 
above 2000 of the enemy strongly posted on the top 
of a high hill, with breastworks before them, and great 
trees cut across to prevent our approach ; but not- 
withstanding all these difficulties, they had no effect 
on the ardor always shewn by British Troops, who 
with the greatest steadiness and resolution, mounted 
the hill amidst showers of balls mixed with buck shot, 
which they plentifully bestowed amongst us. This 
being the first serious engagement I had ever been 
in, I must own, when we received orders to prime 
and load, which we had barely time to do before 
we received a heavy fire, the idea of perhaps a few 
moments conveying me before the presence of my 
Creator had its force ; but a moment’s thought partly 
reconciled it ; and let not the reader imagine from 
that thought, that it was the cause of my deviating at 
the time from my duty as a soldier, as I have always 
made it a rule that a proper resignation to the will 
of the Divine Being is the certain foundation for 

210 Lieutenant Digby s Jouynal. 

true bravery ; but to return, we no sooner gained the 
ascent, than there was such a fire sent amongst them 
as not easily conceived ; they for some hours main* 
tained their ground, and once endeavoured to sur- 
round us, but were soon made sensible of their 
inferiority, (altho we had not more than 850 men 
engaged, owing to our leaving the camp in so great 
a hurry, half of our companies being on guard and 
other duties), and were drove from their strong hold 
with great slaughter. They continued retreating 
from one post to another, the country affording them 
many. After killing and taking prisoners most of 
their principal officers, they were totally routed and 
defeated with great loss. The numbers they had 
killed cannot easily be ascertained, as a great many 
fell in the pursuit which continued some distance 
from the field of action. They had two Colonels 
killed, one taken prisoner, with many other officers 
killed and taken prisoners. The action lasted near 
three hours, before they attempted retreating, with 
great obstinacy. We had near two hundred killed 
and wounded. Major Grant,'^^ 24^’' Regiment who 

Robert Grant was killed early on the morning of the 
seventh. Being on the advance-guard, he surprised a party 
of Americans while cooking their breakfasts and drove in 
their pickets. He had climbed upon a stump to get a view 
of the situation, when he was picked off by a sharpshooter. 
Anburey speaks of him as “ a very gallant and brave officer." 
He had served on this same ground twenty years before 
with the Americans against the French, as a lieutenant. He 
received his captain’s commission in 1762, and, two years 
later, was assigned to the command of a company in the 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 211 

had the advanced guard was the first who fell. We 
had two other majors wounded, which were all we 
had with us. Lord Balcarres, Major to the Light 
Infantry, and Major Ackland of our Battallion, with 
15 or 16 other officers killed & wounded, the fire 
being very heavy for the time. On Col' Frances 

Fortieth Foot. His commission to a majority in the Twenty- 
fourth Foot he had enjoyed but two years, it having been dated 
March 5, 1775. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Travels 
in the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 327; Naval and 
Militar}' Memoirs (Beatson), vol. 6, p. 69. 

'”Ebenezer Francis was the son ’of Ebenezer Francis and 
Rachel Whitmore, and was born in Medford, December 22, 
1743. After receiving a careful education, he moved to 
Beverly, where, in 17^, he was married to Judith Wood. 
He was commissioned by Congress as captain, July i, 1775, 
and was the next year promoted to a colonelcy. By author- 
ity of Congress in January, 1777, he organized a regiment — 
the Eleventh Massachusetts — with which he marched to 
oppose the advance of Burgoyne. Anburey says that, “ At 
the commencement of the action, the enemy were every- 
where thrown into the greatest confusion, but being rallied 
by that brave officer. Colonel Francis, whose death, though 
an enemy, will ever be regretted by those who can feel for 
the loss of a gallant and brave man, the fight was renewed 
with the greatest degree of fierceness and obstinacy.” So 
interesting is Anburey’s relation of two incidents connected 
with Colonel Francis’ death, that it may be pardonable to 
repeat them here, though they have been often before re- 
peated. He says ; “ After the action was over and all firing 
had ceased for near two hours, upon the summit of the 
mountain I have already described, which had no ground 
anywhere that could command it, a number of officers were 
collected to read the papers taken out of the pocket-book of 
Colonel Francis, when Captain Shrimpton of the Sixty- 
second regiment, who had the papers in his hand, jumped 
up and fell, exclaiming ‘ he was severely wounded.’ We all 




\ ■I 


Digby s JourncU, 

falling, who was there second in command, they did 
not long stand. I saw him after he fell, and his 
appearance caused me to remark his figure, which 
was fine & even at that time made me regard him 
with attention. Our men got more plunder than 
they could carry, and great quantities of paper 
money which was not in the least regarded then, 
tho had we kept it, it would have been of service, 
as affairs turned out. I made prize of a pretty 
good mare. In general Burgoyne’s letter to Govern- 
ment, he makes particular mention of the Grenadiers, 
who with the rest of the troops behaved with the 
greatest bravery. A party of Germans came up 

heard the ball whiz by us, and turning to the place whence 
the report came, saw the smoke. As there was every reason 
to imagine the piece was fired from some tree, a party of 
men were instantly detached, but could find no person, the 
fellow, no doubt, as soon as he had fired, had slipped down 
and made his escape.** The sequel is curious. After the 
surrender, while Anburey and some brother officers were 
prisoners at Cambridge, he says : “ A few days since, walk- 
ing out with some officers, we stopped at a house to pur- 
chase vegetables. Whilst the other officers were bargaining 
with the woman of the house, I observed an elderly woman 
sitting by the fire, who was continually eyeing us, and every 
now and then shedding a tear. Just as we were quitting the 
house she got up, and bursting into tears, said : ‘ Gentlemen, 
will you let a poor distracted woman speak a word to you 
before you go?* We, as you must naturally imagine, were 
all astonished, and upon inquiring what she wanted, with 
the most poignant grief and sobbing as if her heart was on 
the point of breaking, asked if any of us knew her son, who 
was killed at the battle of Huberton, a Colonel Francis.. 
Several of us informed her, that we had seen him after he 
was dead. She then inquired about his pocket-book, and if 

Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 


time enough also to share in the glory of the day, 
and the regular fire they gave at a critical time was 
of material service to us. After the engagement, 
we made sort of huts covered with the bark of trees 
for our wounded, who were in a very bad situation, 
as we had nothing to assist them till the return of 
an express which was sent to Ticonderoga for 
surgeons But here the reader will forgive 

my leaving that place, (& recollect the hurry we 
were ordered from it) without giving a description 
of that important fortress. Ticonderoga lies on the 
western shore, and only a few miles to the north- 
ward from the commencement of that narrow inlet 

any of his papers were safe, as some related to his estates, 
and if any of the soldiers had got his watch ; if she could but 
obtain that in remembrance of her dear, dear son, she should 
be happy. Captain Ferguson, of our regiment, who was of 
the party, told her, as to the colonel's papers and pocket-book 
he was fearful that they were either lost or destroyed, but 
pulling a watch from his fob, said ‘ There, good woman, if 
that can make you happy, take it and God bless you ! ' 
We were all much surprised, as unacquainted, as he had 
made a purchase of it from a drum boy. On seeing it, it 
is impossible to describe the joy and grief that was depicted 
in her countenance; I never in all my life beheld such a 
strength of passion. She kissed it, looked unutterable grat- 
itude at Captain Ferguson, then kissed it again ; her feelings 
were inexpressible. She knew not *how to express or show 
them. She would repay his kindness by kindness, but could 
only sob her thanks. Our feelings were lifted up to an inex- 
pressible height. We promised to search after the papers, 
and I believe, at that moment, could^'have hazarded life 
itself to procure them." Vide History of Medford (Brooks), 
Boston, 1855, pp. 194-196, 513; Travels in the Interior Parts 
of America, vol. i, pp. 331, et seq,^ 336; vol. 2, pp. 208-210. 


214 Lieutenant Digby s Jounnal. 

by which the water from Lake George’®° is conveyed 
to Lake Champlain. Crown Point lies about a dozen 
miles farther north at the extremity of that inlet. 
The first of these places is situated on an angle of 
land, which is surrounded on three sides by water 
and that covered by rocks. A great part of the 
fourth side was covered by a deep morass , where 
that fails, the old French lines still continued 
as a defence on the north west quarter. The 
Americans strengthened these lines with additional 
works and a block house. They had other posts 
and works with block houses on the left towards 
Lake George. To the right of the French lines 
they had alsp two new block houses with other 
works. On the eastern shore of the inlet, and 
opposite to Ticonderoga, they had taken still more 
pains in fortifying a high circular hill, to which they 
gave the name of Mount Independent ; on the 
summit of this, which is table land, they had erected 
a star fort inclosing a large square of barracks well 
fortified and supplied with artillery. The foot of the 

Champlain was the first European who penetrated the 
gloom of this wild region, and to the great lake he gave his 
own name. Four decades later, that self-sacrificing and 
heroic man, the Fere Jogues, with a wild band of savages, 
traversed painfully the dangerous trail into the Iroquois 
country, and on the eve of one of the many festival days of 
his church — that of Corpus Christi — he came to the bank 
of this romantic lake, and with religious fervor bestowed 
upon it the name of St. Sacrament. This name it retained 
for more than a century, when, in I755» General Johnson 
changed its name to Lake George, in honor of the British 
king, and in evidence of his dominion over this region. 


Lieutenant Di^ys Journal. 

mountain, which on the west side projected into the 
water, was strongly intrenched to its edge, and the 
intrenchment well lined with heavy artillery. A 
battery about half way up the mount, sustained and 
covered these lower works. 

The enemy, with their usual industry, had joined 
those two posts by a bridge of communication 
thrown over the inlet. This was like many other of 
their performances, a great and most laborious work. 
The bridge was supported on 12 sunken piers of 
very large timber planted at nearly equal distances ; 
the spaces between these were filled with separate 
floats, each about 50 feet long & 12 feet wide, 
strongly fastened together with chains and rivets, 
and as effectually attached to the sunken pillars 
on the Lake Champlain side of the bridge. It was 
defended by a boom composed of very large pieces 
of timber fastened together by riveted bolts, and 
double chains made of iron an inch and an half 
square. Thus not only a communication was main- 
tained between these two posts, but all access by 
water from the northern side was totally cut off. 
But to return, soon after the action, about 200 
prisoners with a Col‘ Hale*®' came in to us, and 

Nathan Hale was born in Hampstead, New Hampshire, 
September 23, 1743. His father, Moses Hale, removed to 
•Rindge, a border settlement of his native State, when he was 
about seventeen years of age, and died two years later. 
Nathan, who had become a farmer and merchant, was mar- 
ried on January 28, 1766, to Abigail Grout of Lunenburg, 
Mass. From this date he appears as an active and influential 



Digby s Journal, 

them we obliged to fell trees in order to make a 
breast work for our protection, not knowing but the 
enemy might be reinforced and come again to the 
attack. We were very badly off for provisions, and 
nothing but water to drink, and tho it rained very 
hard after the engagement (for the day before 
and while the action lasted, it was I may say burn- 
ing hot weather), we had no covering to shelter us, 
our poor huts being a wretched security against the 
heavy rain [which] poured on us. 

8‘\ About 1 1 o’clock the Germans under the com- 
mand of General Reidzel marched from us towards 

citizen of the town, and when, in 1774, a company of minute- 
men was formed in Rindge, he became its commander, and 
was commissioned by the Provincial Congress a captain of 
militia, June 2, 1774- “The people were nervously waiting 
for the clouds to break, or, if needs be, for hostilities to com- 
mence,” when the news of the fight at Lexington reached 
them, and Hale, at the head of his command of fifty men, 
marched at once to Cambridge and tendered his services to 
Washington, which were accepted. He participated in the 
battle of Bunker Hill, and was commissioned as follows: 
June 6, 1775, major of Colonel Reed’s regiment, the Third 
New Hampshire Foot ; January i, 1776, major of the Second 
New Hampshire Foot; November 8th, lieutenant-colonel of 
the second battalion of New Hampshire troops, and, April 
2, 1777, colonel of the same. Hale was held a prisoner by 
the British, and died in captivity, September 23, 1780. Much 
discussion has been held over his conduct in surrendering, 
and different opinions still exist regarding it. These have < 
been ably presented by Colonel Rogers, who, as usual, has 
not left much for those coming after him to say on the sub- 
ject. Vide History of Rindge (Stearns), Boston, 1875, PP- 
85-177, 541, passim; Hadden’s Journal and Orderly Books, 
Appendix 15. 


Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 

Skeensborough,*^’ (where it was supposed the main 
body of our army had by that time arrived) to our 
very great amazement, and which I believe arose from 
some little jealousy between the two Generals. gy 
this movement, we were left with about 600 fighting 
men, all our wounded to take care of, and a number 
of prisoners, in the midst of thiak woods, and but little 
knowledge of the country around, also at too great 

Skenesborough was named for Captain Phillip Skene, a 
British officer, who was under General Abercrombie in the 
war with the French, in 1758. Becoming in that war familiar 
with the region of country about Lake Champlain, he ob- 
tained extensive grants of land in the vicinity, sold out his 
commission in the army, and began a settlement to which his 
own name became attached. He commonly went by the title 
of Colonel Skene. The following incident related by Palmer, 
is worthy repeating : “ The history of the surprise of Skenes- 
borough is embellished by an account of a singular discovery 
made there by the patriots. It is said that some of Herrick's 
men, while searching Skene’s house, found the dead body 
of a female deposited in the cellar, where it had been pre- 
served for many years. This was the body of Mrs. Skene, 
the deceased wife of the elder Skene, who was then in 
Europe, and who was then in receipt of an annuity which 
had been devised to his wife ‘ while she remained above 
ground.'*' Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Survey of 
Washington County, New York (Fitch); History of Lake 
Champlain (Palmer), p. 104. 

Digby is mistaken in this surmise. There was, as we 
well know, considerable jealousy between the German and 
English portions of the army; but in this instance, the 
advance of Riedesel was part of a plan which resulted in 
success to the British arms. Had not Riedesel marched to 
the support of the troops under Fraser, who had preceded 
him, it is probable that the Americans would have been the 
victors in the conflict which followed. Vide Memoirs of 
Major-General Riedesel, vol. i, pp. 114-117. 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

a distance from our Army to expect any reinforce- 
ments ; and by our scouts a certainty of the enemys 
main body, commanded by general St. Clair, not 
above six miles from us at Castletown ; tho we after- 
wards found that he, since his retreat from Ticon- 
deroga with the army under his command, was com- 
pleatly dispirited and thought of nothing but getting 
farther from us. In this situation General Frazier 

Arthur St. Clair was born in Edinburgh, Scotland, in 
17^4, and accompanied Admiral Boscawen to America in 
I7CQ He was a lieutenant under Wolfe, and was with that 
brave man when he fell on the Heights of Abraham. After 
the peace, he was for a short time in command oi fort 
Ligonier, in Pennsylvania ; but, becoming enarriored ot a 
farmer’s life, he left the army and assumed the duties ol a 
civilian. The war of the Revolution found him surrounded 
by a rising family and with every thing about him to make 
life happy ; but he felt that duty called him from the happi- 
ness of home-life, and he at once cast in his lot with the 
patriots. He was appointed a colonel in the Continental 
army, in January, I77b» and ordered to raise a regiment. 
Within six weeks he had gathered and equipped his 
ment, and was on the march to Canada. He was appointed 
a major-general, in February, 1777, and on the fifth of 
was ordered to the command, which Gates had declined, of 
Ticonderoga. He arrived there on the twelfth and assumed 
command. He has perhaps been censured unjustly for his 
surrender of that post, but he certainly showed great want 
of foresight and knowledge in neglecting to fortify Mount 
Defiance, which commanded his works, and for not destroy- 
ing his stores before retreating. Palmer says : ** When 
goyne placed his batteries upon the summit of Mount Defi- 
ance, he effectually destroyed all hopes of resistance on the 
part of the Americans. Their only alternative was to sur- 
render or evacuate the works. By adopting the latter course, 
St. Clair saved the greater portion of his garrison and pre- 
served the nucleus of an army, which ultimately baffled 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 219 

was obliged to detach a capt's command with the 
prisoners to Ticonderoga that night, which weakened 
us a good deal, during which, it rained very hard, 
and about day break. 

9^^ we received orders to march towards Skeens- 
borough. We were obliged to leave all our wounded 
behind us with a sub alternguard,'®^ who received 
orders, if attacked to surrender and rely on the mercy 

Burgoyne and compelled him to capitulate. At the moment, 
however, all classes of people were astonished at the unex- 
pected result. * It is an event of chagrin and surprise,* says 
Washington, ^not apprehended, nor within the compass of 
my reasoning. * The Council of Safety of New Y ork signalized 
it as a measure ‘ highly reprehensible * and ‘ probably crim- 
inal.* ** People asserted that Schuyler and St. Clair were 
bribed by Burgoyne, who fired silver bullets against the fort, 
which Schuyler and St. Clair gathered and divided. Even 
Thatcher, in his Military Journal, gravely denies the report. 
St. Clair suffered much from the severe criticisms passed 
upon his conduct, from which, indeed, he never recovered, 
although he remained in the service. In 1781 he was in 
command of the troops at Philadelphia for the protection of 
Congress, and, in 1781, was at the siege of Yorktown, and, 
after the surrender of Cornwallis, joined General Greene in 
the south. He was a member of Congress in 1786, and 
president of the House of Representatives in 1787. He 
was governor of the North-western Territory from 1788 
until 1802. He died at Laurel Hill, Pennsylvania, August 
31, 1818. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; History of Lake 
Champlain, p. 146; The Writings of George Washington 
(Sparks), vol. 4, p. 493. 

It was Sergeant Lamb who was left in charge of the 
wounded, and his account of his experiences is very inter- 
esting. He says : ‘‘ It was a distressing sight to see the 
wounded men bleeding on the ground ; and what made it 
more so, the rain came pouring down like a deluge upon us. 

2 20 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

of the enemy. This was a severe order, but it could 
not be helped in our situation. We had about 30 
miles to march and for the first six, we every minute 
expected to be attacked, and which I must say we 
were not so well provided for, as on the seventh, part 
of our ammunition being expended, and our force 
much reduced ; this genl Frazier prudently foresaw, 
and though he wished to avoid it, yet by his orders, 
we marched in such a form as to sustain an action 
with as little loss as possible. By the knowledge of 
our Indians, we struck into a path that led us to 
Skeensborough, after a most fatigueing march thro 
rivers, swamps and a desolate wilderness. The enemy 
had evacuated that pflace some days before, not think- 

And still, to add to the distress of the sufferers, there was 
nothing to dress their wounds, as the small medicine-box, 
which was filled with salve, was left behind with Surgeon 
Shelly and Captain Montgomery at the time of our move- 
ment up the hill. The poor fellows earnestly entreated me 
to tie up their wounds. Immediately I took off my shirt, 
tore it up, and, with the help of a soldier’s wife (the only 
woman that was with us, and who kept closely by her hus- 
band’s side during the engagement), made some bandages, 
stopped the bleeding of their wounds, and conveyed them 
in blankets to a small hut about two miles in our rear. Our 
regiment now marched back to Skeensborough, leaving me 
behind to attend the wounded, with a small guard for our 
protection. I was directed, that in case I should be either 
surrounded or overpowered by the Americans, to deliver a 
letter, which General Burgoyne gave me, to their command- 
ing officer. Here I remained seven days with wounded men, 
expecting every moment to be taken prisoner.” Vide Jour- 
nal of Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 143, 
et seq. 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 


ing it tenable, and retired to Fort i^nne,*^ where they 
were pursued on the 8^^ by the 9^ regiment, and 
defeated with great loss, though vastly superior in 
numbers, the 9^ not having above 200 men engaged, 
which .was, I think, risking a great deal to send so 
small a body, when the 47^^ and 53^ regiments were 
then at Skeensborough, and might as well have sup- 
ported them. Hereafter will be seen the conse- 
quences of detaching such small numbers from the 
main body of the army, as it has always been the 
wish of the Americans to avoid a general engage- 
ment, except they have a great superiority, and to 
surround small parties of ours, and get them into a 
wood, where the discipline of our Troops is not of 
such force. We had but one officer killed, and Capt° 
M‘Gomery*^7 wounded and taken prisoner, with the 

^®®Fort Anne, named thus in honor of the queen, was 
built in 1709 by the expedition under Colonel Nicholson, 
which was organized against the French in that year. It 
was built of timber and surrounded by a palisade, and was 
intended only to protect the garrison against the fire of 

167 William Stone Montgomery was the only son of Sir 
William Montgomery of Dublin, and was born August 4, 
1754. He entered the British military service at the age 
of seventeen, his first commission as cornet in the Ninth 
Dragoons being dated December 16, 1771. On March 20, 

1775, he exchanged into the Forth-fourth Foot, at which 
date he received a lieutenant’s commission, and January 9, 

1776, was commissioned a captain in the Ninth Foot. He 
was wounded at Fort Ann on the ninth of July, and was 
taken prisoner. The report of General Burgoyne in the His- 
tory of the Ninth Foot contains the following reference to 
Captain Montgomery : ‘‘ An officer of great merit, was 


4 . 


Digby s JournaL 

surgeon. At Skeensborough, the whole army rendez- 
voused, where Divine service was performed, returning 
God thanks for our late successes, after which a feu- 
de-joi was fired, beginning from the ships and great 
guns, and answered by the small arms of the army. 
Capt“ Gardner'*® went from that to England express 

wounded early in the action, and was in the act of being 
dressed by the surgeon, when the regiment changed ground ; 
being unable to help himself, he and the surgeon were taken 
prisoners.” Lamb also speaks of the event as follows; 
“Captain Montgomery, son to Sir W. Montgomery, bart. 
of Dublin, was wounded in the leg and taken prisoner, with 
the surgeon who was dressing his wound, just before we 
retired up the hill. I very narrowly escaped myself, from 
being taken prisoner at that time, as I was just in the act 
of assisting the surgeon in dressing the captain’s wound, 
when the enemy came pouring down upon us like a mighty 
torrent, in consequence whereof, I was the last man that 
ascended the hill.” Although Captain Montgoinery was 
wounded in the leg, and from Lamb’s account it would 
appear not seriously, for some cause of which we are ignor- 
ant, he did not recover, as he is reported in Betham’s 
Baronetage to have died in America at the age of nineteen 
years. This is an error as he was twenty-three years of age. 
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record of the 
Ninth Foot; Journal of Occurrences During the Late 
American War, pp. 142, et seq. / Betham’s Baronetage, vol. 
5, p. 474; British Family Antiquity, vol. 7, p. 194. 

Henry Farington Gardner entered the army and was 
commissioned a cornet of the Sixteenth Light Dragoons — 
Burgoyne’s regiment — on May 22, 1761. The next year he 
served with Burgoyne in his brilliant campaign in Portugal. 
On June 8, 1768, he was made a lieutenant, and on the 20th 
of July succeeding, adjutant of his regiment. He became 
captain, November 6, 1772, and accompanied Burgoyne to 
America as aide-de-camp. He reached Quebec on the twenty- 
second, five days after leaving Burgoyne’s camp, and found 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

with the account of our successes since the takeing 
of the field. I shall here insert the General orders to 
the Army. 

Head quarters of the King’s army | 

AT Skeensborough, io'^ July, 1777 .] 

On the 6‘'* J uly, the enemy were dislodged from 
Ticonderoga by the mere countenance and activity 
of the Army, and driven on the same day beyond 
’Skeensborough on the right, and to Hubberton on 
the left, with the loss of all their Artillery, and five 
of their armed vessels taken and blown up by the 
spirited conduct of Captain Carter of the Artillery, 
with a part of his Brigade of gun boats, a great 
quantity of amunition, provisions and stores of all 
sorts, and the greatest part of their baggage. On 
the 7*, Brigadier General Frazier, at the head of a 
little more than half the Advanced Corps, came up 
with near 2000 of the enemy strongly posted, attacked 
and defeated them with the loss on the enemy’s part 
of their principal officers, 200 killed on the spot, a much 
larger number taken, and about 200 made prisoners. 
Major general Reidzel, with the advance guard con- 

a vessel — the Royal George — in readiness to bear him to 
England. He sailed on the morning of the twenty-third, and 
reached England the twenty-second of August. He did not re- 
turn to America. He was made major of the Light Dragoons, 
September ii, 1781, and attained the army rank of lieuten- 
ant-colonel, November 18, 1790, when his name disappears 
from the army lists. For a more particular account, refer- 
ence may be had to Hadden’s Journal and Orderly Books, 
p. 242. 



Lieutenant Digbys Jour'^al. 




. ; ' 

sisting of the Chasseurs Company, and 40 grenadiers 
and Light Infantry, arrived in time to sustain General 
Frazier, and by his judicious orders and a spirited 
execution of them, obtained a share for himself and 
for his troops in the glory of the action. 

On the 8“* Lieutenant Col° Hill,'*® at the head of 
the 9* regiment, was attacked near Fort Anne by 
more than six times his number, and repulsed the 
enemy with great loss, after a continued fire of three 
hours. In consequence of this action. Fort Anne was 
burned and abandoned, and a party of this army is 
now in possession of the country on the other side. 
These rapid successes, after exciting a proper sense 
of what we owe to God, entitle the Troops in general 
to the warmest praise ; and particular distinction is due 
to Brigd' Genl Frazier, who by his conduct and 

i“John Hill entered the Twenty-fourth Foot, March 15, 
1747, as a lieutenant; became adjutant, August 25, 1756; 
captain-lieutenant, March 9, 1757; captain in the Thirteenth 
Foot, December i, 1758; 'major, October 10, 1765; lieuten- 
ant-colonel in the army, September nth, and of the Ninth 
Foot, November 10, 1775. Wilkinson’s account of the action 
is somewhat different from this of Burgoyne. He says: 
“The corps which accompanied General Burgoyne to 
Skeenesborough, were spread out to keep up and increase 
the panic produced by the loss of Ticonderoga; the Ninth 
Regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, was sent in pur- 
suit of Colonel Long and his detachment, consisting of the 
invalids and convalescents, with his regiment about one hun- 
dred and fifty strong, making in the whole four or five hun- 
dred men. Colonel Long, finding himself pressed, advanced 
and met Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, and an action ensued, in 
which the British officer claimed the victory ; but it is a fact 
that the Ninth Regiment had been beaten and was retreat- 

Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 225 

bravery, supported by the same qualities in the offi- 
cers, and soldiers under his command effected an 
exploit of material service to the King, and of signal 
honour to the profession of Arms. This Corps have 
the farther merit of having supported the fatigue of 
bad weather, without bread and without murmur. 
Divine service will be performed on Sunday morn- 
ing at the head of the line, and at the head of the 
Advanced Corps, and at Sun set on the same day, a 
Feu de joy will be fired with cannon and small arms 
at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, the camp at Skeens- 
borough and the camp at Castletown, and the post of 
Bremen’s corps. Sunday, being a day set apart for 
rejoicing, all working parties are to be remitted, ex- 
cept such as may be necessary for the cleanliness of 
the camp. Should the weather be fair, the tents are 
to be struck at 5 in the evening, and the troops to 
form for the Feu-de-joy an hour before sun set in order 

ing, and, but for the entire failure of Colonel Long’s ammu- 
nition, the lieutenant-colonel must have been made prisoner, 
as well as Captain Montgomery of that regiment, who was 
wounded and left on the field, when, as General Burgoyne 
tells us, ‘ Colonel Hill found it necessary to change his posi- 
tion in the heat of action ; ’ but, in truth, when his corps 
was obliged to retreat, and Colonel Long, for want of ammu- 
nition, could not pursue him.” It was Lieutenant-Colonel 
Hill who secreted the colors of the Ninth Regiment in his 
baggage, contrary to the stipulated terms of surrender, and 
finally presented them to the king, being rewarded for the 
act by an appointment on the royal staff, with the army rank 
of colonel. May 16, 1782. Vide British Army Lists, in 
loco; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 190; Historical 
Record of the Ninth Foot (Cannon), p. 32. 


226 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

of Battle. After the Feu de joy the tents are to be 
pitched again. Captain Gardner is going to England ; 
officers who have letters to send, to leave them at 
head quarters, before orderly time the 14 inst. 

We were obliged to remain a long time at Skeens- 
borough on account of getting horses and wagons 
from Canada ; the Contractor of which, must have 
realized a great sum, each horse standing Govern- 
ment in about ;^I5 if lost or killed in the service, 
exclusive of paying the driver, &®. &®., and the 
King’s horses, (so called) from our great park of 
Artillery (for this part of the service was particu- 
larly attended to and the Brass train that was sent 
out on this expedition was perhaps the finest and 
probably the most excellently supplied as to officers 
and men that had ever been allotted to second the 
operations of an army which did not far exceed 
the second in number) amounted to a considerable 
number, indeed the expenses of Government were 
uncommonly great, as I have heard it computed that 
every man in our service through the whole of 
America, including loyalists, women and every other 
hanger on to the camps, &®, allowing for transports, 
service and a thousand other etceteras, stood govern- 
ment no less than five shillings a day for each per- 
son, and it was thought that at this time, and indeed 
through the whole war, above 100,000 were daily 
allowed rations, or provisions. Our heavy baggage 
was mostly then sent to stores appointed at Ticon- 
deroga, as there was no longer any water carriage. 

Lieutenant Diky's Journal. 227 

The mare I had made prize of was full able to carry 
as much baggage as I required, and saved me the 
expense of purchasing one for that purpose ; and 
I suppose at our next moving we had almost as many 
horses as men, many officers having 3 or 4, tho it was 
strongly recommended by the general to take as little 
baggage as possible, which advice I followed, leaving 
my bedding behind and making use of a Buffalo skin, 
with a cloak to cover me at nights. That baggage we 
never after saw, it being through necessity or acci- 
dent all destroyed. Many here were of opinion the 
general had not the least business in bringing the 
army to Skeensborough, after the precipitate flight 
of the enemy from Ticonderoga, and tho we had 
gained a complete victory over them, both at Fort 
Anne and Hubberton, yet no visible advantage was 
likely to flow from either except prooving the good- 
ness of our troops at the expense of some brave men. 
They were also of opinion we should have pushed 
directly to Fort George,’'® where it was pretty certain 
they had above 400 wagons, 4 horses in each, with 

■'“Fort George was erected in 1757, after the destruction 
of Fort William Henry and the massacre of a large portion 
of the garrison by the Indians under Montcalm. It was 
about a mile south-east of the site of Fort William Henry, 
which was not rebuilt after its destruction by the French, 
and stood on an eminence about half a mile from the lake. 
It is described by Hadden as follows : “ Fort George which 
stands near the water at the end of the Lake (George) is a 
small square Fort faced with Masonry and contains Barracks 
for about a hundred Men secured from Cannon Shot. This 
Fort cou’d not stand a Siege, being commanded, & too con- 

228 Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 

stores and not above 700 men, which would 
have enabled us to push forward, without waiting for 
horses from Canada to bring on our heavy artillery, 
which these discontented persons declared, was much 
greater than we had the smallest use for. Light field 
pieces were all we wanted exclusive of the heavy 
cannon, which was sent out to retake Quebec, in case 
the enemy had succeeded in their plans the winter 
of 1 775. They also avered that after the late actions, 
the enemy were struck with such a panic, and so dis- 
persed that by that movement we should not have 
given them time to collect ; which our remaining at 
Skeensborough gave them full sufficient time to do ; 
but I make not the least doubt, Gen Burgoyne had 
his proper reasons for so acting though contrary to 
the opinion of many. The country round Skeens* 
borough swarms with rattle snakes, the bite of which 
is, I believe, mortal. They alarm the person near 
by their rattles, which providence has wisely ordered 
for that purpose, and from whence they take their 

20. We were joined by a very numerous nation 
of Indians from the Ottawas, and who surpassed all 
others I had before seen in size and appearance 

fined not to be soon reduced by Bombardment. The Rebels 
before they abandon’d it had endeavour’d to destroy the 
defences and actually blew up the Magazine in the side next 
the Water, which demolish’d that place.” It served princi- 
pally as a magazine of supplies, and was a connecting link 
between Ticonderoga and Fort Edward. It was named 
Fort George in honor of the Duke of York. 

Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 229 

when assembled in Congress, which was well worth 
seeing, they being painted in their usual stile and 
decked out with feathers of a variety of birds, and 
skins of wild beasts slain by them, as trophys of 
their courage ; and general Burgoyne, by the help 
of interpreters, informed them of the cause of the 
war when they by a groan expressed their 

approbation of what he had advanced, and the meas- 
ures he intended to pursue, also their readiness in 
taking up the hatchet to assist the troops of their 
father, (King George) which was consented to by 
the general on a solemn promise from them of not 
scalping except the dead. They had brought a 
number of Indian toys, most of which we purchased 
from them, but were lost with our other baggage as 
will be hereafter seen. 

About this time, a letter addressed to general 
Burgoyne, burlesqueing his proclamation, (see page 
3'^') appeared, which perhaps may entertain the 
reader. — 

To John Burgoyne E®** Lieut General of his 
majesty’s armies in America, Colonel of the Queens 
Regiment of Light dragoons, governor of Fort Wil- 
liam in North Britain, one of the Representatives of 
the Commons of Great Britain and commanding an 
army and fleet employed on an expedition from 

Most high, most mighty, most puissant, and sub- 
lime general ! When the forces under your com- 

Vide ante p. 1 89. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

mand arrived at Quebec, in order to act in concert 
and upon a common principle with the numerous 
fleets & armies, which already display in every 
quarter of America the justice & mercy of your King ; 
we, the reptils of America, were struck with unusual 
trepidation and astonishment. But what words can 
express the plentitude of our horror, when the 
Colonel of the Queen’s regiment of light Dragoons 
advanced towards Ticonderoga? The mountains 
shook before thee, and the trees of the forest bowed 
their leafy heads. The vast Lakes of the north were 
chilled at thy presence, and the mighty cataracts 
stopped their tremendous career and were suspended 
in awe at thy approach. Judge then, oh! ineffable 
Governor of Fort William in North Britain, what 
must have been the terror, dismay, and despair that 
overspread this paltry continent of America, and us, 
its wretched inhabitants I Dark and dreary indeed, 
was the prospect before us, till like the sun in the 
Horizon, your most gracious and irresistible procla- 
mation opened the doors of mercy and snatched us, as 
it were, from the jaws of annihilation. We foolishly 
thought, blind as we were, that your gracious master’s 
fleets and armies were come to destroy us and our 
liberties ; but we are happy in hearing from you, and 
who can doubt what you assert, that they were called 
forth for the sole purpose of restoring the rights of 
the Constitution to a froward, stubborn generation ? 

And it is for this, oh ! sublime, Lieut Genl ! that 
you have given yourself the trouble to cross the 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 231 

wide Atlantic, and with incredible fatigue traversed 
uncultivated wilds ; and we ungratefully refused the 
profered blessing? To restore the rights of the Con- 
stitution, you have called together an amiable host 
of savages, and turned them loose to scalp our 
women and children and lay our country waste. This 
they have performed with their usual skill and clem- 
ency, and we remain insensible for the benefit, and 
unthankful for so much goodness. Our Congress 
have declared Independence, and our assemblies, as 
your highness justly observes, have most wickedly 
imprisoned the avowed friends of that power with 
which they are at war, and most profanely compelled 
those whose conscience will not permit them to 
fight, to pay some small part towards the expenses 
their country is at in supporting what is called a nec- 
essary and defensive war. If we go on thus in our 
obstinacy and ingratitude, what can we expect, but 
that you should in your anger give a stretch to the 
Indian forces under your direction, amounting to 
thousands, to overtake and destroy us, or what is ten 
times worse, that you should withdraw your fleets 
and armies and leave us to our own misery, without 
completing the benevolent task you have begun in 
restoring to us the rights of the Constitution. — We 
submit, we submit most puissant Col* of the Queen’s 
regiment of Light Dragoons & Governor of Fort 
William in North Britain, we offer our heads to the 
scalping knife, and our bellies to the bayonet. Who 
can resist the terror of your arms ? who can resist the 

232 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

force of your eloquence ? The invitation you have 
made in the consciousness of Christianity, your royal 
master’s clemency, and the honour of soldiership we 
thankfully accept ; The blood of the slain, the cries 
of the injured virgins and innocent children, and the 
never ceasing sighs and groans of starving wretches, 
now languishing in the gaols and prison ships of 
New York, call on us in vain, while your sublime 
proclamation is sounding in our ears. Forgive us, 
oh ! our country ! forgive us dear posterity ! forgive 
us all ye foreign powers ! who are anxiously watch- 
ing our conduct in this important struggle, if we 
yield implicitly to the persuasive tongue of the most 
elegant Col' of the Queen’s regiment of Light dra- 
goons. Forbear then, thou magnanimous Lieut gen- 
eral, forbear to denounce vengeance against us! 
forbear to give a stretch to those restorers of the 
Constitution’s rights, the Indians under your direc- 
tions ! let not the messengers of wrath & justice 
await us in the field, and devastation, famine and 
every concomitant horror, bar our return to the alle- 
giance of a prince, who by his royal will, would de- 
prive us of every blessing of life with all possible 
clemency. We are domestic ; we are industrious; we 
are infirm and timid ; we shall remain quietly at 
home and not remove our cattle, our corn, or forage, 
in hopes that you will come at the head of troops, in 
the full powers of health, discipline, and valour, and 
take charge of them for yourselves. — Behold our 
wives and daughters ; our flocks and herds ; our goods 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

and chattels, are they not at the mercy of our lord 
and king, and of his lieutenant general. Member of 
the house of Commons and Governor of Fort William 
in North Britain ? 

Saratoga. July — 1777 A B. C D E 

July 24^^ We marched from Skeensborough, and tho 
but 15 miles to Fort Anne, were two days going it , as 
the enemy had felled large trees over the river, which 
there turned so narrow, as not to allow more than 
one battow abreast, from whence we were obliged to 
cut a road through the wood, which was attended 
with great fatigue and labour, for our wagons and 
artillery. Our heavy cannon went over Lake George, 
as it was impossible to bring them [over] the road we 
made, and were to join us near Fort Edward, in 
case the Enemy were to stand us at that place, it 
being a good road for cannon and about 16 miles. 
Fort Anne is a place of no great strength, having 
only a block house, which though strong against 
small arms is not proof against cannon. We saw 

On the same day General Burgoyne issued a proclama- 
tion to the inhabitants of Castleton and neighboring towns, 
requesting them to send deputies, consisting of 10 per- 
sons or more from each township, to meet Col. Skeene at 
Castleton July 15th at 10, A. M., who will give further en- 
couragement to those who complied with the terms ot my 
late manifesto & conditions upon which persons and prop- 
erty of the disobedient may be spared.” In reply, General 
Schuyler, on the 13th issued a counter-proclamation, lorbid- 
ding these towns to send delegates to meet Burgoyne s com- 
missioner under pain of punishment. Vide Collections New 
Hampshire Historical Society, vol. 2, pp. 148-150. 



Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

many of their dead unburied, since the action of the 
8‘^ which caused a violent stench. One officer of the 
9‘** regiment, Lieu‘ Westrop'” was then unburied, 
and from the smell we could only cover him with 
leaves. At that action, the 9^** took their colours, 
which were intended as a present to their Colonel 
Lord Ligonier,*''* They were very handsome, a flag 

Richard Westropp had been in the army but a short 
time, having received his commission of ensign in the Ninth 
Foot on March 14, 1772, and of lieutenant, January i, 1774. 
His regiment took an active part in the campaign of ’76, but 
he passed through it unscathed to meet his fate at Fort Anne. 
Sergeant Lamb, who saw him fall, says that he was by his 
side when he was shot through the heart. Vide British 
Army Lists, in loco ; Journal of Occurrences During the Late 
American War, p. 143. 

Edward Ligonier was the son of Colonel Francis Li- 
gonier, who died after the battle of Falkirk, having risen 
from a bed of sickness to participate in the battle. He was 
commissioned captain and lieutenant-colonel in the First 
Foot, August 15, I759> which time his regiment was in 
America, having participated in the successful siege of Louis- 
burg the previous year. The scene of Burgoyne’s campaign 
was familiar to him, as it was upon Lakes George and Cham- 
plain that the First Regiment had operated against the 
French, nearly twenty years before the date here given by 
Digby. In 1760 Ligonier was in the trying campaign against 
the Cherokees, and when that was ended, participated in 
the expedition against Havana in 1762. The hardships in 
this campaign were very great we are told. Ligonier re- 
turned to England in 1763, and on April 21st of that year, 
was appointed aide de-camp to the king, with the army rank 
of colonel. Having succeeded to the Irish title of Viscount 
Ligonier of Clonmel, in 1770, after the death of his uncle, 
the field marshal, Earl Ligonier, he was made colonel of the 
Ninth Foot, August 8th, in the following year, shortly after 
which time he was advanced to the dignity of Earl Ligonier. 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

of the United States, 13 stripes alternate red and 
white, [with thirteen stars] in a blue field represent- 
ing a new constellation. In the evening, our Indians 
brought in two scalps, one of them an officer s which 
they danced about in their usual manner. Indeed, 
the cruelties committed by them, were too shocking 
to relate, particularly the melancholy catastrophe of 
the unfortunate Miss McCrea,'” which affected the 
general and the whole army with the sincerest regret 

He became major-general in the army, September 29, 1775, 
and August 29, 1777, lieutenant-general. He died in 1782, 
when his titles became extinct. Vide British Army Lists, 
in loco; Historical Record of the First Foot, pp. 136-148; 
Ibid., Ninth Foot, p. 123. 

”®The story of Jane McCrea has been often related, some- 
times in most exaggerated forms; even her life has been 
elaborately written. The generally accepted version is that 
David Jones, a Tory officer in Burgoyne’s army, sent two 
Indians, one of whom was called Wyandot Panther, to con- 
duct her to the British camp, where she was to be married, 
and that on the way thither, the Indians disagreeing with 
respect to a division of the “ barrel of rum ” to be paid them 
for their services, Wyandot Panther killed her with a toma- 
hawk. This version is supported by Wilson in his life of 
Miss McCrea, whom he says was killed by le Loiip, as well 
as by Neilson, who relates that the Indians exhibited their 
scalps at a house which they called at, and said that they 
“had killed Jenny.” They had with them Mrs. McNeil — 
who, it seems, was a cousin of General Fraser — in a state of 
nudity, and so delivered her to the general, greatly to his 
embarrassment as well as that of Mrs. McNeil, as his ward- 
robe was not provided with any thing suitable for a lady to 
wear. Neilson, commenting upon their treatment of Mrs. 
McNeil, says : “ The inducement to strip and plunder Mrs. 
McNeil was sufficient to account for the butchery of Miss 
McCrea.” And so it probably was, for the Indians were not 

^ ^ 

236 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

and concern for her untimely fate. This young lady 
was about 18, had a pleasing person, her family 
were loyal to the King, and she engaged to be 
married to a provincial officer, in our Army, before 
the war broke out. Our Indians, (I may well now call 

particular whom they murdered, and killed Tories as well 
as Americans; indeed, the Tories of Argyle flocked to Bur- 
goyne for protection against his savage allies. But we have * 

proof that after all, in this case the Indians were innocent 
of murder, and that Miss McCrea was killed unintentionally 
by the Americans. Let us examine this evidence. Miss 
McCrea had been invited by David Jones to visit the British 
camp and accompany the several ladies there in an excursion 
on Lake George. He was troubled about her exposure to 
danger from the Indians, and intended to press her to marry 
him at once, that he might be better able to afford her pro- 
tection. Mrs. McNeil and she were just about to embark 
under the charge of Lieutenant Palmer and a few soldiers, < 

when, knowing that the Americans were in the vicinity, the 
lieutenant and his men left them for a few minutes to re- 
connoitre, While the British soldiers were absent, some of 
their Indian allies came up and seized Mrs. McNeil and 
Miss McCrea, and placing the latter upon a horse, hurried j 

away, pursued by a party of Americans, who were close at j 

hand. The Americans fired upon the flying Indians, one of | 

whom, W^yandot Panther, was leading the horse upon which | 

Miss McCrea sat. Mrs. McNeil became separated from Miss 
McCrea, and did not witness her death, but said afterward 
that the Americans fired so high as not to injure the Indians, 
who were on foot. Wyandot Panther, when examined by 
Burgoyne, affirmed that Miss McCrea was killed by the \ 

Americans, who were pursuing him ; and General Fraser, 1 

at a post-mortem investigation, gave it as his opinion that 
sl^ was thus killed by the Americans “ aiming too high, 
when the mark was on elevated ground, as had occurred at 
Bunker s (Breed s) hill.” But, in addition to this, we now 
have more positive proof in the testimony of General Mor- 
gan Lewis, to the effect that she had three distinct gunshot 


Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

them Savages) were detached on scouting parties, 
both in our front and on our flanks, and came to the 
house where she resided ; but the scene is too tragic 
for my pen. She fell a sacrifice to the savage passions 
of these blood thirsty monsters, for the particulars of 
which, I shall refer the reader to General Burgoyne’s 
letter, dated 3"“* September, to General Gates, which 
he will find on page 263, with his manner of acting 
on that melancholy occasion. I make no doubt, but 
the censorious world, who seldom judge but by out- 
ward appearances, will be apt to censure Gen Bur- 
goyne for the cruelties committed by his Indians, 
and imagine he countenanced them in so acting. 
On the contrary, I am pretty certain it was always 
against his desire to give any assistance to the 
savages. The orders from Lord George Germaine 

wounds upon her body, and from the additional fact that 
when her body was removed, a few years ago, to a new 
burial place, no mark of a tomahawk or injury of any kind 
was found upon the skull. We may, therefore, look upon 
the familiar picture of the two savages holding an unat- 
tractive-looking female, who does not appear at all disturbed 
at the sight of the tomahawk about to descend upon her 
head, as fictitious. Vide The Life of Jane McCrea (Wilson), 
New York, 1853; Burgoyne’s Campaign and St. Leger s 
Expedition, pp. 302-313: Neilson’s Account of Burgoyne s 
Campaign, pp. 68-79: Burgoyne s Orderly Book, pp. 187, 
i8q- Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution (Lossing), vol. 
I, pp. 48, 96, 99, et passim; Memoirs of My Own Times, 
vol. I, p. 230, et seq.; Travels in the Interior P^ts of 
America, vol. i, pp. 369-372 ; Journal of Occurrences During 
the Late American War, pp. i 55 -iS 7 - 

”®Lord George Germaine was the minister for Ameri^n 
affairs, which he appears to have managed disgracefully. He 


Lieutenant Digby's^ Journal. 

to General Carlton, on Lieutenant General Bur- 
goyne’s taking the command of the Army were as 
follows. “ As this plan cannot be advantageously 
executed without the assistance of Canadians and 
Indians, his majesty strongly recommends it to your 
care, to furnish him with good and sufificient bodies 
of these men, and I am happy in knowing that 
your influence among them is so great, that there 
can be no room to apprehend you will find it difficult 
to fulfill his majesty’s intentions.” General Bur- 
goyne, afterwards says in parliament: “As to the 
Indian alliance, he had always at best considered it 
as a necessary evil. He determined to go to the 
soldiers of the State, not the executioners. He had 
been obliged to run a race with the congress in 

was stiff and imperious, unscrupulous in the gratification of 
personal resentments, and had been cashiered for cowardice 
some years before. In Fitzmaurice’s Life of William, Earl 
of Shelburne, we are told that he was a man possessed of 
“intolerable meanness and love of corruption,’’ and further, 
that “ he wanted judgment in all great affairs, and he wanted 
heart on all great occasions/* was ‘‘violent, sanguine and 
overbearing in his first conception and setting out of plans, 
but easily checked, and liable to sink into an excess of 
despondency upon the least reverse without any sort of 
resource.” Fox delighted to compare him to Dr. Sangradb. 
“ For two years,” said he, “ that a certain noble lord has 
presided over American affairs, the most violent, scalping, 
tomahawk measures have been pursued. Bleeding has been 
his only prescription. If a people deprived of their ancient 
rights are grown tumultuous — bleed them ! if they are 
attacked with a spirit of insurrection — bleed them ! if their 
fwer should rise into rebellion — bleed them ! cries this state 
physician ; more blood ! more blood ! still more blood ! ” 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

securing the alliance of the Indians. They courted 
and tempted them with presents, as well as the 
British. He had in more instances than one con- 
troled the Indians &'.” 

28“*. We marched from Fort Anne, but could only 
proceed about 6 miles, the road being broke up by 
the enemy and large trees felled across it, taking up 
a long time to remove them for our 6 pounders, 
which were the heavyest guns with us. We halted 
at night on an eminence, and were greatly distressed 
for water, no river being near, and a report that the 
enemy had poisoned a spring at a small distance , 
but it was false, as our surgion tried an experiment 
on the water and found it good. 

After relating how Dr. Sangrado was remonstrated with 
for the death of so many patients, he gave the doctor s reply, 
to the effect that, having written a book on the ethcacy ot 
such practice, though every patient should die, he niust con- 
tinue for the credit of his book. He was detested by his 
associates and by the generals who commanded in America. 
Temple Luttrell abused him in Parliament, without eliciting 
a reply. He said on one occasion, while Germaine was pres- 
ent, referring to the Burgoyne campaign, “ flight was the 
only safety that remained for the royal army, and he saw one 
who had set the example in Germany and was fit to lead them 
on such an occasion ; ” and Wilkes said ; “ The noble Lord 
might conquer America, but he believed it would not be in 
Germany.” This was in allusion to Germaine’s disgraceful 
conduct as an officer in Germany, for which he was dismissed 
the service. Vide The Pictorial History of England (Kmght), 
London, 1841, vol. i, p. 325; A History of England (Adol- 
phus), London, 1841, vol. 2, p. 496; Life of William, Earl 
of Shelburne, London, vol. i, pp. 357-359: Journal of the 
Reign of George the Third (Walpole), London, 1859, PP* 
26, 34. 



240 Lieutenant Digby’s Journal. 

29“ Moved about 6 or 7 miles farther, and had 
the same trouble of clearing the road, as the day 
before. We encamped within a mile of Fort Edward, 
on the banks of the Hudson river. It was a very 
good post, and we expected it would have been dis- 
puted. There, the road from Fort George then in 
our possession joined us, and being in possession of 
that post secured our heavy guns &'= coming from 
Fort George. It was supposed we should not go 
much farther without them. Our tents were pitched 
in a large field of as fine wheat as I ever saw, which 
in a few minutes was all trampled down. Such must 
ever be the wretched situation of a Country, the seat 
of war. The potatoes were scarce fit to dig up, yet 
were torn out of the ground without thinking in the 
least of the owner. 

30"*. We moved on farther to a rising ground 
about a mile south of Fort Edward, and encamped 
on a beautiful situation from whence you saw the 
most romantic prospect of the Hudson’s river; inter- 
sperced with many small islands, and the encamp- 
ment of the line about 2 miles in our rear. There 
is a fine plain about the Fort, which appeared doubly 
pleasing to us, who were so long before buried in 
woods. On the whole, the country thereabout wore 
a very different appearance from any we had seen 
since our leaving Canada, and from that Fort to 
Albany, about 46 miles, the land improves much, 
and no doubt in a little time will be thickly set- 
tled. The enemy were then encamped about 4 miles 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 


from us ; but it was not thought they intended 
to make a stand. At this time a letter appeared 
addressed to General Burgoyne, I believe found 
nailed to a tree. There was no name signed, yet it 
was thought — (how true heaven only knows) — to 
be wrote by brigadier general Arnold, who opposed 
our fleet the preceding year on Lake Champlain, and 
was then second in command under General Gates. 
He first tells him, not to be too much elated on his 
rapid progress, as all he had as yet gained was 
an uncultivated desert, and concludes his letter by 
desiring him to beware of crossing the Hudson’s 
river, making use of that memorable saying, “ Thus 
far shalt thou go and no farther.” We heard by 
some intelligence from the enemy’s camp, that Genl’ 
St Clair & Schyler'” were ordered before a com- 

Phillip Schuyler was born at Albany on November 22, 
1733. His grandfather and father were men of character 
and wealth. He inherited large estates under the law of 
primogeniture, but generously divided them with his broth- 
ers and sisters. His mother was a woman of unusual at- 
tainments, and gave her son a thorough training. His first 
service was against the French and Indians in 1755. He 
was with Lord George Howe, with whom he was a great 
favorite, in the attack on Ticonderoga, in which attack 
Howe fell, and to Schuyler was assigned the duty of con- 
veying the body of the young nobleman, who was the idol 
of his companions-in-arms, to Albany. He was a delegate 
to the Continental Congress in May, 1775, and in June was 
appointed a major-general. He was assigned to the com- 
mand of the army in the province of New York, but owing 
to illness, was obliged to relinquish it to Montgomery. He 
was most efficient in putting the northern army into a con- 
dition of order and discipline ; but while engaged in his 


242 Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

mittee of their congress, to account for their reasons 
of evacuating Ticonderoga. As yet, the fickle God- 
dess Fortune had smiled upon our arms, and crowned 
our wishes with every kind of success, which might 
easyly be seen from the great spirits the Army in 
general were in ; and the most sanguine hopes of 
conquest, victory were formed of crowning 

the campaign with, from the general down to the 
private soldier ; but alas ! this life is a constant rota- 

duties, was, in March, 1777, superseded by Gates, owing to 
the persistent efforts of enemies. He was restored to his 
command again two months later, and at once proceeded 
with great vigor to put the fortifications in his department 
into a thorough state of defense, and his army into a condi- 
tion to meet the advancing Burgoyne. The fall of Ticon- 
deroga and his own retreat from Fort Edward, gave his 
opponents an opportunity to effect his displacement, and 
in August he was again superseded by Gates. His mag- 
nanimity and noble patriotism in continuing to devote his 
wealth and services to the cause of his country, put his ene- 
mies to shame. At a court of inquiry, called at his request, 
he was rewarded by a full acquittal. After this, although 
pressed by Washington, he refused military command, but 
rendered efficient aid to the cause. The Baroness Riedesel 
gives us a glimpse of the noble character of the man, in her 
interesting letters. She had passed through the terrible 
scenes which preceded the surrender of Burgoyne, and with 
her children, approached, with no little fear, the camp of the 
Americans. What was her surprise and delight to be re- 
ceived with the greatest kindness. We will quote her own 
description of the scene : When I approached the tents, a 

noble-lookkig man came toward me, took the children out 
of the wagon, embraced and kissed them, and then, with 
tears in his eyes, helped me also to alight. ‘You tremble,’ 
said he to me ; ‘ fear nothing.’ ‘ No,’ replied I, ‘ for you are 
so kind, and have been so tender toward my children, that 
it has inspired me with courage.’ He then led me to the 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 


tion of changes ; and the man, who forms the smallest 
hopes, has generally the greatest chance of happiness. 
In the evening, our Indians had a skirmish with an 
advance party of the enemy. It was a heavy fire for 
about half an hour, when the latter fled with loss. 
During our stay there, many of the country people 
came to us for protection. Those are styled by the 
enemy torys, and greatly persecuted if taken after 
fighting against them.'^s 

tent of General Gates, with whom I found Generals Bur- 
goyne and Phillips. Burgoyne said to me: ‘You may now 
dismiss all your apprehensions, for your sufferings are at an 
end.' All the generals remained to dine with General Gates. 
The man who had received me so kindly came up and said 
to me : ‘ It may be embarrassing to you to dine with all 
these gentlemen; come now with your children into my 
tent, where I will give you, it is true, but a frugal meal, but 
one that will be accompanied by the best of wishes.' ‘You 
are certainly,' answered I, ‘a husband and a father, since 
you show me so much kindness.' I then learned that he was 
the American General Schuyler. The day after this we 
arrived at Albany, where we had so often longed to be. But 
we came not as we supposed we should, as victors! We 
were, nevertheless, received in the most friendly manner by 
the good General Schuyler, and by his wife and daughters, 
who showed us the most marked courtesy, as, also. General 
Burgoyne, although he had — without any necessity it was 
said — caused their magnificently-built houses to be burned." 
After the adoption of the Constitution, General Schuyler 
represented his State as a senator, and maintained a high 
place in the esteem of the American people. His death 
occurred at Albany, November 18, 1804. t 

This is a moderate statement of the fact. Not only were 
they killed and banished, but Sabine tells us that the Whigs, 
after the peace, “ Instead of repealing the proscription and 
banishment acts, as justice and good policy required, they 

244 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

August 9^. We moved on to Fort Miller ^ miles 
nearer Albany, and which the enemy evacuated 
some days before. What I could see and learn is, 
that few of the forts situated on the Hudson River 
in that part, are proof against cannon ; they being 
built during the last war in order to defend stores 
and amunition from the inroads of the Indians, who 
frequently came down in large numbers, plundering 
and scalping our first settlers residing contiguous 

manifested a spirit to place the humbled and unhappy loyal- 
ists beyond the pale of human sympathy. A discrimination 
between the conscientious and pure, and the unprincipled 
and corrupt, was not, perhaps, possible during the struggle ; 
but, hostilities at an end, mere loyalty should have been for-- 
givenl' And we are further told that, ‘‘ throughout this 
contest, and amidst all those qualities displayed by the 
Americans, many of those qualities being entitled to high 
respect and commendation, there was none certainly less 
amiable than their merciless rancor against those among 
them who adhered to the royal side.'* The most severe 
laws were passed against them, one of which, enacted by the 
State of New York, declared that ‘‘any person being an 
adherent to the king of Great Britain should be guilty of 
treason and suffer death.*’ Vide Loyalists of the American 
Revolution (Sabine), Boston, 1864, vol. i, p. 88; History of 
England (Mahon), vol. 6, p. 127; History of the Ameri- 
can Revolution (Ramsay), vol. i, p. 295 ; The Loyalists of 
America and Their Times (Ryerson), Toronto, 1880, vol. ii, 
PP- 5 » 78, ^t passim. 

^^^This was one of the forts which was noted during the 
old French wars, and witnessed the achievements of the 
troops of Sir William Johnson and Baron Dieskau. The 
place is frequently denominated in writings relating to the 
campaign of Burgoyne as Duer’s House, from the fact that 
the house of Judge Duer stood near it, and was occupied by 
Burgoyne as his head-quarters. 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 245 

to that river, and were full sufficient to withstand 
any attack made with small arms. I then heard the 
very disagreeable news of our regiment (53“*) being 
ordered back to garrison Ticonderoga and Fort 
George. I was much concerned at it, as in all proba- 
bility I should not see them again during the war, 
which must be attended with many inconveniences ; 
but as it was their tour of duty, there was no putting 
it over tho ever so disagreeable, which it certainly 
was to every officer in the regiment. We had many 
sick at this time of fevers & agues so common to 
the climate. Cap. Wight, to whose company I 
belonged, was so ill as not to be able to go on 
with us, and many other officers were seized with 
those disorders, as the heats then were very severe 
and violent, particularly in a camp. All sorts of 
meat were tainted in a very short time, and the 
stench very prejudicial, and cleanlyness about our 
camp was a great consideration towards the health of 

'“John Wright entered the Fifty-third Foot upon its 
formation, in 1756, as an ensign, and on January 31, 1758, 
was commissioned a lieutenant. Throughout the seven 
years’ war, and until 1768, his regiment was stationed at the 
important fortress of Gibraltar. It was then ordered to 
Ireland, and on April 13th of that year Lieutenant Wright 
was promoted to a captaincy. From this time until its em- 
barkation for America, the Fifty-third remained in Ireland. 
Captain Wright recovered of the illness mentioned by Digby, 
and was killed at the battle of Stillwater on October 7th. 
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record of the 
Fifty-third Foot, p. 2, et seq.; Journal of Occurrences Dur- 
ing the Late American War, p. 176. 


"n i 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

the army. I there received a letter from an officer 
of ours, who had been wounded at Hubberton, 
7“* July, in which he informed me that before they 
were removed to Ticonderoga, the wolves came 
down in numbers from the mountains to devour the 
dead, and even some that were in a kind of manner 
buried, they tore out of the earth ; the great stench 
thro the country being the cause of their coming 
down, and was enough to have caused a plague. — 

10. An express came thro the woods from Genl 
Clinton,"®' who was supposed to be coming up the 
river from New York, but did not hear what it 

•®'Sir Henry Clinton was the son of George Clinton, who 
was the governor of New York in 1743, and grandson of 
Francis Fiennes Clinton, the sixth earl of Lincoln. His 
ancestors were at an early date interested in the coloniza- 
tion of America. He entered the army in 1758 as a cap- 
tain of the Guards, and saw active service in the seven 
years’ war, rising rapidly by promotion to the rank of 
major-general, which position he occupied when ordered to 
America in 1775. In the battle of Bunker Hill, and subse- 
quently that of Long Island, he took a distinguished part. 
He was severely, and probably justly criticised for his weak 
efforts in behalf of Burgoyne ; but the chief blame fell upon 
Howe, the commander-in-chief, and upon his recall, Clinton 
superseded him in the chief command. Being forced to 
evacuate Philadelphia by the Americans, he headed an ex- 
pedition against Charleston, South Carolina, which he cap- 
tured in 1779. The next year Arnold, who had done so 
rnuch for the American cause, becoming disaffected, joined 
him, and under his direction aided in an expedition against 
his former friends, but with little effect. Arnold on this 
expedition was accompanied by Colonels Dundas and Sim- 
coe, to whom Clinton had secretly given joint commissions, 
“ authorizing them, if they suspected Arnold of sinister in- 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 247 

contained. Our heavy guns were then shortly ex- 
pected from Fort George, as moving them was very 
tedious ; a 24 pounder taking many horses to draw 
it. We had a carrying place to bring over our 
battows, which was attended with great fatigue and 
trouble, and were also obliged to make rafts or scows 
to convey heavy stores &' down the river Hudson. 

tent, to supersede him and put him in arrest.” Great induce- 
ments were offered to recruits for the king’s forces in New 
York, as by the following copy of an advertisement will 
appear : 


Have now an opportunity of distinguishing themselves by joining 
Commanded by 


Any spirited young man will receive every encouragement, be immedi- 
ately mounted on an elegant horse, and furnished with clothing, accoutre- 
ments &c. to the amount of FORTY GUINEAS, by applying to CORNET 
SPENCER, at his quarters, No. 1033 Water Street, or his rendezvous, 
HEWITTS TAVERN near the COFFEE HOUSE, and the defeat at 

Whoever brings a Recruit shall instantly receive TWO GUINEAS. 
Vivant Rex et Regina — " 

Clinton’s efforts, however, were not successful, and he was 
superseded by Sir Guy Carleton after the surrender of Corn- 
wallis, whom he had failed to relieve. On his return to 
England he wrote “ A Narrative ” of his conduct in America 
in reply to the observations upon it by Lord Cornwallis, and 
later, ‘‘ Observations on Stedman’s History of the American 
War.” He was appointed governor of Gibraltar in I79S» 
but, shortly after his arrival there, died on the 22d of Decem- 
ber. Vide British Army Lists; Biographical Dictionary 
(Blake), New York, in loco ; History of New York (Dunlap), 
vol. II, p. 201; Journal of Occurrences During the Late 
American War, pp. 293-333, et passim ; History of the War 
of the Independence (Botta), Philadelphia, 1820, vol. i, pp. 
306, 315 ; vol. 2, pp. 24-26, 307, 370, et passim ; History of 
the Siege of Boston (Frothingham), p. 148. 



Lieutenant Digby s journal. 

About this time, Cornet Grant'®’ of Genl Burgoyne’s 
regm’t of Light Dragoons, the made an unsuc- 
cessful attempt to go express to Gen Clinton, and 
was obliged to return thro the woods, running many 
risques of falling into their hands, to the very great 
dissatisfaction of Gen Burgoyne. 

ii***. A large detachment of German troops con- 
sisting of Gen Reidzels dragoons who came dis- 
mounted from Germany, a body of Rangers, Indians 
& voluntiers, with 4 pieces of cannon, went from 
our camp on a secret expedition ; their route was 
not publicly known, but supposed for to take a 
large store of provisions belonging to the enemy at 
Bennington, and also horses to mount the dragoons. 
During the night there was a most violent storm of 
Thunder, Lightening, wind & rain. It succeeded a 
very hot day, and was so severe that the men could 
not remain in their tents, as the rain poured quite 
through them. Ours stood it better ; our horses 
tore down the small sheds formed to keep the heat 
of the sun from them, being so much frightened. 
About day break it cleared up, and a great heat 
followed, which soon dried all our cloths 

'“James Grant was commissioned a cornet in the Six- 
teenth Light Dragoons on December 27, 1775, and was taken 
prisoner, as will be seen farther on in this journal. He ap 
pears upon the list of ’79, and a man of the same name was 
commissioned an ensign in the Twenty-seventh Foot on July 
7th of that year, and is continued on the army list to 1784; 
but, owing to uncertainty as to his identity with the object 
of our search, it is unprofitable to follow his career. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 249 

13“*. We moved 3 miles and encamped at a post 
called Batten Kill, a strong situation bordering on 
the river Hudson, intended for the army to cross 
over. Our corps crossed the river with a good deal 
of trouble, and encamped about 2 miles west of it. 
The troops crossed in battows, which was very 
tedious, as we had but few. About a mile below, 
the horses and baggage forded it with some difficulty, 
the water being high from a great fall of rain, which 
came on during the preceding night, in consequence 
of which, the troops were put into barracs built there 
for 1000 men by Gen Schyler. His house was a 
small way in our front, and the best we had as yet 
seen in that part, and much superior to many gentle- 
man’s houses in Canada. It was intended we should 
move the next day to an eminence a little distance, 
which was reckoned a good post, and where there 
was plenty of forage for the army. 

1 6***. Our orders for marching were counter- 
manded and others given out for us, to move at 
3 o’clock next morning. As I was upon no par- 
ticular duty, I rode back to the line, who, with Gen 
Burgoyne were at Fort Miller, and in the evening 
returned to our camp, crossing over our new 
bridge of boats, which was almost then finished. 
At night I mounted an advanced picquet, and had 
orders to return to camp next morning at Revally 
Beating, day break. Nothing extraordinary passed 
during the night, every thing quiet about our post, 
and on going to return in the morning received 


250 Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

orders, — the 1 7“* — to remain, as the corps was not 
to move that day, and to keep a very sharp look out ; 
on which we naturally supposed something extraordi- 
nary had happened. Soon after an engineer came 
out to us with a number of men to throw up a breast 
work. Still it looked suspicious ; but we were soon 
made acquainted with the melancholy report, that 
the detachment, which marched from us on the 
were all cut to pieces by the enemy at Bennington, 
their force being much superior. Our 4 pieces of 
cannon were taken, two 6 pounders & two 3 pounders. 
I fear the officer who commanded, a German, took 
post in a bad situation, and was surrounded by the 
enemy after expending all his amunition. Our 
Albany voluntiers behaved with great bravery ; but 
were not seconded by the Germans and Savages; 
and it was much regretted British were not 
sent in their place. The express also informed 

183 This remark of Digby plainly reveals the jealousy which 
existed on the part of the English toward their German 
allies — a jealousy which was inexcusable when the rela- 
tions of both to the war are regarded. That the German 
auxiliaries performed their duty faithfully, patiently and 
bravely cannot be questioned ; indeed, when we reflect 
upon all the facts of the case, we can but admire the char- 
acter which they displayed. It was a piece of great folly 
on the part of the English general in assigning men equipped 
as they were, and ignorant of the language, to such a ser- 
vice. Their equipment was ridiculously cumbersome, and 
rendered them incapable of making any quick movement. 
But an important fact, related in General Riedesel’s Me- 
moirs, should be stated, which shows how they were deceived 
by supposed loyalists, whom Baum allowed to gather on his 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 


[us] that the enemy was greatly elated in conse- 
quence of the above, and were upon the move ; but 
where he could not tell. Our situation was not the 
best, as from the great fall of rain our bridge was 
near giving way by the flood, which almost totally 
cut off our communication with Genl Burgoyne and 
the line. Our post was also far from a good one, 
being surrounded and commanded by hills around — 
Gen Frazier not intending to remain there above a 
night or two. About 4 in the evening our picquet 

flanks: ** Toward nine o'clock, on the morning of the i6th, 
small bodies of armed men made their appearance from dif- 
ferent directions. These men were mostly in their shirt- 
sleeves. They did not act as if they intended to make an 
attack ; and Baum, being told by the provincial, who had 
joined his army on the line of march, that they were all 
loyalists and would make common cause with him, suffered 
them to encamp on his side and rear. Shortly after another 
force of the rebels arrived and attacked his rear. This was 
the signal for the seeming loyalists, who had encamped on 
the side and rear of the army, to attack the Germans ; and 
the result was that Baum suddenly found himself cut off 
from all his detached posts. For over two hours he with- 
stood the sallies and fire of the enemy — his dragoons, to a 
man, fighting like heroes — but at last, his ammunition being 
used up, and no reinforcements arriving, he was obliged to 
succumb to superior numbers and retreat. The enemy 
seemed to spring out of the ground ; indeed, they were 
estimated at between four and five thousand men. Twice 
the brave dragoons succeeded in breaking a road through 
the enemy's ranks; for, upon their ammunition giving out, 
Baum ordered that they should hang their carbines over 
their shoulders and trust to their swords. But bravery was 
now in vain ; and the heroic leader, himself severely wounded, 
was forced to surrender with his dragoons. Meanwhile the 
Indians and Provincials had taken flight, and sought safety 

252 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

was relieved by Lord Balcarres and the Battalllon of 
light Infantry, who were to lie on their arms there 
during the night. Our orders were, to be in readiness 
to recross the river next morning at day break, and 
during the night, to remain accoutred and ready to 
turn out at a moments warning. The rain still con- 

18. Our bridge was carried down by the water, 
and to complete all, the ford where our horses 
crossed over the 15^^ was impassable — The river 

in the forest.'* Thus nobly did these poor Germans fight in a 
cause in which they had no interest, impelled by loyalty 
to their prince and zeal to uphold the honor of German 
soldiers. They were in a strange land, and fighting with 
and for men whose language they did not understand, and 
who affected superiority over them. Their position was, 
indeed, a trying one ; and that they realized it, may be seen 
in the following extract from Anburey's letters: “The 
Germans, to the number of twenty or thirty at a time, will 
in their conversations relate to each other that they are sure 
they shall not live to see home again, and are certain that 
they shall very soon die ; would you believe it, after this 
they mope and pine about, haunted with the idea that, 

‘ Nor wives, nor children, shall they more behold. 

Nor friends, nor sacred home/ 

Nor can any medicine or advice you can give them divert 
this settled superstition, which they as surely die martyrs to 
as ever it infects them. Thus it is that men, who have faced 
.the dangers of battle and of shipwreck without fear (for they 
are certainly as brave as any soldiers in the world) are taken 
off, a score at a time, by a mere phantom of their own brain. 
This is a circumstance well known to every one in the army." 
Vide Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel, vol. i, p. 130, et 
seq,; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, 
p. 161, et seq. 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

being swelled so much. We had a few battows and 
a large scow for our cannon ; so began to cross ; 
but it was a most tedious piece of work, and late 
at night before every thing was over — when we lay 
on our arms — not as yet being exact as to the 
motions of the enemy. 

19. We encamped on our former strong post 
Batten Kill. On this occasion, the Indians in Con- 
gress with M"" Luc'®^ at their head, with an old 

Luc de Chapt de la Come Saint-Luc was the son of Jean- 
Louis de la Come, who achieved a considerable military repu- 
tation in Canada. St. Luc for many years had served with 
the Indians against the English, and had been regarded by 
them as a dangerous and cruel enemy. When Canada was 
lost to France, St. Luc determined to return to the land of 
his fathers, and embarked, October 17, 1761, on the Auguste 
with his entire family and over a hundred of the principal 
persons of the colony. On the coast of Cape Breton the 
Auguste was wrecked, and St. Luc alone of all the passen- 
gers escaped alive. After great hardships he reached Que- 
bec, and finally seeing the uselessness of opposing the Eng- 
lish rule, became a British subject ; but how faithful to the 
crown he was may be seen from the fact, that when Mont- 
gomery’s invasion of Canada appeared to promise success, 
St. Luc determined to desert with his Indians to the Ameri- 
cans, and secretly wrote to the American general offering 
his support, which was accepted ; but when this acceptance 
reached St. Luc, the American cause did not promise so 
well as it promised a short time before, and he concluded to 
adhere to the English side. For this treachery he was dis- 
trusted by Carleton, and Montgomery, when he captured 
Montreal, refused to include him in the capitulation. Being 
captured by Montgomery, St. Luc was held a prisoner until 
the spring of 1777, when he was released, and soon after 
joined Burgoyne with his savages. He seems to have been 
as treacherous and cruel as his brutal followers, and as soon 
as the British were in a critical condition, he deserted them. 


t ■ 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

Frenchman,''®^ who had long resided amongst them, 
declared their intention of returning to their respect- 
ive homes, their interpreter informing the [general] 
(speaking figuratively in the Indian manner) that on 

Samuel Mott speaks of him as ‘‘an arch devil incarnate, who 
has butchered hundreds, men, women and children of your 
colonies,*' and Burgoyne in Parliament thus alluded to him 
as one secretly practicing against him: “His name is St. 
Luc le Come, a distinguished partisan of the French in the 
last war, and now in the British service as a leader of the 
Indians. He owes us, indeed, some service, having been 
formerly instrumental in scalping many hundred British 
soldiers upon the very ground where, though with a differ- 
ent sort of latitude, he was this year employed. He is by 
nature, education and practice artful, ambitious and a cour- 
tier. To the grudge he owed me for controlling him in the 
use of the hatchet and scalping-knife, it was natural to his 
character to recommend himself to ministerial favour by 
any censure in his power to cast upon an unfashionable gen- 
eral.** St. Luc subsequently became a member of the Leg- 
islative Council of Canada, and took part in the exciting 
political questions of the times which succeeded the ter- 
mination of the war, but did not long survive. He died in 
the beginning of October, 1784, aged 72 years. Vide Docu- 
ments Relating to the Colonial History of New York, vol. 
10, pp. 1 12, 132, 345, 500, 629, 750, et passim; Journal du 
Voyage de M. Saint-Luc de la Come, Quebec, 1863; His- 
tory of Canada (Garneau), vol. i, pp. 460, 555 ; vol. 2, pp. 67, 
85, 163, 185 ; American Archives, 4th Series, vol. 4, pp. 973, 
1095 ; Speech of General Burgoyne on a Motion of Inquiry 
made by Mr. Vyner in the Parliament, May 26, 1778, and, 
for a very full account, Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, 
Appendix No. 17. 

*®*This was Charles de Langlade, a Frenchman, who had 
long acted with the Indians, and was familiar with {heir 
habits and customs. Anburey calls him Langdale, who, he 
says, “ planned and executed, with the nations he ‘is now 
escorting, the defeat of General Braddock." He had under 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 


their first joining his army, the sun arose bright, and 
in its full glory ; that the sky was clear and serene, 
foreboding conquest and victory ; but that then, that 
great Luminary was surrounded and almost obscured 
from the sight by dark and gloomy clouds, which 
threatened by their bursting to involve all nature 
in a general wreck and confusion. This the general 
(tho in his heart he despised them for their fears 
and might have sentenced Luc by a general 
Court Martial to an ignominious death for desertion) 
yet parted with them seemingly without showing his 
dislike, fearing, perhaps, their going over to the 
enemy. On which some companies of rangers were 
ordered to be raised in their place. At this time, 
many of the inhabitants’, who before came into our 
camp for protection, calling themselves Torys, went 
from us over to the enemy, who we hoped soon to 
make pay dear for their late success at Bennington.'®® 

his command warriors from many tribes — Sioux, Sacs, 
Foxes, Menominees, Winnebagoes, Ottawas and Chippewas. 
At the assembling of the tribes, he translated the speeches 
of the Sioux chiefs into the dialect of the Chippewas, and 
from the Chippewa dialect into the French tongue. For a 
memoir, vide Collections Wisconsin Historical Society, vol. 
7, p. 123; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, 
vol. I, p. 356, et seq. 

188 This was a constant danger to the Americans. While 
a large portion of the people was ready to make any sacri- 
fice, however great, for the cause of liberty, another con- 
siderable portion was as ready to join the winning side, 
whichever it might be. This was realized by the American 
commanders, and was the cause of much embarrassment to 

256 Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

It is scarce to be conceived the many difficulties we 
had to encounter in carrying on a war in such a 
country, from the tediousness of removing provisions 
stores and the smallness of our numbers were 
much diminished by sending parties back and forward 
from fort George to our camp. 

2 2°^ A few Germans deserted, one of whom was 
taken and suffered death. Various were the reports 
then circulating thro our camp, not of the most 
pleasing kind, which might easily be perceived on 
the faces of some of our great men, who I believe 
began to think our affairs had not taken so fortunate 
a turn as might have been expected ; as to my 
opinion, it was of very little consequence compared 
to so many abler judges ; certain it was, as an Indian 
express arrived — 

28^ — to our camp, that Col. St Leger"®® was 
obliged to retire with his small army to Oswego, in 

On the 2ist of August an order of Burgoyne relating 
to desertion contained the following: ‘‘In regard to Desert- 
ers themselves, all out posts, Scouts and working Parties of 
Provincials and Indians, are hereby promised a reward of 
twenty Dollars for every Deserter they bring in ; and in case 
any Deserter should be killed in the pursuit, their scalps are 
to be brought off.'* The unfortunate man here mentioned 
was George Hundertmark, “guilty of quitting his Post when 
Centinel without being regularly relieved, and of Desertion," 
and was sentenced to be shot to death. Vide Burgoyne's 
Orderly Book, pp. 79, 81, et seq, 

^ Barry St. Leger was born in 1737, and entered the 
Twenty-eighth Foot, April 27, 1756, with the commission of 
an ensign. The following year he went to America and 
served under Abercrombie; was made captain in the Forty- 


Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

his return towards Canada ; but I forgot, I should 
first have mentioned the nature and cause of his 
expedition. Lieut Col St Leger, 34^ regmt, left 
Canada about the time we did, with a command of 
near 700 regulars ; viz 100 men from the 8^^ regmt ; 
100 from the 34^^ regmt; Sir John Johnston's regmt of 
New York,*®^ 133; and the Hannau Chasseurs, 342, 
with a body of Canadians and Indians and some 
small pieces of Cannon. He was to go by Lake 
Ontario, and to come down the Mohock river on 
the Back settlements to take fort Stanwix"^ and 

eighth Foot, and took part in the siege of Louisbourg in 
1758. After its capture he accompanied General Wolfe to 
Quebec, and won distinction there. In July, 1760, he was 
appointed brigade major, and August 16, 1762, a major of 
the Ninety-fifth Foot. At the close of the French war, he 
retired on half pay, but on May 25, 1772, procured an appoint- 
ment in the army of lieutenant-colonel, and May 20, 1775, 
received a commission as lieutenant-colonel in the Thirty- 
fourth Foot. His unfortunate expedition to the Mohawk 
did not altogether prevent his advancement, as he was made 
a colonel in the army, November 17, 1780, and a brigadier- 
general, October 21, 1782. He died in 1789. Vide British 
Army Lists, in loco ; American Historical Record, vol. 3, 
p. 435 ; Colonial History of New York, vol. 8, p. 714; John- 
son’s Orderly Book, p. 66, and, for an account of his opera- 
tions in 1777, The Expedition of Lieut. -Col. Barry St. Leger, 
by William L. Stone, Albany, 1877. 

^®®This regiment was known by several names, and very 
unpleasantly by the Americans on account of its inhuman- 
ity. It was called Johnson’s Royal Greens on account of 
the color of its uniform ; also as the Queen’s Loyal Ameri- 
cans and the Royal Regiment of New York. 

'^This fort was erected in 1758 and called Fort Stanwix, 
taking its name from General Stanwix, an officer under 


258 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

to join us at Albany. This was the plan settled by 
Lord George Germain, as you will see in his letter 
to Gen Carlton, dated Whitehall March 6“* 1777; 
but why that expedition miscarryed I cannot pretend 
to say ; as the conduct of Col. St Leger [by] com- 
mon report, which was all I could depend upon, did 
him every kind of [in] justice in the plan concerted 
by him for carrying his orders into execution. Our 
accounts also from Genl Howe, or rather our hearing 
nothing about his proceedings to the Southward, was 
another cause of disappointment, as it was but 
natural to suppose, that had he done nothing very 
great with so large a body of troops under his com- 
mand — said to be near 40,000 — we could not 
easyly penetrate into the enemy’s country with one 
eighth of that number ; so that upon mature delib- 
eration, and agreeable to the general’s express orders, 
it was determined by him to drop all sorts of com- 
munication with Canada — the Army being too small 
to afford parties at the different posts between us, 
and Ticonderoga — and by forcing his way by the 
greatest exertion possible, fight for the wished for 
junction with the Southern army ; and also to remain 
on our present ground till provisions stores were 

General Abercrombie. After the repulse of Abercrombie 
by the French at Ticonderoga, in which Lord George Howe, 
the elder brother of General William Howe of Revolution- 
ary fame, was killed, Abercrombie dispatched Stanwix to 
build this fort near the head waters of the Mohawk, the 
site of the present town of Rome. It was repaired and 
strengthened by General Schuyler in 1776 arid received his 

Lieutenant Digby' s Jojirnal. 259 

all up previous to so material a movement. In my 
opinion, this attempt showed a glorious spirit in our 
General, and worthy alone to be undertaken by 
British Troops, as the eyes of all Europe, as well 
as Great Britain were fixed upon us; tho some 
disatisfied persons with us did not scruple to give it 
the appellation of rashness, and were of opinion, 
that we should have remained at Fort Edward 
entrenched, until we heard Genl Clinton was come 
up near Albany ; and then pushed on to co operate 
with him. Our great design & wish then was to 
draw on a general engagement, which we hoped 
would be decisive, as by their unbounded extent of 
country they might, by avoiding it, protract the war. 

September 2"**. Went out with a large forraging 
party, as was the custom every morning, and 
marched 9 miles towards the enemy before we 
could procure any ; it then turning very scarce from 
our remaining so long on that post. We halted at 
an exceeding good house near the road, which was 
deserted by its master and family on our approach. 
The furniture was good, and which I might have 
appropriated to what use I pleased. About 3 
o’clock we returned to our camp with some hay, not 
without some odd thoughts on the fortune of war, 
which levels all distinctions of property, and which 
our present situation pictured strongly. 

4^*^. A drum[mer], who went from our camp as a 
flag of truce to Genl Gates, returned, and the 
following letters which passed from Gen Gates 

260 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

to Genl Burgoyne, with his answers and Gates’ 
account of the Bennington affair to their congress, 
I shall here insert for the amusement of the reader — 

To the honourable, the continental congress. 

Your excellencies will perceive by the inclosed 
letters, that the glorious victory at Bennington has 
reduced the boasting stile of Gen Burgoyne so 
much, that he begins in some degree to think and 
talk like other men. 

Head quarters of the King’s Army ) 
UPON Hudson river August 30 1777. f 

Sir. — Major Genl Reidzel has requested me to 
transmit the inclosed to Lieut Col‘ Baum,*’' whom 
the fortune of war put into the hands of your troops 
at Bennington. Having never failed in my attention 
towards prisoners, I cannot entertain a doubt of your 

Frederick Baum was lieutenant-colonel of the Bruns- 
wick Dragoons, and is spoken of as being a good officer but 
unfit for this expedition, in which he lost his life ; in fact, the 
troops which he commanded were wholly unfit for the ser- 
vice here assigned them. Stone thus describes the equip- 
ment of one of these men : “ He wore high and heavy jack 
boots, with large, long spurs, stout and stiff, leather breeches, 
gauntlets, reaching high up upon his arms, and a hat with a 
huge tuft of ornamental feathers. On his side he trailed a 
tremendous broad sword ; a short but clumsy carbine was 
slung over his shoulder, and down his back, like a Chinese 
Mandarin, dangled a long queue.” It is admitted that Baum 
and his men fought heroically, but in vain, being over- 
whelmed by numbers. He lived two days after being 
wounded, and was buried with military honors August nine- 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

taking this opportunity to show me a return of civil- 
ity; and that you will permit the baggage and ser- 
vants of such officers, your prisoners, as desire it, to 
pass to them unmolested. It is with great concern, 

I find myself obliged to add to this application a 
complaint of the bad treatment the provincial soldiers 
in the king’s service received after the affair at 
Bennington. I have reports upon oath that some 
were refused quarter after having asked it. I am 
willing to believe this was against the order and 
inclination of your officers ; but it is my part to 
require an explanation, and to warn you of the hor- 
rors of retaliation, if such a practice is not in the 
strongest terms discountenanced. Duty and prin- 
ciple, Sir ; make me a public enemy to the Ameri- 
cans, who have taken arms, but I seek to be a 
generous one, nor have I the shadow of resentment 
against any individual, who does not induce it by 
acts derogatory to those maxims upon which all men 
of honor think alike. Persuaded that a Gentleman 
of the station to which this lettter is addressed will 
not be comprised in the exception I have made — I 
am personally. Sir, 

Your most humble servant, 


Head quarters of the army of the ) 
United States Sep. 2“^. j 

Sir. Last night I had the honour of receiving 
your excellency’s letter of the 30* August. I 

262 Lieutenant Digby’ s Journal. 

am astonished you should mention inhumanity, or 
threaten retaliation. Nothing happened in the action 
of Bennington, but what is common when works are 
carried by Assault. That the savages of America 
should in their warfare mangle and scalp the unhappy 
prisoners, who fall into their hands, is neither new 
nor extraordinary ; but that the famous Lieut General 
Burgoyne, in whom the fine gentleman is united with 
the soldier and the scholar, should hire the savages 
of America to scalp Europeans and the descendants 
of Europeans ; nay more, that he should pay a price 
for each scalp so barbarously taken, is more than 
will be believed in England until authenticated facts 
shall in every gazette convince mankind of the truth 
of this horrid tale. — Miss M'Crea, a young lady 
lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable 
disposition, engaged to be married to an officer in 
your army, was with other women and children taken 
out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the 
woods, and there scalped and mangled in the most 
shocking manner. Two parents with their six chil- 
dren, [were] all treated with the same inhumanity 
while quietly residing in their once happy and peace- 
ful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M'Crea was 
partly aggravated by her being dressed to receive 
her promised husband ; but met her murderers em- 
ployed by you. Upwards of one hundred men, 
women and children have perished by the hands of 
these ruffians, to whom it is asserted, you have paid 
the price of blood. Inclosed are letters from your 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 


wounded officers, prisoners in my hands, by whom 
you will be informed of the generosity of their Con- 
querers. Such cloathing, necessaries, attendants 
which your excellency pleases to send to the prisoners 
shall be carefully delivered. I am, sir, your most 

Humble servant 


Sir. I received your letter of the 2^ inst, and in 
consequence of your complying with my proposal, 
have sent the baggage, servants of those officers, 
who are prisoners in your hands. I have hesitated, 
sir, upon answering the other paragraphs of your 
letter. I disdain to justify myself against the rhap- 
sodies of fiction, and calumny, which from the first 
of this contest, it has been an unvaried American 
policy to propagate ; but which no longer impose 
upon the world. I am induced to deviate from this 
rule in the present instance, lest my silence should 
be construed an acknowledgement of the truth of 
your allegation, and a pretence be thence taken for 
exercising future barbarities by the American troops. 
Upon this motive, and upon this alone, I condescend 
to inform you, that I would not be conscious of the 

‘“After General Gates had written this letter to Burgoyne, 
he called General Lincoln and his aide-de-camp, Wilkinson, 
to hear it read. Upon being pressed for an opinion respect- 
ing it, his hearers suggested that it might be considered 
somewhat too personal, to which the old general replied 

with his usual profane bluntness: “ , I don’t believe 

either of you can mend it,” and abruptly terminated the 

^ 264 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

acts, you presume to impute to me, for the whole 
continent of America, tho. the wealth of worlds were 
in its bowels and a paradise on its surface. It has 
happened, that all my transactions with the Indian 
nations last year and this, have been open, clearly 
heard, distinctly understood and accurately minuted 
by very numerous, and in many parts, very prejudiced 
audiences. So diametrically opposite to truth is your 
assertion that I have paid a price for scalps, that one 
of the first regulations established by me at the great 
Council in May, and repeated and enforced, and 
invariably adhered to since, was that the Indians 
should receive compensation for prisoners, because 
it would prevent cruelty, and that not only such com- 
pensations should be witheld, but a strict account 
demanded for scalps. These pledges of Conquest — 
for such you well know they will ever esteem them — 
were solemnly and peremptorily prohibited to be 
taken from the wounded and even the dying, and 
the persons of aged men, women and children, and 
prisoners were pronounced sacred even, in assaults. — 
Respecting Miss M'^Crea; her fall wanted not the 
tragic display you have laboured to give it, to make 
it as sincerely abhorred and lamented by me, as it 
can possibly be by the tenderest of her friends. The 
fact was no premeditated barbarity, on the contrary, 
two chiefs who had brought her off for the purpose 
of security, not of violence to her person, disputed 
who should be her guard, and in a fit of savage pas- 
sion in the one from whose hands she was snatched. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 265 

the unhappy woman became the victim. Upon the 
first intelligence of the events, I obliged the Indians 
to deliver the murderer into my hands, and tho to 
have punished him by our laws and principles of 
justice would have been perhaps unprecedented, he 
certainly should have suffered an ignominous death, 
had I not been convinced, by circumstances and 
observation beyond the possibility of a doubt, that a 
pardon under the terms I prescribed and they ac- 
cepted, would be more efficatious than an execution 
to prevent similar mischiefs. The above instance 
excepted, your intelligence respecting cruelties of the 
Indians is absolutely false. You seem to threaten 
me with European publications, which affect me as 
little as any other threats you could make, but in 
regard to American publications, whether the charge 
against me, (which I acquit you of believing), was 
pencilled from a gazette or for a gazette, I desire 
and demand of you, as a man of honour, that should 
it appear in print at all, this answer may follow it. 
I am Sir, 

* Your humble servant, 


6* We were pretty credibly informed by accounts 
which came from the enemy, and were depended 
upon, that in the action near Bennington, 16“* August, 
we had killed, wounded, prisoners and missing — 
including wounded in our hospitals, who escaped — 
near 1000 men. It was then expected we should 

266 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

shortly move, as the magazines of provisions and 
other stores were mostly up, and our new bridge 
over the Hudson river was near finished. Our re- 
moval from that post was also very necessary, in 
respect of procuring forage, which began then to 
turn very scarce ; indeed, I wonder we did so well, 
as it was amazing the great quantity of hay, Indian 
corn we were obliged to provide for so great a 
number of cattle. Potatoes and all other vegetables 
were long before consumed, and very few fresh pro- 
visions to be got then. A few of our wounded offi- 
cers and men from the hospitals of Ticonderoga 
joined the army ; also captain Wight and others, 
who suffered from fever and such disorders, came 
up. The weather then began to turn cold in the 
mornings and evenings, which was but badly calcu- 
lated for the light cloathing of the army, most of our 
winter apparel being sent from Skeensborough to 
Ticonderoga in July. Many officers had also sent 
back their tents and markees, of which I was one, 
and in their place substituted a soldier’s tent, which 
were then cold at nights though a luxury to wlfat we 
after experienced 

io‘\ About II o’clock, an express arrived with 
intelligence that the enemy were on the move, and 
had advanced from their camp at Half Moon to 
Still water, a few miles nearer us, but they might 
have saved themselves that trouble, as we should 
soon have been up with them. He also informed 
[us] that in consequence of that unfortunate affair at 

Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 267 

Bennington, they were joined by some thousands of 
Militia, who in all probability would have remained 
neuter had we proved successful. From these ac- 
counts we threw up more works to protect our camp 
till ready to move towards them ; after which we 
should be as liable to an attack in our rear as front, 
and the waiting to secure every store against such 
an attack, caused our being so long on that post 

We received orders to be in readiness to 
cross the Hudson river at a moment’s warning; but 
all that day was a continued fall of heavy rain, 
which continued till the 13*, when the morning being 
very fine, the army passed over the Bridge of boats 
and encamped on the heights of Saratoga. We 
encamped in three columns in order of Battle. The 
duty here turned very severe, such numbers being 
constantly on either guards or picquets ; during that 
day and the next we had many small alarms, as 
parties of theirs came very near our camp ; but a 
few companies soon sent them off. 

15“*. Moved about 3 miles nearer the enemy, and 
took post on a strong position late in the evening, 
and had just time to pitch our camp before dark ; 
about 1 1 at night we received orders to stand to our 
arms, and about 12 I returned to my tent and lay 
down to get a little rest, but was soon alarmed by a 
great noise of fire, and on running out saw Major 
Ackland’s tent and markee all in a blaze, on which I 
made the greatest haste possible to their assistance, 
but before I could arrive. Lady Harriot Ackland, 




I, * 
!v. :f' 

if III’ 


Digby s Journal, 

who was asleep in the tent when it took fire, had 
providentially escaped under the back of it ; but the 
major was much burned in trying to save her/^^ 
What must a woman of her rank, family and fortune 
feel in her then disagreeable situation ; liable to 
constant alarms and not knowing the moment of an 

^^Anburey has the following account of this occurrence: 

Our situation, as being the advanced post of the army, was 
frequently so very alert that we seldom slept out of our 
cloaths. In one of these situations a tent, in which Major 
Ackland and Lady Harriet were asleep, suddenly caught 
fire; the major's orderly sergeant, with great danger of 
suffocation, dragged out the first person he got hold of, 
which was the major. It providentially happened that in 
the same instant Lady Harriet, without knowing what she 
did, and perhaps not perfectly awake, made her escape, by 
creeping under the walls in the back part of the tent, and 
upon recovering her senses, conceive what her feelings must 
be when the first object she beheld was the major, in the 
midst of the flames, in search of her ! The sergeant again 
saved him, but the major's face and body was burnt in a 
very severe manner ; every thing they had with them in the 
tent was consumed. This accident was occasioned by a 
favorite Newfoundland dog, who being very restless, over- 
set the table on which a candle was burning, (the major 
always had a light in his tent during the night, when our 
situation required it) and it rolling to the walls of the tent, 
instantly set them on fire." The almost romantic attach- 
ment of Burgoyne's two officers. Major Acland and General 
Riedesel and their lovely and devoted wives, relieves in a 
striking manner the horrors of the campaign, so strongly 
contrasted is it with the suffering and selfishness which 
everywhere prevailed. Here were two gentle and refined 
women amid the wreck and ruin of war, and always very 
near to the portals of death, living an almost idyllic life of 
unselfish devotion and love to their husbands, and of charity 
and self-sacrifice to those about them. Truly it is a spectacle 
worthy of contemplation ! 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

attack ; but from her attachment to the major, her 
ladyship bore everything, with a degree of steadiness, 
and resolution, that could alone be expected from an 
experienced veteran. 

16*^. A detachment with about 2000 men with 6 
pieces of cannon attended Gen Burgoyne on a recon- 
noitering party towards the enemy. We remained 
out till near night, and fired our evening gun at sun 
set to make them imagine we had taken post so much 
nearer them ; and afterwards returned to our camp _ 
with the gun. We heard Gen Gates had been there 
the preceding day attended by a corps of riflemen. 

It was then pretty certain and generally believed, 
and indeed wished for, that we should shortly have 
a decisive engagement, — I say wished for, as they 
never would allow us to go into winter quarters, till 
we had gained some great advantage over them ; 
should that be the case, many of the country people 
would join us, but not till then — they choosing to 
be on the strongest side. 

I7‘^ The whole moved about 9 in the morning, 
and tho we were marching till near night, we came 
but 3 miles nearer them — we going a great circuit 
thro thick woods, for such is all that country — in 
order to keep possession of the heights, we lay on 
our arms not having light or time to pitch our tents. 

I8‘^ About 1 1 in the morning, we heard the report 
of small arms at a small distance. It was a party of 
the enemy, who surprised some unarmed men forag- 
ing not far from our camp. They killed & wounded 

270 Lieutenant Digby s JournaL 

13, and then retreated'^^ on our sending a party to 
oppose them ; and during that day and night we 
were very watchful and remained under arms. 

19^^ At day break intelligence was received, that 
Colonel Morgan, with the advance party of the 

A number of men belonging to the British camp were 
endeavoring to get some potatoes in a field near by for their 
mess when surprised by the Americans. Anburey says that 
they might easily have been taken prisoners, and states the 
number killed and wounded to have been near thirty. He 
remarks that such cruel and unjustifiable conduct can have 
no good tendency, while it serves greatly to increase hatred, 
and a thirst for revenge.*' Vide Travels Through the Inte- 
rior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 409. 

Daniel Morgan has been' claimed to be a native both of 
Pennsylvania and of New Jersey, but his biographer, Graham, 
decides that he was born in Hunterdon county. New Jersey, 
in the winter of 1736. His parents were Welsh, and his 
early life one of hardship. At the age of seventeen he ran 
away from home and found employment as a farm laborer 
in Virginia. He was a wagoner in the Braddock expedi- 
tion and noted for his great strength and daring. While in 
the frontier service the next year, he was beaten with five 
hundred lashes for striking a British lieutenant in return for 
a blow which the officer bestowed upon him with his sword, 
under the severity of which punishment he would have suc- 
cumbed had not his constitution been of iron. The terrible 
marks of this beating, which “ cut his flesh to ribbons," he 
bore to his grave. He was commissioned an ensign in 1758, 
and, after a rough life of a few years, married and settled 
down as a farmer in Virginia. When the news of the battle 
of Lexington reached him, he mustered a picked company 
of riflemen and marched with them to Cambridge, a distance 
of six hundred miles, in twenty-one days. It was in the 
dusk of evening when Morgan met General Washington, 
who was riding out to inspect the camp. As they met, 
Morgan touched his broad-brimmed hat and said : General 

— from the right bank of the Potomac." Hastily dismount- 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 


enemy, consisting of a corps of rifle men, were strong 
about 3 miles from us ; their main body amounting to 
great numbers encamped on a very strong post about 
half a mile in their rear ; and about 9 o'clock we 
began our march, every man prepared with 60 rounds 

ing, Washington ‘‘took the captain’s hand in both of his 
and pressed it silently. Then passing down the line, he 
pressed, in turn, the hand of every soldier, large tears 
streaming down the noble cheeks as he did so. Without 
a word he then remounted his horse, saluted, and returned 
to the camp.” In Arnold’s campaign against Canada, Mor- 
gan was an active spirit, and was taken a prisoner in the 
attack upon Quebec. It is said that he wept' when he 
realized the hopelessness of the campaign. While in con- 
finement he was offered a colonel’s commission to join the 
British, but repelled the offer with indignation. After being 
exchanged, he joined the army of defense and did noble 
service in the battles which preceded the surrender of Bur- 
goyne. At the close of the battle which decided this event, 
it is said that Gates approached him with a proposition to * 
desert Washington and support his pretensions to the chief 
command, but was indignantly repelled by Morgan, who re- 
plied : “ I will serve under no other man but Washington.” 
For this reply Gates revenged himself by not mentioning 
his name in his report of the battle in which he rendered 
such distinguished service. After the surrender of Burgoyne, 
he served in the South, and achieved honor at the battle of 
the Cowpens, for which he was awarded a gold medal by 
Congress. At the close of the war he retired to his Vir- 
ginian farm, which he named Saratoga ; but, upon the break- 
ing out of the whisky insurrection in western Virginia, in 
1794, he was called to command the militia for its suppres- 
sion, and soon after was elected to Congress. Before the 
close of his term he retired, prostrated by sickness. Wash- 
ington, however, continued to consult him, although he was 
incapacitated for service. He died at Manchester, Virginia, 
July 6, 1802. Vide The Life of Daniel Morgan (Graham); 
also, A Sketch of Morgan by John Esten Cooke. 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

) ; 

of cartridge and ready for instant action. We moved 
in 3 colums, ours to the right on the heights and 
farthest from the river in thick woods. A little after 
12 our advanced picquets came up with Colonel 
Morgan and engaged, but from the great superiority 
of fire received from him — his numbers being much 
greater — they were obliged to fall back, every officer 
being either killed or wounded except one,'^ when 

'^The sharpshooters of Morgan caused great havoc in the 
British ranks. Lamb says : Several of the Americans 

placed themselves in high trees, and, as often as they could 
distinguish a British officer’s uniform, took him off by de- 
liberately aiming at his person.” Anburey describes most 
graphically the terrible scenes of the day following this bat- 
tle : Our army,” he says, “ abounded with young officers, 

in the subaltern line, and in the course of this unpleasant 
duty (the burial of the dead), three of the 20th regi- 
ment were interred together, the age of the eldest not 
exceeding seventeen. — In the course of the last action, 
Lieutenant Hervey, of the 62nd, a youth of sixteen, 
and nephew of the Adjutant-General of the same name, re- 
ceived several wounds, and was repeatedly ordered off the 
field by Colonel Anstruther ; but his heroic ardor would not 
allow him to quit the battle, while he could stand and see 
his brave lads fighting beside him. A ball striking one of 
his legs, his removal became absolutely necessary, and while 
they were conveying him away, another wounded him mor- 
tally. In this situation the surgeon recommended him to 
take a powerful dose of opium, to avoid a seven or eight 
hours\life of most exquisite torture; this he immediately 
consented to, and when the Colonel entered the tent with 
Major Harnage, who were both wounded, they asked whether 
he had any affairs they could settle for him ? his reply was, 

* that being a minor, every thing was already adjusted ; ’ but 
he had one request, which he had just life enough to utter, 
‘Tell my uncle I died like a soldier.’ Where will you find 
in ancient Rome heroism superior ! ” This mode of war- 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 273 

the line came up to their support and obliged Morgan 
in his 1;urn to retreat with loss. About half past one, 
the fire seemed to slacken a little ; but it was only 
to come on with double force, as between 2 & 3 the 
action became general on their side. From the 
situation of the ground, and their being perfectly 
acquainted with it, the whole of our troops could 
not be brought to engage together, which was a 
very material disadvantage, though everything pos- 
sible was tried to remedy that inconvenience, but to 
no effect, such an explosion of fire I never had any 
idea of before, and the heavy artillery joining in con- 
cert like great peals of thunder, assisted by the 
echoes of the woods, almost deafened us with the 
noise. To an unconcerned spectator, it must have 
had the most awful and glorious appearance, the dif- 
ferent Battalions moving to relieve each other, some 
being pressed and almost broke by their superior 
numbers. This crash of cannon and musketry never 
ceased till darkness parted us, when they retired to 
their camp, leaving us masters of the field ; but it 
was a dear bought victory if I can give it that name, 
as we lost many brave men. The 62”** had scarce 10 
men a company left, and other regiments suffered 
much, and no very great advantage, honor excepted, 
was gained by the day. On its turning dusk we 

fare, in which the officers were singled out by accurate 
marksmen for death, was new to the British and deemed by 
them cruel. Vide Journal of Occurrences During the Late 
American War, p. 159; Travels Through the Interior Parts 
of America, vol. i, p. 423, et seq. 



274 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

were near -firing on a body of our Germans, mis- 
taking their dark clothing for that of the enemy. 
General Burgoyne was every where and did every 
thing [that] could be expected from a brave officer, 

& Brig gen, Frazier gained great honour by exposing 
himself to every danger. During the night we re- 
mained in our ranks, and tho we heard the groans of 
our wounded and dying at a small distance, yet could 
not assist them till morning, not knowing the posi- 
tion of the enemy, and expecting the action would be 
renewed at day break. Sleep was a stranger to us, 
but we were all in good spirits and ready to obey 
with cheerfulness any orders the general might issue 
before morning dawned. 

20***. At day break we sent out parties to bring in 
our wounded, and lit fires as we were almost froze 
with cold, and our wounded who lived till the morn- 
ing must have severely felt it. We scarce knew how 
the rest of our army had fared the preceding day, 
nor had we tasted victuals or even water for some 
time before ; so sent parties for each. At 1 1 o’clock, 
some of our advanced sentrys were fired upon by 

Lamb, who was present, speaks of this in his journal, 
and others comment upon Burgoyne’s coolness and courage 
in battle — placing himself in the fore front of danger, a 
conspicuous object for the American sharpshooters, against 
whose bullets he seemed to bear a charmed life. His pres- 
ence among his troops was in marked contrast to the action 
of Gates, who remained in the rear and witnessed no part of 
this or the previous battle ; in fact, we are told by Wilkin- 
son, what seems almost incredible : “ That not a single gen- 
eral officer was on the field of battle the igth Sept.^ until the 
evening, when General Learned was ordered out.” 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

their rifle men, and we thought it the prelude to 
another action ; but they were soon silenced. It was 
Gen Phillips and Fraziers opinion we should follow 
the stroke by attacking their camp that morning; 
and it is believed, as affairs after turned out, it would 
have been better for the army to have done so ; why 
it was not attended, to 1 am not a judge ; tho I 
believe Gen Burgoyne had material objections to it, 
particularly our hospitals being so full and the maga- 
zines. not properly secured to risque that move- 
ment.**® About 12 the general reconnoitered our 

198 Wilkinson gives us a conversation held by him with Gen- 
eral Phillips, in which the latter fully explains the reason why 
Burgoyne did not attack Gates on the twentieth. Said Phil- 
lips: “After the affair of the 19th September terminated. 
General Burgoyne determined to attack you the next morn- 
ing on your left, with his whole force ; our wounded, and 
sick, and women had been disposed of at the river; the 
army was formed early on the morning of the 20th, and we 
waited only for the dispersion of the fog, when General 
Fraser observed to General Burgoyne, that the grenadiers 
and light infantry who were to lead the attack, appeared 
fatigued by the duty of the preceding day, and that if he 
would suspend the operation until the next morning, he was 
persuaded they would carry the attack with more vivacity. 
Burgoyne yielded to the proposition of Fraser ; the orders 
were countermanded, and the corps returned to camp ; and 
as if intended for your safety and our destruction, in the 
course of the night, a spy reached Burgoyne with a letter 
from General Sir Henry Clinton, advising him of his in- 
tended expedition against the highlands, which determined 
Burgoyne to postpone the meditated attack of your army, 
and wait events ; the golden, glorious opportunity was lost — 
you grew stronger every day, and on the 7th of October over- 
whelmed us.” This is a very different account from Digby ’s. 
Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 2$i, et seq. 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

post and contracted the extent of ground we then 
covered to a more secure one nearer the river, which 
we took up in the evening — our left flank near the 
Hudson river to guard our battows and stores, and 
our right extending near two miles to heights west of 
the river, with strong ravines, both in our front and 
rear, the former nearly within cannon shot of the 
enemy. On our taking up this ground, we buried 
numbers of their dead. Their loss must have been 
considerable, as the fire was very severe. Contiguous 
to our ground was a fine field of Indian corn, which 
greatly served our horses, who had but little care 
taken of them the last 2 days, and many were killed 
the At night, half stood to their arms, and so 

relieved each other, in which time of watch we could 
distinctly hear them in the wood between us felling 
trees ; from which we supposed they were fortifying 
their camp, which by all accounts, and the situation 
of the country, we had reason to believe was very 

21®“. Their morning gun, from its report, seemed 
almost as near as our own, and soon after we heard 
them beating their drums frequently for orders. At 
12 we heard them huzzaing in their camp, after which 
they fired 13 heavy guns, which we imagined might 
be signals for an attack; and which would be the 
most fortunate event that we could have wished, 
our position being so very advantageous. Soon 
after we found it was a Feu-de-joy, but for what cause 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

277 * 

we could not tell,*®’ In the evening, an express was 
sent thro the woods to Gen Clinton, informing him 
that if he could not advance nearer to Albany, by 
which movement many troops then opposing us would 
be drawn off to stop his progress, we should be 
obliged to return to Ticonderoga by 12“* October at 
farthest, as our provisions would not allow of our 
remaining there beyond that period. At 6 in the 
evening we encamped. It rained very heavy, and 
the general often expressed his desire that the men 
would take some rest — being greatly harassed after 
their great fatigue — to make them the better able 
to bear what might follow. The night was constant 
rain, and we lay accoutred in our tents 

2 2°“*. Formed a bridge of boats across the Hudson, 
on the left flank of our line. A spy from the enemy 
was taken near our camp, and we had reason to sup- 
pose there were many others around. He informed 
that they had a report Gen Burgoyne was killed on 
the 19“*, which must have arose from Cap“ Green,“° 

*®®This feu-dc-joie was probably caused by the reception of 
the news of the partially successful expedition against Ticoh- 
deroga in the rear of Burgoyne’s army. On the eighteenth. 
Colonel Brown attacked Ticonderoga and captured a portion 
of the Fifty-third Regiment in the old French lines and re- 
leased about a hundred prisoners, which were held by the 
British. He also took an armed vessel stationed to defend 
the carrying place, with several officers. Digby does not 
recognize the fact that one gun was fired for each of the 

Charles Green was born December 18, 1749. Gibral- 
^ tar, where his father was stationed with his regiment. At 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal 

one of the aid de camps, being wounded and falling 
from his horse near the general. About noon there 
was a confused report of Gen Clinton s comeing up 
the river, and it must be owned Gen Burgoyne was 

the early age of eleven he became a gentleman cadet in the 
Royal Artillery, and an ensign in the Thirty-first Foot at 
the age of sixteen. November 23, 1769^ he was made a 
lieutenant — his regiment being then in Florida— and 
served against the Charibs in 1772-3* May he returned 
to England and was appointed adjutant of his regiment, and 
became, in 1774, a captain-lieutenant by purchase. He 
served in the campaign of ’7b? and, at the beginning of the 
campaign of ^ 77 > '^as made aide-de-camp to Major-General 
Phillips. After recovering from the wound which Digby 
here mentions, he returned in March, I 77 ^> England, and 
became aide-de-camp to Lieutenant-General Oughton. He 
rejoined his regiment in Canada, in 1780, and was appointed 
major of brigade the following year. He became major of 
the Thirty-first by purchase in 1788. In 1793 he was made 
lieutenant-colonel of a battalion, and the next year was 
transferred to the Thirtieth Foot, which he accompanied 
to Corsica, where he remained until 1796, when he received 
the appointment of coast governor of Grenada, which office 
he retained until 1801, when he returned to England, and, 
in January, 1797, was promoted to a colonelcy. In October, 
1798, he received a further promotion to the rank of briga- 
dier general, and for some time commanded in Ireland. He 
was raised to the honor of knighthood. May 3, 1803, and in 
the spring of 1804 conducted an expedition against Surinam, 
and, after its capture, administered the civil government 
there for a year, when, owing to broken health, he returned 
to England, and was further honored by being created a 
baronet, December 5, 1805. In May, 1807, he was placed in 
command of the garrison at Malta, which position he re- 
tained a year, and, in 1809, was raised to the rank of lieu- 
tenant-general, and, in 1819, to that of general. He died 
at Cheltenham, England, in 1831. Vide British Army Lists, 
in loco ; Annual Biography and Obituary, vol. 16, p. 439. 

LietUenant Digby s Journal. 279 

too ready to believe any report in our favour. Orders 
were given for our cannon to fire 8 rounds at mid 
night from the park of Artillery. It was done with 
a view of causing the enemy to draw in their out 
posts expecting an attack, at which time 2 officers in 
disguise were sent express to Gen Clinton with 
messages to the same effect as was sent the 21®*. The 
intention answered, as they stood to their works all 
that night which was constant rain. 

23'''*. It was said we were to strengthen our camp 
and wait some favourable accounts from Gen Clinton, 
and accordingly began to fell trees for that purpose. 
I visited our hospitals, which were much crowded, 
and attended the Auctions of our deceased officers, 
which for the time caused a few melancholy ideas, 
though still confirmed me in believing that the 
oftener death is placed before our eyes the less ter- 
rible it appears. All kinds of supplies and stores 
from Canada were then entirely cut off, as the com- 
munication was dropped, and the variety of reports 
and opinions circulating were curious and entertain- 
ing, as I believe our situation was rather uncommon ; 
it was such at least as few of us had before expe- 
rienced. Some few thought we should be ordered to 
retreat suddenly under cover of some dark night, but 
that was not thought probable, as it would be cruel 
to leave the great numbers of sick and wounded we 
had in such a situation ; we also were certain our 
general would try another action before a retreat was 
thought on. Others said we waited either to receive 

28 o Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

a reinforcement from Ticonderoga or Gen Clinton, 
which last might have some weight, but as to the 
former, we knew there were too few troops there to 
be able to spare us any. Others again thought 
when the enemy saw us determined to keep our 
ground and heard of Gen Clinton’s movements, they 
would draw off part of their great force to oppose 
him ; but that was not thought very probable by 
their receiving so large reinforcements daily to their 
camp. On the whole, I believe most people’s opinions 
and suppositions were rather founded on what they 
wished, than on any certain knowledge of what would 
happen ; time only, that great disposer of all human 
events, could alone unfold to us what was to come. 
Our few remaining Indians appeared very shy at 
going out on any scouting parties, indeed, I always 
took them for a people, whose very horrid figure had 
a greater effect on their enemy than any courage 
they possessed, as tHeir cruel turn often assured me 
they could not be brave, Humanity & pity for the 
misfortunes of the wretched, being invariably the 
constant companions of true courage ; theirs is savage 
and will never steadily look on danger. We there * 
got some news papers of the enemy taken from [a] 
deserter, in which there was an account of the I9‘^ by 
a M". Wilkinson, adjutant genl. to their army, very 
partially given, saying we retreated the from the 
field of battle, which was absolutely false as we lay 
that night on the same ground we fought on, as a 
proof of which, we buried their dead the morning of 


Lieut ena7it Digby s Journal. 

which was pretty regular, considering how hard we 
were pressed by the enemy, General Burgoyne ap- 
peared greatly agitated as the danger to which the 
lines were exposed was of the most serious nature at 
that particular period. I should be sorry from my 
expression of agitated, that the reader should imagine 
the fears of personal danger was the smallest cause 
of it. He must be more than man, who could undis- 
turbed look on and preserve his natural calmness, 
when the fate of so many were at stake, and entirely 
depended on the orders he was to issue. He said but 
little, well knowing we could defend the lines or fall 
in the attempt. Darkness interposed, (I believe 
fortunately for us) which put an end to the action. 

redoubt, a large portion of these Canadians were absent 
from their post, some aiding in the defense of the great 
redoubt, and at this critical moment Learned appeared with 
his brigade and drove those who remained from their posi- 
tion, leaving the German left flank wholly exposed. It ^was 
then that Arnold came upon the scene from his attack on 
the great redoubt, and taking in the situation at a glance; 
seized Learned's brigade, and rushing through the open 
space in the British lines left by the retreat of the Canadians, 
fell upon the unprotected left flank and rear of the Germans 
with a fury which forced them to retreat, leaving their gen- 
eral dead on the field. This left the key of the position in 
the hands of the Americans. Undoubtedly this was disas- 
trous to Burgoyne ; but that the Germans acted cowardly in 
the matter, we have no evidence to prove. On the other 
hand, we have the concurrent testimony of English officers 
that they were brave men, although in this case they have 
been criticised by several writers, we think, without a full 
knowledge of all the facts. The courage of the men engaged 
in this campaign — English, Germans or Americans — can- 
not be justly impugned. 


290 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

General Frazier was yet living, but not the least 
hopes of him. He that night asked if Gen' Bur- 
goynes army were not all cut to pieces, and being 
informed to the contrary, appeared for a moment 
pleased, but spoke no more. Capt° Wight (53 Gren- 
adiers), my captain, was shot in the bowels early in 
the action. In him I lost a sincere friend. He lay 
in that situation between the two fires, and I have 
been since informed lived till the next day and 
was brought into their camp. Major Ackland was 
wounded and taken prisoner with our Quarter master 
General, and Major Williams of the Artillery. Sir 

^John Money was a native of Norwich, England, and 
was commissioned an ensign in the Norfolk militia in 1760, 
at which date he was twenty years of age. The next year 
he took part in the battle of Felinghausen as a volunteer, 
and March ii, 1762, was made a cornet in the Sixth 
Dragoons; February 10, 1770, he was commissioned a cap- 
tain in the Ninth Foot. He participated in the campaign 
of ’76, and on J uly seventeenth of that year was made deputy 
quartermaster-general. Digby rightly speaks of him as quar- 
termaster-general, as at this time he was acting as such. Dur- 
ing this and the previous campaign, he distinguished himself 
on several occasions. Having been exchanged, he served 
on the staff of General Cornwallis, and on November 17, 
1780, was promoted to a majority in the army, and Septem- 
ber 28, 1781, took this position in the Ninth Foot. He was 
further promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the 
army, November 18, 1790, colonel, August 21, 1795, major- 
general, June 18, 1798, lieutenant-general, October 30, 1805, 
and general, June 4, 1814. During this time he was on half 
pay as a major of the Ninety-first Foot, and was the author 
of several works of a military character. He died on his 
estate, called Crown Point, near Norwich, on March 26, 
1817. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; The Georgian Era, 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

Francis Clerk fell, Aid de camp to the general,”* 
with other principal officers. Our Grenadier Com- 
pany out of 20 men going out, left their Captain and 
16 men on the field. Some here did not scruple to 
say. General Burgoyne’s manner of acting verified the 
rash stroke hinted at by General Gates in his orders 
of the 26“* ; (see page 281) but that was a harsh and 
severe insinuation, as I have since heard his intended 
design was to take post on a rising ground, on the 
left of their camp, — the 7“* — with the detachment, 
thinking they would not have acted on the offensive, 
but stood to their works, and on that night our 
main body was to move, so as to be prepared to 
storm their lines by day break of the ; and it 
appears by accounts since, that Gen Gates would 
have acted on the defensive, only for the advice of 
Brigadier General Arnold, who assured him from his 
knowledge of the troops, a vigorous sally would 
inspire them with more courage than waiting behind 
their works for our attack, and also their knowledge 
of the woods would contribute to ensure the plan he 
proposed. During the night we were employed in 
moving our cannon Baggage &' nearer to the river. 
It was done with silence, and fires were kept lighted 
to cause them not to suspect we had retired from 

vol. 2, p. 97 ; Hadden’s Journal and Orderly Books, pp. xlvii, 
xlix, 90, 225 ; Journal of Occurrences During the Late Ameri- 
can War, pp. 142, 176; Remembrancer of Public Events, 
vol. 1 1, p. 28. 

Vide ante, note 1 26. 

292 Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

our works where it was impossible for us to remain, 
as the German lines commanded them, and were 
then in possession of the enemy, who were bringing 
up cannon to bear on ours at day break. It may 
easily be supposed we had no thought for sleep, and 
some time before day we retreated nearer to the 
river. Our design of retreating to Ticonderoga then 
became public. 

8*. Took post in a battery which commanded the 
country around, and the rest of the army surrounding 
the battery and under cover of our heavy cannon. 
About 8 in the morning we perceived the enemy 
marching from their camp in great numbers, blacken- 
ing the fields with their dark clothing. From the 
height of the work and by the help of our glasses, 
we could distinguish them quite plain. They brought 
some pieces of cannon and attempted to throw up a 
work for them, but our guns soon demolished what 
they had executed. Our design was to amuse them 
during the day with our cannon, which kept them at 
a proper distance, and at night to make our retreat, 
but they soon guessed our intentions, and sent a 
large body of troops in our rear to push for the pos- 
session of the heights of Fort Edward. During the 
day it was entertaining enough, as I had no idea of 
artillery being so well served as ours was. Sometimes 
we could see a 12 pounder take place in the centre 
of their columns, and shells burst among them, 
thrown from our howitzers with the greatest judg- 
ment. Most of their shot were directed at our bridge 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

of boats, as no doubt they imagined we intended to 
retreat that way ; but their guns were badly served. 
About II o’clock general Frazier died, and desired 
he might be buried in that battery at evening gun 
fireing. So fell the best officer under Burgoyne, who 
from his earliest years was bred in camps, and from 
the many engagements he had been in, attained a 
degree of coolness and steadiness of mind in the 
hour of danger, that alone distinguishes the truly 
brave man. At 12 o clock some of their balls fell 
very near our hospital tents, pitched in the plain, and 
from their size, supposed to attract their notice, tak- 
ing them perhaps for the general’s quarters, on which 
we were obliged to move them out of the range of 
fire, which was a most shocking scene, — some poor 
wretches dying in the attempt, being so very severely 
wounded. At sun set general Frazier was buried ac- 
cording to his desire, and general Burgoyne attended 
the service, which was performed I think in the most 
solemn manner I ever before saw ; perhaps the scene 
around, big with the fate of many, caused it to 
appear more so, with their fireing particularly at our 
battery, during the time of its continuance.”® About 
1 1 at night, the army began their retreat. General 
Reidzel commanding the Van guard, and Major 

We have several accounts of this sad scene. Madame 
Riedesel is especially graphic in her delineation of it, and, 
as her memoirs are not accessible to most readers, we may be 
permitted to copy from them : “ I had just sat down with my 
husband at his quarters to breakfast. General Frazier and, 
I believe, General Burgoyne were to have dined with me on 

294 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

General Phillips the rear, and this retreat, though 
within musket shot of the enemy and encumbered 
with all the baggage of the army, was made without 
loss. Our battallion was left to cover the retreat of 
the whole, which from numberless impediments did 

that same day. I observed considerable movement among 
the troops. My husband thereupon informed me, that there 
was to be a reconnoissance, which, however, did not surprise 
me, as this often happened. On my way homeward, I met 
many savages in their war dress, armed with guns. To my 
question where they were going, they cried out to me, ‘War! 
War!* which meant that they were going to fight. This 
completely overwhelmed me, and I had scarcely got back to 
my quarters, when I heard skirmishing, and firing, which by 
degrees, became constantly heavier, until, finally, the noises 
became frightful. It was a terrible cannonade, and I was 
more dead than alive. About three o’clock in the afternoon 
in place of the guests who were to have dined with me, they 
brought into me upon a litter poor General Frazier (one of 
my expected guests), mortally wounded. Our dining table, 
which was already spread, was taken away and in its place 
they fixed up a bed for the general. I sat in the comer of 
the room trembling and quaking. The noises grew con- 
tinually louder. The thought that they might bring in my 
husband in the same manner was to me dreadful and tor- 
mented me incessantly. The general said to the surgeon, 
‘Do not conceal anything from me. Must I die?* The 
ball had gone through his bowels, precisely as in the case of 
Major Harnage. Unfortunately, however the general had 
eaten a hearty breakfast, by reason of which the intestines 
were distended, and the ball, so the surgeon said, had not 
gone, as in the case of Major Harnage, between the intes- 
tines but through them. I heard him often amidst his 
groans, exclaim ‘Oh, fatal ambition! Poor General Bur- 
goyne! My poor wife*! Prayers were read to him. He 
then sent a message to General Burgoyne, begging that he 
would have him buried the following day at six o’clock in 
the evening, on the top of a hill which was a sort of a 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

not move until near 4 o’clock in the morning of the 
9^^ and were then much delayed in breaking up the 
bridges in our rear. This was the second time of 
their being destroyed that season — the first by the 
enemy to prevent our pursueing them. What a great 

redoubt. I knew no longer which way to turn. The whole 
entry and the other rooms were filled with the sick, who 
were suffering with the camp sickness, a kind of dysentery. 
Finally, toward evening, I saw my husljand coming, upon 
which I forgot all my sufferings, and thanked God that he 
had spared him to me. He ate in great haste with me and 
his adjutant behind the house. We had been told that we 
had gaiijed an advantage over the enemy, but the sorrowful 
and downcast faces which I beheld, bore witness to the con- 
trary, and before my husband again went away, he drew me 
one side, and told me that every thing might go very badly, 
and that I must keep myself in constant readiness for de- 
parture ; but by no means to give any one the least inkling 
of what I was doing. I therefore pretended that I wished 
to move into my new house the next morning, and had 
every thing packed up. My Lady Ackland occupied a tent 
not far from our house. In this she slept, but during the 
day was in the camp. Suddenly one came to tell her that 
her husband was mortally wounded, and had been taken 
prisoner. At this she became very wretched. We com- 
forted her by saying that it was only a slight wound, but as 
no one could nurse him as well as herself, we counseled her 
to go at once to him, to do which she could certainly obtain 

permission, She was the loveliest of women. I spent 

the night in this manner — at one time comforting her and 
at another looking after my children whom I had put to bed. 
As for myself, I could not go to sleep, as I had General 
Frazier and all the other gentlemen in my room, and was 
constantly afraid that my children would wake up and cry, and 
thus disturb the poor dying man, who often sent to beg my 
pardon for making me so much trouble. About three o’clock 
in the morning, they told me that he could not last much 
longer. I had desired to be apprised of the approach of this 

296 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

alteration in affairs ! Our hospitals full of sick and 
wounded were left behind, with a letter from general 
Burgoyne to general Gates, in which he tells him he 
makes no doubt of his care to the sick and wounded, 
conscious of his acting in the same manner himself 

moment. I accordingly wrapped up the children in the bed 
coverings and went with them into the entry. Early in the 
morning, at eight o’clock, he expired. After they had washed 
the corpse they wrapped it in a sheet and laid it on a bed- 
stead. We then again came into the room, and had this sad 
sight before us the whole day. At every instant, also, 
wounded officers of my acquaintance arrived, and the can- 
nonade again began. A retreat was spoken of but there was 
not the least movement made toward it. About four o’clock 
in the afternoon, I saw the new house which had been built 
for me in flames: the enemy, therefore, were not far from us. 
We learned that General Burgoyne intended to fulfill the 
last wish of General Frazier, and to have him buried at six 
o’clock, in the place designated by him. This occasioned an 
unnecessary delay, to which a part of the misfortunes of the 
army was owing. Precisely at six o’clock the corpse was 
brought out, and we saw the entire body of generals with 
their retinues on the hill assisting at the obsequies. The 
English chaplain, Mr. Brudenel, performed the funeral ser- 
vices. The cannon balls flew continually around and over 
the party. The American general. Gates, said that if he had 
known that it was a burial he would not have allowed any 
firing in that direction. Many cannon balls also flew not far 
from me, but I had my eyes fixed upon the hill, where I dis- 
tinctly saw my husband in the midst of the enemy’s fire, and 
therefore I could not think of my own danger. The order 
had gone forth that the’ army should break up after the 
burial, and the horses were already harnessed to our calashes. 
I did not wish to set out before the troops. The wounded 
Major Harnage, although he was so ill, dragged himself out 
of bed, that he might not remain in the hospital, which was 
left behind protected by a flag of truce. As soon as he 
observed me in the midst of danger, he had my children 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 


the 20^** — they not venturing near. He concludes with 
a poor, low expression, saying, “ On the 20^** the 
enemy lay very quietly licking their sores. 

24‘^ At day break they fired on our German picquet 
and killed 3 men, but this alarm gave us no unneces- 
sary trouble, as we were always under arms an hour 
before day and remained so till it was completely 
light. During the night it rained heavy, and on the 
26^^ many bodies not buried deep enough in the 
ground appeared, (from the great rain), as the soil 
was a light sand, and caused a most dreadful smell. 
We still continued making more works, A report 
[was] circulated [that] Ticonderoga was taken, but 
not believed. I shall here insert Gen Gates’ orders 
to his troops which we received by a deserter — 

Head Quarters of the army of the ) 
United States September 26. 1777. f 
“ The public business having so entirely engaged 
the attention of the General, that he has not been 

The letter here referred to by Digby was addressed by 
Wilkinson to Colonel Vischer, who was at Albany on the 
twentieth of September, and was published in the papers of 
the day. In it he said : “ The concurrent testimony of the 
prisoners and deserters of various characters, assures us, that 
General Burgoyne who commanded in person was wounded 
in the left shoulder, that the 62nd regiment was cut to pieces, 
and that the enemy suffered extremely in every quarter 
where they were engaged. As General Burgoyne’s situa- 
tion will shortly constrain him to a decisive action, rein- 
forcements should be immediately pushed forward to our 
assistance, as our numbers are far from being equal to an 
insurance of victory, and every bosom must anticipate the 
consequences of a defeat. The enemy have quietly licked 
their sores this day.” 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

properly at leisure to return his grateful thanks to 
Gen. Poors & Gen Learned’s Brigades, to the 

^ Enoch Poor was the sort of Thomas and a grandson of 
Daniel Poor, who was one of the pioneers in the settlement 
of Andover, Massachusetts, in which town Enoch was born 
in 1736. After receiving his education, he removed to Exe- 
ter, New Hampshire, and engaged in commercial pursuits. 
When the sound of the guns fired at Lexington reached his 
ears, he hastened to cast in his lot with the patriots, and 
was appointed colonel of the Second New Hampshire Regi- 
ment. After the evacuation of Boston his regiment was 
ordered to New York, and later joined in the invasion of 
Canada. On February 21, 1777, he was appointed a briga- 
dier-general, and did valuable service in the campaign of that 
year which resulted so gloriously for the cause of Independ- 
ence. After witnessing the surrender of Burgoyne, Gen- 
eral Poor accompanied his command to the Delaware, where 
he ably supported General Washington in his operations in 
that quarter, and shared with him the hardships of Valley 
Forge. He greatly distinguished himself at the battle of 
Monmouth, and later in an expedition against the Indians 
of the Six Nations. In August, 1780, General Poor was 
placed in command of a brigade under Lafayette, by whom 
he was greatly esteemed. Unfortunately, while in this com- 
mand, he had a quarrel with a French officer and was killed 
by him in a duel, September 8, 1780. Washington, when he 
announced his death to Congress, spoke of him as ‘‘an offi- 
cer of distinguished merit, who, as a citizen and a soldier, 
had every claim to the esteem of his country.'’ 

^ Ebenezer Learned was born at Framingham, Massachu- 
setts, in 1728, and served as a captain in the French war of 
1756-1763. After the battle of Lexington, which fired the 
military ardor of the country. Learned marched with the 
Third Massachusetts Regiment, of which he had been made 
colonel, to Cambridge, which place he reached on the day 
after the battle. When the army was ordered to New York, 
Learned, who had contracted disease in the service, retired, 
by permission of Congress, in May, 1776 ; but, recovering his 
health again, offered his services to his country, and was 

Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 


regiment of rifle men, to the corps of light infantry 
and to Col“ Marshall’s regiment for their valiant 
behaviour in the action of the iq*** inst, which will for 
ever establish and confirm the reputation of the arms 
of the U nited States ; notwithstanding the General 
has been so late in giving this public mark of honour 
and applause to the brave men, whose valour has so 
eminently served their country, he assures them the 
just praise he immediately gave to the Honorable, 
the Continental Congress, will remain a lasting record 
of their honour and renown. 

By the account of the enemy ; by their embar- 
rassed circumstances ; by the desperate situation of 
their affairs, it is evident they must endeavour by 
one rash stroke to regain all they have lost, that 
failing, their utter ruin is inevitable. The General 
therefore intreats his valiant army, that they will, by 
the exactness of their discipline, by their alertness to 

appointed a brigadier-general on April 2, 1777, and he soon 
after joined the army, which was concentrating on the Hud- 
son to repel the advance of the British invaders from Canada. 
He participated in the campaign which terminated so suc- 
cessfully for the patriots, but, his health again failing, he was 
obliged to retire permanently from military service on March 
« 24, 1778. He was made a pensioner December 7, 1795, and 
died April i, 1801, at Oxford, Massachusetts. 

^Thomas Marshall was born at Boston, Massachusetts, 
in 1718. He was a captain in the Ancient and Honorable 
Artillery Company in 1763 and the four following years, and 
was made major of a regiment in and lieutenant-colonel 

in 1767. He was in command of the Tenth Massachusetts 
Regiment at the time here spoken of by Digby. He died 
at Weston, Massachusetts, November 18, 1800. 



284 Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

fly to their arms on all occasions, and particularly by 
their caution not to be surprised, secure that victory, 
which Almighty Providence (if they deserve it) will 
bless their labour with.” 

2 7‘^ We received the unwelcome news that a letter 
from Gen Clinton to Gen Burgoyne (it was not an 
answer to his of the 2i®‘) had fallen into the hands 
of the enemy. On the express being taken he swal- 
lowed a small silver bullet in which the letter was, 
but being suspected, a severe tartar emetic was given 
him which brought up the ball.”* We also heard 
they were in possession of Skeensboro’ and had a 
post both there and at Hubberton. We also received 
accounts of their making an attack upon Ticonderoga 
add taking prisoners part of the 53"“* regiment ; but 
this was not properly authenticated. In the evening 
our few remaining Indians left us. 

28‘J*. A large detachment was ordered out to forage 
for the army, which was greatly wanting, as all our 
grass was ate up and many horses dying for want. 
We brought in some hay without any skirmish, which 
we expected going out. 

29*’’. About day break our picquet was fired on from 
the wood in front, but the damage was trifling. I • 
suppose seldom two armies remained looking at each 
other so long without coming to action. A man of 

It will be seen that Digby gives the version of this affair 
which is consonant with the evidence relating to it, which 
has been preserved. He says that the message taken was 
from Clinton to Burgoyne, and not from Burgoyne to Clin- 
ton, as stated by Fonblanque. Vide ante, note 26. 

Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 285 

theirs in a mistake came into our camp in place of 
his own, and being challenged by our sentry, after 
recollecting himself, “ I believe,” says he, “ I am 
wrong and may as well stay where I am.” That he 
might be pretty certain of. 

3o‘*‘. We had reason to imagine they intended to 
open a battery on our right ; they also fired three 
morning guns in place of two, which caused us to 
expect a reinforcement, which was soon confirmed 
by a deserter who came over to us. That evening 
20 Indians joined us from Canada; our horses were 
put on a smaller allowance 

October 2°“*. Dispatches were received from Brig- 
adier General Powell, who commanded at Ticon- 
deroga with his account of their attempt on that 
place, and being at length repulsed with loss they 
retreated over the mountains. 

3^*1. Dispatches from Ticonderoga were taken by 
the enemy coming thro the woods directed by an 

4‘\ Our picquet was fired upon near day break, 
but as our own posts were strong, and we all slept 
with our clothes on ; it was but little minded. Here 
the army were put on a short allowance of provisions, 
which shewed us the general was determined to wait 
the arrival of general Clinton, (if possible), and to 
this the troops submitted with the utmost cheerful- 

5“*. A small party of our sailors were taken by the 
enemy, also about 20 horses, that strayed near their 

286 Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

. ' « 

lines. The weather continued fair and dry since 

26“* September. 

6“*. I went out on a large forage for the army, and 
took some hay near their camp. On our return we 
heard a heavy fire and made all the haste possible 
with the forage. It was occasioned by some of our 
ranger’s falling in with a party of theirs ; our loss 
was trifling. At night we fired a rocket from one of 
our cannon at 1 2 o’clock, the reason I could never 
hear for doing so. In general it is a signal between 
two armies at a small distance, but that could not 
have been our case. During the night there were 
small alarms and frequent popping shots, fired by 
sentrys from our different outposts. 

f'°-. Expresses were received from Ticonderoga, 
but what the purport of them were I could never 
learn. A detachment of 1500 regular troops with 
two 12 pounders, two howitzers and six 6 pounders 
were ordered to move on a secret expedition and to 
be paraded at 10 o’clock, though I am told. Major 
Williams®”® (Artillery) objected much to the removal 
of the heavy guns; saying, once a 12 pounder is 
removed from the Park of artillery in America 

Griffith Williams became a gentleman cadet in 1744, 
and was commissioned a lieutenant-fireworker, April 6, 1745. 
March i, 1755, he was advanced to the position of first lieu- 
tenant; January i, 1759, of captain-lieutenant, and February 
12, 1760, of captain. He was promoted to a majority in the 
army, February 17, 1776. In the battle of October seventh he 
“kept a battery in action until the artillery horses were all 
destroyed, and his men either killed or wounded; being 
unable to get off their guns, he was surrounded and taken.” 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

(meaning in the woods) it was gone. From some 
delay, the detachment did not move till near one 
o’clock, and moved from the right of our camp ; soon 
after which, we giJined an eminence within half a 
mile of their camp, where the troops took post ; but 
they were sufficiently prepared for us, as a deserter 
from our Artillery went over to them that morning 
and informed them of our design. This I have since 
heard, and it has often surprised me how the fellow 
could be so very exact in his intelligence, as were I 
taken prisoner, I could not (had I ever so great 
a desire) have informed them so circumstantially. 
About 3 o’clock, our heavy guns began to play, 
but the wood around being thick, and their exact 
knowledge of our small force, caused them to ad- 
vance in great numbers, pouring in a superiority of 
fire from Detachments ordered to hang upon our 
flanks, which they tried if possible to turn. We 
could not receive a reinforcement as our works. 
General Hospital Stores, provisions &® would be left 
defenceless, on which an order was given for us to 
retreat, but not before we lost many brave men. 
Brigadier General Frazier was mortally wounded 
which helped to turn the fate of the day. When 

He was subsequently exchanged, and became a major in the 
artillery, March 21, 1780; lieutenant-colonel, January 9, 1782, 
and colonel of the Second Battalion, December i, 1783. He 
commanded a battery at the siege of Gibraltar, and upon 
his return, was in command at Woolwich, where he died 
March 18, 1790, after a service of nearly half a century. 
Vide Kane’s Artillery List and British Army Lists, in loco ; 
History of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. i, pp. 288, 315. 

288 Lieutenant Digby' s Journal, 

General Burgoyne saw him fall, he seemed then to 
feel in the highest degree our disagreeable situation. 
He was the only person we could carry off with us. 
Our cannon were surrounded and taken — the men 
and horses being all killed — which gave them addi- 
tional spirits, and they rushed on with loud shouts, 
when we drove them back a little way with so great 
loss to ourselves, that it evidently appeared a retreat 
was the only thing left for us. They still advanced 
upon our works under a severe fire of grape shot, 
which in some measure stopped them, by the great 
execution we saw made among their columns ; during 
which, another body of the enemy stormed the Ger- 
man lines after meeting with a most shameful resist- 
ance, and took possession of all their camp and 
equipage, baggage &®, Col° Bremen fell nobly at 
the head of the Foreigners, and by his death blotted 
out part of the stain his countrymen so Justly merited 
from that days behaviour.*®^ On our retreating. 

From a careful study of the action of the German sol- 
diers in this and other battles of the campaign of ’77, there 
seems to be no sufficient ground for this statement. The 
German soldiers on all occasions fought bravely and with 
astonishing persistence, when it is considered how little they 
were interested in the success or failure of the cause for 
which they were imperiling their lives. In this case they 
were posted to defend the British right flank behind a breast- 
work of rails extending about two hundred yards across a 
field. The rails were piled horizontally and supported by 
pickets driven into the ground. The space between this 
breastwork and the great redoubt was occupied by the Cana- 
dian loyalists, who thus protected the German left flank. 
While Arnold was making his furious attack on the great 

Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 297 

had the fortune of war placed it in his reach. During 
our march, it surprised us their not placing troops on 
the heights we were obliged to pass under, as by so 
doing, we must have suffered much. We came up 
with the general and the line about 9 in the morning 
at Davagot,"*" seven miles from the enemy. It then 
began to rain very hard and continued so all day. 
We halted till near 3 in the evening, which surprised 
many ; about which time, a large body of the enemy 
were perceived on the other side the river, and sup- 
posed to be on their way to Fort Edward in order to 
obstruct our crossing at that place, on which we were 
immediately ordered to march after burning all unnec- 

and maid servants put into the calashes, and intimated to 
me that I must immediately depart. As I still begged to be 
allowed to remain, he said to me, ‘Well then your children 
at least must go, that I may save them from the slightest 
danger.' He understood how to take advantage of my weak 
side. I gave it up, seated myself inside with them, and we 
drove off with them at eight o'clock in the evening. The 
greatest silence had been enjoined, fires had been kindled in 
every direction : and many tents left standing, to make the 
enemy believe that the camp was still there. We traveled 
continually the whole night. Little Frederica was afraid 
and would often begin to cry. I was, therefore, obliged to 
hold a pocket handkerchief over her mouth, lest our where- 
abouts should be discovered. At six o'clock in the morning 
a halt was made, at which every one wondered. General 
Burgoyne had all the cannon ranged and counted, which 
worried all of us, as a few more good marches would have 
placed us in security." Vide Letters and Journals of Madame 
Riedesel, pp. 116-123. 

This place is now called Coveville. The old name is 
said to have been derived from dovecote, on account, per- 
haps, of having been a haunt for wild pigeons. 



298 Lieutenant Digby s Journal 

essary baggage, camp equipage and many wagons 
and carts, which much delayed our line of march. 
Here Lady Harriot Ackland was prevailed to go to 
the enemy, or I might rather say, it was her wish to 
do so, her husband, the major, being a prisoner. 
She was conducted to general Gates by a chaplain,*” 
and received, I am informed, by him with the great- 
est politeness possible ; indeed he must have been a 
brute to have acted otherwise.*'^ We waded the Fish 

212 Rev. Edward Brudenel was the chaplain to the artil- 
lery, and is the person to whom Fonblanque erroneously 
marries Lady Acland after the major’s death. Hjs bravery 
was marked at this terrible funeral by his ‘‘ steady attitude 
and his unaltered voice, though frequently covered with dust 
which the shot threw up on all sides of him.” He subse- 
quently became the rector of a parish in Lincolnshire, and 
died in London, June 25, 1805. Vide note to Hadden’s 
Journal, p. 106. 

The account of the manner in which Lady Acland 
received the news of her husband’s dangerous condition, 
namely, that he was mortally wounded and a prisoner in 
the enemy’s hands is related by the Baroness Riedesel and 
quoted in note 210. She resolved to go to him, and applied 
to Burgoyne for permission, who says: ‘‘ Though I was ready 
to believe that patience and fortitude in a supreme degree 
were to be found, as well as every other virtue, under the 
most tender forms, I was astonished at this proposal. After 
so long an agitation of spirits, exhausted not only for want 
of rest, but absolutely want of food, drenched in rains for 
twelve hours together, that a woman should be capable of 
such an undertaking as delivering herself to an enemy prob- 
ably in the night, and uncertain of what hands she might 
fall into, appeared an effort above human nature. The 
assistance I was enabled to give was small indeed. I had 
not even a cup of wine to offer her; but was told she had 
found, from some kind and fortunate hand, a little rum and 
dirty water. All I could furnish to her was an open boat 

Lieutenant Dzgby s JourziaL 


Kiln near Schylers house, about 8 o’clock that night, 
— the enemy having destroyed the Bridge some days 

and a few lines, written upon dirty and wot paper, to Gen- 
eral Gates, recommending her to his protection. In this 
open boat, accompanied by Chaplain Brudenel, her maid 
and husband’s body servant, who was wounded, at night-fall 
and in the midst of an icy storm, she set out on her danger- 
ous undertaking. It was ten o’clock when they reached the 
outpost, and Lady Acland hailed it herself. Major Dearborn 
was in command, and the party were conducted to his quar- 
ters, — a log cabin on the shore of the lake. Here they 
were detained until sunrise, but Lady Acland’s mind was 
partially relieved from anxiety by the announcement that 
her husband was not in danger from his wounds.” Wilkinson 
says : “ I visited the guard before sunrise, her boat had 
put off and was floating down the stream to our camp, where 
General Gates, whose gallantry will not be denied, stood 
ready to receive her with all the tenderness and respect 
to which her rank and condition gave her a claim ; indeed 
the feminine figure, the benign aspect, and polished manners 
of this charming woman, were alone sufficient to attract the 
sympathy of the most obdurate ; but if another motive could 
have been wanting to inspire respect, it was furnished by the 
peculiar circumstances of Lady Harriet, then in that most 
delicate situation, which cannot fail to interest the solici- 
tudes of every being possessing the form and feelings of a 
man.” Lady Acland is always spoken of as a woman of 
charming refinement. General Gates, in a letter to his wife, 
said : She is the most amiable, delicate piece of quality 

you ever beheld.’’ She was greatly beloved in the army for 
her kind attentions to the sick and wounded, often denying 
herself such little comforts as came to her in order to bestow 
them upon the suffering. A widow for thirty seven years, 
she died, July 21, 1815. Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, 
vol. I, pp. 284, 377 ; Journal of Occurrences During the Late 
American War, pp. 185-189; Historical Magazine, vol. 4, 
p. 9 ; Political and Military Episodes, pp. 297-302 ; Memoirs 
of Madame Riedesel, p. 120; Campaign of General John 
Burgoyne (Stone), Appendix 7. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

before — and took post soon after on the heights of 
Saratoga, where we remained all night under constant 
heavy rain, without fires or any kind of shelter to 
guard us from the inclemency of the weather. It was 
impossible to sleep, even had we an inclination to do 
so, from the cold and rain, and our only entertain- 
ment was the report of some popping shots heard 
now and then from the other side the great river at 
our Battows.*'^ 

io‘\ Preparations were made early in the morning 
to push for the heights of Fort Edward, and a detach- 
ment of artificers we sent under a strong escort 
to repair the bridges and open the road to that place. 
The 47*** regiment. Captain Frazier’s marksmen and 
MacKay’s provincials”* were ordered for that service ; 

Madame Riedesel gives an interesting account of the 
distressing condition of affairs at this period in Burgoyne’s 
army. Vide Her Letters and Journal, pp. 1 24-1 34. 

Samuel McKay was an ensign in the Sixty-second Foot, 
December 30, 1755, and was promoted to the rank of lieu- 
tenant, December 6, 1756, at which time he was in America. 
He served through the French war, and at its conclusion, in 
1763, retired upon half pay. He was in command of a body 
of Canadian volunteers at Fort St. John when it was captured 
by ^Montgomery in September, 1775, and was made a pris- 
oner. He was sent to Hartford, and while there on parole, 
attempted to escape, but was recaptured and roughly handled 
by his captors. He was confined in jail, it was thought, 
securely, but succeeded in making his escape ; and making 
his way to Canada, raised a company of volunteers, with 
which he joined St. Leger’s expedition. He went safely 
through the campaign of ’77, and died in the summer of 
1779. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; American Archives, 
4th Series, vol. 4, p. 248; 5 Ibid., vol. 5, p. 452 ; Ibid., vol. 
6, pp. 563, 574 . 601, 633 : 5th Series, vol. i, p. 133. 


Lieutenant^ Digby' s Journal. 

but about 1 1 o clock, intelligence was received that 
the enemy were surrounding us, on which it was 
resolved to maintain our post, and expresses were sent 
to recall the 47^ regiment We burned Schyler’s 
house to prevent a lodgement being formed behind 
it,”^ and almost all our remaining baggage, rather 

Digby doubtless gives the correct version of this affair. 
Burgoyne was charged with having destroyed property un- 
necessarily, but denied it in Parliament in the followjpg 
words: “ I am ignorant of any such circumstance ; I do not 
recollect more than one accident by fire. I positively assert 
there was no fire by order or countenance of myself, or any 
other officer except at Saratoga. That district is the prop- 
erty of Major General Schuyler of the American troops ; 
there were large barracks built by him, which took fire the 
day after the army arrived upon the ground in their retreat, 
and I believe I need not state any other proof of that mat- 
ter being merely accident, than that the barracks were then 
made use of as my hospital, and full of sick and wounded 
soldiers. General Schuyler had likewise a very good dwell- 
ing house, exceeding large storehouses, great saw mills and 
other out buildings, to the value altogether of perhaps ten 
thousand pounds ; a few days before the negotiations with 
General Gates, the enemy had formed a plan to attack me ; 
a large column of troops were approaching to pass the small 
river, preparatory to a general action, and were entirely 
covered from the fire of my artillery by these buildings. 
Sir, I know that I gave the order to set them on fire ; and in 
a very short time that whole property I have described, was 
consumed. But to shew that the person most deeply con- 
cerned in that calamity, did not put the construction upon 
it which it has pleased the honourable gentleman to do, I 
must inform the house, that one of the first persons I saw, 
after the convention was signed was General Schuyler. I 
expressed to him my regret at the event which had hap- 
pened, and the reasons which had occasioned it. He desired 
me to think no more of it; said that the occasion justified 
it, according to the principles and rules of war, and he should 

302 Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

than it should fall into their hands. Here again 
the discontented part of the army were of opinion 
that our retreat was not conducted so well as it 
might have been, and that in place of burning our 
bridge of boats over the Hudson, which we left on 
fire on our retreating the night of the 8‘^ from 
whence it was evident to the enemy which side of 
the river we intended to keep on, and would oblige 
us to ford th"e Hudson opposite to where they had 
a force ; consequently would be attended with a 
disadvantage. We should have crossed our bridge 
on the night of the to gain the Fort Edward 
side of the river, and would have nothing to delay 
our march — we moving so many hours before they 
were apprized of our motions. They also declared 
our halting so long at Davagot, the 9“* within 7 
miles of the enemy, was the cause of our being sur- 
rounded, as even then we had time to have pushed 
on, and the day being so constant rain was in our 
favour, as had we attempted to ford the river at 
Saratoga, the small arms of the enemy, as well as 
ours must have been so wet, that but few would go 
off, and they knew our superiority at the bayonet. 
They also said that even the by spiking our can- 
non and destroying all our baggage a paltry con- 
sideration in comparison, in our circumstances — we 
might have made our retreat good to Fort George, 

have done the same upon the same occasion, or words to 
that effect.” Vide Speech of General Burgoyne on a Motion 
of Inquiry made by Mr. Vyner in Parliament, May 26, 1778. 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

saving the troops and Musquetry : but even then it 
was not certain that vessels were prepared to convey 
us over the lake ; in which case it would have been a 
worse post than Saratoga for the army. These were 
the opinions of unsatisfied and discontented men, 
who never approved of anything that turned out 
contrary to their expectations. Had Burgoyne been 
fortunate, they would not have dared to declare 
them ; as he was unsuccessful, they set him down 
guilty. However, all thoughts of a retreat were 
then given over, and a determination [made] to fall 
nobly together, rather than disgrace the name of 
British troops ; on which we immediately changed 
our ground a little, and under the protection of that 
night, began to entrench ourselves, all hands being 
ordered to work. We were called together and 
desired to tell our men that their own safety, as well 
as ours, depended on their making a vigorous 
defence ; but that I was sure was an unnecessary 
caution, — well knowing they would never forfeit the 
title of Soldiers. As for the Germans, we had but a 
poor opinion of their spirit since the night of the 7“*. 
Certain our situation was not the most pleasing ; but 
we were to make the best of it, and I had long 
before accustomed and familiarized my mind to bear 
with patience any change that might happen. The 
men worked without ceasing during the night, and 
without the least complaining of fatigue, our cannon 
were drawn up to the embrasures and pointed ready 
to receive them at day break. 

304 Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

1 1‘^ Their cannon and ours began to play on each 
other. They took many of our Battows on the 
river, as our cannon could not protect them. We 
were obliged to bring our oxen and horses into our 
lines, where they had the wretched prospect of liv- 
ing but a few days, as our grass was all gone, and 
nothing after but the leaves of the trees for them ; 
still they continued fireing into us from Batteries 
they had erected during the night, and placed their 
riflemen in the tops of trees ; but still did not ven- 
ture to storm our works. At night we strengthened 
our works and threw up more. 

I2‘^ Our cattle began to die fast and the stench 
was very prejudicial in so small a space. A cannon 
shot was near taking the general, as it lodged quite 
close to him in a large oak tree. We now began to 
perceive their design by keeping at such a distance, 
which was to starve us out. I believe the generals 
greatest wish, as indeed it ought to be, was for them 
to attack us, but they acted with much greater pru- 
dence, well knowing what a great slaughter we must 
have made among them : they also knew exactly 
the state of our provisions, which was [sufficient for] 
but 4 or 5 days more, and that upon short allowance. 
In the evening, many of our Canadian drivers of 
wagons, carts and other like services, found means 
to escape from us. At night, I ventured to take a 
little sleep which had long been a stranger to me, 
and tho but a short time could be spared between 
our watches, yet [I] found myself much refreshed. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

We were all in pretty good health, though lying in 
wet trenches newly dug must be very prejudicial to 
the constitution, and tho it might not affect it for the 
time, yet rheumatism afterwards would be the cer- 
tain consequence. 

1 3*. Their cannon racked our post very much ; the 
bulk of their army was hourly reinforced by militia 
flocking in to them from all parts, and their situa- 
tion, which nearly surrounded us, was from the 
nature of the ground unattackable in all parts ; and 
since the 7“* the men lay constantly upon their 
arms, — Harassed and fatigued beyond measure, from 
their great want of rest. All night we threw up 
Traverse^’' to our works, as our lines were enfiladed 
or flanked by their cannon. 

14“*. A council of war was called, and a flag of truce 
sent to the enemy by Major Kingston,”® and the 

A traverse, in military parlance, is a breastwork thrown 
up to protect a line of works against an enfilading or reverse 

*** Robert Kingston was commissioned an ensign in the 
Eleventh Foot, September 3, 1756, and a lieutenant, Jan- 
uary 26, 1758. August 8, 1759, he exchanged into Bur- 
goyne’s regiment, the Sixteenth Light Dragoons, and 
served in the Portugal campaign, in which Burgoyne achieved 
renown. For his meritorious services he was advanced to 
the grade of captain, April 27, 1761 ; was made major, July 
15, 1768, and served with his regiment until 1774, when he 
went on half pay until April 17, 1776. He accompanied 
Burgoyne on his return to America in the spring of 1777, as 
deputy adjutant-general, and August 29, 1777, became a 
lieutenant-colonel in the army, and after the death of Sir 
Francis Clerke took that lamented officer’s position of sec- 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

following message delivered by him to Gen Gates 
from Gen Burgoyne. ‘'I am directed to represent 

retary to General Burgoyne. He it was who conducted the 
negotiations leading to the surrender. On approaching the 
advanced post between the armies he was met by Wilkinson, 
the adjutant of Gates, and conducted blindfolded to the tent 
of the American general. Wilkinson says that at this time 
“ he appeared to be about forty ; he was a well-formed, 
ruddy, handsome man, and expatiated with taste and elo- 
quence on the beautiful scenery of the Hudson’s river and 
the charms of the season. When I introduced him into 
General Gates’ tent and named him, the gentlemen saluted 
each other familiarly with ‘ General Gates, your servant ; ’ 
and Kingston, ‘ how do you do?’ and a shake of the hand.” 
Having read to Gates this communication from Burgoyne, 
Wilkinson says: ‘‘ To my utter astonishment, General Gates 
put his hand to his side pocket, pulled out a paper, and pre- 
sented it to Kingston, observing: ‘ There^ sir, are the terms 
on which General Burgoyne must surrender I The major 
appeared thunderstruck, but read the paper, whilst the old 
chief surveyed him attentively through his spectacles.” We 
are informed that he at first declined to take back to Bur- 
goyne the terms of Gates, but finally thought better of it 
and consented to do so upon the cogent reason given by 
Gates, “ that as he had brought the message he ought to take 
back the answer^ Kingston was commissioned lieutenant- 
colonel of the Eighty-sixth Foot, September 30, 1779; was 
subsequently appointed lieutenant-governor of Demarara, 
and was in command when that island was surrendered to 
the French, February 3, 1782. He was promoted to a 
colonelcy in the army on the twentieth of the following 
November, and served for seven years as a commissioner on 
the claims of loyalists in the American war. He was made 
a major-general, October 12, 1793, but his name does not 
appear on the list of the following year. Vide British Army 
Lists, in loco ; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, pp. 299- 
313 ; The Remembrancer of Public Events, vol. 14, p. 333; 
The Loyalists of America and their Times (Ryerson), To- 
ronto, 1880, vol. 2, pp. 166-182. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 307 

to you from Gen Burgoyne, that after having fought 
you twice, he has waited some days in his present 
situation determined to try a third conflict against 
any force you could bring to attack him ; he is ap- 
prized of the superiority of your numbers, and the 
disposition of your troops to impede his supplies 
and render his retreat a scene of carnage on both 
sides. In this situation he is impelled by humanity 
and thinks himself justified by established principles 
and precedent of state and of war, to spare the lives 
of brave men upon honourable terms. Should Major 
General Gates be inclined to treat upon that idea, 
Gen Burgoyne would propose a cessation of arms 
during the time necessary to communicate the prelim- 
inary terms, by which in any extremity he and his 
army mean to abide.” It was then generally believed 
by their not attacking us, and our speedy want of 
provisions, that terms were the only resource left us. 
What could be thought of else in our truly distressed 
situation ? They, of course, would not risque an action 
in such circumstances, which was the only hope left 
us, as by their declining it, we must in consequence, 
fall a prey to want and hunger which then stared us 
fully in the face. On the return of the flag, Gen 
Gates sent in the following propositions, to which I 
shall insert Gen Burgoynes replys and those which 
it was impossible for us to accept, were our situation 
ever so desperate, are in my opinion most spiritedly 
answered by General Burgoyne. 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

General Gates’ Propositions. 

1. “ Gen Burgoyne’s army being exceedingly re- 
duced by repeated defeats, by desertion, sickness &*. 

their provisions exhausted, their military stores 
tents and baggage taken or destroyed, their retreat 
cut off and their camp invested, they can only be 
allowed to surrender prisoners of war.” 

Reply, “ Lieut General Burgoyne’s, army however 
reduced, will never admit that their retreat is cut off, 
while they have arms in their hands.” 

2. “ The officers and soldiers may keep their bag- 
gage belonging to them, the Generals of the United 
States, never permit individuals to be pillaged ” 

3. “The troops under his excellency Gen Bur- 
goyne will be conducted by the most convenient 
route to New England, marching by easy marches 
and sufficiently provided for by the way.” 

4. “ The officers will be admitted on parole, may 
wear their side arms, and will be treated with the 
liberality customary in Europe, so long as they, by 
proper behaviour continue to deserve it ; but those 
who are apprehended having broke their parole (as 
some British officers have done) must expect to be 
close confined” — 

Reply, “ There being no officers in this army under 
or capable of being under, the description of break- 
ing parole, this article needs no answer.” 

5. “ All public stores. Artillery, Arms, amunition, 
carriages horses must be delivered to commis- 
saries appointed to receive them.” 

Lieutenant Digby s Jounnal, 


Reply “ All public stores may be delivered, arms 

6. “These terms being agreed to and signed, the 
troops under his excellency Gen Burgoyne’s com- 
mand may be drawn up in their encampment, when 
they will be ordered to ground their arms and may 
thereupon be marched to the river side to be passed 
over on their way towards Bennington ” 

Roply “ This article inadmissible in any extremity. 
Sooner than this army will consent to ground their 
arms in their encampment, they will rush on the 
enemy determined to take no quarter ” 

7. “ A cessation of arms to continue until sun set 
to receive general Burgoynes answer ” 

Camp at Saratoga. October 14*** 1777. 

These propositions being laid before the council 
of war consisting of all the field officers of the army 
and captains commanding corps — for deaths had 
reduced us so much — we deemed unhonourable 
to be accepted. This gave the greatest satisfaction 
possible to Gen Burgoyne, who wished, if possible, 
to avoid any terms ; still persisting [in] a faint glim- 


Signed — 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

mering of hope, from either the arrival of Gen Clinton 
or some other unforseen and providential manner, 
of our being extricated from the many difficulties 
that then surrounded us. At night another council 
of war was called, and terms as high on our side sent, 
supposing a medium would be struck. 

I5^^ A cessation of arms was agreed upon till 2 
o’clock at Noon, during which we walked out of our 
lines into the plain by the river and between, both 
armies, when near the period of the cessation being 
over, we stood to our works, more watchful of a sur- 
prise than at any other time. Col. Sutherland®*^ near 

Nicholas Sutherland was commissioned an ensign in the 
Sixty-second Foot, June 14, 1755, and was promoted to the 
rank of lieutenant in the Seventy-seventh Foot, January 
8, 1757, and of captain-lieutenant, September 15, 1758, at 
which time his regiment was in America. He took part in 
the siege, which resulted in the surrender of Fort Du 
Quesne, and the next year was in an expedition against the 
Cherokees, in which he was wounded. He became a cap- 
tain, December 31, 1761, and the next year took part in an 
expedition against Martinico and Havana. He was on half 
pay from 1763 till March 14, 1765, when he entered the 
Twenty-first Foot, then about to embark for America, as 
captain. He became major in this regiment by purchase, 
February 21, 1772, and returned shortly after to England, 
where the Twenty-first was stationed until the spring of 
1776, when it was ordered again to America, and after 
General Nesbit’s death he was advanced, November 5, 1776, 
to that officer’s place of lieutenant-colonel. In the nego- 
tiations for the surrender of Burgoyne, he was an important 
figure, as will be seen from the following : The terms had been 
practically arranged, October fifteenth, and Captain Craig, at 
half-past ten o’clock, had written to Wilkinson, the aid-de- 
camp of Gates, that they had received Burgoyne’s approba- 
tion and concurrence. Owing to the news of Clinton’s 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 3 1 1 

two returned with the flag, and brought accounts 
that General Gates seemed almost willing to come 
into our terms ; but soon after a report circulated 
that General Clinton was coming up the river, tho 
at a great distance, which Burgoyne eagerly catched 
at, and to make it stronger, Gates so easily comply- 
ing with our proposals confirmed it to him ; on which 
he expressed his desire to withdraw the treaty if 
possible, but luckily for the army, he was overruled 

advance, before alluded to, Burgoyne desired to break the 
agreement, which only required the signatures of the party 
to complete it. The next day Gates, finding that Burgoyne 
was delaying to complete the agreement, finally gave him 
two hours to decide in, at the expiij^tion of which time hos- 
tilities were to recommence. Says Wilkinson : ‘‘ The two 
hours had elapsed by a quarter, and an aid-de-camp from the 
general had been with me to know how matters progressed. 
Soon after I perceived Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland oppo- 
site to me and beckoned him to cross the creek ; on approach- 
ing me he observed : * Well, our business will be knocked 
in the head after all.’ I enquired why? He said: ‘The 
officers had got the devil in their heads and could not agree.’ 
I replied gaily : ‘ I am sorry for it, as you will not only lose 
your fusee* but your whole baggage.’ He expressed much 
sorrow, but said he could not help it. At this moment I 
recollected the letter Captain Craig had written me the night 
before and taking it from my pocket I read it to the colonel, 
who declared he had not been privy to it ; and added, with 
evident anxiety : ‘ Will you give me that letter ? ’ I 

answered in the negative, and observed : ‘ I should hold it 
as a testimony of the good faith of a British commander.’ 
He hastily replied : ‘ Spare me that letter, sir, and I pledge 
you my honour I will return it in fifteen minutes.’ I pene- 
trated the motive and willingly handed it to him ; he sprang 
off with it, and directing his course to the British camp, ran 

♦ ^Hiich he had owned thirty-five years and had desired me to except from the surren- 
dered arms and save for him as she was a favorite piece. 

2 1 2 Lieutencifit Digby s Jouvncu, 

in opinion, as the report of Clinton was entirely 
groundless, and we had then but two days provisions. 

In the morning our money chest was distributed 
among the army : still, the general delayed signing 
the treaty and nothing was done ; cannonading and 
small arms commenced afresh, upon the report of 
the treaty being broke up, but after many flags pass- 
ing and repassing, the terms were at last mutually 
agreed to, and to be signed that evening by both 
generals viz. — 

Articles of Convention between Lieut General 
Burgoyne and Major General Gates. 

I. The troops under Lieutenant General Burgoyne 
to march out of their camp with the honours of war, 

as far as I Could see him. In the meantime I received a 
peremptory message from the general to break off the treaty 
if the convention was not immediately ratified. I informed 
him by the messenger that I was doing the best I could for 
him and would see him in half an hour. Colonel Suther- 
land was punctual to his promise and returned with Captain 
Craig, who delivered me the convention signed by General 
Burgoyne. I then returned to head-quarters, after eight 
hours’ absence, and presented to General Gates the import- 
ant document that made the British army conventional pris- 
oners to the United States.” Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland 
returned to England on parole several months after the sur- 
render, and died there July i8, 1781. Vide British Army 
Lists, in loco ; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 316, et 
seq.; Historical Record of the Twenty-first Foot, p. 25, et 
seq.; Burgoyne’s Orderly Book, p. 17. 

This document was originally headed Articles of Capitu- 
lation, but the word capitulation was objected to by Bur- 
goyne and convention substituted therefor, to save in some 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 313 

and the Artillery out of the entrenchments to the 
verge of the river, where the old fort stood, where 
the arms and artillery are to be left — the arms to be 
piled by word of command by their own officers. 

2. A free passage to be granted to the army under 
Lieut Gen Burgoyne to Great Britain, on condition 

measure his wounded pride. This occasioned a laugh among 
some of his critics, as it was so much in accord with the acts 
of those at this time in authority, who in all their doings 
laid great stress upon preserving the national dignity. The 
following, among many of a like strain, written after the 
surrender, and printed in a London journal, well illustrates 
the manner in which the opponents of the government viewed 
the course of those who were managing the war: 


What though America doth pour 
Her millions to Britannia’s store, 

^uoth Grenville) that won’t do ; for yet, 

Though it risk all and nothing get, 

Taxation is the etiquette. 

The tea destroy’d ; the offer made. 

That all the loss should be repaid ; 

North asks not justice, nor the debt. 

But he must have the etiquette. 

At Bunker’s Hill the cause was tried ; 

The earth with British blood was dy’d ; 

Our army, though ’twas soundly beat 
(We hear) bore off the etiquette. 

The bond dissolv’d, the people rose ; 

Their rulers from themselves they chose , 

Their Congress then at nought was set ; 

Its name was not the etiquette. 

Though ’twere to stop the tide of blood, 

Their titles must not be allow’d — 

(Not to the chiefs of armies met,) 

“ One** Arnold was the etiquette. 

The Yankees at Long Island found 
That they were nearly run aground ; 

Howe let them ’scape when so beset-- 
He will .ex plain that etiquette. 

40 r 

314 Lieutenant Digby’s Journal.. 

of not serving again in North America during the 
present contest ; and the port of Boston is assigned 
for the entry of transports to receive the troops 
whenever general How shall so order. 

3 Should any chartel take place by which the army 
under Lieut Gen Burgoyne, or any part of it may be 
exchanged, the foregoing article to be void, as far as 
such exchange shall be made. 

4. The army under Lieut general Burgoyne to 
march to Massachusets bay by the easiest, most 
convenient and expeditious route, and to be quar- 
tered in, near, or as convenient as possible to Boston, 

His aides-de-camp to Britain boast 
Of battles Yankee never lost ; 

But they are won in the Gazette — 

That saves the nation’s etiquette. 

Clinton, his injured honour saw ; ^ 

Swore he*d be tried by martial law, 

And kick Germaine whene’er they met ; 

A riband saved that etiquette. 

Though records speak Germaine’s disgrace. 

To quote them to him face to face, 

(The Commons now are si honnite^ 

They voted not the etiquette. 

Of Saratoga’s dreadful plain — 

An army ruin’d — why complain ? 

To pile their arms as they were let. 

Sure they came oflf with etiquette. 

Cries Burgoyne, ‘ They may be reliev’d ; 

That army still may be retriev’d. 

To see the King, if I be let,’ 

* No Sir ! ’Tis not the etiquette.* 

God save the King ! and should he choose 
His people’s confidence to lose. 

What matters it ? They’ll not forget 
To serve him still through etiquette. 

Vide Journal of the Reign of George the Third (Walpole), 
London, 1859, ^ol. 2, p. 275, et seq. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 315 

that the march of the troops may not be delayed, 
when transports arrive to receive them. 

5 The troops to be supplied on their march and 
during their being in quarters, with provisions by 
general Gates’ orders ; at the same rate of rations as 
the troops of his own army ; and if possible, the 
officer’s horses and . cattle to be supplied with forage 
at the usual rate. 

6 All officers to retain their carriages, batt horses 
and other cattle, and no baggage to be molested 
or searched — Lieut General Burgoyne giving his 
honour that there are no public stores secreted 
therein : major general Gates will of course take the 
necessary measures for the due performance of this 
article. Should any carriages be wanted during the 
march for the transportation of officer’s baggage, 
they are, if possible, to be supplied by the country 
at the usual rates. 

7 Upon the march and during the time the army 
shall remain in quarters in the Massachusets Bay, 
the officers are not, as far as circumstances will admit, 
to be separated from their men ; the officers to be 
quartered according to their rank, and are not to be 
hindered from assembling their men for roll calling 
and other necessary purposes of regularity. 

8 All corps whatever of General Burgoyne’s army, 
whether composed of sailor’s, battow-men, artificers, 
drivers, independent companies and followers of the 
army of whatever country, shall be included in the 
fullest sense and utmost extent of the above articles. 

316 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

and comprehended in every respect as British sub- 

9. All Canadians and persons belonging to the 
Canadian establishment, consisting of sailors, battow 
men, artificers, drivers, independent companies and 
any other followers of the army, who come under no 
particular description, are to be permitted to return 
there ; they are to be conducted immediately by the 
shortest route to the first British post on Lake George, 
and are to be supplied with provisions in the same 
manner as the other troops, and are to be bound by 
the same condition of not serving during the present 
contest in North America. 

10. Passports to be immediately granted for three 
officers not exceeding the rank of captains, who shall 
be appointed by Lieut Gen Burgoyne to carry dis- 
patches to Sir Willm Howe, Sir Guy Carlton and to 
Great Britain by the way of New York ; and Major 
Gen Gates engages the public faith that these dis- 
patches shall not be opened. These officers are to 
set out immediately after receiving their dispatches, 
and are to travel the shortest route and in the most 
expeditious manner. 

1 1 During the stay of the troops in Massachusets 
Bay, the officers are to be admitted on Pa’role, and 
are to be permitted to wear their side arms. 

1 2 Should the army under Lieut General Burgoyne 
find it necessary to send for their clothing and other 
baggage to Canada, they are to be permitted to do 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 


it in the most convenient manner, and the necessary 
passports granted for that purpose. 

13 These articles are to be mutually signed and ex- 
changed tomorrow morning at nine of the clock, and 
the troops under Lieut Gen. Burgoyne are to march 
out of their entrenchments at 3 o clock this afternoon. 

Camp at Saratoga, October 1777 

In place of marching from our encampment that 
evening as expressed in the convention, it was de- 
ferred till the next morning. In the mean time, we 
made preparations for so long a march — about 200 
miles — and the wet, rainy season just coming on. I 
had not destroyed all my baggage, tho’ indeed most 
of it was gone at the general conflagration ; but as 
to the horses who outlived our late scene of every 
imaginable distress, they exhibited a most wretched 
picture of poverty and want, made up of nothing but 
skin and bone, and it may naturally be supposed, 
rather unfit for such a journey. 

It A day famous in the annals of 

Gen Burgoyne desired a meeting of all the officers 
early that morning, at which he entered into a detail 

Verily, as Digby remarks, the seventeenth of October 
was a day memorable in the annals of America ; for the 

Signed — 

Major General. 




318 Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

of his manner of acting since he had the honour 
of commanding the army ; but he was too full to 
speak; heaven only could tell his feelings at the 

surrender of Burgoyne’s army has been regarded by his- 
torians from that day to this as the turning point in that 
conflict which freed a people from thraldom to aristocracy 
and made possible a true republie. Under date of Decem- 
ber 2, 1777, Walpole says : ‘‘ At night came an express from 
General Carleton, informing that he had learnt by deserters, 
and believed, that the Provincials had taken Burgoyne and 
his whole army prisoners. The King fell into agonies on 
hearing this account, but the next morning, at his levee to 
disguise his concern, affected to laugh and to be so inde- 
cently merry, that Lord North endeavoured to stop him;^’ 
and under date of the fifteenth, thirteen days later, he records 
the reception of the official account from the hands of Cap- 
tain Craig. Upon this a public fast was appointed, which 
stirred up the wits all over the kingdom. As an example 
Walpole gives us the following effusion upon the several 
generals who conducted the war in America : 

First General Gage commenced the war in vain ; 

Next General Howe continued the campaign. 

Then General Burgoyne took the field, and last, 

Our forlorn hope depends on General Fast** 

Walpole also wrote, under date of February 27, 1778: 
“The Fast was observed — a ridiculous solemnity, as the 
nation was to beg a blessing on their arms, when the war 
was at an end, or at least suspended for sixteen months 
if the Americans pleased.** 

The following was a 


Psalm xxviy v, 6. 

“ With cruel hearts and bloody hands ^ 

The Ministry were stain’d, 

A Fast was publish’d thro’ these lands 
That they might all be clean’d, 

But, oh ! what blunders, time affords, 

Thro’ want of grace and sense, 

• They wash’d them in — a form of words 

Instead of Innocence** 

Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 319 

time. He dwelled much on his orders to make the 
wished for junction with General Clinton, and as to 
how his proceedings had turned out, we must (he 
said), be as good judges as himself. He then read 
over the Articles of Convention, and informed us the 
terms were even easier than we could have expected 
from our situation, and concluded with assuring us, 
he never would have accepted any terms, had we 
provisions enough, or the least hopes of our extricat- 
ing ourselves any other way. About 10 o’clock, we 
marched out, according to treaty, with drums beat- 
ing & the honours of war, but the drums seemed to 

The London Morning Post had the following : 

Nov. 2, '77. 

Gage nothing did and went to pot ; 

Howe lost one town and other got ; 

Guy nothing lost and nothing won, 

Dunmore was homeward forced to run, 

Clinton was beat, and got a garter. 

And bouncing Burgoyne catch’d a Tartar, 

Thus all we gain for millions spent 
Is to be laughed at, and repent.** 

But the following reads almost like an American pro- 
duction. It is entitled : 


What honours were gaining by taking their forts. 

Destroying batteaux and blocking up ports ; 

Burgoyne would have worked them — but for a mishap, 

By Gates and one Arnold he’s caught in a trap. 

Sing tantarara, etc. 

But Howe was more cautious and prudent by far. 

He sailed with his fleet up the great Delaware. 

All summer he struggled and strove to undo them 
But the plague of it was that he could not get to them.** 

Vide Journal of the Reign of George the Third, vol. 2, 
pp. 76, 170, 186, 214, et passim. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

have lost their former inspiriting sounds, and though 
we beat the Grenadiers march, which not long 
before was so animating, yet then it seemed by its 
last feeble effort, as if almost ashamed to be heard 
on such an occasion. As to my own feelings, I can- 
not express them. Tears (though unmanly) forced 
their way, and if alone, I could have burst to give 
myself vent. I never shall forget the appearance of 
their troops on our marching past them ; a dead 
silence universally reigned through their numerous 
columns, and even then, they seemed struct with our 
situation and dare scarce lift up their eyes to view 
British Troops in such a situation. I must say their 
decent behaviour during the time, (to us so greatly 
fallen) meritted the utmost approbation and praise.”’ 
The meeting between Burgoyne and Gates was well 

^ Walpole sarcastically observes, while reflecting upon the 
surrender and the word “ dictated,” as applied to its terms 
by Burgoyne: “ The terms were singularly gentle and the 
Provincials, while the prisoners deposited their arms, kept 
out of sight, not to insult their disgrace.” The grief of the 
British soldiers was as profound as the joy of the Americans. 
Every rhymester in the land was ready to join in the chorus, 
no matter how rough his voice might be, and many of the 
strains sound strangely to modern ears. As an example, we 
quote from a volume of the poems of Rev. Wheeler Case, 
printed in 1778, and thought worthy of a reprint in 1852 : 

** The hero Gales appears in sight, 

His troops are clothed in armor bright; 

They all as one their banners spread, 

With Death or Victory on their head. 

"O horrid place! Oh dreadful gloom! 

I mourn for want of elbow room^ 

• My tawny soldiers from me fled, 

Have now returned to scalp my head.” 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 



worth seeing. He paid Burgoyne almost as much 
respect as if he was the conqueror, indeed, his noble 
air, tho prisoner, seemed to command attention and 
respect from every person. A party of Light dragoons 
were ordered as his guard, rather to protect his per- 
son from insults than any other cause. Thus ended 
all our hopes of victory, honour, glory 
Thus was Burgoyne s Army sacrificed to either the 
absurd opinions of a blundering ministerial power ; 
the stupid inaction of a general, who, from his 
lethargic disposition, neglected every step he might 
have taken to assist their operations,**^ or lastly, 

^ The failure of General Howe to co-operate with Bur- 
goyne excited widespread astonishment and made him, as 
well as his brother, the earl, very unpopular, as will be seen 
from the following letter written from New York to England, 
December 10, 1777 - “ ff you was in this town you would 
be surprised to find the Howes so unpopular ; they have 

of acting to the southward that line of separation would 
have been formed in July. General Burgoyne’s army would 
have been saved, and both armies, conjunctly or separately, 
might have acted against New England, which would have 
been striking at the heart of the rebellion. — General Howe, 
in his retreat from the Jerseys, in his embarkation, in his 
stay aboard the transports before he sailed, in his voyage to 
the mouth of the Delaware, where he played at bopeep with 
the rebels, and in his circumbendibus to Chesapeak Bay, 
expended nearly three months of the finest time of the cam- 
paign; and all this to go out of his way, to desert his real 



been so here all this campaign. The total loss of General 
Burgoyne's army can only be imputed to them. — To possess 
the lakes and the North river, and by that means to sepa- 
rate the northern and southern colony, seems to have been 
the expectation of the King, Ministers, Parliament and Na- 
tion. Had General Howe gone up the North River, instead 

business, and to leave Burgoyne with 6,000 regulars to fall a 




Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

perhaps, his own misconduct in penetrating so far, 
as to be unable to return, and tho I must own my 

sacrifice/* On his return to England he was assailed on 
every side and endeavored to meet his critics by a defense 
in which he asserted that he had received no positive orders 
to co-operate with Burgoyne. This, however, was not 
deemed sufficient, but it is now known, that by the careless- 
ness of Lord George Germaine, the minister of George the 
Third, for American affairs, the orders intended for Howe 
were not forwarded to him, as will be seen from the follow- 
ing, taken from the Life of the Earl of Shelburne : ‘‘ The incon- 
sistent orders given to Generals Howe and Burgoyne, could 
not be accounted for except in a way which it must be diffi- 
cult for any person who is not conversant with the negli- 
gence of office to comprehend. Among many singularities, 
he had a particular aversion to being put out of his way on 
any occasion ; he had fixed to go into Kent or Northamp- 
tonshire at a particular hour, and to call on his way at his office 
to sign the despatches, all of which had been settled, to both 
these Generals. By some mistake, those to General Howe 
were not fair copied, and upon his growing impatient at it, 
the office, which was a very idle one, promised to send it to 
the country after him, while they dispatched the others to 
General Burgoyne, expecting that the others could be expe- 
dited before the packet sailed with the first, which, however, 
by some mistake sailed without them, and the wind detained 
the vessel which was ordered to carry the rest. Hence came 
General Burgoyne*s defeat, the French declaration and the 
loss of thirteen colonies. It might appear incredible if our 
own Secretary and the most respectable persons in office had 
not assured me of the fact ; what corroborates it is that it 
could be accounted for in no other way. It requires as 
much experience in business to comprehend the very trifling 
causes which have produced the greatest events, as it does 
strength of reason to develope the design.** Vide A View 
of the Evidence relating to the conduct of the American 
War under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount Howe and 
General Burgoyne, London, 1779, p. 82, et seq. ; Life of 
William, Earl of Shelburne, vol. i, p. 358, et seq. 

Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 


partiality to him is great, yet if he or the army 
under his command are guilty, let them suffer to the 
utmost extent, and by an unlimited punishment, in 
part blot out and erase if possible, the crime charged 
to their account. 

No doubt the reader has seen general Burgoyne’s 
letter dated Albany 2o‘'* October 1777 to Lord 
George Germain, in which he gives the fullest ac> 
count of the army under his command, being re- 
duced so much by repeated distresses and unsuc- 
cessful attempts to enter into a convention with 
Major General Gates commanding the Continental 
army on the i7‘** October at Saratoga. He there 
gives his reasons for acting on every occasion in the 
most particular manner, which I hope, and sincerely 
wish, will fully acquit him to the world of any 
censure the misfortunes of his army might (as man- 
kind in general are apt to condemn the unsuccessful) 
throw on him. The reader may also, with the 
greatest show of reason, imagine it a presumption 
in me not to copy his journal for that time and de- 
stroy my own, admitting of a comparison little in my 
favour ; but let him recollect my first design in put- • 
ting the above passages to paper, it was as expressed 
in my preface, for the eye of a friend who, I flattered 
myself, — for we are by nature vain, — would receive 
as much satisfaction from the manner I have ex- 
pressed my thoughts and feelings at the different 
times, of material changes and alterations in our 
affairs, (and there has been many) as the bare recital 


Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 

of facts, which are so well known at present to the 

Return of the Killed and wounded & prisoners 


Return of the Killed, wounded and prisoners of the 
British troops under the Command of his excellency 
Lieut. General Burgoyne in the course of the Cam- 
paign 1777 — (I have not attempted to correct 
errors in this table. — J. P. B.) 



British line six Regiments ... 

Eight Companies of light In* 
fantry and Grenadiers oeioug- 
ing to the Regiments left to 
garrison Canada and its fron- 

Royal I regiment of Artillery^. 
Detachment of 33rd regiment «. . 


16 Dragoons 

Foot guards 




Rank A file 





















































Total 0 











































































































































































































Total Killed wounded and prisoners 1429 

British officers killed, wounded and prisoners 


Royal regiment of Artillery. 

Killed, Captain Jones“'* & 2^ Lieut. Clieland.”® 

^Thomas Jones entered the Military Academy at Wool- 
wich as a cadet, March 18, 1755, and, on December twenty- 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 


Wounded. Captains Bloomfield,"^ Green, 31®^ regt 
— aid-de-camp, to Major Gen Phillips — Lieutenants 
Howarth,"7 Smith,"® Volunteer Sutton."^ 

seventh following, was commissioned lieutenant-fireworker ; 
second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, April 2, 1757; first 
lieutenant, January i, 1759; captain-lieutenant, October 23, 
1761, and captain, January r, 1771. He participated in the 
siege of Belleisle in 1761, and embarked for America in 1773. 
When Arnold and Montgomery made their attack upon 
Quebec, Captain Jones was active in opposing them, and 
at the conclusion of the campaign of '76, returned with Bur- 
goyne to England, where he was married during the winter. 
He returned in June of the next year, and was killed at the 
battle of Freeman’s Farm, September nineteenth. His 
intrepidity and ability were frequently spoken of by writers 
of the time. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; History 
Royal Artillery, vol. i, pp. 229, 304,* 135; A State of the 
Expedition, p. 79, Appendix 49, and Hadden’s Journal and 
Orderly Books, pp. 50, 98, 109, 164, et passim, 

^ Molesworth Clieland received his commission of second 
lieutenant in the First Battalion Royal Artillery on March 
15, 1771. The artillery formed a most important part of 
Burgoyne’s army, and owing to its extent and the splendor 
of its equipment, caused much criticism among his enemies, 
who claimed that it was disproportionate t*o his infantry. 
It did however most effective service ; but owing to the 
nature of the country, great labor was required in moving 
it, and the men in charge were subjected to severe toil and 
hardship. Lieutenant Clieland was the first officer of the 
artillery to fall. He was killed at Skenesborough on July 
sixth. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Journal of Occur- 
rences, etc., p. 174. 

^ Thomas* Blomefield entered the Royal Military 
Academy at Woolwich on February 9, 1758, before he 
had completed his fourteenth year, and exhibited such re- 
markable talents as to secure a commission in the First 
Battalion of the Royal Artillery as lieutenant-fireworker on 
January 3, 1759. When only fifteen years of age, at the 

326 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

Prisoners, Major Williams, Lieutenants Howarth 
and York.®^ 

bombardment of Havre de Grace by Admiral Rodney, he 
commanded a bomb vessel with ability. He was made sec- 
ond lieutenant, August i, 1762, and participated in the cap- 
ture of Martinique and Havana. He was promoted to the 
rank of first lieutenant in the Second Battalion, May 28, 
1766, and captain-lieutenant, January 29, 1773. Shortly 
after his arrival in Canada, on June 3, 1776, he was made 
major of brigade to Major-General Phillips. He performed 
most important service in the construction of floating bat- 
teries during the campaign of that year, and at the close of 
the campaign returned to England. In the spring of 1777 
he returned to Canada and participated in Burgoyne’s expe- 
dition. Madame Riedesel thus speaks of his wound: ‘‘One 
day I undertook the care of Major Plumpfield, adjutant of 
General Phillips, through both of whose cheeks a small 
musket ball had passed, shattering his teeth and grazing his 
tongue. He could hold nothing whatever in his mouth. 
The matter from the wound almost choked him, and he was 
unable to take any other nourishment, except a little broth, 
or something liquid. We had Rhine wine. I gave him a 
bottle of it, in hopes that the acidity of the wine would 
cleanse his wound. He kept some continually in his mouth ; 
and that alone acted so beneficially, that he became cured, 
and I again acquired one more friend. Thus in the midst of 
my hours of care and suffering, I derived a joyful satisfac- 
tion, which made me very happy.** He was among the 
paroled officers at Cambridge, and returned to England in 
the spring of 1779. His subsequent commissions in the 
Royal Artilleiy and army were as follows: Captain, January 
19, 1780; major in the army, March 19, 1783, and in the 
artillery, September twenty-fifth of the same year; a lieu- 
tenant-colonel, December 5, 1793 ; colonel in the army, Janu- 
ary 26, 1797, and in the artillery, November 12, 1800; a 
major-general, September 25, 1803, colonel command- 
ant of the Ninth Battalion, June i, 1806. He commanded 
the artillery at the siege of Copenhagen with great suc- 
cess, for which he received the thanks of Parliament and a 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 


Battalion of Light Inf antry consisting of lo Companies 
Commanded by Earl Balcarres, 

Company ; Lieut Wright.* * 3 * 

20^** Company ; 

baronetcy, which honor was conferred upon him, November 
14, 1807. His last promotion was to the rank of lieutenant- 
general, July 25, 1810. His death took place at his home 
at Shooter’s Hill, in Kent, August 24, 1822. Vide British 
Family Antiquity (Playfair), London, i8ii,vol. 7, p. 833, 
et seq.; Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage, in loco; British 
Army Lists, m loco ; A State of the Expedition, p. 67 ; 
History of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. i, pp. 174, 

*77> 379 > vol. 2, pp. 158, 167; Letters and Journals of 
Madame Riedesel, p. 132. 

33^ Edward Howarth was commissioned a second lieuten- 
ant in the Royal Artillery, on June 17, 1772, and was one 
of the most brilliant of that youthful band of officers who 
accompanied Burgoyne to America in 1776. He was 
wounded and taken prisoner at Saratoga in the final battle 
of the campaign. Concerning him Anburey relates the fol- 
lowing curious incident : “ Your friend Howarth’s wound, I 
hear, is in his knee ; it is very singular, but he was prepos- 
sessed with an idea of being wounded, for when the orders 
came for the detachment’s going out, he was playing picquet 
with me, and after reading the orders, and that his brigade 

of guns were to go, he said to me, ‘ God bless you A , 

farewell, for I know not how it is, but I have a strange pre- 
sentiment that I shall either be killed or wounded. ’ I was 
rather surprised at such an expression, as he is of a gay and 
cheerful disposition, and cannot but say, that during the 
little time I could bestow in reflection that day, I continually 
dwelt upon his remark, but he is now happily in a fair way 
of recovery.” On July 7, 1779, Howarth was promoted to 
the I'ank of first lieutenant in the artillery, and on December 
I, 1782, of captain-lieutenant and captain. He occupied 
the position of quartermaster for eleven years ; namely, 
froni April 4, 1783, to March i, 1794, at which latter date he 
attained the army rank of major. On January i, 1798, he 



Digbys Journal, 

2 1 Company ; 

24*** Company ; 

was promoted to the army rank of lieutenant-colonel and 
brevet-major-general ; and July 16, I 799 > made a major 
in the artillery. He was further promoted to a lieutenant- 
colonelcy in the artillery, April 18, 1801 ; a colonelcy, 
December 29, 1805 ; major-general in the army, June 4, 181 1; 
lieutenant-general in the army August 12, 1819, and colonel 
commanding in the artillery, August 6, 1821. General 
Howarth served under Wellington in the Peninsular war 
with great distinction, commanding the artillery as brigadier- 
general at the battles of Talavera, Busaco and Ferantes 
d’Onore, and for the ability he displayed, was in 1814, hon- 
ored with the Knight Grand- Cross of the Order of Bath. 
In 1824, he was further rewarded with the Knight Grand- 
Cross of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order, a medal 
and two clasps. Owing to failing health he was obliged to 
vacate his command, and retiring to his country seat at 
Birnstead, Surrey, he died on March 5, 1827. He had been 
in almost constant service for over half a century. Vide 
British Army Lists, in loco ; History of the Royal Artil- 
lery, vol. I, pp. 226, 381 : Hadden’s Journal and Orderly 
Books, pp. xlviii, Ivi. 

William P. Smith became a cadet in Woolwich, April 
I, 1768, and a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, 
March 15, 1771. He was wounded in the battle of October 
7, and was among the convention prisoners. He subse- 
quently received the following promotions : First lieutenant, 
July 7, 1779; captain-lieutenant, February 28, 1782, and 
captain of the Sixth Company of the Second Battalion, May 
24, 1790 ; major in the army, March i, 1794, and in the artil- 
lery, April 25, 1796; lieutenant-colonel in the army, January 
I, 1798, and in the artillery, January 8, 1799. His last com- 
mission was that of colonel in the artillery, July 20, 1804. 
His death took place July 23, 1806. Vide British Army 
Lists, in loco ; History of the Royal Artillery, vol. i, p. 181. 

^ Of Volunteer Sutton we can find no particulars. He is 
mentioned by Lamb in his list of wounded officers, and we' 

Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 329 

2f^ Company; Wounded, Capt"^ Craig. 

62** Company; Wounded, Lieut Jones. 

may infer had seen military service. At the dawn of day 
on the sixth of July, General Fraser pursued Colonel Fran- 
cis, and overtaking him, would have met with a disastrous 
defeat but for the timely arrival of Riedesel with his Ger- 
mans. Sutton was wounded in this action. If he survived 
his wound, he must have returned to Canada, as he is no- 
where again mentioned, and his name does not appear among 
the convention prisoners. 

^ John H. York became a cadet at Woolwich, May i, 
1768, and a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, March 
15, 1771. He was taken prisoner October seventh. At what 
time he was exchanged is unknown. He was promoted as fol- 
lows, viz. : to the rank of first lieutenant, July 7, 1779; cap- 
tain-lieutenant, April 6, 1782, and captain in the Third 
Company, Fourth Battalion, May 26, 1790; a major in the 
army, March i, 1794, and in the artillery, December 9, 1796; 
a lieutenant-colonel in the army, January i, 1798, and in the 
artillery, July 16, 1799. His last commission was that of 
colonel in the artillery, July 20, 1804, and he was shortly 
after, November i, 1805, drowned on the South American 
coast. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; History of the 
Royal Artillery, vol. i, pp. 257, 315. 

James Wright received his first commission as ensign 
in the Ninth Foot, March 23, 1764, while that regiment was 
doing service in Florida. In 1769 the Ninth returned home 
and was assigned to garrison duty in Ireland. He was com- 
missioned a lieutenant, September i, I77i,and accompanied 
his regiment to Canada in 1776, taking part in the campaign 
of that year. He was killed in the final battle at Saratoga. 
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Ninth 

^John Jones received his commission of ensign in the 
Sixty-second Foot on December 9, 1767, and was promoted 
to the rank of lieutenant, September i, 1771. His regiment 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

29^ Company ; Killed, Lieut Douglass . *^3 Wounded, 
Lieut. Battersby.*34 Prisoner, Ensign Johnston.'^s 

31®^ Company ; 

arrived in Canada in the spring of 1776, and he, therefore, 
took part in the campaign of that year. He was wounded 
at Hubbardton in the action of July seventh, and his name 
disappears from the army lists after 1781. Vide British 
Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record Sixty-second Foot. 

^ James Douglas was commissioned a lieutenant in the 
army on April 8, 1773, and received his appointment of 
ensign in the Twenty-ninth Foot on June 30, 1774. He 
was promoted to a lieutenancy in his regiment, February 27, 
1776, and was wounded in the action of July seventh. He 
was being borne from the field after his wound, when a shot 
passed directly through his heart, killing him instantly. His 
place was filled by Ensign Dowling of the Forty-seventh 
Foot, on the fourteenth, by order of the commanding gen- 
eral. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Travels Through 
the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 339; Burgoyne's 
Orderly Book, p. 55. 

^ James Battersby entered the Twenty-ninth Foot, Febru- 
ary 2, 1770, as an ensign, at which time this regiment was 
stationed in Boston and won unpleasant notoriety in the 
“massacre” of the fifth of March following. He was pro- 
moted to a lieutenancy, December 16, 1773, and in February, 
1776, embarked at Chatham with his regiment for the seat 
of war in America. He was wounded in the action of Octo- 
ber seventh, and was one of the convention prisoners. He 
was promoted to a captaincy, February 16, 1778, while a 
prisoner. His name appears on the army lists for the last 
time in 1784. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical 
Record Twenty-ninth Foot; Journal of Occurrences During 
the Late American War, p. 176. 

^William Johnson was commissioned an ensign in the 
Twenty-ninth Foot on March 29, 1776. Of his subsequent 
fate we know nothing. His name was borne on the army 
lists of 1780 for the last time. 

Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 331 


34^*" Company; Wounded, Cap“ Harris.*^® 

53"* Company; Wounded, Major Earl Balcarres. 
Lieutenants Houghton & Cullen/^y 

^John Adolphus Harris entered the Thirty- fourth Foot 
under an ensign’s commission, January ii, 1760, and was 
promoted to the rank of lieutenant, January 28, 1762. At 
this time the Thirty-fourth was in the West Indies, and Lieu- 
tenant Harris participated in the siege of Havana, and after 
the peace accompanied his regiment to Florida, where it 
remained until 1768, when it was assigned to garrison duty 
in Ireland. On November 28, 1771, he was promoted to a 
captaincy, and in 1776, the Thirty-fourth having been as- 
signed to duty in America, he took part in the campaign of 
that year. He was wounded at Hubbardton in the action 
of July seventh. Anburey thus speaks of him in a letter 
home, dated July seventeenth: omitted to mention to 

you, that your old friend Captain H , was wounded at 

the battle of Huberton, early in the action, when the grena- 
diers formed to support the light infantry. I could not pass 
by him as he lay under a tree, where he had scrambled upon 
his hands and knees, to protect him from the scattering shot, 
without going up to see what assistance could be afforded 
him, and learn if he was severely wounded. You who know 
his ready turn for wit, will not be surprised to hear, though 
in extreme agony, that with an arch look, and clapping his 
hand behind him, he told me, if I wanted to be satisfied, I 
must ask that, as the ball had entered at his hip, and passed 
through a certain part adjoining ; he is now at Ticonderoga, 
and from the last account, is recovering fast.” Owing to the 
severity of his wound, he was unable to take part in the 
subsequent movements of the campaign, and so was not 
among the captured officers. After his return to England, 
he became major of the Eighty-fourth Foot, or Royal High- 
land Emigrants, First Battalion, October 22, 1779, and lieu- 
tenant-colonel of the Sixtieth Foot, or Royal Americans, 
January 16, 1788. He was afterward commissioned in the 
army as follows: Lieutenant-colonel, February 26, 1795; 
major-general, January i, 1798; lieutenant-general, January 
I, 1805, and general, June 4, 1814. His name appears upon 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

20^ Regm^ Killed, Lieutenants Lucas, Cooke, *^9 

Obines.*^® Wound. Lieut. CoL Lynd,*^* Captains 

Wemys,®^* Doulin,*^^ Stanley,*^ Farquar Lieuten- 

the army lists for the last time in 1826. Vide British Army 
Lists, in loco; Historical Record Thirty fourth Foot; 
Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, 
p. 361, et seq. 

^ William Cullen entered the Fifty-third Foot as an en- 
sign while that regiment was doing garrison duty in Ireland, 
August 31, 1774, and was promoted to a lieutenancy, March 2, 
1776, just before the departure of his regiment for America. 
He was wounded July seventh, in the action with the troops 
of Colonel Francis, and probably returned to Ticonderoga, 
as he was not among the captives of Burgoyne’s army. 
The Fifty-third Regiment was stationed in Canada for sev- 
eral years after the close of the war, and during this time 
Lieutenant Cullen was commissioned a captain, his commis- 
sion bearing date September 13, 1781. He seems to have 
become weary of his long sojourn in America and retired on 
a captain’s half pay in 1784. Vide British Army Lists, in 
loco ; Historical Record, Fifty-third Foot ; Journal of Occur- 
rences During the Late American War, p. 175. 

^Thomas Lucas entered the Twentieth Foot upon the'^ 
eve of its embarkation for America, having received his 
commission of lieutenant therein, March i, 1776. He passed 
through the perils of the campaign of that year to meet his 
death in the battle of Freeman’s Farm, September nine- 

^ John Cooke entered the Twentieth Foot as an ensign 
while it was stationed in Ireland, March 14, 1774, and when 
his regiment was about to proceed to the relief of Carleton 
at Quebec, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant, 
March 3, 1776. He ended his brief career at the battle of 
Freeman’s Farm, on September nineteenth. 

^ Hamlet Obins entered the British army as a cornet in 
the Third Light Dragoons, January i, 1766, and was pro- 
moted to a lieutenancy in the Sixteenth Light Dragoons, 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 333 

ants Dowlin,*^^ Ensig*" Connel.*^^ Prisoners ; Stanley, 
Farquar. Cap° Dowlin, Ensign Connel. 

Burgoyne’s regiment, Februar>’' 18, 1769, in which regiment 
he remained until the breaking out of the war in America, 
when he was transferred to the infantry and commissioned 
a lieutenant in the Twentieth Foot, March 9, 1776. He fell 
in the battle of October seventh, which decided the fate of 
Burgoyne’s army. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Jour- 
nal of Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 176. 

John Lind entered the Thirty-fourth Foot, December 
12, 1755, and the next year was with his regiment at Fort 
St. Phillip, where it sustained a siege. He was commissioned 
a captain, January 12, 1760, and took part in the expedition 
against Belleisle during that year. In 1762 he participated 
in the expedition against the Spanish West Indies, and at 
•the successful close of the war accompanied his regiment to 
Florida, where he remained until 1768, when his regiment 
was ordered home and went into garrison in Ireland. On 
November 28, 1771, he was made major of his regiment, and 
January 16, 1776, was transferred to the Twentieth Foot 
and promoted to the rank: of lieutenant-colonel. In the 
spring of that year he accompanied his regiment to America 
and took part in the campaign under Carleton. The next 
year he followed the fortunes of Burgoyne to the battle of 
Freeman’s Farm, where he was wounded, but remained with 
his command and was among the surrendered officers at 
Saratoga a few weeks later. He was raised to the army 
rank of colonel, November 20, 1782, and was made a major- 
general, October 12, 1793. He died May i, 1795. Vide 
Historical Record of the Thirty-fourth Foot; do. Twen- 
tieth Foot ; British Army Lists, in loco ; Gentleman’s Maga- 
zine for 1795. 

Francis Weymis was commissioned a lieutenant in the 
Twentieth Foot, September 26, 1757, which time his regi- 
ment formed part of the expedition under Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral Sir John Mordant, against Rochfort, which resulted in 
the capture and destruction of the fortifications on the Isle 


Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

21®^ Regmt; Killed, Lieutenants Curray,^^® Mc- 
Kinzy,®^^ Turnbull,*^® Robertson.®^* Wounded, Lieut. 
Rutherford;*^® Prisoner, Lieut Rutherford, 

d’Aix, on the western coast of France. The French, in the 
summer of 1759, sent an army into Germany with which 
country England was in alliance, and the regiment to which 
Lieutenant Weymis belonged was ordered to Germany to 
form part of the forces under Prince Ferdinand, of Bruns- 
wick. The service performed by the British troops in the 
German service was severe, and when the Twentieth returned 
to England in 1763, it received the thanks of Parliament for 
its conduct. From this date until 1769, a period of six 
years. Lieutenant Weymis was with his regiment at Gibral- 
tar. On the 25th of May, 1772, he was promoted to the 
regimental and army rank of captain. After the campaign 
in America of 1776, Lieutenant Weymis passed the follow- 
ing winter at the Isle aux Noix, and was wounded in the 
battle of the nineteenth of September. He was among the 
convention prisoners, and upon his return home at the close 
of the war was promoted to the rank of major, March 19, 
1783. His name disappears from the army lists after 1787. 
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Twen- 
tieth Foot, pp. 15-23; Journal of Occurrences During the 
Late American War, p. 175. 

Richard Dowling first appears on the army lists as 
adjutant of the Twentieth Foot, January 8, 1768, while 
that regiment was doing garrison duty at Gibraltar, where 
it remained until 1774, when it proceeded to Ireland, and 
was there stationed until the spring of *76. Adjutant Dow- 
ling was commissioned a captain in his regiment, July 7, 
1775, and accompanied it to America the following spring. 
He was wounded in the battle of September nineteenth, 
and taken prisoner, from which time he disappears from 
view. His name continued upon the army lists until April 
I, 1780, when his place was filled by Thomas Storey. Vide 
British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Twentieth 
Foot, pp. 15-23; Journal of Occurrences During the Late 
American War, p. 176. 

Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 335 

24“* Regmt: Killed, Lieut Col. Frazier, Major 
Grant Wounded, Major Agnew,’53 Captains Blake,*« 
Strangways,“ 3 s Lieut Doyle.**® 

^ John Stanly entered the Twentieth Foot as a lieuten- 
ant, September 7, 1772, while the regiment was stationed at 
(jibraltar. He was promoted to a captaincy about the time 
of its departure for America, March 9, 1776. He was 
wounded and taken prisoner at Freeman’s Farm, and his 
name appears for the last time on the army lists in 1783. 

William Farquar was commissioned a lieutenant in the 
Forty-seventh Foot, September 25, 1759, after that regi- 
ment s brilliant service in the siege and capture of Louis- 
bourg and the fall of Quebec. In 1763 he entered upon 
half pay, but re-entered the service, and obtained a lieuten- 
ancy, May 3, 1765, in the Fifty-sixth Foot, which was at 
that time on duty at Gibraltar. He received a captain’s 
commission in the Twentieth Foot, May 13, 1776. He was 
wounded and taken prisoner in the battle of September 
nineteenth. At what time he was exchanged we are not 
P‘'0"’oted to a majority in the army, 
March 19, His name disappears from the army lists 

after 1794. FtWe Historical Record Forty-seventh Foot • 
do. Fifty-sixth Foot ; British Army Lists, in loco. 

James Dowling was first commissioned an ensign in 
the Forty-seventh Regiment, June 18, 1775, the day after 
the battle of Bunker Hill, in which the Forty-seventh was 
engaged. He accompanied his regiment to Canada in the 
spring of the next year. Lieutenant Douglass of the 
Twenty-ninth Foot having been killed in the action of 
July seventh, Burgoyne promoted Ensign Dowling to the 
vacant lieutenancy, July 14, 1777. He was wounded in the 
performance of his duty, October seventh, and seems to 
have escaped capture thereby. His name disappears from 
^e army lists after 1787. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; 
Burgoyne s Orderly Book, p. 5 S> Journal of Occurrences 
During the Late American War, p. 176. 

336 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

47“*'Regmt; Killed, Lieut® Reynels,®” Harvey, 
Stewart, Ensigns Taylor,*«° Phillips,®*' Young,®*® 
Adjutant Fitzgerald.®*^ Wounded; Lieut. Col°. Ans- 

Morgan Connel was commissioned an ensign in the 
Twentieth Foot, April 6, 1776. He was wounded in the 
battle of October seventh and taken a prisoner. We have 
no further account of him. 

Samuel Currie received his first commission in the Brit- 
ish army, which was that of a second lieutenant in the 
Twenty-first Foot, on March 14, 1766. At this date his 
regiment was stationed in Westerin Florida, and remained 
there until 1770, when it was ordered to Canada, and, on 
February 21, 1772, he was promoted to the rank of first 
lieutenant. Shortly after he returned to England, where 
the Twenty-first was in garrison until the spring of ’76, when 
Lieutenant Currie accompanied it to Quebec, and shortly 
after his arrival in Canada, viz., on July 4> 1776, he received 
the appointment of assistant commissary of General Gor- 
don’s brigade. He lost his life in the battle of September 
nineteenth. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ^ Historical 
Record Twenty-first Foot; Journal of Occurrences During 
the Late American War, p. 175. 

Kenneth Mackenzie entered the British military service 
as an ensign in the Thirty-third Foot, August 26, 1767, and 
was promoted to a lieutenancy, February 27, 1771. On 
August 16, 1775, he was transferred to the Twenty first 
Foot, and the following spring accompanied his regiment 
to America. He was made a first lieutenant on May 7, 1776, 
and participated in the campaign of that year. He ended 
his life in the performance of a soldier’s duty on the battle- 
field of September nineteenth. Vide British Army Lists, 
in loco; Historical Record Thirty-third Foot; Journal of 
Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 175. 

^George Turnbull received his commission of second 
lieutenant in the Twenty-first Foot on May 3 , I77^> 
probably one of those youthful officers, of which there were 


Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 

truther,*^^ Major Harnage,*^^ Captain Bunbury,"^ 
Ensigns, Blackee,*^^ Harvey.*^ Prisoners : Lieut. 
Naylor,*^ Ensign De Antroch.*^® 

so many in Burgoyne’s army, who lost their lives in the dis- 
astrous campaign of 1777. He was killed October seventh 
near Stillwater. 

John James Roberton entered the British army as a 
second lieutenant of Royal Engineers, July 13, 1774. He 
was attached to the right wing of the army by an order of 
June 27, 1777, his duty being to strengthen the right of the 
camp under the direction of Brigadiers Powell and Hamil- 
ton. The last mention made of him in Burgoyne’s Orderly 
Book is on September seventh, when he was assigned to the 
duty of repairing the roads between the camp at DuePs 
House and Fort Edward. On the nineteenth he was killed. 

Richard Rutherford entered the Twenty-first Foot as a 
second lieutenant, February 26, 1776. He was wounded in 
the battle of September nineteenth, and as his name is 
dropped from the army list of 1779, we may infer that he 
did not recover from his wounds. 

^ William Agnew was commissioned a lieutenant in the 
Twenty-fourth Foot, September 3, 1756, and a captain-lieu- 
tenant, May 15, 1763. Having served in Germany, his regi- 
ment was transferred to Gibraltar, and he subsequently 
accompanied it to America in the spring of 1776. He was 
made major of the Twenty-fourth, July 14, 1777, in place 
of Major Grant, who was killed on the seventh of that 
month. He was wounded in the battle of Freeman’s Farm, 
September nineteenth. He became lieutenant-colonel of 
his regiment, February 15, 1782, but his name is not borne 
upon the lists of the next year. Vide British Army Lists, 
in loco ; Historical Record Twenty-fourth Foot; Journal of 
Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 175. 

John Blake was made an ensign of the Twenty-fourth 
Foot, May 23, 1761, and lieutenant, June 12, 17^. He 
was promoted to a ^captaincy, July 7, 1775. He was 



I ; 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 

Engineers, Prisoner, Lieut. Dunford.*^* 

Foot Guards : Killed, Sir Francis Clark, aid-de- 
camp to General Burgoyne, 

wounded in the battle of the nineteenth of September, 
and did not rejoin his regiment, as his name is not in the 
list of surrendered officers. He appears at the head of the 
list of captains on the list of 1788. Vide British Army Lists, 
in loco ; Historical Record Twenty- fourth Foot. 

^ Hon. Stephen Digby Strangways was the second son 
of Stephen Fox and Elizabeth, the only daughter and heir 
of Thomas Strangways Horner, Esq. His father was raised 
to the peerage, March ii, 1741, as Lord Ilchester, of Ilches- 
ter, in Somersetshire, and subsequently, on June 5, 1756, 
was made Earl of Ilchester. Stephen Digby Strangways 
was born on December 3, 1751, and was the brother of Lady 
Harriet Acland. He entered the British military service as 
a cornet in the Royal Irish Dragoons, August 5, 1767, at the 
age of sixteen years; but, preferring the infantry service, 
exchanged into the Twenty-fourth Foot, and obtained a cap- 
taincy, April 17, 1769. He participated in the campaign of 
1776, and was wounded in the battle of October seventh, 
but was with the army when it surrendered. He was made 
major of the Twentieth Foot, December i, 1778, and at- 
tained no higher rank in the army. Vide Burke’s Peerage 
and Baronetage, in loco ; British Army Lists, in loco ; His- 
torical Record Twenty-fourth Foot; Hadden’s Journal and 
Orderly Books, p. liv. 

William Doyle was of an ancient Irish family noted in 
military annals. He entered the British infantry service as 
an ensign in the Twenty-fourth Foot, July 16, 1774, and was 
promoted to a .lieutenancy, November 27, 1776, at the close 
of Carleton’s successful campaign, in which he took part. 
He was among the officers who surrendered at Saratoga. 
He was raised to the rank of captain, July 31, 1787, major 
in the army. May 6, 1795, and lieutenant-colonel, July 22, 
1797. He exchanged into the Sixty-second Foot, and was 
made its lieutenant-colonel, August 16, 1804. He was pro- 
moted to the army rank of colonel, October 30, 180$ ; major- 


Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 

1 6 ^^ Dragoons. Prisoner, Cornet Grant. *7* 

N. B I could not get an exact account of the loss 
of the German troops commanded by Gen Reidzel, 

general, June 4, 1811, and lieutenant-general, August 12, 
1819. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Burgoyne’s Orderly 
Book, p. 178. 

Thomas Reynell was the son of Sir Thomas Reynell of 
Laleham, Middlesex county, and his wife, who so faithfully 
followed him through the terrible scenes of the campaign 
with Mrs. Riedesel, Acland and Harnage, until the fatal 
nineteenth of September, when he received his death wound, 
was Anne, the daughter of Samuel Coutty, Esq., of Kin- 
sale. Mrs. Reynell was left with three small children, the 
oldest of whom was less than six years of age, and the 
youngest an infant. The oldest of these children, Richard 
Littleton Reynell, born April 30, 1772, settled in America, 
where he was married and lived until his death, September 
4, 1829, at which time he enjoyed the title of baronet. His 
brother, Samuel, who was born October 31, 1775, and was 
hardly two years of age at his father’s death, died unmar- 
ried, and the title descended to Thomas, the youngest 
brother. Thomas Reynell, the subject of this brief sketch, 
entered the British military service as an ensign in the 
Sixty-second Foot, December 8, 1767, and was advanced to 
the rank of lieutenant, May 3, 1770. He sailed with his 
regiment from the Cove of Cork, April 8, 1776, and took 
part in the campaign of Carleton of that year. Anburey 
thus relates the incidents of his death : You will readily 

allow that it is the highest test of affection in a woman, to 
share with her husband the toils and hardships of the cam- 
paign, especially such an one as the present. What a trial 
of fortitude the late action must have been, through a dis- 
tressing interval of long suspence ! The ladies followed the 
route of the artillery and baggage, and when the action 
began, the Baroness Reidesel, Lady Harriet Ackland, and 
the wives of Major Harnage and Lieutenant Reynell, of the 
Sixty-second Regiment, entered a small uninhabited hut, 
but when the action became general and bloody, the Sur- 

340 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

but believe it was pretty near equal to that of the 

geons took possession of it, being the most convenient for 
the first care of the wounded ; in this situation were these 
ladies four hours together, where the comfort they afforded 
each other was broke in upon, by Major Harnage being 
brought in to the surgeons deeply wounded ! What a blow 
must the next intelligence be, that informed them that Lieu- 
tenant Reynell was killed ! ” Madame Riedesel gives us 
further particulars of the trying scenes of that day : “ The 
wife of Major Harnage, a Madame Reynels the wife of the 
good lieutenant who the day previous had so kindly shared 
his broth with me, the wife of the commissary, and myself, 
were the only ladies who were with the army. We sat 
together bewailing our fate, when one came in, upon which 
they all began whispering, looking at the same time exceed- 
ingly sad. I noticed this, and also that they cast silent 
glances toward me. This awakeiled in my mind the dread- 
ful thought that my husband had been killed. I shrieked 
aloud, but they assured me that this was not so, at the 
same time intimating to me by signs, that it was the lieu- 
tenant — the husband of our companion — who had met 
with misfortune. A moment after she was called out. Her 
husband was not yet dead, but a cannon ball had taken off 
his arm close to his shoulder. During the whole night we 
heard his moans, which sounded fearfully through the 
vaulted cellars. The poor man died toward morning.” The 
cellar of the house in which these ladies found shelter dur- 
ing this dreadful night is still shown to the curious. Both 
Lamb and Digby are in error as to the regiment of which 
he was a member. Lamb makes him of the Twenty-fourth, 
and Digby of the Forty-seventh. Vide Burke’s Peerage 
and Baronetage and British Army Lists, in loco ; Travels 
Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 426; Let- 
ters and Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 129, et seq. 

Stephen Harvey became a lieutenant in the army, 
August 15, 1775, and was assigned to the Sixty-second 
Foot with a lieutenant’s commission therein, February 29, 
1776, and accompanied his regiment to America a few 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

Battalion of Grenadiers consisting of ten Companies 
Commanded by Major Ackland. 

Company ; Killed, Captain Stapleton, “73 Lieu- 

weeks later. Lamb thus records his fate: '‘Nor should 
the heroism of Lieutenant Hervey, of the 62nd regiment, 
a youth of sixteen, and nephew to the adjutant general 
of the same name be forgotten. It was characterized by 
all that is gallant in the military character. In the battle of 
the 19th September, he received several wounds, and was 
repeatedly ordered off the field by Lieutenant-Colonel An- 
struther, but his heroic ardor would not allow him to quit 
the battle while he could stand, and see his brave comrades 
fighting beside him. A ball striking one of his legs, his 
removal became absolutely necessary, and while they were 
conveying him away, another wounded him mortally. In 
this situation, the surgeon recommended him to take a 
powerful dose of opium, to avoid a seven or eight hours* 
life of most exquisite torture. This he immediately con- 
sented to, and when the colonel entered the tent, with 
Major Harnage, who were both wounded, they asked 
whether he had any affairs they could settle for him? His 
reply was, that being a minor, every thing was already 
adjusted ; but he had one request, which he retained just 
life enough to utter: 'Tell my uncle, I died like a soldier 

.**’ Anburey gives the same relation and adds: 

"Where will you find in ancient Rome heroism superior! ** 
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Journal of Occurrences 
During the Late American War, p. 179. 

Archibald Stuart was a lieutenant in the army under a 
commission dated October 10, 1759; but we have no further 
account of him until June 23, 1775, when we find him a 
lieutenant of Invalids at Hull. He was commissioned a 
lieutenant of the Sixty-second Foot on the eve of its de- 
parture to relieve Quebec. He fell in the battle of October 

^ George Taylor received his commission as an ensign in 
the Sixty-second Foot on March 2, 1776, and was in the 
campaign of that year under Carleton. He was one of those 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

tenant Huggart;®^^ Wounded, Captain Swetman,*^^ 
Lieutenant Rowe,*^^ 

youthful officers who had. but just commenced a promising 
military career, which was brought to an untimely end dur- 
ing this campaign. He fell at the battle of Freeman’s 
Farm, September nineteenth, in which battle the Sixty- 
second suffered severe loss. 

Levinge Cosby Phillips was commissioned an ensign 
in the Sixty-second Foot, December 20, 1776. Wilkinson 
thus alludes to him : The morning after the action I vis- 

ited the wounded prisoners who had not been dressed, and 
discovered a charming youth not more than 16 years old, 
lying among them; feeble, faint, pale and stiff in his gore; 
the delicacy of his aspect and the quality of his clothing 
attracted my attention, and on enquiry I found he was an 
Ensign Phillips; he told me he had fallen by a wound in his 
leg or thigh, and as he lay on the ground was shot through 
the body by an army follower, a murderous villain, who 
avowed the deed, but I forgot his name ; the moans of this 
hapless youth moved me to tears ; I raised him from the 
stra>v on which he lay, took him in my arms and removed 
him to a tent, where every comfort was provided and every 
attention paid to him, but his wounds were mortal, and he 
expired on the 21st ; when his name was first mentioned to 
General Gates, he exclaimed, ‘just Heaven ! he may be the 
nephew of my wife,” but the fact was otherwise. Let those 
parents who are now training their children for the military 
profession ; let those misguided patriots, who are inculcating 
principles of education subversive of the foundations of the 
republic, look on this picture of distress, taken from the life, 
of a youth in a strange land, far removed from friends and 
relations co-mingled with the dying and the dead, himself 
wounded, helpless and expiring with agony, and then should 
political considerations fail of effect, I hope, the feelings of 
affection and the obligations of humanity, may induce them 
to discountenance the pursuits of war, and save their off- 
spring from the seductions of the plume and the sword, for 
the more solid and useful avocations of civil life ; by which 
alone peace and virtue and the republic can be preserved. 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

2o“* Company ; Wounded, Major Ackland, twice ; 
Prisoners, Major Ackland. 

and perpetuated.” Vide British Army ’Lists, in loco; Me- 
moirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 246. 

Henry Young received his commission of ensign in the 
Sixty-second Foot on November 21, 1776, and this was his 
first campaign. Of the several officers of tender years in 
Burgoyne's army, all connected with families of repute, 
whose lives were sacrificed by a wretched* king and a besot- 
ted aristocracy in the support of a bad cause, we have 
touching notices in the journals of the survivors who par- 
ticipated in the great contest. Madame Riedesel thus 
refers to the last hours of Ensign Young: few days 

after our arrival, I heard plaintive moans in another room 
near me, and learned that they came from Young, — who 
was lying very low. I was the more interested in him, since 
a family of that name had shown me much courtesy during 
my sojourn in England. I tendered him my services, and 
sent him provisions and refreshments. He expressed a great 
desire to see his benefactress, as he called me. I went to 
him, and found him lying on a little straw, for he had 
lost his camp equipage. He was a young man, probably 
eighteen or nineteen years old ; and, actually, the own 
nephew of the Mr. Young whom I had known, and the 
only son of his parents. It was only for this reason that 
he grieved ; on account of his own sufferings he uttered 
no complaint. He had bled considerably, and they wished 
to take off his leg, but he could not bring his mind to it, 
and now mortification had set in. I sent him pillows and 
coverings, and my women servants a mattress. I redoubled 
my care of him, and visited him every day, for which I 
received from the sufferer a thousand blessings. Finally, 
they attempted the amputation of the limb, but it was too 
late, and he died a few days afterward. As he occupied an 
appartment close to mine, and the walls were very thin, I 
could hear his last groans through the partition of my 
room.'* Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Letters and 
Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 114. 

344 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

21®^ Company; Killed, Lieut Don;*^^ wounded 
Captn. Ramsey, Lieut Fetherston Prisoners, 
Captn Ramsey. 

George Tobias Fitzgerald was appointed adjutant of 
the Sixty-second Foot, October 26, 1775, and fell at Sara- 
toga on October eleventh. 

^John Anstruther, of the noble Scotch family of An- 
struther of Balcaskie, entered the Twenty-sixth Foot as 
ensign. May 2, 1751, and was advanced to the rank of lieu- 
tenant in the Eighth Foot, August 28, 1756. The dates of 
his subsequent commissions are as follows: captain-lieuten- 
ant, September 25, 1761; captain, July 23, 1762; major, 
November 5, 1766; lieutenant-colonel in the Sixty-second 
Foot, October 21, 1773. He served in the campaign of 
1776, and was wounded in the action of September nine- 
teenth, and also in that of October seventh. After the 
surrender he was paroled, and returned home in 1778. He 
was promoted to a colonelcy in the army, November 17, 
1780, but does not seem to have had a command after 
his return to England. His name disappears from the army 
lists after 1782. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Histori- 
cal Record Sixty-second Foot. 

^ Henry Harnage was of an ancient English family, and, 
at the age of seventeen, received his first commission in the 
military service as an ensign in the Fourth Foot, June 7, 17 S 6 » 
and, on September twenty-ninth of the following year, was 
advanced to a lieutenancy therein. He was promoted, May 
4, 1767, to a captaincy in the Sixty-second Foot, the second 
battalion of his regiment having received that number, and, 
December 21, 1775, to a majority. He was wounded in the 
battle of September nineteenth in the bowels, almost pre- 
cisely in the same manner as was General Fraser; but, said 
the surgeon, the general had eaten a hearty breakfast, by 
reason of which the intestines were distended, and the ball, 

had not gone, as in the case of Major Harnage, between 

the intestines, but through them.*’ In spite of this severe 
wound, he was on the battle-field of October seventh, when 
he was again wounded. When the army retreated on the 


Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 

24^ Company; 

47 ^ Company ; Prisoner, Lieutenant Kngland,*®° 

next night, we are told by Madame Riedesel that '‘he 
dragpd himself out of bed, that he might not remain in 
the hospital, which was left behind, protected by a flag of 
truce,^’ and, although suffering from his wound, he did not 
forget to attend to the protection of her and her children. 
He was made a lieutenant-colonel in the army, November 
17, 1780, while he was on the way to London with dispatches 
from Sir Henry Clinton, and was commissioned to the same 
rank in the One Hundred and Fourth Foot, March 18, 
1782, in which year his name appears on the army lists for 
the last time. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Letters 
and Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 114. 

^ Abraham Bunbury was commissioned a lieutenant in 
the Sixty-second Foot, September 17, 1773, and received 
the rank of captain in the army, December 21, 1775. He 
does not appear to have had a command during Burgoyne’s 
campaign. He was wounded in the battle of October sev- 
enth, and, as his name does not appear in the list of officers 
paroled at Cambridge, we may infer that he was taken with 
other wounded men back to Canada. His name appears 
upon the army lists for a number of years, but he held no 
command in the army. 

^ Henry Blacker was commissioned as an ensign in the 
Sixty-second Foot, December 21, 1775, and was acting in 
that capacity when the surrender at Saratoga took place, as 
his name so appears in the parole of Burgoyne^s officers, 
December 13, 1777. He was, however, commissioned to a 
lieutenancy under the date of October eighth. He was 
promoted to a captaincy, October 26, 1786. 

^ George Hervey was commissioned an ensign in the Sixty- 
second Foot, April 6, 1776, and was wounded in the action 
of September seventeenth. He, however, was in the battle 
of October seventh, and was among those who signed the 
parole after the surrender. 

^ Wm. Pendred Naylor was commissioned an ensign in 
the Sixty-second Foot, March 12, 1774, and accompanied 


346 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

62“^ Company; Wounded, Captn. Shrimpton.*®' 

29^*^ Company; Wounded, Lieut Steel.®®* 

his regiment to America in the spring of I 77 ^* After the 
close of the campaign of that year. Ensign Naylor was pro- 
moted to a lieutenancy, November 21, I 77 ^» which rank he 
held when taken prisoner in the battle of October 7 > ^ 777 * 
His name continued to be borne upon the army lists until 
1783, when it disappeared. 

Henry Danterroche was made an ensign in the Sixty- 
second Foot on November 21, 1776, after the close of the 
campaign of that year. He was taken prisoner in the battle 
of October seventh, and does not appear to have subse- 
quently advanced beyond the grade of ensign. His name 
appears upon the army lists for the last time in 1786. 

^ Andrew Durnford was commissioned as an ensign in 
the Royal Engineers, July 28, 1769, and was advanced to 
the rank of lieutenant, March 6, 1775. He was taken pris- 
oner in Colonel Baum's unfortunate attack on Bennington. 
At what time he was exchanged we do not know, but find 
him acting as assistant deputy quartermaster-general in New 
York and Georgia from 1779 to the close of the war. He 
was commissioned a captain-lieutenant and captain in the 
Engineers, October i, 1784, and a major in the army. May 
6, 1795. His name does not appear in the army lists after 
1799. ^ 

^ James Grant entered the Sixteenth Light Dragoons as 
cornet, December 27, 1774, and was transferred to the 
Twenty-first Dragoons, December 27, i 775 - He was one 
of the men selected by Burgoyne to bear dispatches through 
the American lines to Clinton, but was not successful, and 
returned to the British camp. He was subsequently taken 
prisoner, but was paroled and returned to England. On 
October 20, 1779, he was promoted to the army rank of 
lieutenant, and, on January 7, 1780, exchanged into the 
Sixty-first Foot as an ensign. On the following twenty-sixth 
of April he was made a lieutenant, but we can trace his 
career no farther, as his name disappears from the army lists 
after 1782. 


Lieutenant Dzgbys Journal. 

31®^ Company. 

34^^ Company; Wounded, Captain Forbes. 

53"^^ Company ; Killed, Captain Wight. 

Francis Samuel Stapleton entered the Ninth Foot as 
an ensign, September 4, 1762, while that regiment was en- 
gaged in its arduous and successful campaign in the island 
of Cuba, and the next year accompanied the regiment to 
Florida, which territory Spain had ceded to Great Britain 
in exchange for Cuba, which it had lost in the war. In the 
autumn of 1769 the Ninth arrived in Ireland, and on De- 
cember 12, 1770, while it was in garrison there. Ensign 
Stapleton was raised to the rank of lieutenant, and on 
May 21, 1773, was promoted to a captaincy in' his regi- 
ment. He participated in the operations by which the 
Americans were expelled from Canada in 1776, and fell 
mortally wounded in the action of the 7th July, 1777. 
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Ninth 
Foot; Journal of Occurrences During the Late American 
War, p. 174. 

James Haggart received his first commission of second 
lieutenant of marines. May 25, 1775, and was killed in the 
battle of July 7, 1777. Anburey relates that upon the very 
first attack of the Light Infantry a ball destroyed both of 
his eyes. 

George Swettenham was commissioned, a lieutenant in 
the army, February 28, 1760, and of the Ninth Foot, August 
8, 1764, while that regiment was stationed in Florida under 
the command of Lieutenant-General Whitemore. In 1769 
he returned to Ireland with his regiment, where it remained 
until the breaking out of the war in America. On March 
2, 1776, he was promoted to a captaincy, and was wounded 
at the battle of Freeman’s Farm. He was among the 
paroled officers of the surrendered army. His regiment 
returned to England at the close of the war, in 1783, and 
was stationed in Scotland in 1784 and 1785, and in the 
latter year his name disappears from the army lists. Vide,.^ 
British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Ninth Foot ; 
Burgoyne’s Orderly Book, p. 178. 


Lieutenant Digby $ Journal. 

British Line. 

9^ Regiment; Killed, Lieutenant Westrop; 
Wounded, Capt^ Mt. Gomery,"®^ Lieutenants Ste- 

^®John Rowe entered the service as an ensign in the 
Ninth Foot, December 12, 1770, while this regiment was in 
Ireland, and was advanced to a lieutenancy, October 19, 
1772. He was wounded in the action of July seventh, and 
does not appear to have been with his regiment after this 
date. He was superseded September 20, 1777. 

John Don received his commission of second lieutenant 
in the Twenty-first Foot, August 28, 1771, and of first lieu- 
tenant, February 23, 1776. Anburey thus speaks of his death 
in the action of the nineteenth of September: “Shortly 
after this we heard a most tremendous firing upon our left, 
where we were attacked in great force, and the very first 
fire, your old friend, Lieutenant Don, of the 21st regiment, 
received a ball through his heart. I am sure it will never be 
erased from my memory ; for when he was wounded, he 
sprung from the ground, nearly as high as a man.’’ Vide 
British Army Lists, in loco ; Travels Through the Interior 
Parts of America, vol. i, p. 414. 

Hon. Malcolm Ramsay entered the Twenty-first Foot 
as ensign on May 18, 1761, and appears on the same date to 
have been made a second lieutenant. The Twenty-first was 
at this time engaged in the successful expedition against 
Belleisle, on the coast of France, and, after the capture of 
that place, proceeded to Mobile. Lieutenant Ramsay was 
promoted to the rank^ of first lieutenant, January 16, 1765; 
captain-lieutenant, October 6, 1769, and captain, December 
25, 1770. In 1772 his regiment was ordered home, where it 
remained until the spring of 1776, when it sailed for Canada 
to relieve Carleton. Captain Ramsay was wounded, Sep- 
tember nineteenth, at the battle of Freeman’s Farm, and 
so severely as not to be able to share in the subsequent 
perils of the campaign. He was probably in Canada at the 
^time of the surrender of Burgoyne, where we find him, 
December 21, 1777, commissioned a major in the Eighty- 
third Foot. He was made lieutenant-colonel of the Eighty- 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

velly,’®5 Murray,®*® Prince,®*^ Ensign D Salon,®** Ad- 
jutant, Fielding ;®*« Prisoners, Captn. Mt Gomery, 
Money — Ensign D Salons and Surgeon [Shelly] 

third, and deputy adjutant-general in New Brunswick, 
August 24, 1781. His name appears on the army lists 
for the last time as “lieutenant colonel late Eighty-third 
Foot” in 1794. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; His- 
torical Record Twenty-first Foot; Journal of Occurrences 
During the Late American War, p. 175. 

*^*Wm. Featherstone was commissioned a second lieu- 
tenant in the Twenty-first Foot, May 17, 1762, and a lieu- 
tenant, November 18, 1768. The regiment was during this 
time stationed at Mobile, where it remained until 1772, 
when it returned to England. Early in the spring of 1776 
it was ordered back to America to relieve Carleton, and 
Lieutenant Featherstone participated in the campaign of 
that year. He was commissioned a captain lieutenant with 
rank of captain in the army, September 12, 1777. He was 
wounded in the battle of October seventh, and we infer, 
was conveyed to Canada, as his name does not appear upon 
the list of officers who surrendered at Saratoga. His name 
is borne upon the army lists as captain until 1794, when 
it disappears. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical 
Record Twenty-first Foot. 

*** Poole England received his first commission as ensign 
in the Forty-seventh Foot, November 6, 1769, and on April 
16, 1773 — the year in which his regiment embarked for 
America — he was promoted to a lieutenancy. He partici- 
pated in the battle of Bunker Hill — in which action he was 
wounded — and, when Boston was evacuated, accompanied 
his regiment to Canada. He was fort major at Ticonderoga, 
September 6, 1777, and was taken prisoner, but liberated on 
parole. His name is not found on the army lists later than 


*** John Shrimpton was commissioned a lieutenant in the * 
Sixty-second Foot, June 3, 1761, and, on the twenty-second 
of the following October, received the same rank in the 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

army, and was advanced to the rank of captain-lieutenant 
and captain, September 17, 1773. He was wounded on the 
seventh of July in the following manner: After the action 

was over, and all firing had ceased for near two hours, upon 
the summit of the mountain I have already described, whfth 
had no ground anywhere that could command it, a number 
of officers were collected to read the papers taken out of the 
pocketbook of Colonel Francis, when Captain^ Shrimpton, 
of the 62nd regiment, who had the papers in his hand, 
jumped up and fell, exclaiming, ^ he was severely wounded; * 
we all heard the ball whiz by us, and turning to the place 
from whence the report came, saw the smoke ; as there was 
every reason to imagine the piece was fired from some tree, 
a party of men were instantly detached, but could find no 
person, the fellow, no doubt, as soon as he had fired, had 
slipt down and made his escape.” Anburey again speaks 
of him shortly after: Major (sic) Shrimpton, who I told 

you was wounded upon the hill, rather than remain with the 
wounded at Huberton, preferred marching with the brigade, 
and on crossing this creek, having only one hand to assist 
himself with, was on the point of slipping in, had not an 
officer, who was behind him caught hold of his cloaths, just 
as he was falling. His wound was through his shoulder, and 
as he could walk, he said he would not remain to fall into 
the enemy’s hands, as it was universally thought the sick 
and wounded must.” Captain Shrimpton recovered suffi- 
ciently to participate in the subsequent scenes of the cam- 
paign of 1777, and was one of the surrendered officers who 
signed the parole at Cambridge. He returned to England 
and became tower major at the Tower of London in 
but we lose sight of him the following year. Vide British 
Army Lists, in loco ^ Travels Through the Interior Parts of 
America, vol. i, pp. 231, et seq.^ 342. 

Thomas Steele entered the Twenty-ninth Foot as an 
ensign, June 21, 1769, and was advanced to the rank of lieu- 
tenant therein, November 3, 1773. The Twenty-ninth Regi- 
ment was in America during this period, but returned to 
England in 1774, where it was in garrison for two years, 
when it was ordered back to America to assist in the war 
there. Lieutenant Steele was wounded in the action of 
July seventh, but not, it would appear, seriously enough to 


• Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

prevent him from participating in the subsequent events of 
Burgoyne’s campaign, as we find him at the close of it 
among the surrendered officers. The army lists do not 
bear his name later than 1784. 


^Gordon Forbes entered the Thirty-third Foot as an 
ensign under a commission bearing date August 27, 1756, 
and was advanced to the rank of lieutenant in the Seventy- 
second Foot — the second battalion of the Thirty-third, 
which had been renumbered — on October 2, 1757. On 
October 17, 1762, he was promoted to a captaincy, and dur- 
ing the two following years, served in the expedition against 
the Spanish settlements in the West Indies. On his return 
to England, he exchanged into the Thirty-fourth Foot, 
April 12, 1764, and accompanied his regiment to Louisiana, 
which Spain had just ceded to Great Britain. The Thirty- 
fourth returned to England in 1773, and was ordered to 
America in the spring of 1776. At the close of the suc- 
cessful campaign against the Americans in that year. Cap- 
tain Forbes was promoted, on November eleventh, to a 
majority, and transferred to the Ninth Foot, with which 
regiment he gallantly served in the campaign of the follow- 
ing year. He was wounded in the action of the nineteenth 
of September, and was among the officers who surrendered 
in the following month. He returned to England in 1778, 
and was made lieutenant-colonel of the One Hundred and 
Second Foot, September 24, 1781. On October 12, 1787, — 
having been on half pay during the four previous years — 
he was made lieutenant-colonel of the Seventy-fourth Foot, 
and, November 18, 1790, colonel in the army. On April 
18, 1794, not having had a regimental command fora period 
of five years, he was appointed colonel of the One Hundred 
and Fifth Foot, and, on October third, was made a major- 
general in the army. On January 24, 1787, — the One Hun- 
dred and Fifth having been disbanded during the preceding 
year — he was made colonel of the Eighty-first, but was 
transferred to the Twenty-ninth Foot on August eighth fol- 
lowing. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general, 
January i, 1801, and of general, January i, 1812. His death 
took place January 17, 1828. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; 
Hadden’s Journal and Orderly Books, pp. xlvii, 162-164. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

^ Wm. Stone Montgomery. See note 167, ante, p. 221. 

=** Joseph Stevelly was commissioned an ensign in the 
Ninth Foot, January i, 1774, and was promoted to the rank 
of lieutenant, December 19, 1776. He was wounded at Fort 
Anne, July ninth, but was with his regiment at the tinie 
of the surrender. His name is not borne on the army lists 
after 1781. 

James Murray was commissioned an ensign in the 
Ninth Foot, September 26, 1772, and a lieutenant, March 
2, 1776. He served through Carleton’s campaign, and was 
wounded the following year in the attack on Fort Anne, 
July ninth. Anburey, in writing home, speaks of him as 
“ our pleasant Hibernian friend,” and describes the rough 
manner in which he comforted his fellow sufferers who had 
met with the same misfortune which had befallen him. 
Murray was among the officers who were paroled at Cam- 
bridge after the surrender. He served as the quartermaster 
of his regiment until the close of the war, having acted in 
that capacity for a period of fourteen years — namely, from 
January 14, 1770, to the close of 1783. He was advanced 
to the rank of captain, March 31, 1787. In 1789 he retired 
from the service upon half pay. Vide British Army Lists, 
in loco ; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, 
vol. I, p. 350, et seq. 

^ William Prince entered the Ninth Foot as an ensign, 
March 14, 1772, and was advanced to a lieutenancy, July 
7 > 1775* wounded at the battle of Freeman’s Farm, 

September nineteenth, but not sufficiently to prevent him 
from remaining with his regiment, hence he was among the 
officers who surrendered at Saratoga a few weeks later. He 
was promoted to a captaincy, April 5, 1781, but does not 
appear to have attained any higher rank. His name is 
borne on the army lists for the last time in 1785. 

*** Baron Alexander Salons was commissioned an ensign 
in the Ninth Foot, September 2, 1776. By an order of 
August thirteenth he was assigned to service in Captain 
Fraser’s corps, and, three days later, while in performance 
of his duty, was wounded at the battle of Bennington. He 
was sent back with the wounded to Canada, and, after his 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal.^ 

return to England, was made a captain in the Eighty-fifth, 
which was assigned to duty in Jamaica. The climate of 
Jamaica wrought great havoc in the regiment, and it is said 
that in a short time nine-tenths of the men of the regiment 
were dead or on the sick list. In 1783 his name disappears 
from the army lists. 

^ Isaac Fielding received his commission as adjutant in 
the Ninth Foot, November 24, 1775. He was wounded at 
Fort Anne, July ninth, but had recovered from his wound 
sufficiently to take part in the final scenes of the campaign ; 
hence he was among the officers who surrendered at Sara- 
toga. We have no account of his subsequent career, as his 
name disappears from the army list after 1780. 



Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

Return of the army of the United States under the 
command of H. Gates ^ Major General^ 1 7^ October 
1777 - 



Lieut Colonels. . 



First lieuten^* . . . 
Second lieut*... 




Quarter masters, 
Paymasters .... 


Surgeons mates 



Rank & file .... 
Sick present . . . 
Sick absent .... 
At Fort Edward 
On Furlough . . . 





344 - 
332 * 


345 - 
5 * 



30 * 


43 * 





731 - 

3875. on command. 


Signed — 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 355 

Return of the British Troops under the Command 
of Lieut Genl Burgoyne 17 October 1777. 

Generals staff 10 

Lieut Col® 4 

Majors 6 

Captains 40 

Lieutenants 59 

Ensigns 36 

Chaplains • *4 

Adjutants .... 5 

Q**. masters 3 

Surgeons 7 

Mates 7 

Sergeants 162 

Drummers & fifers 135 

Rank & file fit for duty 2365 

Sick 361 

Musicians 36 

Batt men 139 



Return of the German troops ttnder the Command 
of Lieut. General Burgoyne, 17“* October 1777. 

Officiers 132. 

Bat officiers 197. 

Chusurgiers 19. 

Soldats 1792. 

Tambours 72. 

Total Germans 2202. 

Lieut. General. 

General Major. 


Lieutefiant Digby s Journal. 

Total provincial army .... 22348. 

British 3379 

Germans 2202 

Difference of armies 16767. 

*General Burgoyne’s speech to the Indians in 

Congress, Bouquet June 21 1777 and their 


Brave Chiefs and Warriors. 

“The great King, our common father and the 
patron of all who seek and deserve his protection, 
has considered with satisfaction the general conduct 
of the Indians tribes, from the beginning of the 
troubles in America, too sagacious and too faithful 
to the deluded or corrupted, they have observed the 
violated rights of the parental power they love, and 
burned to vindicate them. A few individuals alone, 
the refuse of a small tribe, at the first were led away, 
and the misrepresentations, the special allurements, 
the insidious promises and diversified [plots] in which 
the rebels are exercised, and all of which they em- 
ployed for that effect, have served only in the end, 
to enhance the honour of the tribes in general for 
demonstrating to the world, how few and how con- 
temptible are the apostates. It is a truth known to 
you all, that, these pitiful examples excepted (and 

* This speech of Burgoyne to the Indians appears at the 
end of Digby’s Journal, and is imperfect, the leaves which 
contained the concluding portion of it and the old chiefs 
reply being lost. These I have been enabled to supply, J. P. B. 


Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 

they probably have before this day hid their faces in 
shame), the collected voices and hands of the Indian 
tribes over their vast continent, are on the side of 
justice, of law and of the king. 

[The restraint you have put upon your resentment 
in waiting the King, your father’s call to arms, the 
hardest proof, I am persuaded, to which your affec- 
tion could have been put, is another manifest and 
affecting mark of your adherence to that principle of 
connection to which you were always fond to allude, 
and which is the mutual joy and the duty of the 
parent to cherish.] 

The clemency of your father has been abused, the 
offers of his mercy have been despised and his farther 
patience, would in his eyes become culpable in 
asmuch as it would withold redress from the most 
grievous oppressions in the provinces, that ever dis- 
graced the history of mankind. It therefore remains 
for me the general of one of his majesties armies, 
and in this council his representative, to release you 
from those bonds [which] your obedience imposed. 
Warriors [you are free ! Go] forth in the might of 
your valour [and your cause ; strike at the common 
enemies of Great Britain and America — disturbers 
of public order, peace, and happiness — destroyers of 
commerce, parricides of the State.” 

Having reached this part of his speech General 
Burgoyne raised his hand and pointed to the British 
officers which surrounded him and then to their 
German allies and continued. 


Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

“The circle around you — the chiefs of His Majesty’s 
European forces and of the Princes his allies, esteem 
you as brothers in the war : [emulous in glory and 
in friendship, we will endeavour reciprocally to give 
and to receive examples ; we know how to value, 
and we will strive to imitate your preseverance in 
enterprise and your constancy, to resist hunger, weari- 
ness and pain.] Be it our task, from the dictates 
of our religion, the laws of our warfare, and the prin- 
ciples and interests of our policy, to regulate your 
passions when they overbear, to point out where it 
is nobler to spare than to revenge, to discriminate 
the degrees of guilt, to suspend the uplifted stroke, 
to chastise and not to destroy. 

[This war to you my friends is new ; upon all 
former occasions, in taking the field, you held your- 
selves authorized to destroy wherever you came, 
because every where you found an enemy. The case 
is now very different. 

The King has many faithful subjects dispersed in 
the provinces consequently you have many brothers 
there, and these people are more to be pitied, that 
they are persecuted or imprisoned wherever they are 
discovered or suspected, and to dissemble, to a gen- 
erous mind, is a yet more grievous punishment. 

Persuaded that your magnanimity of character, 
joined to your principles of affection to the King, 
will give me fuller controul over your minds than the 
military rank with which I am invested, I enjoin 
your most serious attention to the rules which I hereby 


Lieutenant Diky's Journal. 

proclaim for your invariable observation during the 

To this the Indians shouted vociferously Etow / 
Etow ! Etow! to signify their approval and then 
listened with eager attention, to gather from the 
interpreter the General’s instructions which were as 
follows : — 

“ I positively forbid bloodshed when you are not 
opposed in arms. 

“ Aged men, women, children, and prisoners must 
be held secure from the knife or hatchet, even in the 
time of actual conflict. 

“You shall receive compensation for the prisoners 
you take, but you will be called to account for scalps. 

“In conformity and indulgence to your customs, 
which have affixed an idea of honour to such badges 
of victory, you will be allowed to take the scalps of 
the dead when killed by your fire or in fair opposi- 
tion, but on no account or pretence or subtilty or 
prevarication are they to be taken from the wounded 
or even from the dying, and still less pardonable will 
it be held to kill men in that condition [on purpose, 
and upon a supposition that this protection to the 
wounded would be thereby evaded. Base lurking 
assassins, incendiaries, ravagers and plunderers of the 
country, to whatever army they may belong, shall be 
treated with less reserve ; but the latitude must be 
given you by order, and I must be the judge on 
the occasion.] Should the enemy on their part 
dare to countenance acts of barbarity towards 

360 Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 

those who fall into their hands, it shall be yours also 
to retaliate, but till this severity shall be thus com- 
pelled, bear immovable in your hearts this solid 
maxim: (it cannot be too deeply impressed) [that 
the great essential reward the worthy service of your 
alliance] the sincerity of ypur zeal to the King, 
your father and never-failing protector, will be ex- 
amined and judged upon the test only of your steady 
and uniform adherence to the orders and counsels of 
those to whom His Majesty has entrusted the direc- 
tion and the honour of his arms.”] 

At the conclusion they again shouted Etow ! 
Etow ! Etow ! and after holding a consultation, an 
aged Iroquois chief gravely arose and replied as 
follows : 

Reply of the Old Chief of the Iroquois to 
Burgoyne’s speech of June 2i®‘, 1777. 

I stand up in the name of all the nations present, 
to assure our father that we have attentively listened 
to his discourse. We receive you as our father, 
because when you speak we have the voice of our 
great father beyond the great lake. We rejoice in 
the approbation you have expressed of our behaviour. 
We have been tried and tempted by the Bostonians ; 
but we have loved our father, and our hatchets have 
been sharpened upon our affections. In proof of 
the sincerity of our professions, our whole villages 
able to go to war are come forth. The old and 
infirm, our infants and wives alone remain at home. 

Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 361 

With one common assent we promise a constant 
obedience to all you have ordered, and all you shall 
order ; and may the Father of Days give you many 
and success.” 

When the Iroquois Chief had concluded his speech 
his hearers applauded as before with loud shouts of 
Etow ! Etow I Etow / 


Anbenaquis, 93. 

Abercrombie, General James, 
before Ticonderoga, 127; 
St. Leger served under, 
256; Stanwix under, 258; 
mentioned, 217, 258. 

Account of Burgoyne’s Cam- 
paign, see Neilson, Charles. 

Acland, Lady Harriet, accom- 
panied her husband to 
America, 1 12 ; conflicting 
stories concerning her sec- 
ond marriage, 1 12 ; escaped 
from a burning tent, 267, 
268 ; romantic attachment 
for her husband, 268 ; in 
the American lines, 298 ; 
her heroic conduct, 298, 
299 ; described, 299 ; sister 
of Capt. Strangways, 338; 
mentioned, 295, 339. 

Acland, Major John Dyke, 
wounded, 2 1 1 , 290, 298, 343; 
his tent burned, 267 ; him- 
self burned, 268; the ro- 
mantic attachment of his 
wife, 268 ; biographical no- 
tice, III; mentioned, 16, 

Adams, Katherine, mother of 
Capt. Robert, 137. 

Adams, Capt. Robert, mur- 
dered by Indians, 135, 136; 
biographical notice of, 136- 


Adams, Thomas, father of 
Capt. Robert, 136, 137. 

Adolphus, John, his History 
of England, cited, 239. 

Agnew, Major William, 
wounded, 335 ; biograph- 
ical notice, 337. 

Albany, Burgoyne, Clinton 
and Howe to meet at, 14, 
15, 19, 24, 26, 64, 65, 259; 
Burgoyne proceeded to- 
ward, 21 ; re-enforcements 
sent to, 25 ; Burgoyne’s 
path to, blocked, 29 ; Clin- 
ton on the way to, 46 ; Gen. 
Schuyler born and died in, 
241, 243 ; the Baroness Rie- 
desel in, 243 ; volunteers 
from, 250; St. Leger to 
meet Burgoyne at, 258 ; 
mentioned, 19, 28, 33, lOi, 
108, 240, 244, 257, 277, 281. 

Algonquins, the, 93. 



Allen, Col. Ethan, captured 
Ticonderoga, 127. 

Allen, Joseph, his Battles of 
the British Navy, cited, 140. 

Amboy, evacuated by Howe, 

America, a day famous in the 
annals of, 317; mentioned, 
67. 69, 93, 102, 121, 155, 
156, 166, 169, 174, 182, 189, 
191, 218, 222, 230, 234, 239, 
245, 246, 300, 305, 306, 310, 

325, 327, 330, 331, 332, 333, 
334, 335. 337> 339. 340, 346, 
349. 350. 

American Archives, The, 
cited, 104, 1 14, 130, 138, 
254, 300. 

American Historical Record, 
The, cited, 257. 

American Revolution, The 
History of, see Ramsay, 
David, M. D. 

American troops, the, trium- 
phant in Canada, 3, 8 ; 
driven from Quebec, 9, 10; 
disheartened, 13; sufferings 
of, 13, 14; bitter at the loss 
of Ticonderoga, 20; impa- 
tient for the approach of 
Carleton, 172; accused of 
inhumanity, 261, 263, 264, 
265, 270, 272, 273; defended 
by Gates, 261-263. 

American War, History of 
the, see Stedman, C. 

Amhurst, Gen. Jeffrey, cap- 
tured Crown Point, 127 ; 
captured Ticonderoga, 127; 
biographical notice of, 135- 
137 - 

Anburey, Thomas, biograph- 
ical notice of, 17 ; his Trav- 
els through the Interior 
Parts of America translated 
into French and German, 
17; cited, 17, 18, 123, 130, 
131, 134, 175,211-213, 237,. 
252, 25s, 268, 270, 272, 273, 
327, 330, 331, 332, 339, 340, 
341, 348, 350,352. 

Ancient and Honorable Artil- 
lery Company,. The, 283. 

Andover, Mass., 282. 

Annual Biography and Obitu- 
ary, The, cited, 278. 

Annual Register, The, cited, 
86, 140, 148. 

Anson, Lord, General Howe 
served under, 156. 

Anstruther, Colonel John, 
wounded, 336, 337; bio- 
graphical notice of, 344 ; 
mentioned, 272, 341. 

Anticosti, Island of, described, 

96, 97. 

Antiochus, 121. 

Antroch, Ensign Henry de, 
see Danterroch, Henry. 

Apollo, The, 187. 

Argyle, the Tories of, seek 
protection from the In- 
dians, 236. 

Ariadne, The, 148. 

Arnold, Gen. Benedict, joined 
Montgomery, 8 ; attacked 
by Carleton, 10, 12 ; unable 
to form a conjunction with 
Sullivan, 12, 13; attacked 
Burgoyne and Fraser, 30; 
urged Gates to make a night 
attack, 32, 291 ; suspended, 



32; a controlling spirit in a 
fight, 39, 40, 41 ; duel with 
Balcarres, 87 ; dispatched a 
party to reconnoitre, 145 ; 
commander on the lake, 
146, 147, 241 ; built the 
Royal Savage, 158; com- 
mander of the Congress, 
163 ; confidence reposed in, 
164; heroic conduct, 171, 
288, 289 ; strengthened his 
position at Ticonderoga, 
172 ; accompanied Phillips 
to Virginia, 175 ; supposed 
letter to Burgoyne, 241 ; 
joined the British, 246 ; 
suspected by Clinton, 246, 
247 ; with Morgan in Can- 
ada, 271 ; his furious attack 
upon the Germans, 288, 
289; before Quebec, 325; 
biographical notice of, 146, 
147 ; mentioned, 9, 3 1 3» 3 19- 

Arnold, Hannah, letter of, to 
her son Benedict, 146. 

Arnold’s Campaign for the 
Conquest of Canada, see 
Henry, John Joseph. 

Arrogant, The, 150. 

Articles of Convention be- 
tween Gates and Burgoyne, 


Astor Library, vi. 

August, The, 253. 

Baccalaos, early name of New- 
foundland, 90. 

Balcarres, the Earl of, at- 
tacked by Arnold, 41 ; duel 
with Arnold, 87 ; landed at 
Quebec, 104; wounded. 

211,331; biographical no- 
tice of, 86 ; mentioned, 16, 
no, 252, 327. 

Balcajskie, Scotland, 344. 

Barr^, Col. Isaac, demanded 
of Germaine what was be- 
come of Burgoyne, 65 ; re- 
gretted the death of Gen. 
Montgomery, 100, loi. 

Basque, a province of Spain, 


Basques, the, fished early near 
Newfoundland, 90. 

Batman, defined, 202. 

Batten Kill, 249, 253. 

Battersby, Lieutenant James, 
wounded, 330 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 330. 

Battles of the British Navy, 
see Allen, Joseph. 

Baum, Lieut. -Col. Frederick, 
sent to attack Bennington, 
23-24; 250, 251, 346; his 
command destroyed, 23 ; 
taken prisoner, 260 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 260 ; 
mentioned, 193, 194. 

Bay of Biscay, 207. 

Bay of Placentia, 91. 

Beatson, Robert, his Military 
Memoirs of Great Britain, 
cited, 148 ; his Political 
Index to the Histories ol 
Great Britain, cited, 148. 

Belle Isle, the expedition 
against. Col. Hamilton in, 
196; General Hodgson in, 
207 ; Maj. Walker in, 207 ; 
Capt. Jones in, 325 ; Col. 
Lind in, 333 ; Capt. Ram- 
say in, 348. 



Bemus Heights, the battle of, 
Maj. Acland wounded at, 
III ; Mrs. Acland at, 112; 
Breymann killed at, 193. 

Bennington, the patriots 
gathered at, 23 ; Gen. Baum 
sent to seize the stores at, 
23 - 

Bennington, the battle of, 
Lieut.-Col. Peters at, 194; 
Gen. Riedesel sent to, 248, 
250; Lieut.-Col. Baum 
taken prisoner at, 260, 346 ; 
the victory at, caused re- 
cruits to come into the 
American camp, 267 ; Capt. 
Durnford taken prisoner at, 
346 ; Capt. Salons woiinded 
at, 352 ; mentioned, 24, 27, 
193, 255, 260, 261, 262, 265. 

Berkshire, England, 86. 

Berwick, Maine, 10. 

Berwick, Scotland, Sir Wil- 
liam Howe, governor of, 

Betham, the Rev. William, 
his Baronetage, cited, 222. 

Bingley, Lord, a supposed 
relative of Burgoyne, 168. 

Biographical Dictionary, see 
Blake. John L., D. D. 

Bird Islands, The, described, 

Birnstead, England, Howarth 
died at, 328. 

Biscay, a province of Spain, 

Biscay, the Bay of, 207. 

Biscayners, The, supposed an- 
cestors of the Esquimaux, 
95 ; traces of, in Europe, 95. 

Blake, Capt. John, wounded, 
335 ; biographical notice of, 
337, 338. 

Blake, John L., D. D., his Bio- 
graphical Dictionary, cited, 

Blackee, see Blacker. 

Blacker, Ensign Henry, 
wounded, 337 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 345. 

Bleurie River, The, 142. 

Blomefield, Capt. Thomas, 
wounded, 325 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 325, 326. 

Bonchetti, Joseph, his British 
Dominions in North Amer- 
ica, cited, 97. 

Boscawen, Admiral Edward, 
accompanied to America 
by St. Clair, 218. 

Boston, Burgoyne’s troops to 
embark at, 49 ; troops quar- 
tered in, 49, 50; Gen. Heath 
at the siege of, 62 ; Bur- 
goyne in, 1 1 5 ; Capt. Craig 
at the siege of, 166; Col. 
Marshall born in, 283 ; 
mentioned, 60, 61, 62, 103, 
1 13, 147, 182, 194, 244, 282, 
314, 349- 

Boston Gazette, The, Gen. 
Heath a writer for, 61. 

Boston Massacre, Lieut. Bat- 
tersby in the, 330. 

Boston, The, burnt, 162 ; 
commanded by Sumner, 

Botta, Carlo G. G., his His- 
tory of the War of Inde- 
pendence, cited, loi, 247. 

Boucherville, Canada, 193. 



Boucherville, Capt. An- 
toine de, in command of a 
Canadian company, 193 ; 
biographical notice of, 193. 

Bouquet Expedition, Capt. 
Adams in the, 137. 

Bouquet, Col. Henry, 200. 

Bouquet River, The, named 
after Col. Bouquet, 200. . 

Bourbon River, The, 93. 

Bouroughbridge, England, 
represented by Gen. Phil- 
lips, 174. 

Braddock, Gen. Edward, Gen. 
Gates served under, 169 ; 
Col. Morgan served under, 
270 ; Capt. Langlade served 
under, 254. 

Brampton, England, Arnold’s 
death at, 147. 

Brandywine, Battle of, Gen. 
Sullivan at the, 10. 

Breed’s Hill, 236, see Bunker 

Brenton, Edward P., his Naval 
History of Great Britain, 
cited, 148. 

Breymann, Lieut.-Col. Hein- 
rich Christoph, sent to sup- 
port Baum, 24; defeated, 
24; biographical notice of, 
193-194 ; mentioned, 31, 
41, 193, 288. 

Bribes, Gens. Schuyler and 
St. Clair accused of accept- 
ing, 219. 

British Army Lists, The, 
cited, 86, 87, 109, 112, 114, 
123, 124, 130, 137, 150, 156, 
160, 171, 175, 181, 182, 19s, 
199, 203, 206, 207, 21 1, 217, 

219,222, 225, 234, 235, 245, 
247, 257, 278, 287, 290, 300, 
306,312, 325, 327, 328, 329, 
330> 332, 333i 334, 335, 336, 
337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 343, 
344, 345, 347, 348, 349, 350, 

British Family Antiquary, see 
Playfaire, William. 

British Museum, v, vii. 

British North America, Gen. 
Craig Governor General of, 

British War Office, vi. 

Brooks, the Rev. Charles, his 
History of Medford, cited, 

Brown, Col., attacked Ticon- 
deroga, 277. 

Brudenel, the Rev. Edward, 
performed the funeral serv- 
ice at the burial of General 
Fraser, 296; conducted 
Lady Acland to the Amer- 
ican lines, 298, 299; bio- 
graphical notice of, 298. 

Brunswick, 334. 

Brunswick Dragoons, The, 

Brymen, see Breymann, Lieut.- 
Col. Heinrich Christoph. 

Brymner, Mr. Douglas, vi, 195. 

Buckingham, James Silk, his 
Canada, Nova Scotia and 
other British Provinces, 
cited, 92. 

Bullet, Story of the Silver, 
33, 34. 

Bunbury, Capt. Abraham, 
wounded, 337 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 345. 



Bunker Hill, the battle of, its 
effect upon the English 
Government, 4, 5 ; Dear- 
born at, 38; the retreat 
from Long Island com- 
pared to the, 60 ; Col. Nes- 
bit at, 1 14; witnessed by 
Burgoyne, 116; the assault 
led by Gen. Howe, 155 ; 
Capt. Craig at, 166, 167; 
L’ Estrange at, 182; Col. 
Hale at, 216; Sir Henry 
Clinton at, 246; Col. Dow- 
ling at, 335; Lieut. Eng- 
land at, 349 ; mentioned, 

236, 313- 

Burgoyne, Lady Charlotte, 

Burgoyne, Lieut.-Gen. Sir 
John, drove Sullivan to St. 
Johns, 10; sailed for Eng- 
land, 13, 14; at Quebec, 
14, 187; in command of 
the Northern army, 14, 15, 
84, 85, 187, 188; at Mon- 
treal, 1 5 ; letter to Lord 
Germaine, 1 5 ; occupied a 
post near Ticonderoga, 15 ; 
fine equipped army, 16^18; 
army divided into three 
brigades, 17; detached St. 
Leger to Fort Schuyler, 
18; at Crown Point, 19; 
before Ticonderoga, 19, 20; 
his position discovered, 20 ; 
captured Ticonderoga, 20; 
victory celebrated, 21, 172 ; 
letter to Lord Germaine, 
21 ; sent for more troops, 
21-22; to Skeensborough, 

, 22; his progress hindered. 

22, 30; discontent of his 
allies, and army weakened, 
22-23 ; sent Baum to Ben- 
nington, 23 ; embarrassed, 
24, 29, 37 ; disheartened 
letter to Lord Germaine, 
24-27 ; messages to Gen. 
Howe intercepted, 25, 28, 
123; to meet Howe at Al- 
bany, 24, 26, 64, 65, 188, 
257,258; recruits at Lake 
Champlain, 26; communi- 
cations cut off, 26, 197 ; 
awaited Howe's operations, 
26; peril of his position, 
27, 28, 29; defeat of St. 
Leger, 27 ; crossed the 
Hudson, 28 ; at Dovegat, 
29 ; path blocked, 29 ; army 
divided, 29, 30; attacked 
by Arnold and Morgan, 30, 
38; failed to follow a gained 
advantage, 31, 275; un- 
justly claimed victory, 31 ; 
advised to advance, 32 ; re- 
ceived letters from Gen. 
Clinton, 32-34, 275 ; mes- 
senger to, taken prisoner, 
33, 284; hoped for re-en- 
forcements, 32, 33 ; fortified 
his camp, 33, 34; letter to 
Clinton, 35, 36; position 
more critical, 37, 288, 289, 
300 ; prepared to attack the 
Americans, 37 ; attacked by 
the enemy, 38 ; ordered a 
retreat, 40, 41 ; moved 

across Fish Creek, 42, 293 ; 
not guilty of spending the 
night in revelry, 42, 43 ; 
sent a force to clear the 



way to Fort Edward, 44; 
a still more critical position, 
46 ; called a council, 46, 47, 
317, 318; a retreat pre- 
vented by the enemy, 46, 
47, 251, 279; proposed a 
surrender, 47, 296, 305-307 ; 
his terms accepted, 47 ; en- 
deavored to break the 
agreement, 47-48, 309> 

3 1 1 ; treaty signed, 48, 3 1 2 ; 
surrendered, 49 ; troops 
started for Boston, 49 ; dif- 
ficulty in supplying quarters 
for his army, 51, 52; com- 
plicated affairs, 53 ; his sup- 
plies in arrears, 54; regimen- 
tal colors not given up, 55, 
74 ; his utterances carefully 
scanned, 57; his soldiers 
deserted, 58 ; feeling of 
doubt concerning him, 58 ; 
his health impaired, 59 ; 
embarked for England, 59, 
88, 173; paid expenses for 
his troops, 59 ; felt that the 
A m e r ic a n Government 
treated him unjustly, 64; 
dispatches from, reach 
England, 66, 346; the dis- 
aster of his army expected, 
64-66, 318, 319; his recep- 
tion in London, 66, 67 ; 
published an address on his 
campaign, 68, 69 ; ministry 
hostile, 68 ; accused of try- 
ing to supplant Carleton, 
68 ; charged with double 
dealing, 68 ; endeavored to 
have his captured army lib- 
erated, 68 ; demanded a 


trial, 68-69 ; assailed by 
pamphlets, 69, 70 ; popular, 
67, 68, ^ ; ordered to 
America, 67, 68, 69 ; his 
army a sacrifice to a blunder 
of Lord Germaine, 70, 321 ; 
Howe’s failure to co-oper- 
ate with him a puzzle to 
Washington, 71, 72; com- 
pared to Howe, 72 ; second 
in command, 84, 85; treated 
prisoners humanely, 108; 
his expedition against Forts 
Chambly and St. Johns, 
114-116; in Parliament, 

1 1 5 ; general orders of, 1 19; 
orders against scalping, 
I35» 359; 01^ the Maria, 
1 5 1 ; erected a block-house, 
152; witnessed the battle 
of Bunker Hill, 155 ; his 
favorite aid-de-camp, 160; 
his parentage, 168 ; com- 
plimented Carleton, 172 ; 
advised Carleton to ad- 
vance, 172; left Phillips in 
command of the troops, 
175 ; Colonel of the Queen’s 
Regiment, 189, 229, 231, 
232 ; Governor of Fort 
William, 189, 229, 231, 
232; manifesto of, 189-192; 
humorous replies to, 192, 
229-232 ; his unfavorable 
opinion of the Provincial 
loyalists, 195 ; on St. Clair’s 
want of foresight, 204 ; 
praised the Grenadiers, 212; 
occupied Mount Defiance, 
218; said to have bribed 
Gens. Schuyler and St. 



Clair, 219; eulogized Gen. 
Montgomery, 221 ; in Port- 
ugal, 222 ; eulogized Gen. 
Fraser, 224-225; his advance 
on Skeensborough a help 
to the enemy, 227-228 ; is- 
sued a proclamation, 233 ; 
not in favor of hiring In- 
dians, 237-239, 262 ; letters 
to Gen. Gates, 237, 263, 
259-265 ; supposed letter 
from Gen. Arnold, 241 ; de- 
stroyed the house of Gen. 
Schuyler, 243 ; at DueFs 
house, 244 ; Gen. Clinton’s 
weak attempt to help him, 
246; at Fort Miller, 249; 
crossed the Hudson, 249, 
267 ; on St. Luc, 254 ; his 
orders relating to deserters, 
256 ; to meet St. Leger at 
Albany, 257, 258; com- 
plained of the treatment of 
prisoners, 261; sent supplies 
to his officers, 263 ; de- 
fended himself against the 
aspersions of Gen. Gates, 
264 - 265 ; on Saratoga 
Heights, 267, 300; com- 
pared to Gen. Gates, 274; 
his reasons for not follow- 
ing the advice of Fraser 
and Phillips, 275 ; his death 
reported, 277 ; heard of 
Clinton’s advance, 278 ; 
criticised in his own army, 
291 ; baggage destroyed, 
301 ; denied having unnec- 
essarily destroyed property, 
301; discontent in his army, 
302-303 ; articles of sur- 

render given in full, 312- 
317 ; his surrender the turn- 
ing point of the Revolution, 
318; his meeting with Gen. 
Gates, 320 ; letters to Lord 
Germaine, 323; not to be 
censured, 323 ; return of 
the killed, wounded and 
prisoners of his command, 
324 ; return of his troops, 
355 ; his speech to the In- 
dians, 356-360; other 
speeches of, cited, 68, 254, 
302 ; biographical notice of, 
1 14-1 16 ; mentioned, v, vi, 
vii, I, 2, 16, 18, 56, 65, 1 17, 
123, 136, 139, 150, 170, 192, 
194, 197, 198, 21 1, 219, 220, 
239, 243, 260, 271, 281, 282, 

297, 308, 3i3» 314,315, 316, 
322, 325,327, 332,333, 335, 
337,343,345,348; the Con- 
vention of Saratoga, see 
Deane, Charles, LL.D. ; 
his letter to his constitu- 
ents, cited, 66 ; his Orderly- 
Book, see O’Callaghan, Ed- 
mund B., LL.D.; his State 
of the Expedition from 
Canada, cited, 15, 21, 24, 
49, 50, 69, 1 12, 175, 325, 
327. See^ also, Fonblanque, 
Edward Barrington, de ; 
Neilson, Chas.; and Stone, 
Col. William L. 

Burgoyne, Sir John Fox, son 
of Gen. Sir John, 116. 

Burgoyne’s Light-Horse, 115. 

Burke, Sir Bernard, his 
Landed Gentry, cited, i8i ; 
his Peerage and Baronet- 



age, cited, 86, 87, 104, 112, 

1 16, 156, 160, 327, 338, 


Burke, Edmund, denounced 
the employment of merce- 
nary troops, 7 ; eulogized 
Montgomery, 101. 

Burcaco, the battle of, Gen. 
Howarth at, 328. 

Cab riding, 180. 

Cambridge, Mass., Lieut. 
Digby at, vii ; officers quar- 
tered at, 50 ; Balcarres at, 
87 ; Gen. Thompson at, 
107 ; flags displayed at, 
161 ; Gen. Gates at, 170; 
Gen. Phillips at, 175 ; Col. 
Morgan at, 270 ; Gen. 
Learned at, 282 ; Capt. 
Bunbury at, 345 ; Capt. 
Shrimpton at, 350; men- 
tioned, 59, 212, 216, 326. 
Campbell, Capt. Alexander, 
carried a dispatch from 
Burgoyne to Gen. Clinton, 

36- . ... 

Canada, Lieut. Digby in, vi, 
vii; Forty-third Regiment 
in, vi, 2 ; Americans tri- 
umphant in, 3, 8 ; Gen. 
Carleton to remain in, 14; 
Gen. Montgomery’s cam- 
paign in, 19 : Gen. Amherst 
in, 135; Gen. Gates in, 170; 
mentioned, v, 3, 21, 38, 39, 
4L 55 j 65, 83, 92, 93, no, 
1 14, 1 19, 122, 123, 124, 129, 
133, 149, 171, 173. 176. 180. 
187, 188, 189, 193, 194. 197. 
198, 199, 200, 203, 218, 226, 

240, 253, 257, 258, 279, 282, 
283,285,300, 316, 326, 329, 
330, 332, 336, 345, 347, 348, 
349, 352 ; Arnold’s Cam- 
paign for the Conquest of, 
see Henry, John Joseph; 
Conquest of, see Jones, 
Charles H. ; The History 

• of, see Garneau, Francis 
Xavier; Nova Scotia and 
other British Provinces, see 
Buckingham, James Silk ; 
State of the Expedition 
from, see Burgoyne, Lieut.- 
Gen. Sir John. 

Canadians, Gen. Carleton’s 
treatment of the, 85, 184; 
employed in the British 
army, 119, 142, 238 ; forced 
to work in irons, 1 20 ; char- 
acter of the, 122; do not 
bury their dead in the 
winter, 183 ; under Bouch- 
erville and Moning, 193 ; 
under McKay, 300 ; de- 
serted, 304; returned to 
Canada, 316. 

Canoes, how constructed, 

Cape Breton, 194, 253. 

Cape of Good Hope, Lieut. 
Scott at the, 124; Capt. 
Pringle in command at the, 
48; Capt. Craig governor 
of, 167. 

Cape Race, 91. 

Cape Rosiers, 91. 

Cardigan, Capt. Longcroft, in 
command of the Sea Fenci- 
bles off, i5i- 

Caresford, The, 83, 91. 



Caribs, the campaign against, 
149; Capt. Green in the, 

Carib war, Capt. Pilot in the, 

Carillon, name given to the 
present Ticonderoga by 
Montcalm, 127. 

Carleton, Gen. Sir Guy, took 
refuge in Quebec, 8 ; forced 
Gen. Thomas to retreat, 9, 
10; his army divided, 10; 
attacked Gen. Arnold at 
Montreal, 10 ; improvised 
a navy, ii ; pushed on to 
Crown Point, 12; eluded 
by Arnold, 12; destroyed 
the American fleet, 12; 
prudence dictated to him to 
withdraw his army, 13, 18 ; 
stationed parts of his army 
along the St. Lawrence, 
13; in winter quarters at 
Quebec, 13; criticised by 
Lord Germaine and others, 
13 ; arrival of Burgoyne, 
14 ; appointed commander 
of the Canadian depart- 
ment, 14 ; letter to Lord 
Germaine, 14 ; departure of 
Burgoyne, 16 ; asked to gar- 
rison Ticonderoga, 21-22; 
did not assist Burgoyne 
in the campaign, 22, 27 ; 
Burgoyne accused of art- 
fully supplanting him, 68 ; 
in command of the northern 
army, 84 ; friend of Gen. 
Montgomery, 100; at the 
defence of Quebec, 102 ; 
drove the enemy to Fort 

Sorel, 103 ; waited for ship, 
103-104; treated prisoners 
humanely, 108, 133; en- 
couraged the hiring of In- 
dians, 12 1 ; his orders to 
arrest all rebels, 133; on 
the Maria, 157; sent troops 
to Crown Point, 162 ; elated 
at the capture of Col. 
Waterbury, 163; paroled 
the prisoners, 166; the 
Americans impatient for 
him to approach, 172 ; close 
to Crown Point, 172; did 
not follow the advice of 
Burgoyne and Phillips, 172 ; 
complimented by Bur- 
goyne, 172; reconnoitered 
the enemy’s lines, 1 74-1 75 ; 
his character, 183, 184; 
criticised for not taking 
Ticonderoga, 187, 188; let- 
ters to and from Germaine, 
238, 258 ; commander-in- 
chief, 247; suspected St. 
Luc of treachery, 253 ; 
Burgoyne to notify him of 
the surrender, 316; sent 
messenger to England, 318; 
biographical notice of, 84- 
86; mentioned, v, 9, 38, 
69, 71, 1 13, 120, 123, 130, 
132, 140, 145, 157, 158, 167, 
182, 196, 197, 332, 333, 338, 

339 > 341, 348, 349 . 352. 

Carleton, Gen. Sir Guy, Let- 
ters of, cited, 123. 

Carleton, Lady Maria How- 
ard, wife of Gen. Sir Guy, 
145, 148. 

Carleton, The, launched, 139; 

^ 7 ' 

Index. 373 

named, 145 ; commanded 
by Lieut. Dacres, 152; 
mentioned, 148, I5i> 158, 

Carlisle, Pa;, Gen. Thomp- 
son's death at, 108. 

Carlisle, Pa., Gazette, The, 
cited, 127. 

Carriole, a, described, 180, 

Carter, Capt. John, destroyed 
baggage at Skeensborough, 
205-206; his spirited con- 
duct, 223 ; biographical no- 
tice of, 205, 2 c6. 

Cartier, Capt. Jacques, dis- 
covered the Island of Anti- 
costi, 97 ; named the pres- 
ent Island of Orleans, Isle 
of Bacchus, 103; his Jour- 
nal Historique, cited, 103. 

Caryole, see Carriole. 

Case, the Rev. Wheeler, 
Poems of, cited, 320. 

Castletown, Gen. St. Clair at, 
218; Burgoyne issued a 
proclamation for the people 
to send deputies to, 233 ; 
mentioned, 21. 

Cataracony, de Boucherville 
born at, 193. 

Catherine, Queen of Russia, 
refused to assist George 
III., 5, 6; called ''Sister 
Kitty,” 6. 

Catlin, George, his American 
Indians, cited, 121. 

Cedars, The, 84. 

Cerberus, The, at Boston, 
1 1 5 ; humorous lines upon,' 
115 - 

Ceres, The, commanded by 
Dacres, 139. 

Chambersburg, 137. 

Chambly Rapids, 151. 

Champlain, Lake, see Lake 

Champlain, Samuel de, named 
the Island of Anticosti, 97 ; 
called the present Richelieu 
River the River of the Iro- 
quois, 103 ; named Lake 
St. Peters, 1 1 3 ; probably 
visited the site of Ticon- 
deroga, 126-127; named 
the Isle-aux Noix, 135 ; 
discovered Lake George, 
214; his Voyages, cited, 
97, 1 13, 127. 

Charibs, see Caribs. 

Charlestown, Mass., Col. Nes- 
bit at the burning of, 

1 14. 

Charlestown, S. C., 195, 246. 

Charlevoix, P. F. X. de, his 
History of New France, 
cited, 97 ; his letters to the 
Duchess de Lesdiguir^s, 
cited, 103, 104. 

Chatham, 330. 

Chatham, the Earl of, de- 
nounced the employment 
of mercenary troops, 7 ; 
upon the surrender of Bur- 
goyne, 65. 

Cheeseman, 134. 

Cheltenham, death of Col. 
Green at, 278. 

Cherbourg, Gen. Burgoyne at 
the attack of, 115* 

Cheonderoga, former name of 
Ticonderoga, 126. 



Cherokees, campaign against 
the, 234, 310. 

Chesapeake Bay, Howe's fleet 
in the, 321. 

Chippewas, The, under Lang- 
lade, 254, 255. 

Clarke, Capt. Sir Francis Carr, 
information obtained by, 
160, 164; discussed the 

merits of the Revolution 
with Gates, 171 ; favorite 
aid-de-camp of Burgoyne, 
171, 306; killed, 160, 291, 
338 ; succeeded by Maj. 
Kingston, 305 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 160; men- 
tioned, 161. 

Clinton, Francis Fiennes, 
grandfather of Sir Henry, 

Clinton, George, father of Sir 
Henry, former governor of 
New York, 246. 

Clinton, Gen. Sir Henry, in 
command at New York, 25 ; 
Burgoyne sent a messenger 
to urge him up the Hudson, 
27, 28, 248, 249, 277, 279, 
346 ; a letter from him 
reached Burgoyne, 32, 33 ; 
about to ascend the river, 
33; a messenger of, taken 
prisoner, 33, 284 ; lel:ters to 
Burgoyne, 33, 34, 246, 275 ; 
letters from Burgoyne, 35, 
36, 123, 124; captured Forts 
Montgomery and Clinton, 
45, 47; burned Kingston 
and returned to New York, 
46 ; his progress up the 
Hudson alarmed Gates, 49; 

offered to renew the obliga- 
tion of the convention at 
Saratoga, 59 ; ceased to sup- 
ply the convention prison- 
ers. 62 ; superseded by Gen. 
Carleton, 84 ; in Boston, 
155 ; criticised for his weak 
attempt to assist Burgoyne, 
246; reported advance up 
the river, 278; Burgoyne 
waited to hear from him, 
279.285,310,311, 312; bio- 
graphical notice of, 246, 247; 
mentioned, 19, 314, 319, 
345 ; his narrative cited, 
247 ; his Observations on 
Stedman's History of the 
American War, cited, 247. 

Clinton, Gen. James, received 
an interrupted letter from 
Sir Henry Clinton to Bur- 
goyne, 33, 34. 

Codfish, strange story of the, 

Codlands, early name of New- 
foundland, 91. 

Coffin, Sir Isaac, named the 
Bird Islands, 92. 

Coffin's Islands, 92. 

Cogswell, M., teacher of Gen. 
Arnold, 146. 

Collections of the New Hamp- 
shire Historical Society, 
cited, 233. 

Collections of the Wisconsin 
Historical Society, cited, 

College de Louis-le-Grand, 


Collins, Arthur, his Peerage, 
cited, 86. 



Colonial History of New 
York, see O’Callaghan, 
Edmund B., LL. D. 

Colors of the captured regi- 
ments said to have been left 
in Canada, 54, 55; proved 
to be false, 55, 56, 74, see 

Congress, The Continental, 
Gen. Sullivan a delegate to, 
10 ; Gen. Gates before, 170 ; 
Gens. Schuyler and St. 
Clair before, 241, 242 ; men- 
tioned, 61, 62, 63, 99, 161, 
164, 166, 194,283,313. 

Congress, The, burnt, 162 ; 
commanded by Arnold, 

Connecticut, proposed opera- 
tions in, 25 ; Whitcomb a 
native of, 131 ; mentioned, 
146, 162, 193. 

Connecticut, History of, see 
Hollister, G. H. 

Connecticut, The, burnt, 162 ; 
commanded by Grant, 163. 

Connel, Ensign Morgan, 
wounded and a prisoner, 
333; nothing further known 
of him, 336. 

Continental army, 218, see 
American troops. The, 218. 

Cooke, Lieut. John, killed at 
Freeman’s Farm, 332 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 332. 

Cooke, John Eesten, his Life 
of Daniel Morgan, cited, 

Cooper, 134. 

Copenhagen, Capt. Blome- 
field at the siege of, 326. 

Cork, Cove of, the troops 
sailed from, 4, 83,98, 151, 
339 - 

Cornwallis, Lord, the surren- 
der of, 70, 219, 247; Gen. 
Gates served under, 169; 
governor of Halifax, 169; 
Gen. Money on the staff of, 
290; mentioned, 39, 195. 

Correspondence in the Public 
Record Office, cited, 4. 

Corrica, Capt. Greene in, 278. 

Cortereal, Capt. Gasper, seized 
natives for slaves, 95. 

Coudres, Isle aux, see Isle- 

Council of Censors, 166. 

Court and City Register, cited, 

Coutty, Samuel, father of 
Anne Reynell, 339. 

Cove of Cork, see Cork, Cove 

Coveville, formerly Davagot, 

Cowpens, the battle of. Col. 
Morgan at, 271. 

Craig, Capt. James H., cap- 
tured thirty men at Sorel 
river, 126; went with the 
flag of truce to the Ameri- 
can lines, 166, 167; took 
dispatches to England, 167, 
318; prepared a letter to 
Wilkinson, 310; biograph- 
ical notice of, 166- 168. 

Cream carried in a basket and 
sold by weight, 1 80. 

Creasy, Sir Edward, his Fif- 
teen Decisive Battles of the 
World, cited, 74. 



Crown Point, Arnold and 
Sullivan fall back to, ii, 
12; Carleton withdrew his 
troops from, 13, 18; used 
as a hospital and magazine 
by Burgoyne, 15 ; formerly 
called Fort St. Frederick, 
126; captured by Gen. Am- 
herst, 127 ; captured by Col. 
Warner, 127; Gen. Water- 
bury at, 163 ; Lieut. Digby 
at, 164; commanded by 
Maj. Heart ley, 165 ; weakly 
garrisoned, 174; feu-de- 
joy at, 225 ; mentioned, 21, 
1 17, 135, 147, 162, 177, 200. 

Crown Point, name given by 
Gen. Money to his estate, 
290; death of Gen. Money 
at, 290. 

Cuba, Capt. Stapleton in the 
expedition against, 347. 

Culbertson, Alexander, father 
of Lieut, Joseph, 137. 

Culbertson, Lieut. Joseph, 
murdered by Indians, 135, 
136; biographical notice of, 


Culbertson, Margaret, mother 
of Lieut. Joseph, 137. 

Culbertson, Robert, in the 
Pennsylvania line, 137. 

Culbertson, Samuel, in the 
Pennsylvania line, 137. 

Culbertson’s Row, 137. 

Cullen, Lieut. Wm., wounded, 
331; biographical notice of, 

Cumberland Bay, Americans 
cruising in the, 177. 

Cumberland county, 137. 

Cumberland valley, 126. 
Curray, see Currie. 

Currie, Lieut. Samuel, killed, 
334 ; biographical notice of, 


Curwen, Samuel, his Journals 
and Letters, cited, 171. 

Dacres, Lieut. James Richard, 
commanded the Carleton, 
. 139,152; Longcroft served 
under, 1 5 1 ; biographical 
notice, 139. 

Danterroche, Ensign Henry, 
a prisoner, 337 ; biograph- 
ical notice, 346. 

Davacot, see Dovegat. 
Davagot, see Dovegat. 

Davis, commander of the Lee, 


Dearborn, Lieut.-Col. Henry, 
leader of the New England 
troops, 38, 39 ; biographical 
notice of, 38, 39. 

Deane, Charles, LL. D., his 
Lieut.-Gen. John Burgoyne 
and the Convention of Sara- 
toga, cited, 57. 

De Antroch, see Danterroche. 
Deer, an abundance of, 154, 


De Fermoy, Gen. Roche, 20. 
Delaware river. The, 161, 282, 

319^ 321. 

Demarara, Kingston, Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of, 306. 
Denmark, 95. 

Denys, Nicholas, a map of, 
cited, 92. 

De Peyster, Gen. John Watts, 
cited, 20. 



Derby, the Earl of, a daughter 
of, married Gen. Burgoyne, 

Destruction Bay, 176. 

De Warrville, J. P. Brissot, 
visited Gen. Heath, 62 ; his 
New Travels in the United 
States of America, cited, 

Dickenson, , commanded 

the Enterprise, 164. 

Dieskau, Baron Ludwig Au- 
gust, at Fort Miller, 244. 

Digby, Lieutenant William, 
but little known of his per- 
sonal history, vi, i~2 ; en- 
tered the British army, vi ; 
in Ireland, vi, 2, 3 ; at Que- 
bec, vi, 104; embarked for 
America, vi ; at Chambly, 
vi, 1 18; followed the for- 
tunes of Burgoyne and pa- 
roled at Cambridge, vii ; 
on duty in Canada, vii, 2 ; 
retired from the service, vii ; 
anchored off the Isle-aux- 
Coudres, 102 ; at the Island 
of Orleans, 103 ; at Point 
Neuf, 105 ; at Trois Riv- 
ieres, 106; lost a particu- 
lar friend, 109; at Lake St. 
Peter, 113; before Fort 
Sorel, 1 13; at St. Denis, 
1 16; at Belloeville, 118; at 
Montreal, 120; at St.Johns, 

139; sick, 148-149; his 

brother-in-law, 149; went to 
Riviere-la-Cole, 150; on the 
Loyal Convert, 150, 152 ; at 
Point au Fer, 152 ; ordered 
to Crown Point, 162; at 

Crown Point, 164; at Riv- 
iere Sable, 173; bound for 
Canada, 176; for St. Johns, 
177-178; at Bouquet river, 
2CO ; before Ticonderoga, 
206; on Mount Independ- 
ence, 208-210; marched 
toward Skeensborough, 
219-220; delayed, 226; de- 
parted for Fort Anne, 233; 
left Fort Anne, 239; near 
Fort Edward, 240; at Fort 
Miller, 244; ordered back, 
245 ; at Batten Kill, 249, 
253; crossed the Hudson, 
267; foraging, 286; in the 
retreat, 293 ; at Dovegat, 
297 ; on the heights of Sara- ' 
toga, 300 ; for Fort Edward, 
300 ; baggage destroyed, 
301 ; at the burning of 
Schuyler’s house, 301-302 ; 
surrender of the army, 310- 
317; prepared to march, 
317; mentioned, 20, 116, 
i33» i35» 150, 158, 161, 181, 
184, 192, 217, 234, 250, 275, 
277, 278, 283, 284, 290, 301, 
317, 340, 361. 

Documents relating to the 
Colonial History of New 
York, see O’Callaghan, Ed- 
mund B., LL. D. 

Don, Lieut. John, wounded, 
344 ; biographical notice of, 


Dorchester, the Baron of, 

86 . 

Douglas, Sir Charles, com- 
mander of the Isis, 104; 
biographical notice of, 104. 



Douglas, Lieut. James, killed, 
330, 335 ; biographical no- 
tice of, 330. 

Doulin, see Dowling. 

Dovegat, 'Gen. Burgoyne at, 
29 ; the retreat to, 41 ; army 
moved from, 42; lines formed 
at, 297 ; now called Cove- 
ville, 297 ; origin of the 
name, 297 ; long halt at, 

Dowlin, see Dowling. 

Dowling, Lieutenant James, 
wounded, 332, 333 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 335. 

Dowling, Captain Richard, 
wounded, 332, 334; bio- 
graphical notice of, 334. 

Doyle, Lieutenant William, 
wounded, 335 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 338-339. 

Dublin, Captain Henry Pilot, 
town major of, 150; men- 
tioned, 49, 221, 222. 

Duer’s house, the head-quar- 
ters of Burgoyne, 244, 337. 

Duncan, F., his History of the 
Royal Artillery, cited, 175, 
206, 207, 287, 325, 327, 328, 


Dundas, Col. Francis, accom- 
panied Arnold, 246. 

Dunford, see Durnford. 

Dunlap, William, his History 
of New York, cited, 247. 

Dunmore, John Murray, Earl 
of, 319. 

Durham, N. H., 10. 

Durnford, Captain Andrew, a 
prisoner, 338 ; biographical 
notice of, 346. 

Edinburgh, Captain Pringle 
died at, 148; Gen. St. Clair 
born in, 218. 

Egle, William H., M. D., vi, 
127, 138. 

Eighth Foot, 344. 

Eighty-fifth Foot, 353. 

Eighty-first Foot, 351. 

Eighty-fourth Foot, 331. 

Eighty-second Foot, 167. 

Eighty-sixth Foot, 306. 

Eighty-third Foot, 348, 349. 

Eleventh Dragoons, 115. 

Eleventh Foot, 196, 305. 

Eleventh Regiment of Massa- 
chusetts, 21 1. 

England, the people opposed 
to hiring German troops, 6- 
7 ; Burgoyne sailed for, 1 3- 
14, 59 ; the disaster of Bur- 
goyne not unexpected in, 
64-66; Capt. Craig took 
dispatches to, 167; the re- 
ception of the news of Bur- 
goyne’s surrender in, 318- 
3IQ; mentioned, 5, 14, 51, 
52, 56, 65, 87, 95, 103, 1 1 5, 
124, 139, 140, 147, 148, 149, 
150, 151, 173, 174, 194, 199, 
203, 207, 222, 223, 226, 234, 
278, 290, 310, 322, 325, 334, 

336, 346, 349 . 350, 35 L 353 - 

England, Histories of, see. 
Adolphus, John ; Knight, 
Charles, and Mahon, Lord. 

England, Lieut. Poole, a pris- 
oner, 345 ; biographical no- 
tice of, 349. 

Enterprise, The, commanded 
by Dickenson, 104; men- 
tioned, 144, 162. 



Eskmouth, Scotland, 104. 

Esquimaux, The, in New- 
foundland, 93 ; origin of the 
name of, 93 ; ate raw flesh, 
93 ; described, 93-96. 

Etiquette, a poem, 313, 314. 

Europe, the eyes of, on Bur- 
goyne’s army, 259; men- 
tioned, 51. 

Exeter, N. H., 282. 

Expedition of Lieut.-Colonel 
Barry St. Leger, see Stone, 
Col. William L. 

Falkirk, the battle of, 234. 

Farmington, Mass., General 
Learned born at, 282. 

Farquar, Captain William, 
wounded, 332 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 335. 

Featherstone, Lieut. William, 
wounded, 344 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 349. 

Federal Constitution, The, 62. 

Felinghausen, Gen. Money at 
the battle of, 290. 

Ferdinand, Prince, 174, 334. 

Ferentes d’Onore, battle of, 
Hovvarth at the, 328. 

Ferguson, Col., 213. 

Fetherston, see Featherstone. 

Field Book of the Revolution, 
see Lossing, Benson J. 

Fielding, Adjutant Isaac, 
wounded, 349; biograph- 
ical notice of, 353. 

Fifteen Decisive Battles of 
the World, see Creasy, Sir 

Fifteenth Foot, The, 198. 

Fifty-fifth Foot, The, 86. 

Fifty-sixth Foot, The, 335 ; 
Historical Record of, cited, 


Fifty-third Grenadiers, The, 

Fifty-third Regiment of Foot, 
The, Lieut. Digby in, vi ; 
organized, 2 ; uniform of, 2 ; 
in Ireland, vi, 2 ; ordered to 
Canada, vi, 2 ; Capt. Scott 
a member of, 36 ; a portion 
of it at the capture of Ti- 
conderoga, 37, 124; men- 
tioned, 86, 109, 1 10, 181, 
196, 203, 221,245,277, 332; 
Historical Record of, cited, 
203, 245, 332. 

Filbert Island, named by Car- 
tier, 98, see Isle-aux-Cou- 

First Foot, The, 128, 234; 
Historical Record of, cited, 
235 - 

Fish Creek, 42. 

Fish Kiln, 298, 299. 

Fitch, Asa, his Survey of 
Washington County, cited, 

Fitzgerald, Adjutant George 
Tobias, killed, 336; bio- 
graphical notice of, 344. 

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond, 
his Life of William, Earl of 
Shelburne, cited, 65, 70, 
238, 239, 322. 

Flag, The American, Sir Fran- 
cis Clarke on, 160-161 ; de- 
scribed, 161, 234-235; ac- 
count of, 16 1 ; different 
ones, 16 1 ; materials used 
in making one for Fort 

38 o 


Schuyler, i6i ; of Liberty, 
201, see Colors. 

Fleet, The American, on Lake 
Champlain, 162-164. 

Fleet, The English, on Lake 
Champlain, 152. 

Florida, ceded to Great Brit- 
ain, 149, 347; Capt. Greene 
in, 278; Lieut. Wright in, 
329; Capt. Harris in, 331; 
Lieut. Currie in, 336; Capt. 
Stapleton in, 347 ; Gen. 
Whitemore in, 347. 

Fonblanque, Edward Barring- 
ton de, his Life of Sir John 
Burgoyne, cited, 7, 13, 33, 
42, 74, 83, 1 12, 1 16, 124, 
168, 1 71, 204, 284, 298, 
299 - 

Fort Anne, the Americans re- 
tired to, 221 ; built by Col. 
Nickerson, 221 ; described, 
221 ; Captain Montgomery 
wounded and taken a pris- 
oner at, 221 ; Col. Hill be- 
fore, 224 ; destroyed, 224 ; 
the victory at, of no great 
benefit to the English, 227 ; 
the army advanced toward, 
233; Lieut. Westropp killed 
at, 234; march from, 239; 
Lieut. Stevelly wounded at, 
352 ; Lieuts. Fielding and 
Murray wounded at, 353. 

Fort Arnold, 60. 

Fort Chamble, see Fort Cham- 

Fort Chambly, Gen. Burgoyne 
to command the expedition 
against, 114-116; described, 
1 16, 128; captured by the 

Americans, 116, 128; retreat 
from, 1 18; mentioned, vi, 
II, 117, 120, 129, 131. 

Fort Cumberland, Gen. Gates 
at, 169. 

Fort Du Quesne, Sutherland 
at the surrender of, 310. 

Fort Edward, Gen. Schuyler 
at, 19; in possession of the 
Americans, 44, 46; army 
encamped near, 240 ; the 
retreat from, 242 ; men- 
tioned, 25, 37, 44, 228, 233, 
259, 262, 292, 297, 300, 302, 
337 , 354 - 

Fort Frederic, see Fort St. 

Fort George, account of, 227- 
228 ; erected by Montcalm, 
227 ; named for the Duke 
of York, 228; heavy bag- 
gage at, 240, 247; a regi- 
ment ordered back to, 245 ; 
mentioned, 39, 256, 302. 

Fortieth Foot, The, 210, 21 1. 

Fort Independence, General 
Riedesel before, 19; men- 
tioned, 205, 214, see Mount 

Fort la Mothe, formerly Fort 
St. Anne, 143. 

Fort Ligonier, Gen. St. Clair 
in command at, 218. 

Fort Miller, evacuated by the 
Americans, 244 ; account 
of, 244 ; denominated as 
Duer’s house, 244; Gen. 
Burgoyne at, 249. 

Fort Montgomery captured 
by Gen. Clinton, 124; men- 
tioned, 33, 36. 

■ r 

. Index. 381 

Fort St. Anne, formerly called 
Fort la Mothe, 143. 

Fort St. Frederic, former name 
of Crown Point, 126, 135. 

Fort St. Johns, Gen. Sullivan 
driven to, 10, 118; Gen. 
Burgoyne’s departure from, 
16; Burgoyne’s expedition 
against, 114-116; captured 
by the Americans, 1 16 ; first 
erected by Montcalm, 116; 
vessels built at, 120; cap- 
tured, 128; Lieut. Digby 
at, 135, 139; troops assem- 
bled at, 188; captured by 
Gen. Montgomery, 300 ; 
mentioned, ii, 13, 125, 129, 
1 31, 140, I49» 154, 170, I73» 
176, 177, 201. 

Fort St. Louis, the present 
site of Fort Chambly, 1 16. 

Fort St. Phillip, 333. 

Fort Schuyler, St. Leger sent 
to, 18 ; Gen. Gansevoort at, 
19; St. Leger at, 23, 161 ; 
flag made for, 161 ; formerly 
Fort Stanwix, 258. 

Fort Sorel, origin of the name, 
103 ; the Americans driven 
to, 103, 1 14; Lieut. Digby 
at, 1 1 3. 

Fort Stanwix, unsuccessful 
expedition to, 257; ac- 
count of, 257-258 ; repaired 
by Gen. Schuyler, 258. 

Fort Ticonderoga, see Ticon- 

Fort William, Gen. Burgoyne 
governor of, 189, 229. 

Fort William Henry, the de- 
struction of, 227. 

Forty-eighth Foot, The, 256, 

Forty-fifth Foot, The, 123. 
Forty-fourth Foot, The, 221. 
Forty-second Foot, The, 86. 
Forty-seventh Foot, The, 1 14, 
144, 182, 300, 330, 335, 349. 
Forty-seventh Foot, The His- 
torical Record of, cited, 182, 
335 - 

Forty-seventh Light Infantry, 

Forty-seventh Regiment,The, 
144, 196, 221. 

Forty-sixth Foot, The, 155, 

Forty-sixth Foot, The His- 
torical Record of, cited, 1 56. 
Foster’s Peerage and Orders 
of Knighthood, cited, 87. 
Fourth Foot, The, 114, 344. 
P'ox, Charles James, on Lord 
Germaine, 238 ; eulogized 
Gen. Montgomery, loi. 
Fox, Elizabeth, wife of Ste- 
phen, 338. 

Fox, Stephen, father of Ste- 
phen Digby Strangways, 


Foxes, The, under Langlade, 
254, 255. 

France, the partial sympathy 
of, for the Americans, 7 ; 
mentioned, 95, 207, 334, 


Francis Ebenezer, father of 
Col. Ebenezer, 21 1. 

Francis, Col. Ebenezer, killed, 
21 1 ; biographical notice of, 
21 1-2 1 3; mentioned, 329, 

332, 350. 




Francis, Rachel Whitemore, 
mother of Col. Ebenezer, 
211; her grief at the loss of 
her son, 212, 213. 

Fraser, Lieut. Alexander, sent 
to head off the Americans, 
107; sent to reconnoiter, 
122 ; biographical notice of, 

Fraser, Gen. Simon, took pos- 
session of Mount Hope, 
19, 202 ; succeeded by Bal- 
carres, 87 ; Riedesel sent 
to help him, 217; sent his 
prisoners to Ticonderoga, 
219; praised by Burgoyne, 
224, 225; bravery of, 274; 
advised Burgoyne to ad- 
vance, 275 ; wounded, 287- 
290; died, 293-296; burial 
of, 296; mentioned, 16, 30, 
31, 32, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 
III, 122, 140, 161, 177, 193, 
207, 208, 220, 223, 224, 235, 
236,251,329, 344. 

Fraser,Lieut.-Col. Simeon, had 
charge of the troops that 
sailed from Cork, 4 ; sent to 
reconnoiter, 142 ; returned 
with but little information, 
143; took a prisoner, 174; 
killed, 335; biographical no- 
tice of, 83 ; mentioned, 109, 
I93> 300, 352. 

Frazier, see Fraser. 

Frederick, Prince, 197. 

Freeman’s Farm, the battle 
of, Lieut. Scott at, 123; 
Lieut. Craig wounded at, 
167 ; Lieut. Lucas killed 
at, 332 ; Lieut. Cooke killed 

at, 332 ; Captain Lind 
wounded at, 332, 333 ; Capt. 
Stanley wounded at, 332, 
335 ; Maj. Agnew wounded 
at, 337; Ensign Taylor 
killed at, 342 ; Capt. Swet- 
tenham wounded at, 347 ; 
Capt. Ramsey wounded at, 
348; Lieut. Prince wounded 
at, 352; Capt. Jones killed 
at, 325 ; mentioned, 30. 

French, declaration of war of 
the, 322. 

Frothingham, the Hon. Rich- 
ard, his Siege of Boston, * 
cited, 1 14, 156, 247. 

Gage, Gen. Thomas, charac- 
terized the Americans as 
lawless, 3-4 ; mentioned, 

318, 319- 

Gansevoort, Gen. Peter, had 
a flag made for Fort Schuy- 
ler, 19, 161 ; biographical 
notice of, 19. 

Gardner, Capt. Henry Faring- 
ton, sent with dispatches to 
England, 222, 223, 226 ; 
biographical notice of, 222- 

Garneau, Francis Xavier, his 
History of Canada, cited, 
85, 86, 184, 254. 

Gates, Gen. Horatio, super- 
seded Gen. Schuyler, 29, 
242 ; tardy with reinforce- 
ments, 30 ; refused to make 
a night attack, 32, 291 ; en- 
camped south of Fish Creek, 
44; Burgoyne proposed a 
treaty of surrender, 47, 57- 



58, 259, 306; accused by 
Burgoyne of sending part 
of his troops to Albany, 47, 
48 ; his army in order of 
battle, 48 ; treaty signed, 
48 ; alarmed by information 
of Clinton’s progress, 49, 
50; blamed for too liberal 
concessions, 50; the sur- 
render, 50, 5 1 ; delayed in 
sending information of the 
surrender to Washington, 
50-51 ; remarks of La Fay- 
ette concerning, 5 1 ; asked 
concerning the military 
chests and colors, 54-55; 
carelessness in regard to 
the surrender, 55-56; of- 
fered the command at Ti- 
conderoga, 168, 204, 218; 
confidence of Congress in, 
168, 169; letter to General 
Schuyler, 172; letters to 
and from Burgoyne, 237, 
259-265, 296, 306, 308, 309 ; 
met Madam Riedesel, 242 ; 
defended his soldiers from 
the accusation of inhu- 
manity, 261-263 ; accused 
Burgoyne of employing In- 
dians, 262 ; proposed to 
Morgan to desert Washing- 
ton, 271 ; his revenge, 271 ; 
compared to Burgoyne, 274; 
orders of, 281-284; met 
Lady Acland, 298-299 ; 
sent message to Burgoyne 
by Maj. Kingston, 307 ; an- 
noyed by the delay, 3 1 1 ; 
articles of convention given 
in full, 3 12-3 17; met Bur- 

goyne, 49, 320-321 ; returns 
of his army, 354 ; biograph- 
ical notice of^, 168-171 ; 
mentioned, 37, 70, 269, 281, 
301,307, 309, 31 1, 315, 316, 

319. 323,342. 

Gentleman’s Magazine, The, 
cited, 104, 199, 333. 

George I, grandfather of Sir 
William Howe, 155. 

George III, determined to 
chastise the colonists, 5 ; 
applied for help to Cathe- 
rine of Russia, Germany and 
Holland, 5, 6 ; bitter feeling 
against, 6, 7 ; elated at the 
capture of Ticonderoga, 21 ; 
hired German troops, no; 
fell into agonies at hearing 
of the surrender of Bur- 
goyne, 318; mentioned, 
199, 229, 322. 

George HI, Journal of the 
Reign of, see Walpole, 

Georgia, Capt. Durnford in, 


Georgian Era, The, cited, 290. 

Germaine, Lord George, des- 
ignated Washington as 
“ Mr.,” 3 ; criticised Gen. 
Carleton, 13; letters to 
Carleton, 14, 238, 258 ; 
elated at the capture of 
Ticonderoga, 20, 21 ; letters 
from Burgoyne, 21, 24-27, 
323 ; said Gen. Howe had 
ruined his plans, 64-65 ; 
assailed, 66 ; hostile to Bur- 
goyne, 66-67 ; published a 
pamphlet against Burgoyne, 



69 ; the sacrifice of Bur- 
goyne’s army due to a blun- 
der of, 70, 322 ; obliged to 
retire from office, 70; the 
capture of Waterbury re- 
ported to, 163 ; minister 
for American affairs, 237; 
character of, 238; advised 
the employment of Indians, 
237-238 ; compared to Dr. 
Sangrado, 238 ; conduct of, 
in Germany, 239; detested 
by his associates, 239 ; Lut- 
trell and Wilkes on, 239; 
planned the campaign, 258 ; 
mentioned, 65, 314. 

German troops, the, hired to 
assist George III, 6; the 
people of England opposed 
to hiring them, 6, 7 ; feeling 
of the Americans against, 
iio-iii; feeling in Ger- 
many against, 1 1 1; behavior 
of, 250-252 ; deserted, 256 ; 
equipments of, 260 ; consid- 
eration of their ability, 288- 
289, 303; not cowardly, 289. 

Germantown, the battle of, 
Gen. Sullivan at, 10. 

Germany, asked to assist 
George III, 6, 7 ; Gen. Phil- 
lips won distinction in, 174; 
Lord Germaine in, 239; Maj. 
Agnew in, 337 ; mentioned, 
95, 122, 123, 334, see Ger- 
man troops, the. 

Gibralter, Lieut. Scott in, 123 ; 
Capt. Craig born at, 166; 
Capt. Scott in, 18 1 ; Col. 
Wright at, 245 ; Captain 
Green born in, 277; Maj. 

Williams at, 287 ; Capt. 
Dowling at, 334; Capt. 
Stanley at, 335 ; Capt. Far- 
quar at, 335 ; Maj. Agnew 

337 - 

Glover, Gen. John, advanced 
money to Burgoyne, 59; 
biographical notice of, 59- 

Glover’s Marblehead Regi- 
ment, 59-60. 

Gondola, the, used by Carle- 
ton, described, 1 1. 

Gordon, Gen. Patrick, shot by 
Whitcomb, 128-131 ; indig- 
nation in the British army 
concerning his death, 130, 
132; feeling in the Ameri- 
can army concerning, 130; 
Lieut. Currie served under, 
336 ; biographical notice of, 
128-130; mentioned, 131. 

Grafton, The, 151. 

Graham, James, his Life of 
Col. Daniel Morgan, cited, 
207, 271. 

Grahame, the Rev. James, his 
History of the United 
States, cited, in. 

Grampus, The, 59. 

Grant, Cornet James, his un- 
successful attempt to reach 
Gen.Clinton, 248, 346; taken 
prisoner, 339; biographical 
notices of, 248, 346. 

Grant, Maj. Robert, killed, 
210, 21 1 ; biographical no- 
tice of, 210-2 1 1 ; mentioned, 
335 » 337 - 

Grant, , commander of 

the Connecticut, 163. 



Great Britain, Florida ceded 
to, 104, 347; Louisiana 
ceded to, 351 ; mentioned, 
vi, 1 19, 176, 178, 188, 189, 
191, 199, 259, 313. 

Green, Captain Charles, 
wounded, 277, 278 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 277- 

Greene, Gen. Nathaniel, St. 
Clair served under, 219; 
mentioned, 10. 

Greenland, 95. 

Grenada, Capt. Green coast 
governor of, 278. 

Grenville, Lord, 313. 

Grimes, , commander of 

the Jersey, 163. 

Grout, Abigail, married Col. 
Hale, 215. 

Hadden, Gen. James M., his 
Journal and Orderly Books, 
see Rogers, Col. Horatio. 

Haggart, Lieut. James, killed, 
342 ; biographical notice of, 
347 - 

Haight Hall, death of Gen. 

** Carleton at, 87. 

Hakluyt, Richard, his Voy- 
ages, cited, 97. 

Halcyon Days of Old Eng- 
land, The, 319. 

Haldemann, Gen. Sir Fred- 
erick, lost Ticonderoga, 127. 

Hale, Moses, father of Col. 
Nathan, 215. 

Hale, Col. Nathan, taken pris- 
oner, 215 ; biographical no- 
tice of, 215-216. 

Half Moon, the camp at, 266. 


Haliburton, Thomas C., his 
History of Nova Scotia, 
cited, 137. 

Halifax, German colors sent 
to, 55; Lord Cornwallis 
governor of, 169; men- 
tioned, 137, 167, 182. 

Hall, Hiland, LL.D., his His- 
tory of Vermont, cited, 194. 

Hamilton, Gen. James Inglis, 
proposed exchange of, 108 ; 
biographical notice of, 196, 
197; mentioned, 337. 

Hampshire Grants, the, 24. 

Hampstead, N. H., Col. Hale 
born at, 215. 

Hampton, N. H., 38. 

Hancock, John, 85. 

Harnage, Major Henry, 
wounded, 337, 340, 341 ; 
biographical notice of, 344- 
345 ; mentioned, 272, 294, 

Harnage, Mrs., 339. 

Harris, Capt. John Adolphus, 
wounded, 331 ; biographical 
notice of, 331-332. 

Harrisburg, Va., vi, 127. 

Hartford, Conn., 300. 

Hartley, Maj. Thomas, in 
command at Crown Point, 
165; accused of cruelty, 172 ; 
biographical notice of, 165- 
166; mentioned, 138. 

Harvey, Lieutenant Stephen, 
killed, 336 ; biographical no- 
tice of, 340-341. 

Harvey, see also Hervey. 

Havana, Ligonier in the expe- 
dition against, 234; Suth- 
erland in the expedition 



against, 310; Blomefield at 
the capture of, 326 ; Harris 
served in, 331 ; mentioned, 
155 - 

Havre de Grace, Blomefield 
at the bombardment of, 326. 

Hawley, commander of the 
Royal Savage, 163. 

Hazel nuts in abundance, 98. 

Heart ley, see Hartley. 

Heath, Gen. William, urged 
the hasty removal of the 
British convention prisoners 
from Boston, 51-52 ; letters 
from Washington to, 52,108; 
complicated affairs concern- 
ing furnishing rations to the 
troops, 53 ; confined Gen. 
Phillips to the limits of his 
house and garden, 175 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 61-62 ; 
the Memoirs of, cited, 62, 
175 - 

Heights of Abraham, the, St. 
Clair at, 218; mentioned, 
84. . 

Hendricks, 134. 

Henry, John Joseph, his Cam- 
paign against Quebec, cited, 
lOi, 108, 134. 

Henry, Patrick, a letter of, 
cited, 51. 

Henry, The, missing, 91. 

Herriot, George, his Travels 
through Canada, cited, 90. 

Hervey, Earl, General Bur- 
goyne’s letter to, cited, 204. 

Hervey, Ensign George, 
wounded, 337 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 345 ; men- 
tioned, 272. 

Hesse Hanan Regiment, The 

Hewitt’s Tavern, 247. 

Higby, Dr. Moses, 34. 

Hill, Lieut.-Col. John, the 
colors of his regiment pre- 
sented to the king, 56 ; be- 
fore Fort Anne, 224; bio- 
graphical notice of, 224, 

Hinton, J. H., his History of 
the United States, cited, 
127, 137. 

Historical Magazine, The, 
cited, 175, 299. 

Historical Record of the 
Fifty-sixth Foot, The, 
cited, 335. 

Historical Record of the 
Fifty-third Foot, The, cited, 
2, 203, 245, 332. 

Historical Record of the First 
Foot, The, cited, 235. 

Historical Record of the 
Forty-seventh Foot, The, 
cited, 182, 335. 

Historical Record of the 
Forty-sixth P'oot, The, 
cited, 156. 

Historical Record of the 
Ninth Foot, The, cited, 56, 
221, 222, 225, 235, 329, 347. 

Historical Record of the 
Sixty-second Foot, The, 
cited, 330, 344. 

Historical Record of the 
Thirty-first Foot, The, 
cited, 150. 

Historical Record of the 
Thirty-fourth Foot, The, 
cited, 332, 333. 


Historical Record of the 
Thirty-third Foot, The, 
cited, 336. 

Historical Record of the 
Twentieth Foot, The, cited, 
333» 334. 

Historical Record of the 
Twenty-first Foot, The, 
cited, 312, 336, 349. 

Historical Record of the 
Twenty-fourth Foot, The, 
cited, 337, 338. 

Historical Record of the 
Twenty-ninth Foot, The, 
cited, 330. 

Hfstory of England, The, see 
Adolphus, John ; Knight, 
Charles, and Mahon, Lord. 

History of the Siege of Bos- 
ton, The, see Frothingham, 

History of the United States, 
see Graham, the Rev. 

Hodgson, Maj.-Gen., at Belle 
Isle, 207. 

Holland refused to assist 
George HI, 6. 

Hollister, G. H., his History 
of Connecticut, cited, 86. 

Hope, The, bound for Eng- 
land, 103. 

Hopkins, Commodore Esek, 
sailed for the Delaware, 
161 ; displayed the rattle- 
snake flag on his vessel, 

Horner, Elizabeth, married 
Stephen Fox, 338. 

Horner,Thomas Strangeways, 



Houghton, Lieut. Charles, 
death of, 109; biographical 
notice of, 109. 

Houghton, Lieut. Richard, 
killed, 202 ; biographical 
notice of, 202-203. 

Howarth, Lieut. Edward, 
wounded, 325; biographical 
notice of, 327-328. 

Howe, General Lord George 
Augustus, fell at Ticonde- 
roga, 156, 241, 258; suc- 
ceeded by his brother 
Richard, 156; a friend 
of Gen. Schuyler, 156, 

Howe, Gen. Lord Richard, 
death of, 1 56 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 156; men- 
tioned, 319; Narrative 
of his Transactions, cited, 

Howe, Gen. Sir William, ad- 
dressed a letter to Wash- 
ington as Mr.,” 3 ; obliged 
to recognize Washington 
with his appropriate title, 
3; at New York, 19; to 
meet Burgoyne at Albany, 
19, 24, 26, 64, 65, 188 ; pre- 
pared an expedition to Phil- 
adelphia, 19, 25 ; message 
from him intercepted, 25 ; 
Burgoyne waited to hear 
from him, 26, 258 ; failed to 
send Clinton to help Bur- 
goyne, 27, 28 ; compared to 
Burgoyne, 72 ; the reason 
for his not co-operating with 
Burgoyne, 72, 321, 322 ; un- 
fairly treated, 74 ; his char- 



acter, 74-75 ; bad news 
from, 155; commander in 
chief, 187, 246; with the 
Southern army, 188; su- 
perseded by Clinton, 246 ; 
to be notified of Burgoyne’s 
surrender, 316 ; unpopular, 
321-322; biographical no- 
tice of, 155-156; men- 
tioned, 58,70, 1 1 5, 258, 313, 
318, 319; the Narrative 
Relating to his Command 
in America, cited, 71, 

Hubbardton, the battle of, 
Balcarres wounded at, 86; 
Craig wounded at, 167; 
Francis wounded at, 212; 
the victory of, of no great 
benefit to the English, 227 ; 
Jones wounded at, 330; 
Harris wounded at, 331 ; 
Shrimpton wounded at, 
350; mentioned, 246, 284, 

331, 350. 

Hubberton, see Hubt>ardton. 

Huberton, see Hubbardton. 

Hudson River, the, Schuyler's 
army encamped near, 22 ; 
forts on, held by the Ameri- 
cans, 19 ; crossed by Bur- 
goyne’s troops, 28, 249, 267 ; 
Clinton about to ascend, 33 ; 
recrossed by Burgoyne, 41, 
302 ; the army near, 240 ; 
mentioned, 19, 36, 42, 45, 
47, 71, 244, 247, 252, 253, 
260, 266, 276, 277, 283, 321. 

Hudson's Bay, 93. 

Huggart, see Haggart. 

Hull, 341. 

Humphreys, 134. 

Hundertmark, George, shot 
for desertion, 256. 

Hunterdon County, N. J., 270. 

Huntington, 163. 

Hutchinson, 61. 

Hurons, the, probably fought 
the Iroquois at Ticonder- 
oga, 127. 

Inchbald, Elizabeth, her The 
Heiress, cited, 66. 

India, Lieut. Scott in, 124. 

Indians, the, join the British 
army, 120-121, 228-229; 
conduct of, 121 ; their ca- 
noes described, T 23-1 25 ; 
their cruelty to prisoners, 

135. 136, 174. 235, 244, 262, 

* 280, 359; in ambush, 143- 
144; their silent paddling, 
143; their ability to move 
quickly through thick for- 
ests, 1 54 ; painted a cap- 
tured prisoner, 174; com- 
manded by Francis, 193 ; 
ordered not to scalp pris- 
oners, 200, 359; victorious 
in small skirmishes, 201, 
243 ; caused the death of 
Houghton, 202 ; murdered 
Miss McCrea, 235 ; commit- 
ted depredations on the 
Tories, 236; the employ- 
ment of, disliked by Bur- 
goyne, 237, 238-239; em- 
ployment of, advised by 
Germaine, 238-239 ; com- 
manded by St. Luc, 253 ; 
prepared to desert, 253- 
255, 284; commanded by 


Langlade, 254-255; Gates* 
opinion of, 262, 263 ; their 
lack of true courage, 280; 
new recruits of, from Can- 
ada, 285 ; speech to, from 
Burgoyne, 356-360; men- 
tioned, 250, see Savages. 

Inflcxible,The, described, 151; 
commanded by Schank,i 52; 
mentioned, 18, 120, 152, 

Innuits, original name of the 
Esquimaux, 93. 

Ilchester, Lord, 338. 

Iphigenie, The, captured the 
Ceres, 139. 

Ireland, Digby on duty in, vi, 
2 ; troops sailed from, 3, 
9, [29; Gen. Thompson a 
native of, 107 ; Capt. Scott 
in, 18 1 ; L*Estrange in, 182; 
Capt. Wright in, 245 ; Capt. 
Green in, 278; Capt. Harris 
in, 331 ; Lieut. Cullen in, 
332 ; Lieut. Cooke in, 332 ; 
Col. Lind in, 333 ; Capt. 
Dowling in, 334; Capt. 
Sweetenham in, 347 ; Capt. 
Stapleton in, 347 ; Lieut. 
Rowe in, 348 ; mentioned, 

85, 99 . 329* 

Iroquois, the, tortured prison- 
ers, 12 1 ; probably fought 
the Hurons at Ticonderoga, 
127; speech of their chief 
to Burgoyne, 360-361 ; 
mentioned, 116. 

Iroquois River, the, now 
called the Sorel, 103. 

Irvine, Col. William, before 
Quebec, 107-108; Capt. 


Wilson served under, 126; 
Capt. Adams served under, 

Irving, Washington, his Life 
of Washington, cited, 60, 

Isis, The, 104. 

Island Amott, see Isle la 

Island of Coudres, see Isle- 

Island of Nuts, 125, see Isle- 

Island of Orleans, see Isle of 

Island of St. Paul, gi, 

Isle-aux-Coudres, so named 
by Cartier, 98; Digby an- 
chored off the, 102; de- 
scribed, 102 ; earthquake 
at, 102 ; Lieut. Houghton 
killed at the, 109; called 
Island of Nuts, 125. 

Isle aux Noix, described, 134- 
1 35 ; named by Champlain, 
135; mentioned, ii, 13, 
1 17, 125, 137, 138, 142, 152, 
154, 170. 

Isle d*Aix, captured, 333, 

334 - 

Isle la Motte, the, Scott 
cruising off, 143 ; described, 
143 ; named for Sieur la 
Mothe, 143 ; McCoy cap- 
tured on, 145 ; Gen. Fraser 
at, 178. 

Isle of Bacchus, name given 
to the present Island of 
Orleans by Cartier, 103. 

Isle of Guernsey, Gen. Am 
herst governor of, 136. 



Isle of Wight, the, Sir Wil- 
liam Howe, lieut.-governor 
of, 155. 

Isles aux Oyseaux, described, 

Jackson’s Creek, 142. 

Jamaica, Dacres in command 
at, 140; Salons in, 353. 

Jealousy between the Eng- 
lish and German troops, 

Jefferson, Thomas, enter- 
tained Gen. Phillips, 175; 
mentioned, 39. 

Jefferson, Thomas, Life of, see 
Randolph, Thomas Jeffer- 

Jersey, The, captured, 162; 
commanded by Grimes, 163. 

Jessop, see Jessup. 

Jessup, Ebenezer, biograph- 
ical notice of, 194, 195. 

Jessup, Edward, biographical 
notice of, 194- 195. 

Jessup, Prof. Henry G., 195. 

Jesuits, the, 121. 

Jogues, Pere Isaac, visited and 
named Lake George, 214. 

John of Gaunt, granted man- 
ors to the Burgoyne family, 
1 14. 

Johnson, Sir John, accom- 
panied St. Leger, 257; the 
inhumanity of his regiment, 
257 ; the Orderly Books of, 
cited, 257. 

Johnson, Ensign William, 
taken prisoner, 330; noth- 
ing known of his subsequent 
fate, 330. 

Johnson, Gen. William, named 
Lake George, 214; at Fort 
Miller, 244. 

Johnson’s Royal Green’s, in- 
humanity of, 257. 

Johnston, see Johnson. 

Jones, Charles H., his Con- 
quest of Canada, cited, 103, 
117, 137, 144, 166. 

Jones, David, concerned in 
the murder of Miss McCrea, 
235 ; to marry her, 236. 

Jones, Lieut. John, wounded, 
329 ; biographical notice of, 


Jones, Capt. Thomas, killed, 
324 ; biographical notice of, 


Jones, Thomas, his History 
of New York, cited, 194. 

Jordan, John W., vi. 

Josselyn, John, his Two Voy- 
ages to New England, 
cited, 103. 

Journals and Letters of Cur- 
wen, see Curwen, Samuel. 

Journals and Orderly Books 
of Gen. Hadden, see Rog- 
ers, Col. Horatio. 

Journals du Voyage de M. 
Saint-Luc de la Come, 
cited, 254. 

Journal Historique, see Car- 
tier, Jacques. 

Journal of Occurrences Dur- 
ing the Late American 
War, see Lamb, Sergeant 

Journal of the Principal Oc- 
currences During the Siege 
of Quebec, see Shortt, W. T. 



Journal of Captain Thomas 
Scott, cited, 124. 

Journal of the Reign of George 
III, see Walpole, Horace. 

Journals of Congress, The, 
cited, 55, 58. 

Kalm, Peter, 143. 

Kane, I., his Artillery List, 
cited, 206, 207, 287. 

Kensington, Henry, v, vii. 

Kent, England, 135, 327. 

Kidwally, 151. 

Kilmansegge, the Baroness, 


Kingston, Canada, formerly 
Cataracony, 193. 

Kingston, N. Y., 34, 36, 46. 

Kingston, Robert, bearer of 
a message to Gates, 47, 
305 ; biographical notice of, 

Kinsale, England, 339. 

Knight, Charles, his Pictorial 
History of England, cited, 

Laborers, Land of, 95. 

Labrador, origin of the name, 
95 ; mentioned, 93. 

La Came, Jean-Louis de, 253. 

La Came St. Luc, Luc de 
Chapt de, leader of the In- 
dians, 24, 253 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 253-254; 
mentioned, 255. 

La Fayette, Marquis de, re- 
marks concerning General 
Gates, 51 ; before Peters- 
burg, 175 ; General Poor 
served under, 282. 


Lafitau, J. F., his Moeurs des 
Sauvages, cited, 121. 

Lake Champlain, Burgoyne 
received recruits at, 26; 
Arnold as commodore on, 
146, 147, 241 ; Pringle on, 
148; Longcroft on, 151 ; 
list of the American fleet 
on, 162-164; controlled by 
the English, 173; men- 
tioned, 1 16, 1 19, 129, 134, 
i 35 » i 75 » 178, 188, 200, 214, 
215, 217, 234. 

Lake George, forts on, held 
by the Americans, 19; com- 
munications to cut off from 
St. Clair, 19; discovered by 
Champlain, 214; called St. 
Sacrament, 214; why the 
name was changed, 214; 
cannon sent by the way of, 
233; mentioned, 25,41,46, 
227, 234, 236, 316. 

Lake Oneida, 18. 

Lake Ontario, 18, 257. 

Lake St. Peter, Digby at, 1 1 3 ; 
named by Champlain, 113. 

Lake St. Sacrament, former 
name of Lake George, 214. 

Laleham, England, 339. 

Lamb, Sergeant R., in charge 
of the wounded, 219; his 
Journal of Occurrences 
During the Late American 
War, cited, 34, 49, 199, 203, 
220, 222, 234, 237, 245, 247, 
272-273, 291, 325, 328, 330, 

332, 333. 334, 335, 336, 337, 

341. 347, 349. 

Lancashire, England, 87. 

Land of Laborers, 95. 



Langdale, see Langlade, Char- 
les de. 

Langlade, Charles de, bio- 
graphical notice of, 254- 

Last Journals of Horace Wal- 
pole, see Walpole, Horace. 

Laurel Hill, St. Clair died at, 

Lauterback, Germany, Gen. 
Riedesel born in, 1 10. 

Learned, Gen. Ebenezer, at- 
tacked Burgoyne’s center, 
38, 41 ; publicly thanked, 
282 ; biographical notice of, 
282-283 ; mentioned, 289. 

Leeds, Duke of, 168. 

Lee, Gen. Charles, 10. 

Lee, The, captured, 162 ; com- 
manded by Davis, 164. 

Legineu, General Amherst 
served under, 135. 

Le Loup, concerned in the 
murder of Jane McCrea, 
235 - 

Lesdeguieres, the Duchess 
of, Charlevoix letters to, 
cited, 103, 104. 

L’ Estrange, Capt. Richard, 
lost in the ice, 182; bio- 
graphical notice of, 182. 

Letter from Crown* Point, A, 
cited, 138. 

Letters and Journals of 
Madam Riedesel, see Stone, 
Col. William L. 

Letters to the Duchess of 
Lesdeguieres, from Charle- 
voix, cited, 103-104. 

Levestoe, vii, see Livingstone. 

Lewis, Gen. Morgan, 237. 

Lexington, the battle of, its 
effect upon the English 
government, 4-5 ; General 
Heath at, 62; Col. Nesbit 
at, 1 14; its effect upon Ar- 
nold, 147; its effect upon 
Gates, 169; L’Estrange in, 
182; its effect upon Col. 
Hale, 216; effect upon Col. 
Morgan, 270; fired the 
military ardor of the coun- 
try, 282; its effect upon Gen. 
Poor, 282. 

Liberty, The, commanded by 
Premier, 164; mentioned, 

Light Dragoons, the Queen’s, 
189, 229, 230, 231, 232, 

Light Infantry, 21 1. 

Ligonier, Lord Edward, bio- 
graphical notice of, 234, 

Ligonier, Col. Francis, father 
of Lord Edward, 234. 

Ligonier, Viscount, of Clon- 
mel, 234. 

Lincoln, Francis F. C., sixth 
Earl of, 246. 

Lincolnshire, England, 298. 

Lind, Col. John, wounded, 
332 ; biographical notice of, 

333 - ' 

Lindsay, Alexander, see Bal- 
carres, the Earl of. 

Lithy, The, missing, 91. 

Livingstone, Robert, a daugh- 
ter of, married Gen. Mont- 
gomery, 99. 

Livingstone, Gov. William, 
his humorous reply to Bur- 




goyne’s manifesto, 192 ; 
mentioned, 142. 

London, 2, 4, 15, 17, 18,21,66, 
74, 92, 103, 1 16, 140, 148, 
160, i6g, 171, 175,313,345. 

London Chronicle, The, cited, 
140, 148. 

London Morning Post, The, 


London, Tower of. Captain 
Shrimpton in command at 
the, 350. 

Long, Col., attacked by Col. 
Hill, 224 ; his defeat caused 
by a lack of ammunition, 

Longcroft, Capt. Edward, at 
Riviere-la-Cole, 150; com- 
mander of the Loyal Con- 
vert, 152; biographical 
notice of, 1 50-1 51. 

Long Island, the retreat after 
the battle of, compared to 
the battle of Bunker Hill, 
60; Sir Henry Clinton at, 
246 ; Riedesel in command 
at, no; mentioned, 313. 

Lords Commissioners of the 
Admiralty, 151. 

Lossing, Benson J., his Field 
Book of the Revolution, 
cit^d, 34, 61, 62, 166, 170- 
171, 237. 

Louisburg, the siege of. Sir 
William Pepperell at, 2 ; 
New England troops at, 83 ; 
Guy Carleton at, 84 ; Gen. 
Montgomery at, 99; Sir 
William Howe at, 155; Lord 
Ligonier at, 234 ; St. Leger 
at, 257; Farquar at, 335. 


Louisiana ceded to Great 
Britain, 351 ; Capt. Forbes 
in, 351 - 

Louis-le-Grand,Collegede, 17. 

Loyal Convert,The, Digby on, 
150, 152; formerly belonged 
to the Americans, 152; com- 
manded by Longcroft, 15 1- 

Loyalists of America and 
their times, see Ryerson, 
Egerton, LL. D. 

Loyalists of the American 
Revolution, see Sabine, 

Loyal Rangers, the, 194. 

Lucas, Lieut. Thomas, killed, 
332 ; biographical notice of, 


Lunenburg, Mass., 215. 

Luttrell, Temple, on Lord 
Germaine, 239. 

Lyme, England, 199. 

Lynd, see Lind. 

Maccabees, the Books of, 
cited, 1 2 1. 

McCoy, Ensign, captured, 
145 ; before Gen. Fraser, 
145-146; information,given 
by him, 146-147. 

McCrea, Jane, the story of 
her murder, 235-237 ; men- 
tioned by Gates, 262 ; by 
Burgoyne, 264-265 ; The 
Life of, by D. Wilson, cited, 


McDonald, , his home 

and mill destroyed, 138. 

McFarlane, William, suc- 
ceeded Houghton, 109. 






McKay, Capt. Samuel, com- 
mander of the Canadians, 
142 ; his cruelty, 142 ; sent 
by Burgoyne to open the 
road, 300; biographical no- 
tice of, 300. 

Mackenzie, Lieut. Kenneth, 
killed, 334; biographical 
notice of, 336. 

McKinzy, see Mackenzie. 

McNeil, Mrs., 235. 

McPherson, 134. 

Magazine of American His- 
tory, The, cited, 112. 

Magdalen Islands, the, 92. 

Mahon, Lord, his remarks 
concerning Washington, 50; 
his History of England, 
cited, 51, 73, 163, 244. 

Maine, Arnold in, 8 ; Capt. 
Craig in, 167; mentioned, 

Malta, Col. Greene in com- 
mand at, 278. 

Malte Brun, Konrad, cited, 89. 

Manchester, Va., Col. Morgan 
died at, 271. 

Manifesto of Burgoyne, 189- 
192, 229 ; humorous replies 
to the, 192, 229-233. 

Mansfield, commanded the 
New Haven, 163. 

Marblehead, Mass., 59. 

Marblehead, The History and 
Traditions of, cited, 61. 

Marburg, no. 

Maria,The, named for the wife 
of Sir Guy Carleton, 145, 
148 ; commanded by Lieut. 
Starke, 1 5 1 ; Carleton on 
board, 157. 

Marlborough, the Duke of, 
Burgoyne served under, 

1 1 5 ; mentioned, 66. 

Marshall, Lieut. John, his 
Royal Naval Biography, 
cited, 140. 

Marshall, Col. Thomas, pub- 
licly thanked, 283 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 283. 

Martinico, campaign against. 
Gates in the, Suther- 
land in the, 310. 

Martinique, Blomfield at the 
capture of, 326. 

Massachusetts, 9, 61, 92, 114, 
21 1, 282, 283, 314, 315, 316. 

Maurepas, Jean Frederic, 
Comte de, fort named in 
honor of, 126. 

Medford, birthplace of Col. 
Francis, 21 1 ; the History 
of, see Brooks, the Rev. 

Mediterranean sea, the, Craig 
in service in, 167. 

Memoirs of Gen. Heath, see 
Heath, Gen. William. 

Memoirs of Maj.-Gen. Riede- 
selysee Stone, Col. William. 

Memoirs of My Own Times, 
see Wilkinson, Gen. James. 

Menominees, the, under de 
Langlade, 255. 

Meyrick, Dr., 117. 

Middlesex county, England, 

339 - 

Midhurst, represented by Bur- 
goyne, 1 1 5. 

Military Journal of Thatcher, 
The, see Thatcher, James, 
M. D. 



Military Memoirs of Great 
Britain, The, see Beatson, 

Miller, Capt. Robert, his 
daughter married Capt. 
Wilson, 127. 

Minigo, the Indian name of 
the Island of Orleans, 103. 

“ Mister,” applied to Wash- 
ington, 3, 15. 

Mobile, Ramsey at, 348 ; 
Featherstone at, 349. 

Mohawk river, the, forts on, 
held by the Americans, 19, 
21 ; unsuccessful expedition 
to, 257; Fort Stanwix on, 

Monckton, Gen. Gates his aid- 
de-camp, 169. 

Money, Gen. John, taken 
prisoner, 290 ; biographical 
notice of, 290-291. 

Monin, Capt., commander of 
the Canadians, 142 ; cruelty 
of, 142; death of, 142; 
mentioned, 193. 

Monmouth, battle of, Gen. 
Poor at, 282 ; mentioned, 
39- . 

Monning, Capt., see Monin, 

Montcalm, Louis Joseph, 
Marquis de, erected works 
at St. Johns, 1 16 ; at Ticon- 
deroga, 127, 204; erected 
Fort George, 227. 

Montgomery, Capt. William 
Stone, wounded and taken 
a prisoner, 220, 221, 225, 
348 ; biographical notice of, 

Montgomery, Gen. Richard, 
joined by Arnold, 8 ; army 
of, wasted by disease and 
exposure, 8 ; unsuccessful 
attack upon Quebec, 8, 99, 
325 ; known to Carleton, 
84 ; captured Trois Rivieres, 
84 ; captured Forts St. 
Johns and Chambly, 116, 
300; his coffin, 134; suc- 
ceeded Schuyler, 241 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 99-101 ; 
mentioned,3, 9, 19, 102, 253. 

Montgomery, Sir William, 
father of Capt. William, 
221, 222. 

Montreal, held by Arnold, 10; 
Burgoyne at, 15, 120; Gor- 
don buried at, 129; cap- 
tured, 253 ; mentioned, 13, 
86, 106, 1 16, 122, 129, 131, 
176, 178, 183. 

Montreal, Island of, 120. 

Mordant, Gen. Sir John, ac- 
companied by Capt. Wey- 
mis, 333. 

Morgan, Gen. Daniel, at- 
tacked Fraser, 38 ; attacked 
the British right flank, 38 ; 
one of his sharpshooters 
wounded Fraser, 39-40; 
advanced on the enemy, 
270; caused great havoc, 
272 ; his retreat, 273 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 270- 
272; mentioned, 30. 

Morgan, Gen. Daniel, Life of, 
see Graham, James, and 
Cooke, John Esten. 

Morton, the Earl of, ancestor 
of Sir Charles Douglass, 104. 



Mothe, Sieur la, erected a 
fort, 143 ; island named for 
him, 143. 

Mott, Samuel, 254. 

Mount Defiance, occupied by 
Burgoyne, 218; remarks of 
Washington concerning, 
219; mentioned, 204; see 
Sugar-loaf hill. 

Mount Hope, occupied by 
Fraser, 19. 

Mount Independence, origin 
of the name, 208 ; retreat 
from, 208-210; mentioned, 
214, see Fort Independ- 

Mount Vernon, Gen. Gates at, 

“ Mr.*’, applied to Washing- 
ton, 3, 15. 

Murray, Lieutenant James, 
wounded, 349 ; biographi- 
cal notice of, 352. 

Musselburgh, Scotland, 104. 

Namur, The, 150. 

Nantucket, Sir Isaac Coffin a 
native of, 92. 

Narrative of his Conduct in 
America, by Sir Henry 
Clinton, cited, 247. 

Narrative of Lieut.-Gen. Sir 
William Howe, cited, 71. 

Naticousti, former name of 
Anticosti, 97. 

National Library at Washing- 
ton, vi. 

Natiscotes, former name of 
Anticosti, 97. 

Naval History of Great Brit- 
ain, see Brenton, Edward P. 

Naylor, Lieut. William Pen- 
dred, taken prisoner, 337; 
biographical notice of, 345- 


Neilson, Charles, his Account 
of Burgoyne’s Campaign, 
cited, 235, 237. 

Nesbit, Col., ill-treated prison- 
ers, 108. 

Nesbit, Gen. William, in com- 
mand before Fort Sorel, 

1 14 ; succeeded by Suther- 
land, 310. 

New Britain, 93. 

New Brunswick, Capt. Ram- 
say in, 349. 

New England, to be separated 
from the south and west, 
14; to furnish supplies to 
oppose Burgoyne, 1 5 ; to be 
attacked by Burgoyne, 21, 
321 ; troops of, at Louis- 
burgh, 83; troops under 
Amherst, 135. 

Newfoundland, early fishing 
on the banks of, 90; called 
Baccalaos and Codlands, 
90 ; described, 92-93 ; men- 
tioned, 88, 89, 91. 

New Hampshire, 10, 38, 216, 

NewHampshire Historical So- 
ciety Collections, cited, 233. 

New Haven, Arnold a drug- 
gist in, 147. 

New Haven, The, burnt, 162 ; 
commanded by Mansfield, 

New Jersey, William Living- 
stone governor of, 192 ; 
mentioned, 10, 270. 



Newport, Gen. Sullivan at the 
siege of, lo ; permission not 
granted for the British 
troops to depart from, 53 ; 
Burgoyne embarked from, 
59 - 

New Travels in the United 
States of America by J. P. 
B. de Warville, cited, 62. 

New York, city, Howe and 
Clinton in, 19; Clinton in 
command at, 25 ; Burgoyne 
received no help from, 26 ; 
Gen. Gates died at, 17 1 ; 
prison ships at, 232 ; in- 
ducements offered for re- 
cruits in, 247; mentioned, 
246, 346. 

New York State, vi, 8, 14, 19, 
61, 99, 169, 194, 195, 241, 

New York, The History of, 
see Jones, Thomas, and 
Dunlap, William. 

New York, The, burnt, 162; 
commanded by Reed, 163. 

New York Council of Safety, 
censured St. Clair, 219. 

New York, Documents Relat- 
ing to the Colonial History 
of, see O’Callaghan, E. B., 
LL. D. 

Niagara river, the, 39. 

Nicholson, Col., built Fort 
Anne, 221. 

Nineteenth Light Dragoons, 

Ninety-fifth Foot, 257. 

Ninety-first Foot, 124, 290. 

Ninth Battalion, 326. 

Ninth Dragoons, 221. 

Ninth Foot, 221, 224, 234, 290, 
^ 9 , 347 , 348,351,352,353; 
Historical Record of the, 
cited, 221-222, 225, 235, 
329, 347 - 

Ninth Regiment, the colors of 
the, concealed, 56; men- 
tioned, 122, 196, 221. 

Noel, M., translated An- 
bureys Travels Through 
the Interior Parts of Amer- 
ica, 17. 

Norfolk militia, the, 290. 

Normands, the, 103. 

Normandy, 179. 

North Britain, 189, 229. 

North, Lord Frederick, re- 
sponsible for hiring the 
German troops, 7; repre- 
hended Burke and Fox 
for eulogizing Montgom- 
ery, loi ; mentioned, 65, 

North river, the, 321, see Hud- 
son river. 

North sea, the, 93. 

North-western territory, St. 
Clair governor of the, 

Norwich, Conn., birthplace of 
Benedict Arnold, 146. 

Norwich, England, John 
Money a native of, 290. 

Nottingham, England, Gen. 
Howe a representative of, 

Nova Scotia, 92 ; the History 
of, see Haliburton, Thomas 

Nutt, Lieut. George Anson, 
biographical notice of, 195. 



Obins, Lieut. Hamlet, killed, 
332 ; biographical notice of, 

O’Callaghan, Edmund B., LL. 
D., his edition of Bur- 
goyne’s Orderly Books, 
cited, 124, 195,196, 199,237, 
256. 330, 335, 339,347; his 
Colonial History of New 
York, cited, 257 ; his Docu- 
ments Relating to the 
Colonial History of New 
York, cited, 254, 257. 

One Hundred and Eighth 
Foot, 129. 

One Hundred and Fifth Foot, 
351 - 

One Hundred and Second 
Foot, 351. 

One Hundred and Thirteenth 
Royal Highland Volun- 
teers, 196. 

Orderly Books of Burgoyne, 
the, see O’Callaghan, Ed- 
mund B., LL. D. 

Orleans, Island of, Digby at, 
103 ; called Minigo, 103 ; 
called Isle of Bacchus, 

Orne, Capt., 59. 

Oswego, St. Leger retired to, 

Ottawa, vi. 

Ottawas, the, join the British, 
228 ; under Langland, 254- 

Oughton, Lieut.-Gen., Capt. 
Greene served under, 278. 

Our Commanders, 319. 

Oxford, Mass., Gen. Learned 
died at, 283. 

Oyseaux, Isles aux, described, 

Palmer, Lieut., concerned in 
the killing of Miss McCrea, 

Palmer, P. S., his History of 
Lake Champlain, cited, 217, 

Paris, 103. 

Parker, Sir Peter, his expedi- 
tion against Charleston, 
195 - 

Parsons, Usher, M. D., his 
Life of Sir William Pep- 
perell, cited, 2. 

Patterson, Col., a messenger 
for Gen. Howe, 3. 

Pausch, 183. 

Pearl, The, 83. 

Peekskill, 72. 

Peninsular war, the, Lieut. 
Howarth in, 328. 

Pennsylvania, Howe’s expe- 
dition to, 25 ; mentioned, 
107, 108, 126, 137, 138, 165, 
166, 218, 219, 270. 

Pennsylvania Historical Soci- 
ety, vi. 

Pennsylvania Sixth Regi- 
ment, 126. 

Pennsylvania State Library, 
vi, 127, 138. 

Pensacola, 149. 

Pepperell, Sir William, formed 
a regiment, 2 ; at Louis- 
burgh, 2 ; knighted, 2 ; 
death of, 2 ; The Life of, 
see Parsons, Usher, M. D. 

Percy, Lord, Craig served un- 
der, 166. 



Petersburgh, Va., Gen. Phil- 
lips died at, 175. 

Peters, John, father of Lieut.- 

* Col. John, 193. 

Peters, Lieut.-Col. John, in 
command of the provincial 
Tory corps, 193 ; biographi- 
cal notice of, 193. 

Peters, the Rev. Samuel, 193. 

Petershaw, Lord, 129. 

Philadelphia, Gen. Howe 
prepared an expedition 
against, 19, 64; St. Clair in 
command at, 219; evacu- 
ated by Clinton, 246; men 
tioned, 35, 64, loi, 247. 

Philadelphia, The, sunk, 162 ; 
commanded by Rice, 163. 

Phillips, Ensign Levinge 
Cosby, killed, 336; bio- 
graphical notice of, 342- 

Phillips, Gen. William, before 
Ticonderoga, 19; his orders 
concerning Whitcomb, 133; 
advised Carleton to ad- 
vance, 172; reconnoitered 
the enemy’s lines, 174-175 ; 
in command at Montreal, 
184; advised Burgoyne to 
advance, 275 ; Capt. Greene 
under, 278 ; Bloomfield 
served under, 325-326 ; Bio- 
graphical notice of, 174- 
175; mentioned, 16, 18,30, 
37, 42, 243, 294. 

Pickering, Charles, M. D., his 
Races of Men and their 
Geographical Distribution, 
cited, 95. 

Pigeons plenty, 152. 

Pilot, Capt. Henry, brother- 
in-law of Digby, 149; bio- 
graphical notice of, 149- 

Pixton, Maj. Acland died at, 
1 12. 

Placentia, Bay of, 91. 

Playfair, William, his British 
Family Antiquary, cited, 
104, 1 16, 222, 327. 

Plymouth, England, fleet from, 
88 ; Sir William Howe, 
governor of, 1 56. 

Plymouth, Mass., 9. 

Point au Faire, see Point au 

Point au Fer, blockhouse 
erected on, 1 52 ; mentioned, 
153, 148, 177- 

Political Index to the His- 
tories of Great Britain, see 
Beatson, Robert. 

Poor, Daniel, grandfather of 
Gen. Enoch, 282. 

Poor, Gen. Enoch, attacked 
the British left, 38 ; publicly 
thanked, 282, biographical 
notice of, 282. 

Poor, Thomas, father of 
Enoch, 282. 

Port Andre, 207. 

Port Neuf, Digby at, 105. 

Portsmouth, England, 59. 

Portugal, Burgoyne and Gard- 
ner in, 222 ; mentioned, 39. 

Potton, England, granted to 
the Burgoyne family, 10. 

Powell, Gen. Henry Watson, 
in command at Ticon- 
deroga, 285 ; biographical 
notice of, 19^199. 



Poweirs Brigade, i8i, 337. 

Prairie, La, 129. 

Premier, , commander of 

The Liberty, 164. 

Prentis, Capt., 133, 134. 

Preston, Burgoyne the repre- 
sentative of, 67, 1 1 5. 

Prince Society, the publica- 
tion of, cited, 127, 

Prince, Lieutenant William, 
wounded, 349 ; biographi- 
cal notice of, 352. 

Princess Amelia, The, 150. 

Pringle, Capt. Thomas, com- 
modore of Lake Champlain, 
148, 152, 157-158; bio- 

graphical notice of, 148 ; 
mentioned, 139, 164. 

Prospect Hill, Boston, the 
quarters of the British 
troops, 49-50. 

Providence, The, burnt, 162; 
commanded by Simonds, 

Public Records Office, 4. 

Putnam, Gen. Israel, in the 
Highlands, 25. 

Putnam’s Creek, 201. 

Quaker Springs, 30. 

Quebec, Carleton took refuge 
in, 8, 13, 16; daring attack 
upon, 8, 99 ; Gen. Thomas 
before, 9 ; Burgoyne at, 14, 
104 ; Dearborn in the 
assault of, 38 ; New England 
troops at, 83 ; Carleton, 
governor of, 84 ; the attempt 
to storm, 99 ; Digby at, 104 ; 
Gen. Nesbit died at, 1 14 ; 
Sir William Howe at, 155 ; 

Craig at, 167 ; mentioned, 
vi, 3» 70, 83, 92, 98, 99, 102, 
103, 105, 106, 108, 1 16, 122, 
I 3 S» I 39 » I 5 L 152, 173, 176, 
180, 182, 183, 198, 222, 228, 
230,254, 257, 271, 325, 332, 
335 » 336, 341 ; Journal of 
the Principal Occurrences 
During the Siege of, see 
Shortt, W. T. 

Queen’s Loyal Americans, 
the regiment of the, the in- 
humanity of, 257. 

Queen’s Ranger Huzzars, 
the, 247. 

Queen’s Regiment of Light 
Dragoons, the, 189, 229. 

Races of Men and their Geo- 
graphical Distribution, see 
Pickering, Charles, M. D. 

Radeau, a, described, ii. 

Ramsay, David, M.D., his His- 
tory of the American Revo- 
lution, cited, loi, 108, 244. 

Ramsay, Captain Malcolm, 
wounded, 344; biographi- 
cal notice of, 348-349. 

Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, 
his Life of Thomas Jeffer- 
son, cited, 175. 

Raphoe, Ireland, Gen. Mont- 
gomery a native of, 99. 

Read, Captain, 59. 

Reading, Pa., Hartley a native 
of, 165. 

Reed, Lieut. -Col. James, com- 
manded the New York, 163 ; 
mentioned, 216. 

Reed, Joseph, a letter from 
Washington to,cited, 63-64 



Reflection on the Fast, 318. 

Registers of Westminster 
Abbey, cited, 1 16. 

Remembrances of Public 
Events, The, cited, 1 16, 291, 
306 - 

Revenge, The, commanded by 
Seaman, 163 ; mentioned, 

Revolutionary Record, The, 
cited, 166. 

Reynell, Anne, wife of Lieut. 
Reynell, followed her hus- 
band to America, 339 ; her 
children, 339. 

Reynell, Baron Richard Little- 
ton, 339. 

Reynell, Samuel, 339. 

Reynell, Sir Thomas, 339. 

Reynell, Lieut.Thomas, killed, 
336 ; biographical notice of, 

Reynell, Thomas, Jr., 339. 

Reynels, see Reynell. 

Rhinebeck, Gen. Montgomery 
settled at, 99. 

Rhinehesse, Riedesel born in, 

Rhode Island troops, the, com- 
mandedbyGen. Sullivan, 10. 

Rice,commander of The Phila- 
delphia, 163. 

Richardson, Captain, 90. * 

Richelieu, Cardinal, 103. 

Richelieu river, the, formerly 
called the River of the Iro- 
quois and the Sorel, 103 ; 
mentioned, 116, 135. 

Richmond, the Duke of, his 
letter to Lord Rockingham, 
cited, 65. 

Riedesel, Baron Friedrich 
Adolph, before Fort Inde- 
pendence, 19 ; his contempt 
for the American prison- 
ers, 108 ; marched toward 
Skeensborough, 217; sup- 
posed jealousy concerning, 
217; to sustain Fraser, 223- 
224; sent to Bennington, 
248, 250 ; the romantic at- 
tachment of his wife, 268 ; 
return of the troops under, 
355 ; biographical notice of, 
I lO-i 1 1 ; mentioned, 16, 
18, 30, 31, 36, 37, 46, 48, 
88, 1 19, 184, 260, 293, 329, 
339 ; Memoirs, Letters and 
Journals of, during his resi- 
dence in America, see Stone, 
Col. William L. 

Riedesel, Baroness Frederica 
Louisa, her romantic attach- 
ment for her husband, 268 ; 
mentioned, 48, 339 ; her 
Letters and Journals relat- 
ing to the war of the Amer- 
ican Revolution, see Stone, 
Col. William L. 

Rindge, N. H., History of, 
see Stearns, Ezra S. 

Rindge, N. H., home of Col. 
Hale, 216; a company of 
minute men formed in, 216. 

Riviere la Colle, 148, 149, 

Riviere Sable, Digby at, 173. 

Robertson, Lieut. John James, 
killed, 334; biographical 
notice of, 337. 

Rochfort, the expedition 
against, 333. 





Rockingham, Lord, letter to, 
from the Duke of Rich- 
mond, cited, 65. 

Rodney, Admiral, Longcraft 
served under, 1 50-1 51 ; 
Blomfield served under, 


Rogers, Col. Horatio, his edi- 
tion of Hadden’s Journal 
and Orderly Book, cited, 
vi, 83, 86, 108, 1 12, 1 1 5, 
128, 130, 134, 148, 180, 181, 
184, 193, 194, 195, 199, 203, 
206, 207, 216, 223, 227-228, 
254, 291, 298, 299, 325, 328, 
338, 351. 

Rome, N. Y., the site of Fort 
Stanwix, 258. 

Rowe, Lieut. John, wounded, 
342 ; biographical notice of, 


Roxbury, Mass., 9, 39, 61, 62. 
Royal Americans, the, Gates 
a major in, 169. 

Royal Artillery, Phillips a 
captain in the, 174; men- 
tioned, 278, 324, 325, 326, 

327, 328, 329. 

Royal Artillery, History of, 
see Duncan, F. 

Royal Engineers, the, 337, 346. 
Royal George, The, 18, 201, 

Royal Greens, Johnson’s, in- 
humanity of, 257. 

Royal Highland Emigrants, 
the, 331. 

Royal Irish Dragoons, the, 


Royal Naval Biography, see 
Marshall, Lieut. John. 

Royal Regiment of New 
York, the inhumanity of, 
257 - 

Royal Savage, The, built by 
Arnold, 158; destroyed, 
158-159, 162, 177; com- 
manded by Hawley, 163 ; 
mentioned, 145. 

Russia, 5. 

Rutherford, Lieut. Richard, 
wounded, 334; biograph- 
ical notice of, 337. 

Ryerson, Egerton, LL. D., 
his Loyalists of America 
and their Times, cited, 244, 

Sabine, Lorenzo, his Loyal- 
ists of the American Rev- 
olution, cited, 194,. 243- 
244 - 

Sacs, the, under de Langlade, 

St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, his 
communication with Lake 
George cut off, 19; at Ti- 
conderoga, 19; surprised 
by the British, 20; retreated, 
leaving his stores behind, 
20 ; the retreat disclosed, 
20; failed to hold his po- 
sition, 170, 174; in com- 
mand at Ticonderoga, 204 ; 
his want of foresight, 204; 
Burgoyne on, 204 ; at Cas- 
tletown, 218 ; censured, 218; 
before Congress, 241-242 ; 
biographical notice of, 218- 

St. Dennis, Digby at, 116. 

St. Johns, see Fort St. Johns. 


St. Lawrence, Gulf of, de- 
scribed, 91-92 ; full of ice, 

St. Lawrence river, 10, 18,92, 
93. 96. 97. 102, 120, 178, 
i8o, 181. 

St. Leger, Lieut.-Col. Barry, 
to make a division on the 
Mohawk, 1 5 ; detached to 
Fort Schuyler, 18; at Fort 
Schuyler, 23, 161 ; retreat 
of, 27; at Oswego, 256; to 
meet Burgoyne at Albany, 
?57“2S8 ; fine conduct of, 
258 ; joined by McKay, 300 ; 
biographical notice of, 256- 
257; mentioned, 28. 

St. Luc, see La Came St. Luc, 
Luc de Chapt de. 

St. Malo, Burgoyne at the at- 
tack of, 1 1 5 ; Hamilton at, 

St. Maurice river, 106. 

St. Paul, Island of, 91. 

St. Sacrament, Lake, former 
name of Lake George, 214. 

Salem, 59. 

Salons, Baron Alexander, 
wounded, 349 ; biographi- 
cal notice of, 352-353. 

Saratoga, Burgoyne encamp- 
ed at, 28 ; mentioned, vii, 
58, 302, 303, 309, 314, 317, 
323. 333. 338, 344. 345. 349. 

^ 352. 353- 

Saratoga, the battle of, Lieut. 
Wright killed at, 329 ; men- 
tioned, 39. 

Saratoga, Heights of, held by 
the Americans, 42 ; Bur 
goyne on the, 267, 300. 


Saratoga, name given by Gen 
Morgan to his farm, 271 

Saratoga, a pseudonym, 
signed to the humorous 
manifesto, 233. 

Saunders. F., vi. 

Saunders, William, captured 
131. ’ 

Savages join the British army, 
120-12 1 ; described, 12 1 ; 
see Indians. 

Scaling a gun described, 154. 

Scalping among the Scythi- 
ans, 12 1 i under Indians. 

Schank, Lieut., commanded 
the Inflexible, 152. 

Schiller, Johann Christoph, 
upbraided the Germans for 
sending troops to America, 
6 . 

Schuyler, Gen. Phillip, com- 
mander of the American 
army. 19; laid hindrances 
in the way of Burgoyne, 22 ; 
his army encamped on the 
Mohawk and Hudson, 22; 
superseded by Gates, 29; 
his diary cited, 31; his 
mansion the head-quarters 
of Burgoyne, 42 ; took 
charge of Mme. Riedesel 
and her children, 48, 242 ; 
friend of George Augustus, 
Lord Howe, 156; to him 
belongs the honor of 
Burgoyne’s defeat, 170; 
Gates envious of, 170; let- 
ter from Gates, 172; as- 
signed Ticonderoga to 
Gates and then to St. Clair, 
204; accused of accepting 




a bribe, 219 ; issued a proc- 
lamation, 233 ; before Con- 
gress, 241-242 ; feeling 
against, 242 ; his house 
burned, 249, 299, 301 ; re- 
paired Fort Stanwix, 258 ; 
named the fort, 258 ; met 
Burgoyne, 301 ; told Bur- 
goyne to have no regret 
for burning the house, 301 ; 
Burgoyne’s excuse, 301 ; 
biographical notice of, 241- 
243 * 

Schyler, see Schuyler. 

Scotland, 87, 104, 218, 344. 

Scot’s Farm, 142. 

Scott, Capt. Alexander, lost 
in the ice, 181 ; biographi- 
cal notice of, 181. 

Scott, Lieut. Thomas, a mes- 
senger for Burgoyne, 36, 
123; his Journal cited, 124; 
cruising off Isle la Motte, 
143 ; passed through the 
enemy’s fleet, 143 ; took to 
the woods, 143-144; com- 
manded the Thunderer, 
152; biographical notice 
of, 1 22- 1 24. 

Scythians, scalping among 
the, 121. 

Sea Fencibles, the, 15 1. 

Seaman, commanded the Re- 
venge, 163. 

Second Battalion, 18 1, 287. 

Second Foot, 115. 

Second New Hampshire Reg- 
iment, the, 216, 282. 

Seringapatam, Lieut. Scott at 
the taking of, 124. 

Seventh Regiment, 100. 

Seventieth Foot, the, 114. 

Seventy-first Highlanders, 
the, 87. 

Seventy-fourth Foot, the, 


Seventy-second Foot, the, 84, 
351 - 

Seventy-seventh Foot, the, 

Shelburne, Life of William 
Earl of, see Fitzmaurice, 
Lord Edmond. 

Shelly, Surgeon, 220. 

Shirley, Governor William, 
formed a regiment, 2. 

Shooter’s Hill, Blomfield’s 
death at, 327. 

Shortt, W. T., his Journal of 
the Principal Occurrences 
During the Siege of Que- 
bec, cited, 86. 

Shrimpton, Captain John, 
wounded, 21 1, 346; bio- 
graphical notice of, 349- 


Siege of Boston, the, see 
Frothingham, Hon. Rich- 

Silver Bullet, the story of the, 
33-34, 284. 

Silver Bullets said to have 
been thrown by Burgoyne, 

Simcoe, Col. John Graves, 
accompanied Arnold on his 
Southern campaign, 246 ; 
commanded the Queen’s 
Ranger Huzzars, 247 ; his 
Journal cited, 175. 

Simonds commanded The 
Providence, 163. 



Sioux, the, under de Lang- 
lade, 254-255. 

Sismondi, Jean Charles Leon- 
ard de, his Histoire des 
Frangais, cited, 135. 

Sister Kitty/' a soubriquet 
conferred on Catherine of 
Russia, 6. 

Sisters, the, missing, 91. 

Six Nations, the expedition 
against, Gen. Poor in, 282. 

Sixteenth Dragoons, the, Bur- 
goyne's Light Horse, 115, 
222, 223, 248, 305, 332, 346. 

Sixth Dragoons, the, 290. 

Sixth Pennsylvania Regi- 
ment, the, 126, 165. 

Sixtieth Foot, the, 155, 331. 

Sixty-fifth Foot, the, 195. 

Sixty-first Foot, the, 346. 

Sixty-fourth Foot, the, 196. 

Sixty-ninth Foot, the, 198. 

Sixty-second Foot, the, 36, 55, 
196, 272, 273,200,310, 329, 

338, 339> 340, 34L 342, 343, 
344,345,346,349; the His- 
torical Record of, 330, 344. 

Sixty-third Foot, the, 87. 

Skene, Capt. Phillip, served 
under Abercrombie, 217; 
named Skenesborough, 217; 
mentioned, 233, 

Skenesborough, Burgoyne at, 
21, 22; baggage sent to, 
205 ; Riedesel marched to- 
ward, 217; origin of the 
name, 217; Digby ordered 
to, 219-220; the army as- 
sembled at, 222 ; enemy 
driven from, 223 ; feu-de- 
joieat, 222, 225; long delay 

at, 226 ; doubt expressed 
concerning the expedience 
of bringing the army to, 
227 ; the delay gave the 
enemy time to collect, 228 ; 
departure of the army, 233; 
supplies sent from Ticon- 
deroga, 266 ; in the posses- 
sion of the Americans, 284 ; 
Ch^land killed at, 325 ; men- 
tioned, 222, 224, 228. 

Smith, Lieut. William P., 
wounded, 425 ; biographi- 
cal notice of, 228. 

Snakes at Skeensborough, 

Somersetshire, England, iii, 

Sorel, M. de, 103. 

Sorel river, formerly called 
the River of the Iroquois, 
103 ; Capt. Wilson captured 
at the, 126, II, 1 16, 120, 
135, 145- 

South American coast, Capt. 
York drowned on the, 329. 

South Carolina, 195. 

Spain ceded West Florida to 
Great Britain, 149, 347 ; 
ceded Louisiana to Great 
Britain, 351; mentioned, 
95, II5- 

Spanish West Indies, 333. 

Sparks, Jered, his Life of 
Washington, cited, 3, 51, 
53, 54, 86, 108, 163, 166, 

Specht, Johann Frederick, 
biographical notice of, 197- 
1 99- 

Spencer, Cornet, 247. 



Spitfire, The, burnt, 162 ; com- 
manded by Ulmer, 163. 

Spofifordj A. R.,'vi, 58. 

Spruce used as an anticros- 
butic and for beer, 122, 
137 - 

Stamford, Conn., the birth- 
place of Gen. Waterbury, 
162; death of Waterbury 
at, 163. 

Stanly, Capt. John, wounded, 
332 ; biographical notice of, 


Stanwix, Gen. John, his name 
given to a fort, 257 ; served 
under Abercrombie, 257- 

Stapleton, Captain Francis, 
killed, 341 ; biographical 
notice of, 347. 

Stark, Gen. John, destroyed 
Baum’s command, 23 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 23-24. 

Stark, Lieut., commanded the 
Maria, 152. 

State of the expedition from 
Canada, see Burgoyne, 
Lieut.-Gen. Sir John. 

Staten Island, 72. 

Stearns, Ezra S., his History 
of Rindge, cited, 216. 

Stedman, C., liis History of 
the American War, cited, 
206, 247. 

Steele, Lieutenant Thomas, 
wounded, 346 ; biographi- 
cal notice of, 350-351. 

Stevelby, Lieutenant Joseph, 
wounded, 348-349 ; bio- 
graphical notice of, 352. 

Stewart, see Stuart. 

Stillwater, battle of, Schuy- 
ler’s outposts at the, 22 ; 
Wright killed at the, 245 ; 
Turnbull killed at the, 337 ; 
mentioned, 266. 

Stone, F. D., vi. 

Stone, Col. William L., men- 
tioned, vi, 161 ; his articles 
in the Magazine of Ameri- 
can History, cited, 1 12 ; his 
Campaign of Gen. John 
Burgoyne, cited, 31, 299; 
his edition of the Letters 
and J ournals of the Baroness 
Riedesel, cited, 42, 43, 55, 
88, III, 199, 242-243, 293, 
297, 299, 300, 326-327, 340, 
343, 345 \ his edition of the 
Memoirs, Letters and Jour- 
nals of Baron Riedesel, 
cited, 108, III, 1 19, 217, 
250, 252 ; his expedition of 
Lieut.-Col. Barry St. Leger, 
cited, 237, 257. 

Stopford, Major, 128. 

Storey, Thomas, 334. 

Strangways, Captain Stephen 
Digby, wounded, 335; bio- 
graphical notice of, 338. 

Stuart, Lieutenant Archibald, 
killed, 336 ; biographical 
notice of, 341. 

Stuart, James, his Three 
Years in North America, 
cited, 87. 

Sugar Hill, see Sugar-loaf 

Sugar-loaf Hill, General 
Phillips on, 174; comman- 
ded Ticonderoga, 204, 205, 
Capt. Walker on, 207. 



Sullivan, Gen. John, unable 
to form a conjunction with 
Arnold, 10; fell back to 
Crown Point, 1 1 ; sent with 
reinforcements to Albany, 
25 ; elated in finding himself 
in command before Quebec, 
108-109; unsuccessful in 
recovering lost ground, 108- 
109 ; evacuated the Isle aux 
Noix, 1 38 ; biographical 
notice of, 10. 

Sumner, commanded the 
Boston, 163. 

Surinam, Greene in the expe- 
dition against, 278. 

Surrey, England, 328. 

Sutherland, Col. Nicholas, a 
messenger from Burgoyne 
to Yates, 310, 311; bio- 
graphical notice of, 3 10-3 1 2. 

Sutton, England, granted to 
the Burgoyne family, 114. 

Sutton, Volunteer, wounded, 
325 ; biographical notice of, 

Swartwood, Capt. Abraham, 
his coat used in making a 
flag, 161. 

Sweden, 95. 

Swetman, see Swettenham. 

Swettenham, Captain George, 
wounded, 342 ; biographi- 
cal notice of, 347. 

Sword-fish described, 89. 

Talavera, Lieut. Howarth at 
the battle of, 328. 

Taylor, Ensign George, killed, 
336 ; biographical notice of, 


Taylor, Sergeant Daniel, 34. 
Tenth Regiment, the, 282, 

Tetton, the birthplace of 
Major Acland, iii. 

Thanet, the Earl of, supposed 
relative of Gen. Gates, 168. 
Thatcher, James, M. D., his 
Military'Journal, cited, 219. 
Thevet, Andre, cited, 97. 
Third Foot Guards, the, 160. 
Third Light Dragoons, the, 


Third New Hampshire Foot, 
the, 216. 

Thirteenth Dragoons, the, 
115 - 

Thirteenth Foot, the, 224. 
Thirtieth Foot, the, 166, 278. 
Thirty-eighth Foot, the, 196. 
Thirty-first Foot, the, 114, 

149, 188, 278; The Histor- 
ical Record of the, cited, 


Thirty-fourth Foot, the, 123, 
188, 196, 333, 351; The 
Historical Record of the, 
cited, 332, 333. 
Thirty-seventh Foot, the, 18 1. 
Thirty-sixth Foot, the, 114. 
Thirty-third Foot, the, iii, 
I 95 > 336, 351 ; The Histor- 
ical Record of the, cited, 

Thomas, Gen. John, forced to 
retreat, 9, 108 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 9; mentioned, 

Thompson, General William, 
taken prisoner, 9 ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 107-108. 



Three Mile Point, 201. 

Three Years in North Amer- 
ica, see Stuart, James. 

Thunderer, The, commanded 
by Lieut. Scott, 152. 

Ticonderoga, put into a con- 
dition of defense by the 
Americans, 12; Burgoyne 
to take a post within sight 
of, 15 ; dismayed, 18 ; Gen. 
St. Clair at, 19, 170; Bur- 
goyne before, 19-20; the 
loss of, very bitter to the 
Americans, 20, 224, 241- 
242 ; capture of, hailed with 
delight by George III and 
Lord Germaine, 20-21, 64, 
225 ; to be garrisoned by 
troops from Carleton, 21 ; 
Burgoyne obliged to garri- 
son it, 26-27 ; attacked by 
the Americans, 37 ; Bur- 
goyne’s intended retreat to, 
46, 245; garrisoned, 124; 
Indian name of, 126; de- 
scribed, 126-127, 21 3 -2 14; 
probably visited by Cham- 
plain, 126; Montcalm at, 
127; called Carilton, 127; 
Abercrombie before, 127, 
258 ; captured by Amherst, 
127; by Ethan Allen, 127; 
by Haldeman, 127; Lord 
Howe killed at, 156, 241, 
258 ; Waterbury at, 163 ; 
H eartley retired to, 1 65- 1 66; 
paroled prisoners taken to, 
166, 219; Gates in com- 
mand at, 168; the force at, 
169; the Americans im- 
patient for the approach of 

Carleton, 172; forced evac- 
uation, 174; comments on 
Carleton's not attempting 
to reduce it, 187; General 
Powell in command at, 196 
-197; an attack repelled, 
197; abandoned, 198 ; Fra- 
ser in possession of an emi- 
nence that commanded it, 
202 ; assigned to Gates, 
204, 218; commanded by 
Sugar-loaf Hill, 204-205 ; 
want of foresight in St. 
Clair, 204 ; baggage stored 
at, 226 ; flight of the enemy 
from, 227; Lord Howe and 
Gen. Schuyler at the attack 
of, 241 ; recruits from, 266 ; 
fear that the army should 
be obliged to return to, 277 ; 
expedition of the Ameri- 
cans against, 277 ; rein- 
forcements expected from, 
280; report of its capture, 
281; news of the attack 
received, 284-285 ; partial 
success of the Americans, 
285 ; intercepted dispatches 
to Burgoyne from, 285 ; ex- 
press from, 286 ; retreat to, 
proposed, 292 ; mentioned, 
vii, 72, 1 16, 129, 130, 131, 
132, 147, 163, 173, 176,206, 
223, 228, 230, 242, 246, 258, 
33L 332, 349- 

Ticonderago, see Ticonderoga. 

Tierra Laborador, see Labra- 

Toboyne Township, Captain 
Adams a native of the, 
137 - 

wi m m 


Index. 409 

Toovey, CoL John, com- 
manded the Fifty-third 
Regiment of Foot, vi. 

Tories, the, feeling against, 
243-244 ; cause embarrass- 
ment among the Ameri- 
cans, 255. 

Toronto, 244, 306. 

Torture of prisoners, the, did 
not originate among the 
Indians, 121. 

Tower of London, the, Capt. 
Shrimpton in command of, 


Townsend, Dr., 160. 

Traverse, A., explained, 305. 

Trois Rivieres, Carleton at, 84; 
Digby at, 106 ; described, 
106 ; prisoners paroled at, 
132; mentioned, 184. 

Trumbull, The, commanded 
by Wigglesworth, 163 ; es- 
caped, 162. 

.Turnbull, Lieutenant George, 
killed, 334, 337, ; biograph- 
ical notice of, 336-337. 

Twentieth Foot, the, 11 1, 155, 
196, 272, 332, 333, 334, 335. 
336 ; The Historical Record 
of the, cited, 333, 334- 

Twenty-eighth Foot, the, 256. 

Twenty-first Dragoons, the, 


Twenty-first Foot, the, 197, 
198, 310, 336, 337, 348 ; The 
Historical Record of the, 
cited, 312, 336, 349. 

Twenty-fourth Foot, the, 87, 
122, 144, 211,224, 337, 338: 
The Historical Record of 
the, cited, 337» 338. 


Twenty-ninth Foot, the, 129, 
188,330,335,350,351; The 
Historical Record of the, 
cited, 330. 

Twenty-seventh Foot, the, 

Two Voyages to New Eng- 
land, Josselyn, John. 

Tyconderoga, see Ticonder- 

Ulmer, Capt., commanded 
the Spitfire, 163. 

United States, History of the, 
Graham, the Rev. James. 

United States, New Travels 
in the, see De Warrville, J. 
P. Brisscot. 

United States, the, 63, 195, 
261, 281, 283, 312, 354. 

Universal Magazine, The, 
cited, 140, 148. 

Valcour Island, 12. 

Valley Forge, Gen. Poor at, 
282 ; mentioned, 60. 

Verchere, Madame de, the 
heroism of, 178-179. 

Vercheres, described, 178- 
179; origin of the name, 178. 

Vermont, 194; The History 
of, see Hall, Hiland, LL. D. 

Vershere, see Vercheres. 

Villaret, Admiral, 148. 

Virginia, Burgoyne's captive 
army sent to, 62, 175 ; Am- 
herst governor of, 136; 
Arnold in, 175; Phillips in, 
175 ; mentioned, 107, 270. 

Vischer, Col., letter from Gen. 
Wilkinson to, 281. 



Von Gall, Col. W. R., bio- 
graphical notice of, 197- 

Vyner, Mr., 254, 303. 

Walker, Capt. Ellis, ordered 
to Sugar-loaf Hill, 207 ; 
biographical notice of, 

Walpole, Horace, called Cath- 
erine of Russia “ Sister 
Kitty,’' 6 ; idle story of his 
being the father of Gen. 
Gates, 168; god-father of 
Gates, 168-1^; his Jour- 
nal of the Reign of George 
HI, cited, 21, 171,239, 314, 
3 1 8-3 19, 320 ; his Last J our- 
nals, cited, 171. 

Walpole, Horatio, 168. 

Warbourg, Gen. Phillips at, 

Warner, Col. Seth, captured 
Crown Point, 127. 

War of Independence, The 
History of the, see Botta, 
Carlo G. G. 

Washington county, the sur- 
vey of, see Fitch, Asa. 

Washington, D. C., the Na- 
tional Library of, vi. 

Washington, Gen. George, ad- 
dressed as “ Mister,” 3, 4, 
15 ; his confidence in Gen. 
Thomas, 9; compared to 
Moses, 14; baffled Howe, 
19; sent reinforcements to 
Albany, 25 ; delay of Gates 
in informing him of Bur- 
goyne’s surrender, 50; .his 
reply to Heath concerning 

the removal of the troops 
from Boston, 50-52 ; Lord 
Mahon’s opinion of, 50-51 ; 
letter to Gates, 50-5 1 ; let- 
ters to Heath, 52, 108 ; letter 
to Congress, 54 ; letter from 
Gates, 57; letter to Reed, 
63-64; puzzled at Howe’s 
failure to co-operate with 
Burgoyne, 71-72; request 
for an exchange of prison- 
ers, 84-85 ; opposed send- 
ing Thompson to Virginia, 
107 ; Gates an early friend 
of, 169; Gates envious of, 
170; proclamation of, 192; 
remarks of, concerning the 
evacuation of Ticonderoga, 
219; met Morgan at Cam- 
bridge, 270-271 ; consulted 
Morgan, 271 ; his eulogistic 
remarks upon Gen. Poor, 
282 ; mentioned, 39, 60, 62, 

Washington, The Life of 
George, see Irving, Wash- 
ington, and Sparks, Jered. 

Washington,The, commanded 
by Waterbury, 163 ; cap- 
tured, 162, 173. 

Waterbury, Gen. David, J., 
taken prisoner, 162 ; com- 
manded The Washington, 
163 ; biographical notice 
of, 162 ; mentioned, 165, 

Wayne, Col., 138. 

Wellington, the Duke of, 
Howarth served under, 328. 

Wemys, see Weymis. 

West India fleet, the, 148. 



West Indies, the, Montgom- 
ery in, 99; Gates in, 169; 
Powell in, 196; Harris in, 
331 ; Lind in, 333 ; Gordon 
in, 351- 

Westminster Abbey, Bur- 
goyne buried in, 191. 

Westminster Abbey Register, 
cited, 1 16. 

Westminster, England, Bur- 
goyne educated at, 115. 

Weston, Mass., Col. Marshall 
died at, 283. 

West Point, 60. 

Westroop, Lieut. Richard, 
killed at Fort Anne, 235, 
348 ; biographical notice of, 


Weymis, Captain Francis, 
wounded, 332 ; biographical 
notice of, 333-334- 

Whale and sword fish, fight 
between a, 89. 

Whisky Insurrection, the, 

Whitcomb, Lieut. Benjamin, 
a scout, shot Gen. Jordon, 
128-131; seized a British 
quartermaster, 1 29- 1 3 1 ; 
his account of the affair, 
129; Anburey’s account of 
it, 130; biographical notice 
of, 131-134; sent to recon- 
noiter, 145. 

Whitehall, 14, 258. 

Whitmore, Lieut.-General, in 
Florida, 347. , 

Whitmore, Rachel, married 
Ebenezer Francis, 211. 

Wigglesworth commanded the 
Trumbull, 163. 

Wight, Captain, killed, 347 ; 
mentioned, 2^, 290. 

Wilkes, John, or Lord Ger- 
maine, 239. 

Wilkinson, Gen. James, adju- 
tant for Yates, 38, 306, 
310; sent by Yates to 
Congress with the news of 
Burgoyne’s surrender, 50 r 
defended Gates, 50; saved 
the life of Maj. Acland, 

1 12; a letter of his pub- 
lished, 280-281 ; met Major 
Kingston, 306; his Mem- 
oirs of My Own Times, 
cited, 35, 38, 42, 44-45^ 
55, 112, 130, 138, 160, 171, 
225, 237, 274, 275, 299, 
306, 312, 342-343- 

Williams, Major Griffith, ob- 
jected to the removal of his 
artillery, 286; taken pris- 
oner, 326; biographical no- 
tice of, 286-287. 

Wilson, D., his Life of Jane 
McCrea, cited, 235-237. 

Wilson, Captain James Arm- 
strong, taken prisoner, 126; 
biographical notice of, 126; 
mentioned, 137. 

Wilson, Jean, mother of Capt. 
James, 126. 

Wilson, Thomas, father of 
Capt. James, 126. 

Windsor Castle, Phillips lieu- 
tenant governor of, 174. 

Winnebagoes, The, under de 
Langlade, 254-255. 

Winter Hill, Boston, the quar- 
ters of the German troops 
at, 49-50. 



Wisconsin Historical Society, 
The Collections of the, 
cited, 255. 

Wolfe, General James, L’Es- 
trange with, 182; St. Clair 
with, 218; St. Leger with, 
257; mentioned, 84, 155. 

Wolterton, the Baron of, 168. 

Wolves devour the dead, 246. 

Woodcock, The, 83. 

Woolwich Royal Military 
Academy, Phillips educated 
at the, 174 ; Carter at, 205 ; 
Walker at, 207; Williams 
in command at, 287 ; Jones 
at, 324; Blomfield at, 325 ; 
Smith at, 328 ; York at, 329. 

Wright, Louis James, killed, 
327; biographical notice of, 


Wright, Captain John, bio- 
graphical notice of, 245. 

Wyandot Panther, The, 235, 

Wyoming, the massacre of,. 

Yale College, 193. 

York, Lieut. John H., taken 
prisoner, 326 ; biographical 
notice of, 329. 

York, Pa., Hartley’s death at, 

York, the Duke of. Fort 
George named for, 228. 

Yorktown, Cornwallis* surren- 
der at, 39 ; St. Clair at the 
siege of, 219. 

Young, Ensign Henry, killed, 
336; biographical notice 
of, 346. 

Zebra, The, Longcraft com- 
mander of> 1 5 1. 

I am indebted to Mr. Edward Denham, of New Bedford, 
an expert in all matters relating to indexing, for his valuable 
services in compiling this index.