Skip to main content

Full text of "Augustus; the life and times of the founder of the Roman empire [B.C. 63-A.D. 14]"

See other formats



(B.C.  63 — A.D.  14) 


E.  S.  SHUCKBURGH,  Litt.D. 




{All  rights  reserved.) 


Augustus  has  been  much  less  attractive  to  biographers  than 
Iulius  ;  perhaps  because  the  soldier  is  more  interesting  than 
the  statesman  ;  perhaps  because  the  note  of  genius  conspicuous 
in  the  Uncle  was  wanting  in  the  Nephew.  Yet  Augustus  was 
the  most  successful  ruler  known  to  us.  He  found  his  world, 
as  it  seemed,  on  the  verge  of  complete  collapse.  He  evoked 
order  out  of  chaos  ;  got  rid  one  after  the  other  of  every 
element  of  opposition  ;  established  what  was  practically  a  new 
form  of  government  without  too  violent  a  breach  with  the 
past  ;  breathed  fresh  meaning  into  old  names  and  institutions, 
and  could  stand  forth  as  a  reformer  rather  than  an  innovator, 
while  even  those  who  lost  most  by  the  change  were  soothed 
into  submission  without  glaring  loss  of  self-respect.  He  worked 
ceaselessly  to  maintain  the  order  thus  established,  and  nearly 
every  part  of  his  great  empire  had  reason  to  be  grateful  for 
increased  security,  expanding  prosperity,  and  added  amenity  of 
life.  Nor  can  it  be  said  that  he  reaped  the  credit  due  in 
truth  to  ministers.  He  had  excellent  ministers  and  agents, 
with  abilities  in  this  or  that  direction  superior  to  his  own  ; 
but  none  who  could  take  his  place  as  a  whole.  He  was  the 
centre  from  which  their  activities  radiated  :  he  was  the 
inspirer,  the  careful  organiser,  the  unwearied  manipulator  of 
details,  to  whom  all  looked,  and  seldom  in  vain,  for  support  and 
guidance.  We  may  add  this  to  a  dignity  never  forgotten, 



enhanced  by  a  physical  beauty  and  grace  which  helped  to 
secure  reverence  for  his  person  and  office,  and  established  a 
sentiment  which  the  unworthiness  of  some  of  his  successors 
could  not  wholly  destroy.  He  and  not  Iulius  was  the  founder 
of  the  Empire,  and  it  was  to  him  that  succeeding  emperors 
looked  back  as  the  origin  of  their  power. 

Yet  his  achievements  have  interested  men  less  than  the 
conquest  of  Gaul  and  the  victories  in  the  civil  war  won  by  the 
marvellous  rapidity  and  splendid  boldness  of  Iulius.  Con¬ 
sequently  modern  estimates  of  the  character  and  aims  of 
Augustus  have  been  comparatively  few.  An  exhaustive 
treatise  is  now  appearing  in  Germany  by  V.  Gardthausen, 
which  will  be  a  most  complete  storehouse  of  facts.  Without 
any  pretence  to  such  elaboration  of  detail,  I  have  tried  in  these 
pages  to  do  something  to  correct  the  balance,  and  to  give  a 
picture  of  the  man  as  I  have  formed  it  in  my  own  mind. 
The  only  modest  merit  which  I  would  claim  for  my  book  is  that 
it  is  founded  on  a  study  as  complete  as  I  could  make  it  of  the 
ancient  authorities  and  sources  of  information  without  conscious 
imitation  of  any  modern  writer.  These  authorities  are  better 
for  the  earlier  period  to  about  b.c.  24,  while  they  had  the 
Emperor’s  own  Memoirs  on  which  to  rely.  The  multiform 
activities  of  his  later  life  are  chiefly  to  be  gathered  from  inscrip¬ 
tions  and  monuments,  which  record  the  care  which  neglected 
no  part  however  remote  of  the  Empire.  In  these  later  years 
such  histories  as  we  have  are  more  concerned  with  wars  and 
military  movements  than  with  administration.  Suetonius  is  full 
of  good  things,  but  is  without  chronological  or  systematic  order, 
and  is  wanting  in  the  critical  spirit  to  discriminate  between 
irresponsible  rumours  and  historical  facts.  Dio  Cassius,  plain 
and  honest  always,  grows  less  and  less  full  as  the  reign  o-oes 
on.  Velleius,  who  might  at  least  have  given  us  full  details  of 
the  later  German  wars,  is  seldom  definite  or  precise,  and  is 
tiresome  from  devotion  to  a  single  hero  in  Tiberius,  and  by 
an  irritating  style. 



It  has  been  my  object  to  illustrate  the  policy  of  Augustus 
by  constant  reference  to  the  Court  view  as  represented  by  the 
poets.  But  in  his  later  years  Ovid  is  a  poor  substitute  for 
Horace  in  this  point  of  view.  The  Emperor’s  own  catalogue 
of  his  achievements,  preserved  on  the  walls  of  the  temple  at 
Ancyra,  is  the  best  possible  summary  ;  but  a  summary  it  is 
after  all,  and  requires  to  be  made  to  live  by  careful  study  and 

The  constitutional  history  of  the  reign  is  that  which  has 
generally  engaged  most  attention.  I  have  striven  to  state  the 
facts  clearly.  Of  their  exact  significance  opinions  will  differ. 
I  have  given  my  own  for  what  it  is  worth,  and  can  only  say 
that  it  has  been  formed  independently  by  study  of  our  autho¬ 

I  have  not  tried  to  represent  my  hero  as  faultless  or  to 
make  black  white.  Nothing  can  clear  Augustus  of  the  charge 
of  cruelty  up  to  b.c.  31.  But  in  judging  him  regard  must  be 
had  to  his  age  and  circumstances.  We  must  not,  at  any  rate, 
allow  our  judgment  of  his  later  statesmanship  to  be  controlled 
by  the  memory  of  his  conduct  in  a  time  of  civil  war  and  con¬ 
fusion.  He  succeeded  in  re-constituting  a  society  shaken  to 
its  centre.  We  must  acknowledge  that  and  accept  the  bad 
with  the  good.  But  it  is  false  criticism  to  deny  or  blink  the 
one  from  admiration  of  the  other. 

I  have  to  thank  the  authorities  of  the  British  Museum 
for  casts  of  coins  reproduced  in  this  book  :  also  the  Syndics 
of  the  Pitt  Press,  Cambridge,  for  the  loan  of  certain  other 







Childhood  and  Youth,  b.c.  63—44 


The  Roman  Empire  at  the  Death  of  Iulius  Caesar 


The  Inheritance. 


The  Consulship  and  Triumvirate  . 

Philippi  . 



Perusia  and  Sicily  . 

Actium  . 


•  I7 


•  53 


•  89 



The  New  Constitution,  b.c.  30-23 





The  First  Principatus,  b.c.  27-23 


The  Imperial  and  Military  Policy  of  Augustus 


Augustus  and  his  Worshippers  . 


The  Reformer  and  Legislator 


Later  Life  and  Family  Troubles 


The  Last  Days 


The  Emperor  Augustus,  His  Character  and  Aims,  His 
Work  and  Friends 

Augustus’s  Account  of  His  Reign 

(From  the  Inscription  in  the  Temple  of  Rome  and  Augustus  at  Angora) 











•  3°3 

List  of  Illustrations 

Augustus  with  Corona  Civica.  (From  the  Bust  in 

the  Vatican  Museum)  .  .  .  Frontispiece 

The  Young  Octavius.  (From  the  Bust  in  the 

Vatican  Museum)  ....  Facing  p.  io 

Coin. —  Obv.  M.  Brutus.  Rev.  Two  Daggers  and 
Cap  of  Liberty  .... 

„  Obv.  Head  of  Augustus  bearded  as  sign  of 
Mourning.  Rev.  Divus  Iulius  . 

„  Obv.  Head  of  Agrippa.  Cos.  III.  i.e. 
b.c.  27.  Rev.  Emblematical  Figure 

„  Obv.  Head  of  Augustus  with  Official  Titles. 
Rev.  Head  of  same  with  Radiated  Crown 
and  the  Iulian  Star 

„  Obv.  Head  of  Sext.  Pompeius.  Rev.  The 
same  with  titles,  Preefectus  Chassis  et  orae 
Maritimae  .... 

Augustus  addressing  Troops.  (From  the  Statue 
in  the  Vatican)  .... 

Coin. — Obv.  Head  of  Augustus.  Rev.  The 
Sphinx  ..... 










Coin. — Obv.  Heads  of  Augustus  and  Agrippa. 

Rev.  Crocodile  and  Palm  —  Colonia 

Nemausi  (Nismes)  .  .  .  Facing  p.  130 

„  Obv.  Head  of  Augustus.  Rev.  Triumphal 
Arch  celebrating  the  Reconstruction  of 
the  Roads  .... 

„  Obv.  Head  of  Drusus.  Rev.  Trophy  of 
Arms  taken  from  the  Germans  . 

„  Obv.  Head  of  Livia.  Rev.  Head  of  Iulia  . 

Altar  dedicated  to  Lares  of  Augustus  in  b.c.  2 
by  a  magister  vici.  (Uffizi  Gallery,  Florence) 

Augustus  as  Senator.  (From  the  Statue  in  the 
Uffizi  Gallery,  Florence)  .  . 

Iulia,  Daughter  of  Augustus.  (From  the  Bust 
in  the  Uffizi  Gallery,  Florence) 

Livia,  Wife  of  Augustus.  (From  the  Bust  in  the 
Uffizi  Gallery,  Florence)  (Page  274)  . 

Maecenas.  (From  the  Head  in  the  Palazzo  dei 
Conservatori,  Rome)  .... 

P.  Vergilius  Maro.  (From  the  Bust  in  the  Capi- 
toline  Museum,  Rome)  (Page  284) 












lam  nova  progenies 
ccelo  demittitur  alto. 

In  a  house  at  the  eastern  corner  of  the  Palatine,  called  “At 
the  Oxheads,”  1  on  the  23rd  of  September,  b.c.  63 — some  nine 
weeks  before  the  execution  of  the  Catilinarian 
Augustus,  sept,  conspirators  by  Cicero’s  order — a  child  was  born 

23  B  C  63 

destined  to  close  the  era  of  civil  wars  thus 
inaugurated,  to  organise  the  Roman  Empire,  and  to  be  its 
master  for  forty-four  years. 

The  father  of  the  child  was  Gaius  Octavius,  of  the  plebeian 
gens  Octavia ,  and  of  a  family  that  had  long  occupied  a  high 
position  in  the  old  Volscian  town  of  Velitrae.  Two  branches 
of  the  Octavii  were  descended  from  C.  Octavius  Rufus, 
quaestor  in  B.c.  230.  The  elder  branch  had  produced  five 
consuls  and  other  Roman  magistrates,  but  of  the  younger 
branch  Gaius  Octavius,  the  father  of  Augustus,  was  the  first 
to  hold  curule  office.  According  to  the  inscription,  after- 

1  A  d  capita  bubula.  Lanciani  (Remains  of  Ancient  Rome,  p.  139)  says 
that  this  was  the  name  of  a  lane  at  the  eastern  corner  of  the  Palatine. 
Others  have  thought  it  to  be  the  name  of  the  house,  as  the  ad  malum 
Punicum  in  which  Domitian  was  born  (Suet.,  Dom.  1).  So  later  we 
hear  of  a  house  at  Rome  qua  est  ad  Palmam  ( Codex  Theod.,  p.  3).  The 
house  may  have  had  its  name  from  a  frieze  with  ox-heads  on  it,  like  the 
tomb  of  Metella,  which  came  to  be  called  Capo-di-bovc.  It  seems  less  easy 
to  account  for  a  lane  being  so  called.  See  also  p.  205. 





wards  placed  by  his  son  in  the  sacrarium  of  the  palace,1  he  had 
twice  served  as  military  tribune,  had  been  quaestor,  plebeian 
aedile,  iudex  quaestionum,  and  praetor.  After  the  praetor- 
ship  (b.c.  6i)  he  governed  Macedonia  with  conspicuous  ability 
and  justice.  He  is  quoted  by  Cicero  as  a  model  administrator 
of  a  province  ;  and  he  was  sufficiently  successful  against  the 
Bessi  and  other  Thracian  tribes — constant  scourges  of  Mace¬ 
donia — to  be  hailed  as  “  imperator  ”  by  his  soldiers.  He 
returned  to  Italy  late  in  b.c.  59,  intending  next  year  to  be  a 
candidate  for  the  consulship,  but  early  in  B.c.  58  he  died 
suddenly  in  his  villa  at  Nola,  in  the  same  chamber  as  that 
in  which  his  son,  seventy-two  years  later,  breathed  his  last.2 3 4 

The  mother  of  the  young  Gaius  Octavius  was  Atia,  daughter 
of  M.  Atius  Balbus,3  of  Velitrae,  and  Iulia,  sister  of  Gaius 
Iulius  Caesar.  This  connection  with  Caesar — 
ThAugustus°£  already  rising  in  political  importance — may  have 
made  his  birth  of  some  social  interest,  but  the  omi¬ 
nous  circumstances  said  to  have  accompanied  it  are  doubtless 
due  to  the  curiosity  or  credulity  of  the  next  generation.  The 
people  of  Velitrae,  it  is  reported,  had  been  told  by  an  oracle  that 
a  master  of  the  Empire  was  to  be  born  there.  Rumours,  it  is 
said,  were  current  in  Rome  shortly  before  his  birth  that  a 
“  king  of  the  Roman  people  ”  was  about  to  be  born.  His 
mother  dreamed  strange  dreams,  and  the  learned  Publius 
Nigidius  prophesied  the  birth  of  a  lord  of  the  world  ;  while 
Catulus  and  Cicero  had  visions.4  But  there  was,  in  fact, 
nothing  mysterious  or  unusual  in  his  infancy,  which  was  passed 
with  his  foster-nurse  at  Velitras.  When  he  was  two  years 

1  C.  I.  L.,  vol.  i.  p.  279. 

2  Cicero,  ad  Q.  Fr.  1, 1,  21  ;  1,  2,  7.  Velleius  Pat.,  2,  59  ;  Sueton.,  Aug.  3. 

3  The  plebeian  Atii  Balbi  do  not  seem  to  have  been  important.  M.  Atius 
Balbus  was  praetor  in  b.c.  62  (with  Caesar),  governor  of  Sardinia  B.c.  61-60, 
and  in  B.c.  59  was  one  of  the  xx  viri  under  the  Julian  land  law  (Cic.,  ad 
Att.  ii.  4). 

4  These  and  other  stories  will  be  found  in  Sueton.,  Aug.  94,  and  Dio,  45,  2. 
Vergil  makes  skilful  use  of  them  in  Ain.,  vi.  797,  sqq. 



old  his  father,  on  his  way  to  his  province,  carried  out  success¬ 
fully  an  order  of  the  Senate  to  destroy  a  band  of  brigands  near 
Thurii,  survivors,  it  is  said,  of  the  followers  of  Spartacus  and 
Catiline.  In  memory  of  this  success  his  parents  gave  the  boy 
the  cognomen  Thurinus.  He  never  seems  to  have  used  the 
name,  though  Suetonius  says  that  he  once  possessed  a  bust  of 
the  child  with  this  name  inscribed  on  it  in  letters  that  had 
become  almost  illegible.  He  presented  it  to  Hadrian,  who 
placed  it  in  his  private  sacrariumJ- 

About  b.c.  57  or  561  2 3 * *  his  mother  Atia  re-married.  Her 
husband  was  L.  Marcius  Philippus  (praetor  b.c.  60,  governor 
of  Syria  b.c.  59-7,  Consul  B.c.  56)  ;  and  when 
"^Augustus61  'n  his  ninth  year  Octavius  lost  his  foster-mother 
he  became  a  regular  member  of  his  stepfather’s 
household.  Philippus  was  not  a  man  of  much  force,  but  he 
belonged  to  the  highest  society,  and  though  opposed  to  Caesar 
in  politics,  appears  to  have  managed  to  keep  on  good  terms 
with  him. 3  But  during  his  great-nephew’s  boy- 
Tl of  August^6  hood  Caesar  was  little  at  Rome.  Praetor  in  b.c. 

62,  he  had  gone  the  following  year  to  Spain.  He 
returned  in  b.c.  60  to  stand  for  the  consulship,  and  soon 

1  Antony,  when  he  wished  to  depreciate  Augustus,  asserted  that  his 
great-grandfather  had  a  rope- walk  at  Thurii ;  and  some  such  connection  of 
his  ancestors  with  that  place  may  account  for  the  cognomen,  which  would 
naturally  be  dropped  afterwards  (Suet.,  Aug.  7). 

2  The  marriage  could  not  have  taken  place  earlier  than  the  middle  of 
B.c.  57,  for  when  Atia’s  first  husband  died  Philippus  was  in  Syria.  He 
was  succeeded  by  Gabinius  in  b.c.  57,  and  reached  Italy  in  time  to  stand 
for  the  consulship,  the  elections  that  year  being  at  the  ordinary  time,  i.e., 
July  (Cic.,  ad  Att.  4,  2). 

3  L.  Marcius  Philippus  was  the  son  of  the  famous  orator,  and  was  a  warm 
supporter  of  Cicero.  With  his  colleague  as  consul-designate  he  proposed 

the  prosecution  of  Clodius  (Cic.,  ad  Q.  Fr.  ii.  1).  When  the  civil  war  was 

beginning  he  was  allowed  by  Caesar  to  remain  neutral  (Cic.,  ad  Att.  ix.  15  ; 
x.  4).  But  Cicero  found  him  tiresome  company,  for  he  was  garrulous  and 

prosy  {ad  Att.  xii.  9,  16,  18)  ;  and  in  the  troublous  times  following  the 
assassination  of  Caesar  he  set  little  store  by  his  opinion  {ad  Att.  xvi.  14 ; 
ad  Brut.  i.  17). 



after  the  consulship,  early  in  b.c.  58,  he  started  for  Gaul,  from 
which  he  did  not  return  to  Rome  till  he  came  in  arms  in 
b.c.  49.  But  though  occupied  during  the  summers  in  his 
famous  campaigns  beyond  the  Alps,  he  spent  most  of  his 
winters  in  Northern  Italy — at  Ravenna  or  Lucca — where  he 
received  his  partisans  and  was  kept  in  touch  with  home  politics, 
and  was  probably  visited  by  his  relatives.  Just  before  entering 
on  his  consulship  he  had  formed  with  Pompey  and 

The  first  .  r  ,  , 

Triumvirate  Crassus  the  agreement  for  mutual  support  known 

as  the  First  Triumvirate.  The  series  of  events 
which  broke  up  this  combination  and  made  civil  war  inevitable 
must  have  been  well  known  to  the  boy.  He  must  have  been 
aware  that  the  laurelled  despatches  of  his  great-uncle  announc¬ 
ing  victory  after  victory  were  viewed  with  secret  alarm  by 
many  of  the  nobles  who  visited  Philippus  ;  and  that  these  men 
were  seeking  to  secure  in  Pompey  a  leader  capable  of  out¬ 
shining  Caesar  in  the  popular  imagination  by  victories  and 
triumphs  of  his  own.  He  was  old  enough  to  understand 
the  meaning  of  the  riots  of  the  rival  law-breakers,  Milo  and 
Clodius,  which  drenched  Rome  in  blood.  Election  after 
election  was  interrupted,  and,  finally,  after  the  murder  of 
Clodius  (January,  B.c.  52),  all  eyes  were  fixed  on  Pompey  as 
the  sole  hope  of  peace  and  order.  There  was  much  talk  of 
naming  him  dictator,  but  finally  he  was  created  sole  consul 
(apparently  by  a  decree  of  the  Senate)  and  remained  sole 
consul  till  August,  when  he  held  an  election  and  returned  his 
father-in-law,  Metellus  Scipio,  as  his  colleague. 

The  upshot  of  these  disorders,  therefore,  was  to  give  Pompey 
a  very  strong  position.  He  was,  in  fact,  dictator  ( seditionis 
sedanda  causa )  under  another  name  ;  and  the 
position  after  Optimates  hastened  to  secure  him  as  their 
champion.  A  law  had  been  passed  in  b.c.  56, 
by  agreement  with  Caesar,  giving  Pompey  the  whole  of  Spain 
as  a  province  for  five  years  after  his  consulship  of  b.c.  55.  As 
Caesar’s  government  of  Gaul  terminated  at  the  end  of  B.c.  49, 


Pompey  would  have  imperium  and  an  army  when  Caesar  left 
his  province.  He  would  naturally  indeed  be  in  Spain  ;  but  the 
Senate  now  passed  a  resolution  that  it  was  for  the  good  of  the 
State  that  Pompey  should  remain  near  Rome.  He  accordingly 
governed  Spain  by  three  legati,  and  remained  outside  the  walls 
of  the  city  with  imperium.  The  great  object  of  the  Optimates 
was  that  Caesar  should  return  to  Rome  a  privatus  while 
Pompey  was  still  there  in  this  unprecedented  position.  Caesar 
wished  to  be  consul  for  b.c.  48.  The  Optimates  did  not 
openly  oppose  that  wish,  but  contended  that  he  should  lay 
down  his  provincial  government  and  military  command  first, 
and  come  to  Rome  to  make  his  profession  or  formal  announce¬ 
ment  of  his  being  a  candidate,  in  the  usual  way.1 

But  Caesar  declined  to  walk  into  this  trap.  He  knew  that 
if  he  came  home  as  a  privatus  there  were  many  ready  to  pro¬ 
secute  him  for  his  actions  in  Gaul,  and  with  Pompey  there  in 
command  of  legions  he  felt  certain  that  a  verdict  inflicting 
political  ruin  on  him  could  be  obtained.  He  therefore  stood  by 
the  right — secured  by  a  law  of  b.c.  55,  and  reinforced  by 
Pompey ’s  own  law  in  B.c.  52 — of  standing  for  the  consulship 
without  coming  to  Rome,  and  without  giving  up  his  province 
and  army  before  the  time  originally  fixed  by  the  law.  He 
would  thus  not  be  without  imperium  for  a  single  day,  but 
would  come  to  Rome  as  consul. 

Here  was  a  direct  issue.  Pompey  professed  to  believe  that 
it  could  be  settled  by  a  decree  of  the  Senate,  either  forbidding 
the  holder  of  the  election  to  receive  votes  for  Caesar  in  his 
absence,  or  appointing  a  successor  in  his  province.  Caesar,  he 

1  The  law  of  B.c.  52  allowed  Caesar  to  be  “  elected  in  his  absence  ” 
(absentis  rationem  liabcri),  but  said  nothing  of  his  being  in  possession  of  a 
province.  By  long  prescription  the  Senate  had  the  right  of  deciding  when 
a  provincial  governor  should  be  “  succeeded.”  But  then  Caesar’s  term  of 
provincial  government  had  been  fixed  by  a  lex,  which  was  superior  to  a 
Senatus-consultum  ;  and  he  might  also  argue  that  if  it  was  unconstitutional 
for  a  man  to  be  elected  consul  while  holding  a  province,  the  Senate  had 
violated  the  constitution  in  allowing  Pompey  to  be  consul  in  b.c.  52. 



Provocation  to 

argued,  would  of  course  obey  a  Senatus-consultum.  But  Caesar 
was  on  firm  ground  in  refusing  to  admit  a  successor  till  the 
term  fixed  by  the  law  had  expired,  and  also  in  claiming  that  his 
candidature  should  be  admitted  in  his  absence — for  that  too 
had  been  granted  by  a  law.  If  neither  side  would  yield  the 
only  possible  solution  was  war.1 

Caesar  hesitated  for  some  time.  He  saw  no  hope  of  molli¬ 
fying  his  enemies  or  separating  Pompey  from  them.  His 
daughter  Iulia’s  death  in  B.c.  54  after  a  few  years’ 
marriage  to  Pompey  had  severed  a  strong  tie  be¬ 
tween  them.  The  death  of  Crassus  in  b.c  53  had 
removed,  not  indeed  a  man  of  much  strength  of  character,  but 
one  whose  enormous  wealth  had  given  him  such  a  hold  on  the 
senators  that  any  strong  act  on  their  part,  against  his  wishes, 
was  difficult.  After  his  death  the  actual  provocations  to 
Caesar  had  certainly  increased.  The  depriving  him,  under  the 
pretext  of  an  impending  Parthian  war,  of  two  legions  which 
were  being  kept  under  arms  in  Italy  ;  the  insult  inflicted  upon 
him  by  Marcellus  (Consul  b.c.  51)  in  flogging  a  magistrate  of 
his  new  colony  at  Comum,  who  if  the  colony  were  regarded  as 
legally  established  would  be  exempt  from  such  punishment ; 
— these  and  similar  things  shewed  Caesar  what  he  had  to  expect 
if  he  gave  up  office  and  army.  He  elected  therefore  to  stand 
on  his  legal  rights. 

Legality  was  on  his  side,  but  long  prescription  was  in  favour 
of  the  Senate’s  claim  to  the  obedience  of  a  magistrate, 
especially  of  the  governor  of  a  province.  There 

Civil  war.  r  j  °  r 

was  therefore  a  deadlock.  Caesar  made  one 
attempt — not  perhaps  a  very  sincere  one — to  remove  it.  He 
had  won  over  Gaius  Curio,  tribune  in  b.c.  50,  by  helping  him 

1  The  Senate  did  not  insist  on  the  professio ,  from  which  Cassar  had  been 
exempted  by  name  in  Pompey’s  law.  But  its  contention  was  that  it  still 
retained  the  right  of  naming  the  date  at  which  a  man  was  to  leave  his 
province,  and  of  deciding  in  regard  to  an  election  whether  a  man  was  a 
legal  candidate,  which  might  depend  on  other  things  besides  the  making 
or  not  making  a  professio. 



to  discharge  his  immense  debts.  Curio  therefore,  instead  of 
opposing  Caesar,  as  had  been  expected,  vetoed  every  proposal 
for  his  recall.  His  tribuneship  ended  on  the  9th  of  December, 
B.c.  50,  and  he  immediately  started  to  visit  Caesar  at  Ravenna. 
He  told  him  of  the  inveteracy  of  his  opponents,  and  urged  him 
to  march  at  once  upon  Rome.  But  Caesar  determined  to 
justify  himself  by  offering  a  peaceful  solution — he  was 
willing  to  hand  over  his  province  and  army  to  a  successor,  if 
Pompey  would  also  give  up  Spain  and  dismiss  his  armies.” 
Curio  returned  to  Rome  in  time  for  the  meeting  of  the 
Senate  on  the  1st  of  January,  b.c.  49,  bringing  this  despatch 
from  Caesar. 

The  majority  of  the  Senate  affected  to  regard  it  as  an  act  of 
rebellion.  After  a  debate,  lasting  five  days,  a  decree  was  passed 
on  January  the  7th,  ordering  Caesar  to  give  up  his  province 
and  army  on  a  fixed  day,  on  pain  of  being  declared  guilty  of 
treason.  This  was  vetoed  by  two  tribunes,  M.  Antonius  and 
Q.  Cassius.  Refusing,  after  the  usual  “remonstrance,”  to 
withdraw  their  veto,  they  were  finally  expelled  and  fled  to 
Ariminum,  on  their  way  to  join  Caesar  at  Ravenna.  The 
Senate  then  passed  the  Senatus-consultum  ultimum ,  ordering 
the  magistrates  and  pro-magistrates  “  to  see  that  the  state  took 
no  harm,”  and  a  levy  of  soldiers — already  begun  by  Pompey 
was  ordered  to  be  held  in  all  parts  of  Italy. 

Caesar,  informed  of  this,  addressed  the  single  legion  which 
was  with  him  at  Ravenna,  urging  it  to  support  the  violated 
tribunes.  Satisfied  with  the  response  to  his  appeal, 
‘theRubi’coif  he  t°°k  the  final  step  of  passing  the  Rubicon 
and  marching  to  Ariminum,  outside  his  province. 

Both  sides  were  now  in  the  wrong,  the  Senate  by  forcibly 
interfering  with  the  action  of  the  tribunes,  Caesar  by  entering 
Italy.  An  attempt,  therefore,  was  made  to  effect  a  compromise. 
Lucius  Caesar — a  distant  connection  of  Iulius — visited  him  at 
Ariminum,  bringing  some  general  professions  of  moderation 
from  Pompey,  though  it  seems  without  any  definite  suggestion. 



Caesar,  however,  so  far  modified  his  former  offer  as  to  propose 
a  conference,  with  the  understanding  that  the  levy  of  troops  in 
Italy  was  to  be  stopped  and  Pompey  was  to  go  to  his  Spanish 
province.  On  receiving  this  communication  at  Capua  Pompey 
and  the  consuls  declined  all  terms  until  Caesar  had  withdrawn 
from  Ariminum  into  Gaul ;  though  they  intimated,  without 
mentioning  any  date,  that  Pompey  would  in  that  case  go  to 
Spain.  But  the  levy  of  troops  was  not  interrupted ;  and 
Caesar’s  answer  to  this  was  the  triumphant  march  through 
Picenum  and  to  Brundisium.  Town  after  town  surrendered, 
and  the  garrisons  placed  in  them  by  Pompey  generally  joined 
the  advancing  army,  till  finally  a  large  force,  embracing  many 
men  of  high  rank,  surrendered  at  Corfinium.  Caesar  had 
entered  Italy  with  only  one  legion,  but  others  were  summoned 
from  winter  quarters  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  by  the  time  he 
reached  Brundisium  Pompey  had  given  up  all  idea  of  resisting 
him  in  Italy,  and  within  the  walls  of  that  town  was  preparing 
to  cross  to  Epirus,  whither  the  consuls  with  the  main  body  of 
his  troops  had  already  gone.  Caesar  had  no  ships  with  which 
to  follow  him.  He  was  content  to  hasten  his  flight  by 
threatening  to  block  up  the  harbour.  Pompey  safely  out  of 
Italy,  he  went  to  Rome  to  arrange  for  his  regular  election  into 
the  consulship.  Meeting  with  opposition  there  1 — one  of  the 
tribunes,  L.  Caecilius  Metellus,  vetoing  all  proposals  in  the 
Senate — he  hastened  to  Spain  to  attack  the  legates  of  Pompey, 
stopping  on  his  way  to  arrange  the  siege  of  Marseilles  (which 
had  admitted  Ahenobarbus,  named  successor  of  Caesar  in  Gaul), 

1  The  difficulty  was  that  both  consuls  were  absent.  There  was  no  one 
therefore  capable  of  holding  a  consular  election.  But  as  the  other  curule 
magistrates  still  existed,  “  the  auspicia  had  not  returned  to  the  Fathers,” 
who  could  not  therefore  name  an  interrex.  The  Praetor  Lepidus — though 
willing — could  not  “  create  ”  a  mains  imperium.  The  only  way  out  of  it 
was  to  name  a  Dictator  (com.  liab.  causa) ;  but  one  of  the  consuls,  according 
to  tradition,  could  alone  do  that.  Eventually  Lepidus,  by  a  special  vote 
of  the  people  was  authorised  to  name  Caesar  as  Dictator — which  had  pre¬ 
cedents  in  the  cases  of  Fabius  Maximus  and  Sulla — and  Caesar,  as  Dictator, 
held  the  consular  elections.  Caes.,  b.  c.  ii,  21  ;  Dio,  41,  36. 



and  sending  legati  to  secure  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  Africa.  Of 
these  the  only  failure  was  in  Africa,  where  Curio  was  defeated 
and  killed.  This  province  therefore  remained  in  the  hands  of 
the  Pompeians  ;  but  Caesar’s  own  successes  in  Spain,  the  fall  of 
Marseilles,  and  the  hold  gained  upon  the  corn  supplies  of  Sicily 
and  Sardinia  placed  him  in  a  strong  position.  The  constitu¬ 
tional  difficulty  was  surmounted  ;  he  was  named  Dictator  to 
hold  the  elections,  returned  himself  as  consul,  and,  after  eleven 
days  in  Rome  for  the  Latin  games,  embarked  at  Brundisium  on 
January  3,  B.c.  48,  to  attack  Pompey  in  Epirus. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  follow  the  events  of  the  next  six 
months.  Caesar  had  to  struggle  with  great  difficulties,  for 
luiius  czesar  Pompey  as  master  of  the  sea  had  a  secure  base 
Roman  worid,  of  supplies ;  and  therefore,  though  Caesar  drew 
BC'47'  vast  lines  round  his  camp,  he  could  not  starve 
him  out.  Pompey,  in  fact,  actually  pierced  Caesar’s  lines  and 
defeated  him  in  more  than  one  engagement.  Eventually, 
however,  Caesar  drew  him  into  Thessaly  ;  and  the  great 
victory  of  Pharsalia  (August  9th)  made  up  for  everything. 
Pompey  fled  to  Egypt,  to  meet  his  death  on  the  beach  by 
order  of  the  treacherous  young  king  ;  and  though  Caesar  still 
had  weary  work  to  do  before  Egypt  was  reduced  to  obedience, 
and  then  had  to  traverse  Asia  Minor  to  crush  Pharnaces  of 
Pontus  at  Zela,  when  he  set  foot  once  more  in  Italy  in 
September,  b.c.  47,  he  had  already  been  created  Dictator, 
and  was  practically  master  of  the  Roman  world. 

In  these  momentous  events  the  young  Octavius  had 
taken  no  part.  At  the  beginning  of  b.c.  49  he  had  been 
sent  away  to  one  of  his  ancestral  estates  in  the 
Uietoialirffe  country.  But  we  cannot  suppose  him  incapable 
anpontiiex,e  a  of  understanding  their  importance  or  being  an 
BC'48'  uninterested  spectator.  His  stepfather  Philippus 
was  Pompeian  in  sympathy,  but  his  close  connection  with 
Caesar  kept  him  from  taking  an  active  part  in  the  war,  and 
he  was  allowed  to  remain  in  Italy,  probably  for  the  most  part 



in  his  Campanian  villa.  From  time  to  time,  however,  he 
came  to  Rome  ;  and  Octavius,  who  now  lived  entirely  with 
him,  began  to  be  treated  with  a  distinction  natural  to  the  near 
relative  of  the  victorious  dictator.  Soon  after  the  news  of 
Pharsalia  he  took  the  toga  virilis,  and  about  the  same  time 
was  elected  into  the  college  of  pontifices  in  the  place  of 
L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  who  had  fallen  in  the  battle. 
This  was  an  office  desired  by  the  highest  in  the  land,  and 
the  election  of  so  young  a  boy,  just  entering  upon  his  sixteenth 
year,  put  him  in  a  position  something  like  that  of  a  prince  of 
the  blood  ;  just  as  afterwards  Augustus  caused  his  two  grand¬ 
sons  to  be  designated  to  the  consulship,  and  declared  capable  of 
official  employment  as  soon  as  they  had  taken  the  toga  virilis.'1 

The  boy,  who  three  years  before  had  made  a  great  impres¬ 
sion  by  his  delivery  of  the  taudatio  at  his  grandmother  Iulia’s 
Octavius’s  reia-  funeral,  again  attracted  much  attention  by  his 
parents  and  his  good  looks  and  modesty.  He  became  the  fashion  ; 

gieat  unciu  an(j  when  (as  was  customary  for  the  pontifices) 

he  presided  in  a  praetorian  court  during  the  feria  Latina ,  it 
was  observed  to  be  more  crowded  by  suitors  and  their  friends 
than  any  of  the  others.  It  seems  that  the  rarity  of  his 
appearance  at  Rome  added  to  the  interest  roused  by  his  great- 
uncle’s  successes.  For  his  mother  did  not  relax  her  watch¬ 
fulness.  Though  legally  a  man  he  was  still  carefully  guarded. 
He  was  required  to  sleep  in  the  same  simple  chamber,  to  visit 
the  same  houses,  and  to  follow  the  same  way  of  life  as  before. 
Even  his  religious  duties  were  performed  before  daylight,  to 
escape  the  languishing  looks  of  intriguing  beauties.  These 
precautions  were  seconded  by  his  own  cool  and  cautious 
temperament,  and  the  result  seems  to  have  been  that  he 
passed  through  the  dangerous  stage  of  adolescence — doubly 

1  Nicolas  (ch.  4)  says  that  he  took  the  toga  virilis  about  fourteen  (mpi  mj 
paXarra  ytyoi/wg  TearcrapaKcuSeKa).  But  Suetonius  (Aug.  8)  says  that  he 
spoke  the  laudatio  of  his  grandmother  in  his  twelfth  year,  and  “  four 
years  afterwards  ”  took  the  toga  virilis. 

The  young  Octavius. 

Photographed  from  the  Bust  in  the  Vatican  by  Edne.  Alinari. 

To  face  page  10. . 




1 1 

dangerous  to  one  now  practically  a  prince — uncontaminated  by 
the  grosser  vices  of  Rome.  Stories  to  the  contrary,  afterwards 
spread  abroad  by  his  enemies,  are  of  the  most  unsubstantial 
and  untrustworthy  kind. 

But  though  he  seems  to  have  quietly  submitted  to  this 
tutelage,  he  soon  conceived  an  ardent  desire  to  share  in  the 
activities  of  his  great-uncle.  Caesar  had  been  very 

Africa  with  little  at  Rome  since  the  beginning  of  the  civil 
war.  A  few  days  in  March,  b.c.  49,  thirteen 
days  in  December  of  the  same  year,  were  all  that  he  had  spent 
in  the  city.  He  was  absent  during  the  whole  of  his  consulship 
(b.c.  48)  till  September,  b.c.  47.  On  his  return  from 
Alexandria  in  that  month,  he  stayed  barely  three  months  at 
Rome.  On  the  19th  of  December  he  was  at  Lilybaeum,  on 
his  way  to  Africa  to  attack  the  surviving  Pompeians.  Octavius 
longed  to  go  with  him,  and  Caesar  was  willing  to  take  him. 
But  his  health  was  not  good,  and  his  mother  set  herself  against 
it.  The  Dictator  might  no  doubt  have  insisted,  but  he  saw  that 
the  boy  was  not  fit  to  face  the  fatigues  of  a  campaign.  Octavius 
submitted,  quietly  biding  his  time.  He  was  rewarded  by  find¬ 
ing  himself  high  in  his  great-uncle’s  favour  when  he  returned 
in  B.c.  46  after  the  victory  of  Thapsus.  He  was  admitted  to 
share  his  triple  triumph,  riding  in  a  chariot  immediately  behind 
that  of  the  imperator,  dressed  in  military  uniform  as  though  he 
had  actually  been  engaged.  He  found,  moreover,  that  he  had 
sufficient  interest  with  Caesar  to  obtain  pardon  for  the  brother 
of  his  friend  Agrippa,  taken  prisoner  in  the  Pompeian  army  in 
Africa.  This  first  use  of  his  influence  made  a  good  impression, 
without  weakening  his  great-uncle’s  affection  for  him.  Though 
Caesar  did  not  formally  adopt  him,1  he  treated  him  openly  as 

1  Octavius  was  sui  turis ,  his  father  being  dead  ;  his  adoption  therefore 
required  the  formal  passing  of  a  lex  curiata.  Now  the  opposition,  sup¬ 
ported  by  Antony,  against  this  formality  being  carried  out  was  one  of  the 
grounds  of  Octavian’s  quarrel  with  him  in  b.c.  44-3,  an<3  the  completion  of 
it  was  one  of  the  first  things  secured  by  Octavian  on  his  entrance  into 
Rome  in  August,  B.c.  43  [Appian,  b.  c.  iii.  94  ;  Dio,  45,  5]-  This  seems 



his  nearest  relation  and  heir.  Octavius  rode  near  him  in  his 
triumph,  stood  by  his  side  at  the  sacrifice,  took  precedence  of 
all  the  staff  or  court  that  surrounded  him,  and  accompanied 
him  to  theatres  and  banquets.  He  was  soon  besieged  by 
petitions  to  be  laid  before  Caesar,  and  shewed  both  tact  and 
good  nature  in  dealing  with  them.  This  close  connection 
with  the  wise  and  magnanimous  Dictator,  inspired  him  with 
warm  admiration  and  affection,  which  help  to  explain  and  excuse 
the  severity  with  which  he  afterwards  pursued  his  murderers. 

In  order  to  give  him  experience  of  civic  duties,  one  of  the 
theatres  was  now  put  under  his  charge.  But  his  assiduous 
.  attention  to  this  duty  in  the  hot  season  brought 

Octavius  em-  ^  J  0 

duties1  b”*!'  on  a  dangerous  illness,  one  of  the  many  which  he 
encountered  during  his  long  life.  There  was  a 
general  feeling  of  regret  at  the  prospect  of  a  career  of  such 
promise  being  cut  short.  Caesar  visited  him  daily  or  sent 
friends  to  him,  insisted  on  the  physicians  remaining  constantly 
at  his  side,  and  being  informed  while  at  dinner  that  the  boy 
had  fainted  and  was  in  imminent  danger,  he  sprang  up  from 
his  couch,  and  without  waiting  to  change  his  dining  slippers, 
hurried  to  his  chamber,  besought  the  physicians  in  moving 
terms  to  do  their  utmost,  and  sitting  down  by  the  bed  shewed 
the  liveliest  joy  when  the  patient  recovered  from  his  swoon. 

Octavius  was  too  weak  to  accompany  the  Dictator  when 
starting  for  Spain  against  Pompey’s  sons  in  December  b.c.  46. 

But  as  soon  as  he  was  sufficiently  recovered  he 

Octavius  follows  ,  .  ,  ril  .  J 

Cassar  to  Spain,  determined  to  follow  him.  He  refused  all  com- 

pany  except  that  of  a  few  select  friends  and  the 

conclusive  against  the  theory  that  Iulius  adopted  him  in  his  lifetime. 
Moreover  all  authorities  speak  of  the  adoption  as  made  by  Will.  Livy, 
Ep.  116,  testamenio  in  nomen  adoptatus  est ;  Velleius,  ii.  59,  tcstamcntum 
apertum  est,  quo  C.  Octavium  nepotem  sororis  sucv  lulice  adoptabat.  See  also 
Appian,  b.  c.  iii.  11  ;  Dio,  45,  3 ;  Plutarch,  Brut.  22.  It  is  true  that  Nicolas 
—speaking  of  the  triumph  of  B.c.  46 — (§  8)  says  vibv  ?)«/  ■kevoithjlevoq. 
But  if  he  means  anything  more  than  “regarding  him  as  a  son,”  he  twice 
afterwards  contradicts  himself :  See  §  17  dirriyyeXkov  to.  te  aXKa  teal  <bg  tv 
rat q  StaQiiicaig  ojq  v'tog  dtj  IC aitrapi  kyyeyfia/ifievoQ.  Cf.  §  13. 


most  active  of  his  slaves.  He  would  not  admit  his  mother’s 
wish  to  go  with  him.  He  had  yielded  to  her  before,  but  he 
was  now  resolved  to  take  part  in  a  man’s  work  alone.  His 
voyage,  early  in  b.c.  45,  proved  long  and  dangerous ;  and  when 
at  length  he  landed  at  Tarraco  he  found  his  uncle  already  at 
the  extreme  south  of  Spain,  somewhere  between  Cadiz  and 
Gibraltar.  The  roads  were  rendered  dangerous  by  scattered 
parties  of  hostile  natives,  or  outposts  of  the  enemy,  and  his 
escort  was  small.  Still,  he  pushed  on  with  energy  and  reached 
Caesar’s  quarters  near  Calpe,  to  which  he  had  advanced  after 
the  victory  at  Munda  (March  1 7th).  Gnaeus  Pompeius  had  fled 
on  board  a  ship,  but  was  killed  when  landing  for  water  on  the 
nth  of  April,  and  it  was  apparently  just  about  that  time  that 
Octavius  reached  the  camp.  Warmly  received  and  highly 
praised  for  his  energy  by  the  Dictator,  he  was  at  once  ad¬ 
mitted  to  his  table  and  close  intimacy,  during  which  Cassar 
learned  still  more  to  appreciate  the  quickness  of  his  intelligence 
and  the  careful  control  which  he  kept  over  his  tongue. 

Affairs  in  Southern  Spain  having  been  apparently  settled 
(though  as  it  proved  the  danger  was  by  no  means  over), 

Octavius  Octavius  accompanied  Caesar  to  Carthage,  to 
h?s  great-uncle  settle  questions  which  had  arisen  as  to  the  assign- 
to  Carthage.  ment  Qf  ian(j  jn  his  new  colony.  The  Dictator 

was  visited  there  by  deputations  from  various  Greek  states, 
alleging  grievances  or  asking  favours.  Octavius  was  applied  to 
by  more  than  one  of  them  to  plead  their  cause,  and  had  there¬ 
fore  again  an  opportunity  of  acquiring  practical  experience  in 
the  business  of  imperial  government,  and  in  the  very  best 

He  preceded  Csesar  on  his  return  to  Rome,  and  on  his  arrival 
had  once  more  occasion  to  shew  his  caution  and  piudence. 
Among  those  who  met  him  in  the  usual  complimentary  pro¬ 
cession  was  a  young  man  who  had  somehow  managed  to  make 
himself  a  popular  hero  by  pretending  to  be  a  grandson  of  the 
great  Marius.  His  real  name  was  Amatius  or  Herophilus,  a 



veterinary  surgeon  according  to  some,  but  certainly  of  humble 
origin.  As  Marius  had  married  Caesar’s  aunt  Iulia,  this  man 
was  anxious  to  be  recognised  as  a  cousin  by  the  Dictator.  He 
had  in  vain  applied  to  Cicero  to  undertake  his  cause,  and  to 
Atia  and  her  half-sister  to  recognise  him.  The  difficulty  for 
Octavius  was  that  the  man  was  a  favourite  of  the  populace,  of 
whose  cause  Csesar  was  the  professed  champion  ;  yet  his  recog¬ 
nition  would  be  offensive  to  the  nobles  and  a  mere  concession 
to  clamour.  Octavius  avoided  the  snare  by  referring  the  case 
to  Caesar  as  head  of  the  state  and  family,  and  refusing  to 
receive  the  would-be  Marius  till  he  had  decided.1 

He  did  not  remain  long  at  Rome  however.  Caesar  returned 
in  September,  and  was  assassinated  in  the  following  March. 

And  during  that  interval,  though  he  found  time 

Octavius  at  r  ,  r  ^  ^  •  \  r 

Apollonia,  tor  many  schemes  of  legislation,  and  of  restoration 

B  C‘ +D  44  or  improvement  in  the  city,  he  was  much  employed 
in  preparing  for  two  expeditions — calculated  to  last  three  years 
— first  against  the  Daci  or  Getae  on  the  Danube,  and  secondly 
against  the  Parthians  in  Mesopotamia.  These  were  the  two 
points  of  active  danger  in  the  Empire,  and  Caesar  desired  to 
crown  his  public  services  by  securing  their  peace  and  safety. 
For  this  purpose  six  legions  were  quartered  in  Macedonia  for 
the  winter,  in  readiness  to  march  along  the  Via  Egnatia  to 
the  eastern  coast  of  Greece.  Returning  from  Spain  Dictator 
for  life,  Caesar  was  to  have  two  “  Masters  of  the  Horse.”  One 
was  to  be  Octavius,  who  had  meanwhile  been  created  a  patrician 
by  the  Senate.2  But  for  the  present  he  was  sent  to  pass  the 

1  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xii.  48,  49  ;  Nicholas,  §  14  ;  Valer.  Max.,  1,  15,  2.  For 
the  subsequent  fate  of  the  man  see  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xiv.  6,  7,  8  ;  App.,  b.  c. 
iii.  2-3. 

2  The  patrician  gentes  were  dying  out,  and  it  was  thought  good  to 
replenish  their  numbers,  thus  gradually  forming  a  class  of  nobles  distinct 
from  these  ennobled  by  office.  In  making  the  Octavii  patricians,  the 
initiative  was  taken  by  the  Senate  ;  in  later  times,  however,  the  power  of 
creating  patricii  was  conferred  on  the  imperator.  Iulius  seems  also  to 
have  done  it  on  his  own  authority.  (Dio,  43,  47  ;  Suet.,  Aug.  2.) 



winter  at  Apollonia,  the  Greek  colony  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Via  Egnatia,  where  he  might  continue  his  studies  in  quiet  with 
the  rhetors  and  other  teachers  whom  he  took  with  him  or 
found  there,1  and  at  the  same  time  might  get  some  military 
training  with  the  legions  that  were  not  far  off.  He  was 
accompanied  by  some  of  the  young  men  with  whom  he 
habitually  associated.  Among  them  were  Agrippa  and 
Maecenas,  who  remained  his  friends  and  ministers  to  the  end 
of  their  lives,  and  Salvidienus  Rufus,  who  almost  alone  of  his 
early  friends  proved  unfaithful.2 3 

He  seems  to  have  led  a  quiet  life  at  Apollonia,  winning 
golden  opinions  in  the  town  and  from  his  teachers  for  his 
studious  and  regular  habits.  The  admiration  and  loyalty  of 
his  friends  were  confirmed  ;  and  many  of  the  officers  of  the 
legions  seem  to  have  made  up  their  minds  to  regard  him  as  the 
best  possible  successor  to  the  Dictator. 

In  the  sixth  month  of  his  residence  at  Apollonia,  in  the 
afternoon  of  a  March  day,  a  freedman  of  his  mother  arrived 
with  every  sign  of  rapid  travel  and  agitation.  He 
News  of  c^esar’s  delivered  a  letter  from  Atia,  dated  the  15th  of 

Apoifonia°  March.  It  briefly  stated  that  the  Dictator  had 
just  been  assassinated  in  the  Senate  House.  She 
added  that  she  “  did  not  know  what  would  happen  next  ;  but 
it  was  time  now  for  him  to  play  the  man,  and  to  think  and 
act  for  the  best  at  this  terrible  crisis.”  3  The  bearer  of  the 
letter  could  tell  him  nothing  else,  for  he  had  been  despatched 

1  He  took  with  him  Apollodorus  of  Pergamus,  a  well-known  author  of 
a  system  of  rhetoric  (Suet.,  Aug.  89  ;  Strabo,  13,  4>  3  >  Quinct.,  3>  B  *7)* 
Other  teachers  of  his,  whether  at  Apollonia  or  elsewhere,  are  Areius  of 
Alexandria,  Alexander  of  Pergamus,  Athenodorus  of  Tarsus  (Suet.  l.c. ;  Dio, 
51,  4 ;  Plutarch,  Ant.  n  ;  Nicol.  Dam.,  §  17  ;  Zonaras,  10,  38). 

*  Suet.,  Aug.  65  ;  Veil.  Paterc.,  2,  59,  64  ;  App.,  b.  c.  5,  66  ;  Dio,  48,  33. 
The  other  instance  of  a  friend  who  fell  into  disfavour  and  ruin  quoted  by 
Suetonius  is  Cornelius  Gallus.  But  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  at 
Apollonia.  He  was  nearly  three  years  older  than  Augustus,  and  in 
B.c.  44—3  was  perhaps  with  Pollio  in  Bastica.  See  Cic.,  ad  Fain.  x.  32. 

3  Nicolas,  §  16  ;  App.,  b.  c.  iii.  9-10. 

1 6 


immediately  after  the  murder,  and  had  loitered  nowhere  on 
the  way  ;  only  he  felt  sure  that  as  the  conspirators  were 
numerous  and  powerful,  all  the  kinsfolk  of  the  Dictator  would 
be  in  danger. 

This  was  the  last  day  of  Octavius’s  youth.  From  that  hour 
he  had  to  play  a  dangerous  game  with  desperate  players.  He 
did  not  yet  know  that  by  the  Dictator’s  will  he  had  been 
adopted  as  his  son,  and  was  heir  to  the  greater  part  of  his  vast 
wealth  ;  but  a  passionate  desire  to  avenge  him  sprang  up  in 
his  breast,  a  desire  strengthened  with  increasing  knowledge, 
and  of  which  he  never  lost  sight  in  all  the  political  com¬ 
plications  of  the  next  ten  years. 

Obv. :  M.  Brutus. 

Rev. :  Two  daggers  and  cap  of  liberty. 

Obv. :  Head  of  Augustus  bearded  as  sign  of  mourning. 

Rev. :  Divas  Julius. 

Obv.:  Head  of  Agrippa. 

Cos  III.,  i.e..  B  0.  27.  Rev. :  Emblematical  figure 
and  S.  C.  (Senatus  Conmllo). 

Obv. :  Head  of  Augustus  with  official  titles. 

Rev. :  Head  of  same  with  radiated  crown  and  the  Julian  star. 

Obv. :  Head  of  Sext.  P.ompeius.  Rev. :  The  same  with  titles,  Prefect™  classis  et  or®  maritime. 

To  face  paije  16. 



Vicince  ruptis  inter  se  legibus 
urbes  Arma  ferunt ;  scevit  toto 
Mars  impius  orbe. 

At  the  death  of  Caesar  the  Roman  Empire  had  been  for  the 
most  part  won.  Egypt  was  indeed  annexed  by  Augustus, 
though  on  a  peculiar  tenure,  but  subsequent  addi- 

Natural  boun-  .  .  ~ 

daries  of  the  tions  were  in  a  manner  consequential,  the  inevi- 

Roman  Empire.  .  ,  ,r.  .  .  1  ’ 

table  rectifications  of  a  long  frontier.  Such  were 
the  provinces  of  the  Rhine,  the  Alps,  and  the  Danube  as  far 
east  as  Moesia  ;  and  to  a  certain  extent  the  province  of 
Galatia  and  Lycaonia  (b.c.  25).  The  Rhine,  the  Danube, 
and  the  Euphrates  seemed  already  the  natural  boundaries  of  the 
Empire  on  the  north  and  east,  the  Atlantic  Ocean  on  the  west, 
and  the  African  and  Arabian  deserts  on  the  south.  And  these 
boundaries,  with  occasional  modifications,  and  for  the  most 
part  temporary  extensions,  continued  to  the  end. 

But  though  the  greater  part  of  this  wide  Empire  was  already 
won,  it  was  not  all  equally  well  organised  and  secured.  Thus, 
in  Northern  Gaul,  there  were  still  Germans  and 
other  enemies  to  be  conquered  or  repelled ;  in 
Southern  Spain  a  son  of  the  great  Pompey  was  in  arms  ; 
Macedonia  was  continually  subject  to  invasion  by  Getae, 
Bessi,  and  other  barbarians  ;  the  Dalmatians  and  neighbouring 
tribes  made  Illyricum  an  uncertain  member  of  the  Empire  ; 


Its  dangers. 




in  Syria,  Caecilius  Bassus — an  old  officer  of  Pompey’s — was 
defying  Roman  armies,  and  inviting  the  aid  of  the  Parthians 
always  ready  to  cross  the  Euphrates  into  the  Roman  province. 

To  confront  two  of  these  dangers  Caesar  had  collected  a 
large  army  in  Macedonia  in  the  autumn  of  B.c.  45  to  crush 
the  Getae,  and  then  crossing  to  Syria  to  force 
precautions  and  the  Parthian  to  respect  the  frontier  of  the 
preparations.  jrUphrateS)  or  even  to  attack  them  in  Mesopo¬ 
tamia.  The  former  of  these  projects  was  no  doubt  important 
for  the  safety  of  the  Empire,  and  was  in  after  years  successfully 
secured  by  Augustus  and  his  legates.  The  latter  was  more 
visionary  and  theatrical,  meant  perhaps  to  strike  the  imagination 
of  the  Romans  rather  than  to  secure  great  practical  advantage. 
After  Caesar’s  death  Antony  lost  more  than  he  gained  by 
similar  enterprises,  and  Augustus  always  avoided  coming  into 
actual  contact  with  the  Parthians,  or  attempting  to  extend  his 
rule  beyond  the  Euphrates.  But  there  were  dangers  within 
the  Empire  no  less  formidable  than  from  without.  Its  integrity 
had  rested,  and  generally  securely  rested,  on  the  loyalty  of  its 
provincial  governors  to  the  central  authority  as  represented  by 
the  Senate,  or,  in  the  last  resort,  by  the  order  of  the  people 
expressed  in  a  lex  or  plebiscitum.  It  was  the  beginning  of  the 
end  when  these  governors  used  the  forces  under  their  command, 
or  the  wealth  and  influence  secured  abroad,  to  defy  or  coerce 
the  authorities  at  home.  Sertorius,  Sulla,  and  Caesar  himself, 
had  shewn  that  this  was  not  an  impossible  contingency.  It 
was  against  this  danger  that,  among  other  reforms  in  the 
government  of  the  Provinces,  Caesar’s  own  law  had  provided 
that  the  tenure  of  a  propraetor  should  be  confined  to 
one,  and  of  a  proconsul  to  two,  years.  But  now  that  he  was 
going  on  a  distant  expedition,  calculated  as  likely  to  occupy 
three  years,  he  took  other  precautions.  Having  provided  for 
the  chief  offices  at  home,1  he  was  careful  to  see  that  the  pro- 

1  Dolabella  consul  for  the  last  half  of  b.c.  44  with  Antony  ;  Pansa  and 
Hirtius,  b.c.  43  ;  Plancus  and  Dec.  Brutus  B.c.  42.  Probably  M.  Brutus 



vinces  should  be  held  by  men  whom  he  believed  to  be  loyal  to 
himself,  and  likely  from  their  character  and  ability  to  maintain 
their  peace  and  security.  Being  Consul  and  Dictator,  and  his 
acta  being  confirmed  beforehand  by  Senate  and  people,  he  could 
make  what  nominations  he  pleased.  A  decree  of  the  Senate 
was  still  taken  as  a  matter  of  form,  but  the  old  practice  (often 
a  farce)  of  drawing  lots  for  the  provinces  was  abandoned  ; 
Pompey’s  law  ordaining  a  five  years’  interval  between  curule 
office  and  a  province  was  neglected,  and  Caesar  practically 
nominated  the  governors.  But  it  raises  a  doubt  as  to  the 
unfettered  power  or  the  insight  of  the  Dictator  that  five  of 
those  thus  nominated  were  among  the  assassins  on  the  Ides  of 
March.2  Nor  in  other  respects  did  his  choice  prove  happy. 
The  state  of  open  war  or  dangerous  unrest  which  shewed  itself 
in  almost  all  parts  of  the  Empire  after  his  death  must  be  learnt 
by  a  review  of  the  provinces,  if  we  are  to  understand  the 
problem  presented  to  Augustus  and  his  colleagues  in  the  trium¬ 
virate,  and  the  relief  felt  by  the  Roman  world  when  Augustus 
finally  took  the  administration  into  his  own  hands,  and  shewed 
himself  capable  of  restoring  law  and  order. 

The  Gauls  now  included  three  districts,  the  status  of  which 
was  somewhat  unsettled.  ( 1 )  Cisalpine  Gaul ,  that  is,  Italy 
between  Etruria  and  the  Alps,  was  still  nominally 
(1)  the  Gauls.  ^  provjncej  though  Caesar’s  law  of  b.c.  48  had 

granted  full  civitas  to  the  transpadane,  as  that  of  b.c.  89  had 
to  the  cispadane,  towns.  It  had  formed  part  of  Caesar’s  pro¬ 
vince  from  b.c.  58  to  B.c.  48,  and  he  seems  to  have  retained 
it  until  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  when  he  appointed  first 
Marcus  Brutus  and  then  C.  Vibius  Pansa  to  it.  Though  part 
of  Italy,  and  generally  peaceful,  it  had  great  military  importance 

and  C.  Cassius  (or  certainly  the  former)  B.c.  41  [Plut.,  Cces.  62  ;  Cic.,  ad 
Fam.  xii.  2].  For  B.c.  43  prmtors  and  other  magistrates  were  named,  but 
for  the  next  years  only  consuls  and  tribunes. 

1  Dio,  43,  47,  Kal  He  ye  rd  tOvr)  dicXtipiDri  i£,£Trtp<pQr](Tav. 

2  M.  Brutus,  C,  Cassius,  Dec.  Brutus,  L.  Cimber,  C.  Trebonius, 



in  case  of  an  invasion  from  the  north.  After  March  b.c.  44 
it  was  to  be  in  the  hands  of  Decimus  Brutus,  who  had  long 
served  under  Caesar,  and  was  regarded  by  him  with  special 
confidence  and  affection.  Antony’s  attempt  to  wrest  it  from 
Decimus  Brutus  brought  on  the  first  civil  war  after  Caesar  s 

(2)  Transalpine  Gaul  technically  consisted  of  “the  Pro¬ 
vince,”  that  is,  South-eastern  France,  from  the  Cevennes  on 
the  west  to  Italy,  and  from  the  Lake  of  Geneva  on  the  north 
to  the  sea.  But  since  Caesar’s  conquests  there  had  to  be  added 
to  this  the  rest  of  France,  Belgium,  and  Holland  as  far  as  the 
Rhine.  No  formal  division  into  distinct  provinces  had  yet 
been  made.  In  b.c.  49  Decimus  Brutus,  after  driving  out 
Ahenobarbus,  the  governor  named  by  the  Senate,  remained  in 
command  of  the  whole  till  b.c.  45,  when  he  returned  in 
Caesar’s  train  to  Italy.  But  in  the  course  of  these  four  years, 
or  on  his  return,  (3)  Belgica  was  separated  from  the  rest  and 
assigned  to  Hirtius,  who,  however,  governed  it  by  a  legate 
named  Aurelius,  without  going  there  himself.1  In  the  course 
of  the  next  year  a  farther  division  was  made  :  Aurelius 
retained  Belgica  ;  Lepidus,  with  four  legions,  was  appointed 
to  “the  Province”  (afterwards  called  Gallia  Narbonensis) 
together  with  Hispania  Citerior  ;  while  L.  Munatius  Plancus 
governed  the  rest,  consisting  of  what  was  afterwards  two 
provinces — Aquitania  and  Lugdunensis.  Plancus  and  Decimus 
Brutus  were  named  consuls  for  b.c.  42,  and  therefore  their 
governorships  necessarily  terminated  at  the  end  of  B.c.  43,  and 
might  do  so  earlier.  In  the  course  of  b.c.  43  Plancus  founded 
Lugdunum  2  (Lyon),  which  was  afterwards  the  capital  of  the 
central  province  of  the  four  organised  by  Augustus.  But 
though  the  organisation  of  this  country  was  not  complete, 
Caesar’s  conquest  had  been  so  decisive  that  no  advantage  was 
taken  of  the  civil  war  by  the  natives  to  attempt  a  rising.3 

1  Cic.,  ad  Att.  xiv.  9  ;  Coes.,  b.  c.  ii.  22  ;  Plut.,  Ant.  xi.  2  Dio,  46,  60. 

3  Caesar  had  auxiliaries  in  Spain  from  Aquitania  B.c.  49  ;  Coes.,  b.  c.  i.  39. 



There  seem  to  have  been  some  insignificant  movements  in 
B.c.  42,  but  it  was  not  for  some  years  later  that  any  danger  of 
importance  arose  there.  The  Belgae  had  been  expected  to 
rise  on  Caesar’s  assassination,  but  their  chiefs  hastened  to  assure 
Hirtius’s  legate  of  their  adhesion  to  the  Ronjian  government.1 

The  province  of  Illyricum  had  been  formed  about  the 
same  time  as  that  of  Macedonia  (b.c.  146),  but  its  limits  had 
fluctuated,  and  it  had  not  received  much  continuous 
Os)  ILLYRICLM.  attention.  j,.  included  places,  such  as  Dyrrachium, 

Corcyra,  Issa,  Pharus,  which  had  been  declared  free  after  the  con¬ 
test  with  Queen  Teuta  in  b.c.  228,  but  were  practically  under 
Roman  control.  Yet  some  of  the  most  powerful  tribes  not  only 
did  not  acknowledge  Roman  authority,  but  made  frequent  in¬ 
cursions  upon  Roman  Illyricum.  The  most  dangerous  of  these 
were  the  Dalmatians,  with  whom  several  wars  are  recorded.  In 
B.c.  117  L.  Caelius  Metellus  occupied  Salonae  ;  2 3  in  b.c.  87-5 
Sulla  won  a  victory  over  them  ;  3  in  b.c.  7  8-77  C.  Cosconius, 
after  a  two  years’  campaign,  took  Salonae  by  storm.  4  But 
little  was  really  effected  in  securing  the  province  against  its 
enemies.  It  was  let  much  alone  so  long  as  its  tribute  was 
paid,  and  was  put  under  the  governor  sometimes  of  Macedonia, 
sometimes  of  Cisalpine  Gaul.  In  Caesars  case  (b.c.  5^)  it  was 
specially  assigned,  like  the  rest  of  his  province,  and  he  seems 
at  first  to  have  intended  to  go  there  in  force  and  subdue  the 
hostile  barbarians.  But  the  Gallic  campaigns  drew  him  away, 
and  he  only  once  actually  entered  Illyricum  (b.c.  54)  to 
overawe  the  invading  Pirustae.  In  the  last  year  of  his  pro¬ 
consulship  (b.c.  50)  some  troops  which  he  sent  against  the 
Dalmatians  were  cut  to  pieces.  The  result  of  this  was  that 
the  barbarians,  fearing  his  vengeance,  adhered  to  Pompey  in 

1  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xiv.  5,  8,  9. 

-  Livy,  Ep.  62.  Appian  says  that  Metellus  did  not  fight,  but  was  received 
as  a  friend,  wintered  at  Salonm,  and  then  went  home  and  claimed  a 
triumph  ( Illyr .  xi.). 

3  Eutrop.,  v.  4. 

*  Id.  vi.  4  ;  Oros.,  v.  23. 



the  civil  war,  whose  legate,  M.  Octavius,  with  a  considerable  fleet, 
maintained  himself  there,1  and  in  b.c.  49  defeated  and  cap¬ 
tured  Gaius  Antonius,  whom  Caesar  sent  against  him.2  At  the 
beginning  of  the  next  year  Aulus  Gabinius,  while  trying  to 
lead  a  force  round  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  to  join  Caesar,  lost 
nearly  all  his  men  in  a  battle  with  the  Dalmatians.3  After 
Pharsalia  Gabinius  was  sent  back  to  assist  Cornificius,  who 
had  been  despatched  to  Illyricum  as  pro-praetor  after  the 
mishap  of  Gaius  Antonius  ;  but  he  was  again  defeated  and  shut 
up  in  Salonae,  where  he  died  suddenly .4  In  b.c.  47,  however, 
P.  Vatinius,  having  joined  Cornificius,  defeated  and  drove 
Octavius  out  of  the  country.5  After  serving  also  in  the 
African  campaign  of  B.c.  46,  Vatinius  was  sent  back  to 
Illyricum  with  three  legions  (b.c.  45)  expressly  to  reduce  the 
still  independent  tribes.  At  first  he  gained  sufficient  success 
to  be  honoured  by  a  supplicatio ,6  but  after  Caesar’s  death  he 
was  defeated  by  the  Dalmatians  with  the  loss  of  five  cohorts, 
and  was  driven  to  take  refuge  in  Dyrrachium.7  Early  in 
B.c.  43  he  was  forced  to  surrender  his  legions  to  M.  Brutus, 
who,  however,  in  the  year  and  a  half  which  preceded  his 
death  at  Philippi,  was  too  busy  elsewhere  to  attend  to  Illyricum.8 
Hence  the  expeditions  of  Pollio  in  b.c.  39,9  and  of  Augustus  in 
B.c.  35  were  rendered  necessary,  and  they  for  a  time  secured 
the  pacification  of  the  country  and  the  extension  of  Roman 
provinces  to  the  Danube. 

At  the  death  of  Iulius  Spain  was  also  a  source  of  great 
danger  and  difficulty.  Since  B.c.  197  it  had  been  divided  into 

(4)  Spain  tW°  Provinces — Citerior  and  Ulterior — separated 
by  the  Saltus  Castulonensis  ( Sierra  Morena ),  each 
governed  by  a  praetor  or  pro-praetor.  In  b.c.  54  Pompey 

1  Caes.,  b.  c.  iii.  5,  9.  2  Livy,  Ep.  no  ;  App.,  b.  c.  ii.  47. 

3  Id. ,  b.  c.  ii.  59.  4  Cass.,  b.  Alex.  42-3.  s  id.,  34-6. 

6  Cic.,  ad  Fam.  v.  10  (a),  10,  11.  ?  App...  Illyr.  13. 

8  App.,  b.  c.  iv.  75  ;  Dio,  47,  21.  Vatinius  was  ill,  and  his  late  reverses 
had  lost  him  the  confidence  of  his  men,  who  insisted  on  being  transferred 
to  Brutus.  9  Dio,  43,  42  ;  Horace,  Odes,  iii.  1,  13. 



introduced  a  triple  division.  Of  his  three  legates  Afianius 
held  Hispania  Citerior  ;  but  the  farther  province  was  divided 
between  Petreius,  who  held  the  district  as  far  west  as  the 
Anas  ( Guadiana ),  afterwards  called  Baetica,  while  Terentius 
Varro  governed  the  country  west  of  that  river  with  Lusitania. 
Having  forced  Pompey’s  legates  to  surrendei  the  country 
(B.c.49),  Caesar  seems  not  to  have  continued  the  triple  division. 
Q.  Cassius  was  sent  to  Hispania  Ulterior,  M.  Lepidus  to  Hispania 
Citerior.  But  Cassius  offended  his  own  soldiers  as  well  as  the 
natives,  and  had  to  escape  by  sea,  being  drowned  on  his  way 
home.  Nor  did  his  successor  Trebonius  do  much  better  in 
b.c.  47  ;  for  many  of  his  soldiers  deserted  to  Gnaeus  Pompeius 
when  he  came  to  Spain  after  the  defeat  at  Thapsus  in  the  spring 
of  B.c.  46.1  And  though  Gnaeus  Pompeius  perished  soon  after 
the  battle  of  Munda  (b.c.  45)  his  younger  brother  Sextus 
survived.  At  Caesar’s  death  he  was  already  at  the  head  of 
a  considerable  fleet  which  enabled  him  to  control  Sicily  and 
re-occupy  Baetica,  when  its  last  Caesarean  governor— the  famous 
C.  Asinius  Pollio — left  it  to  join  Antony  in  Gallia  Narbonensis 
in  the  summer  of  b.c.  43.  The  upper  province  had  meanwhile 
been  governed  by  the  legates  of  Metellus,  who  was  about  to 
return  to  it  and  Gallia  Narbonensis  with  four  legions  when 
Caesar’s  death  introduced  new  complications.2 

Sicily  for  eight  years  after  Caesar’s  death  was  practically 
separated  from  the  Empire.  In  b.c.  49  it  had  been  easily  won 
over  to  Caesar’s  authority  by  C.  Curio,  and  after 

(5)  Sicily.  ^jg  success  Spain  against  Pompey  s  legates  Caesar 

had  nominated  Aulus  Allienus  3  as  its  propraetor.  In  b.c.  46 
Allienus  was  succeeded  by  M.  Acilius4  (afterwards  sent  to 
Achaia),  who  in  his  turn  was  succeeded  by  T.  Furfamus 
Postumus  (b.c.  45).  Finally,  among  Caesar’s  arrangements  for 

t  Caes.,  b.  Alex.  48-64  5  Hisfi.  7,  12.  2  App,  b  c.  ii.  107 

a  Wrongly  called  Aulus  Albinus  by  Appian,  b.  c.  11.  48  ,  see  Klein, 
die  Verwaltungsbeamten  der  Provinzen,  p.  83. 

4  Cic.,  ad  Fam.  xiii.  30,  36,  50,  78,  79  ;  Caes.,  b.  Afr.  2,  26,  34. 



b.c.  44  was  the  appointment  of  Pompeius  Bithynicus  to  Sicily. 
His  father  had  served  under  Pompey  and  had  perished  with 
him  in  Egypt;  and  Bithynicus  seems  to  have  feared  retaliation 
from  the  Pompeians  if  they  returned  to  power;  for  on  the  death 
of  Caesar  we  find  him  writing  to  Cicero  in  evident  anxiety  as 
to  his  position.1  He  failed  to  hold  the  island  against  Sext. 
Pompeius,  who  landed  in  b.c.  43,  and  after  sustaining  a  slight 
reverse  at  Messene  forced  Bithynicus  to  yield  him  a  share  in 
the  government,  and  shortly  afterwards  put  him  to  death 
because  he  believed  him  to  be  plotting  against  him.2 3 * *  Sicily 
therefore  had  to  be  restored  to  the  Empire  by  the  triumvirs, 
a  task  which  fell  chiefly  to  Augustus. 

Sardinia  was  important  for  its  supply  of  corn.  In  b.c.  49 
Caesar’s  legate  Q.  Valerius  Orca  occupied  it  without  difficulty, 
its  governor,  M.  Aurelius  Cotta,  escaping  to  Africa. 
In  B.c.  40  Orca  was  succeeded  by  Sext.  Peducaeus.3 
But  the  arrangements  made  between  that  date  and  B.c.  44  are 
not  known,  for  Peducaeus  appears  to  have  been  in  Rome  from 
the  end  of  B.c.  45.4  In  the  first  division  of  the  provinces  by 
the  triumvirs  (November,  b.c.  43)  it  fell  to  Octavian’s  share, 5 
though  Suetonius  remarks  that  Africa  and  Sardinia  were  the 
only  two  provinces  never  visited  by  him.6 7  Meanwhile  Sext. 
Pompeius  occupied  it, 7  and  it  was  not  recovered  till  b.c.  38. 

1  Cic.,  ad  Fam.  vi.  16,  17. 

2  Dio,  48,  17,  19  ;  Livy,  Ep.  123  ;  Appian,  b.  c.  iv.  84.  A  certain  M. 
Casinius  was  nominated  to  Sicily  for  B.c.  43,  but  did  not  go  there,  perhaps 
owing  to  the  order  of  the  Senate  (meant  to  support  Dec.  Brutus)  made  on 
the  20th  of  December,  b.c.  44,  that  all  governors  should  retain  their 
provinces  till  farther  orders  (Cic.,  ad  Fain.  xii.  22,  25). 

3  App.,  b.  c.  ii.  48.  *  Cic.,  ad  Att.  xv.  7  ;  xvi.  3. 

5  App.,  b.  c.  iv.  2  ;  Dio,  46,  55. 

6  Sueton.,  Aug.  47.  This  probably  means  after  his  accession  to  sole 
power.  According  to  Nicolas,  §  11-12,  he  visited  Africa  with  Cresar  in 
B.c.  45.  See  p.  13.  There  is  no  record,  however,  of  his  ever  having  been 

to  Sardinia. 

7  App.,  b.  c.  v.  67.  The  hold  of  Sext.  Pompeius  on  Sardinia  was 
recognised  in  the  “  treaty  ”  of  Misenum  made  in  B.c.  39  (Dio,  48,  36  ; 
App.,  b.  c.  v.  72). 


The  province  of  Africa — the  ancient  territory  of  Carthage 
— may  be  taken  with  this  western  part  of  the  Ernpiie.  It  had 
long  been  a  peaceful  province,  but  in  B.c.  46  it  was 
ndmmaA'  the  scene  of  the  great  rally  of  the  Pompeians  after 
the  disaster  at  Pharsalia.  Since  their  final  defeat  at 
Thapsus  it  had  been  farther  secured  by  Caesar  s  colony  at  Car¬ 
thage  (b.c.  46—5),  and  had  been  governed  by  a  fervent  Caesarean, 
C.  Calvisius  Sabinus.  At  the  end  of  b.c.  45  Sabinus  returned 
to  Rome,  and  Q.  Cornificius  (once  Caesar’s  quaestor)  was 
named  to  succeed  him.  But  affairs  in  Africa  had  been  com¬ 
plicated  by  the  formation  of  a  new  province  from  the 
dominions  of  Iuba,  called  sometimes  New  Africa,  sometimes 
Numidia  (b.c.  46).  Of  this  new  province  the  first  proprietor 
was  the  historian  Sallust,  succeeded  in  b.c.  45  by  T.  Sextius  with 
three  legions.  On  Caesar’s  death,  therefore,  there  weie  two 
men  in  Africa  who  might  possibly  take  diffeient  views  of  the 
situation.  Cornificius  indeed — friend  and  correspondent  of 
Cicero— shewed  at  once  that  he  meant  to  stand  by  the  Senate. 
A  few  months  later  he  was  confirmed  in  this  resolution  by  the 
fact  of  his  continuance  in  office  depending  on  the  senatorial 
decree  of  the  20th  of  December/  whereas  Antony  had 
commissioned  Calvisius  Sabinus  (who  had  never  withdrawn  his 
legates  from  Africa)  to  go  back  to  the  province.*  Accordingly, 
after  Antony’s  defeat  at  Mutina  (April,  b.c.  43),  the  Senate  felt 
strong  enough  to  order  Sextius  to  transfer  his  three  legions  to 
Cornificius,  who  was  himself  under  orders  to  send  two  of  them 
to  Rome.3  This  was  done,  and  with  the  remaining  legion 
Cornificius  maintained  his  position  in  Old  Africa,  when  the 
Triumvirate  was  formed  in  November,  and  was  able  to  oftei 
protection  to  many  of  the  proscribed.  But  Sextius  now 
claimed  both  provinces,  as  having  fallen  to  Octavian’s  share. 
He  enrolled  troops  in  his  own  province  and  obtained  the  help 
of  Arabion,  of  the  royal  family  of  Numidia  and  chief  of  the 

2  Cicero,  3  Phil.  §  26  ;  ad  Fam.  xii.  22,  23,  30. 

3  Appian,  b.  c.  iii.  85>  91, 

1  See  Note  2  p.  24. 

2  6 


robber  tribe  of  Sittians  ;  and  though  Cornificius  had  the  stronger 
force,  he  was  presently  defeated  and  killed.  Octavian,  however, 
looked  upon  Sextius  as  a  partisan  of  Antony  rather  than  of 
himself,  and  presently  sent  C.  Fuficius  Fango  to  supersede  him. 
Sextius  seems  to  have  foreseen  that  differences  would  occur 
between  Antony  and  Octavian  likely  to  give  him  a  chance  of 
recovering  his  province.  Therefore  under  pretence  of  wishing 
to  winter  in  a  genial  climate  he  stayed  on  in  Africa.  His 
opportunity  came  with  the  new  distribution  of  provinces  after 
Philippi  (October-November,  b.c.  42).  Old  or  “Praetorian  ” 
Africa  fell  to  Antony,  New  Africa  or  Numidia  to  Octavian. 
But  upon  the  quarrel  between  Octavian  and  Fulvia  (supported 
by  Lucius  Antonius)  in  b.c.  41,  Sextius  was  urged  by  Fulvia 
to  demand  the  praetorian  province  from  Fango  as  properly- 
belonging  to  Antony.  After  several  battles,  in  which  he  met 
with  various  fortunes,  Fango  was  at  last  driven  to  take  refuge 
in  the  mountains,  and  there  killed  himself.  Sextius  then  held 
both  provinces  till,  in  b.c.  40,  the  triumvir  Lepidus  took  posses¬ 
sion  of  them  as  his  share  of  the  Empire.1 

Thus  the  Western  Provinces,  in  spite  of  Caesar’s  precautions, 
were  all  in  a  condition  to  cause  difficulty  to  his  successors  in 
the  government.  The  Eastern  Provinces  were  for  the  most 
part  in  a  state  of  similar  disorder.  Illyricum  has  already  been 
discussed,  as  most  conveniently  taken  with  the  Gauls.  For 
those  farther  east  Caesar’s  arrangements  were  no  more 
successful  in  securing  peace  than  in  the  West. 

T'he  victory  at  Pharsalia  put  IYIacedonia  under  Caesar’s 
control,  and  he  apparently  continued  to  govern  it  till  b.c.  45 
by  his  legates.  While  in  Egypt  (b.c.  48-7), 
(8)  Macedonia,  fearing,  it  seems,  that  it  might  be  made  a  centre 
of  lesistance,-  he  directed  Gabimus  to  go  there 
with  his  legions,  if  the  state  of  Illyricum  allowed  of  it.3  We 

1  Appian,  b.  c.  iv.  36,  53-56  ;  v.  26  ;  Dio,  48,  21-23.  It  seems  impossible 
to  reconcile  Appian  and  Dio.  The  course  of  events  here  indicated  agrees 
chiefly  with  Dio,  whose  account  appears  on  the  whole  the  more  reasonable 

2  Caes.,  b.  c.  iii.  102.  3  /<*.,  b.  Alex.  42. 



have  no  farther  information  as  to  its  government  till  the 
autumn  of  B.c.  45,  when  a  large  military  force  was  stationed 
there  ;  and  in  that,  or  the  following  year,  Q.  Hortensius — son  of 
the  famous  orator — was  made  governor.  Marcus  Brutus  was 
named  by  Caesar  to  succeed  him  in  b.c.  43,  and  Hortensius  did, 
in  fact,  hand  over  the  province  to  him  at  Thessalonica  at  the 
beginning  of  that  year.  But  meanwhile  Antony  had  induced 
the  Senate  to  nominate  himself  (June,  b.c.  44).  He  withdrew 
five  of  the  legions  and  then  managed  to  get  the  province  trans¬ 
ferred  to  his  brother  Gaius.  When  Antony  was  declared  a 
hostis,  the  Senate  revoked  the  nomination  of  Gaius  and  restored 
the  province,  along  with  Illyricum,  to  M.  Brutus,  who 
was  in  fact  already  in  possession,  having  defeated  and  captured 
Gaius  Antoni  us. 

Closely  connected  with  Macedonia  was  Greece,  which  had 
been  left,  since  b.c.  146,  in  a  somewhat  anomalous  position. 

Thessaly  indeed,  was,  to  a  great  extent,  incor- 
(9)  Greece,  porated  with  Macedonia ;  but  the  towns  in 
Bceotia,  as  well  as  Athens  and  Sparta,  were 
nominally  free,  though  connected  with  Rome  in  such  a  way 
as  to  be  sometimes  spoken  of  separately  as  “  provinces.”  So 
with  the  towns  in  the  Peloponnese  once  forming  the  Achaean 
League.  The  League  was  dissolved  and  each  town  had  a 
separate  fcedus  or  charter.1  But  with  all  this  local  autonomy 
Greece  was  practically  governed  by  Rome,  and  in  certain  cases 
the  propraetor  of  Macedonia  exercised  jurisdiction  in  it.  But 
as  yet  there  was  no  u  province  ”  of  Greece  or  even  of  Achaia, 
with  a  separate  proconsul  or  propraetor.  Caesar,  as  in  other 
cases,  made  temporary  arrangements  which  afterwards  became 
permanent  under  Augustus.  In  b.c.  48,  Q.  Fufius  Calenus, 
one  of  his  legates,  was  sent  to  take  possession  of  Greek  cities  in 
Caesar’s  interest,  and  remained  at  Patrae  with  troops  till  b.c.  47, 
exercising  authority  over  the  whole  of  the  Peloponnese.2  In 

1  Drawn  up  by  the  commissioners  after  the  fall  of  Corinth,  B.c.  146. 

2  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xi.  15  ;  Caesar,  b.  c.  ii.  56,  106  ;  Dio,  42,  14. 



the  autumn  he  went  home  and  was  rewarded  by  the  consulship 
for  the  rest  of  the  year.  But  in  b.c.  46,  Caesar  appointed 
Serv.  Sulpicius  Rufus  governor  of  Greece,  and  his  authority 
seems  to  have  extended  throughout  the  Peloponnese  and  as  far 
north  as  Thessaly.1  Sulpicius  returned  to  Rome  at  the  end  of 
b.c.  45,  or  beginning  of  b.c.  44,  and  does  not  seem  to  have  had 
a  successor.  Greece  appears  to  have  been  tacitly  allowed  to 
revert  to  its  old  position  of  nominal  freedom  and  real  attach¬ 
ment  to  Macedonia.  M.  Brutus  at  any  rate,  as  governor 
of  Macedonia,  assumed  that  he  had  authority  in  Greece. 
After  the  re-arrangement  at  Philippi  (b.c.  42),  it  fell  to  Antony’s 
share,  who,  for  a  time  at  least,  yielded  Achaia  to  Sext. 

As  Caesar  was  meditating  a  settlement  of  Syria,  it  was 
important  that  the  Asiatic  provinces  should  be  in  safe  hands. 

To  Bithynia  and  Pontus — among  the  newest  of 

Provinces.  Roman  provinces— L.  Tillius  Cimber  had  been 

andBpontdsA  nominated.  We  know  nothing  of  his  antecedents 
except  that  we  find  him  among  the  influential 
friends  of  Caesar  in  B.c.  46  ;  but  his  provincial  appointment  was 
readily  confirmed  by  the  Senate  after  his  share  in  Caesar’s  death.3 
He  devoted  himself  to  the  collection  of  a  fleet,  with  which  he 
aided  the  pursuit  of  Dolabella,  and  afterwards  assisted  Brutus 
and  Cassius. 

The  province  of  Asia  was  quiet  and  wealthy.  For  financial 
and  strategic  reasons  it  was  specially  necessary  at  this  time  to 
have  it  in  safe  hands.  Caesar  had  nominated  C. 

^11/  ASIA. 

Trebonius,  who  had  been  his  legate  in  Gaul  and 
Britain,  and  had  often  been  intrusted  with  important  commands. 
He  had  stuck  to  his  old  general  in  the  civil  war  and  had  been 
rewarded  by  the  praetorship  of  b.c.  48,  and  the  province  of 

1  Servius  had  fought  against  Caesar  at  Pharsalia,  though  his  son  was  with 
Caesar.  After  the  battle  he  retired  to  Samos  and  refused  to  continue  the 
war.  See  Cicero,  ad  Fam.  iv.  3,  4,  11,  12  ;  vi.  6  ;  xiii.  17,  19,  23,  25,  28. 

2  App.,  b.  c.  v.  72.  3  Cicero,  ad  Fain.  vi.  12  ;  App.,  b.  c.  iii.  2. 



Farther  Spain  in  the  next  year.  Though  he  was  not  successful 
in  Spain  Caesar  continued  to  trust  him  sufficiently  to  send  him 
to  Asia.  He  did  not  actually  strike  a  blow  in  the  assassination, 
but  he  aided  it  by  withdrawing  Antony  from  the  Senate  on 
a  treacherous  pretence  of  business.  His  appointment  was 
readily  confirmed  bv  the  Senate,  and  he  went  to  Asia  purposing 
to  fortify  towns  and  collect  troops  to  aid  the  party  of  the 
assassins.  It  was  this — not  alone  his  participation  in  the 
murder — which  caused  Dolabella,  probably  at  the  instigation 
and  certainly  with  the  approval  of  Antony,1  to  put  him  to 
death  when  refused  admittance  by  him  into  Smyrna  or 
Pergamus.  At  the  end  of  the  year  the  Senate  had  arranged 
that  he  was  to  be  succeeded  by  one  of  the  Consuls,  Hirtius  or 
Pansa.  But  after  his  murder  the  province  remained  in  the 
hands  of  his  quaestor,2  and  on  the  death  of  Hirtius  and  Pansa 
at  Mutina  it  was  transferred  by  the  Senate  to  M.  Brutus  (to 
be  held  with  Macedonia),  who  in  the  course  of  B.c.  42  made  a 
progress  through  it  to  hold  the  conventus ,  to  collect  men  and 
money,  and  to  meet  Cassius.  It  was,  no  doubt,  heavily  taxed ; 
and  after  the  battle  of  Philippi  Antony  took  possession  of  it 
and  again  unmercifully  drained  its  resources. 

On  quitting  the  province  of  Cilicia  in  July,  b.c.  50,  Ciceio 
left  it  in  charge  of  his  quaestor,  C.  Caelius  Caldus.  Whether, 
in  the  confusion  of  the  first  years  of  civil  war, 

(12)  Cilicia.  ^  success0r  was  appointed  we  do  not  know. 

The  province  needed  some  re-settlement,  for  in  b.c.  47  Caesar 
stopped  at  Tarsus,  on  his  way  to  Pontus,  for  some  days,  to  meet 
the  chief  men  and  make  certain  regulations,  of  which  he  does 
not  tell  us  the  nature.3  But  it  seems  that  then,  or  shortly 
afterwards,  it  was  considerably  reduced  in  extent.  The 

1  See  Cicero,  13  Phil.  23  (Antony’s  letter). 

2  P.  Cornelius  Lentulus  Spinther.  See  his  letter  to  Cicero,  ad  Pam.  xu. 

^3  c^s.,  b.  Alex.  66 ;  rebus  omnibus  frovincice  ct  finitimarum  civitatum 
constitutes  is  all  that  we  are  told. 




Phrygian  “dioceses” — Laodicea,  Apamea,  and  Synnada — were 
assigned  to  Asia,  as  well  as  most  of  Pisidia  and  Pamphylia. 
The  remainder — Cilicia  Aspera,  and  Campestris,  with  Cyprus 
— seem  to  have  been  held  somewhat  irregularly  by  Caesar’s  own 
legates.  It  was  afterwards  treated  by  Antony  as  though  at  his 
own  disposal,  Cyprus  and  Cilicia  Aspera  being  presented  to 
Cleopatra,  part  of  Phrygia  with  Lycaonia,  Isaurica,  and  Pisidia 
to  Amyntas,  king  of  Galatia.  The  province,  in  fact,  as 
known  to  Cicero,  was  almost  separated  from  the  Empire  until 
reorganised  by  Augustus. 

The  province  of  Syria  was  extremely  important  in  view  of 
the  danger  from  the  Parthians.  Bounded  on  the  north  by 

,  „  Mount  Amanus  it  included  Phoenicia  and  Ccele- 

(13)  Syria. 

Syria  as  far  south  as  the  head  of  the  Red  Sea  and 
the  eastern  mouth  of  the  Nile.  On  the  east  it  was  bounded 
by  the  Euphrates  and  the  deserts  of  Arabia.  After  the 
organisation  of  Pompey  in  b.c.  63  it  had  been  administered  by 
proconsuls  and  the  usual  staff.  In  B.c.  57-6  it  was  held  by 
Gabinius,  who  employed  his  forces  for  the  restoration  of 
Ptolemy  Auletes  to  the  throne  of  Egypt.  In  B.c.  54-3  it  was 
held  by  Crassus  ;  and  after  his  fall  at  Carrhae  it  was  success¬ 
fully  defended  and  administered  by  C.  Cassius  as  qucestor  and 
proquastor.  In  B.c.  51-50,  while  Cicero  was  in  Cilicia,  it 
was  ruled  byBibulus  ;  and  in  b.c.  49  Pompey  secured  it  for  his 
father-in-law,  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Scipio,  who  collected 
troops  and  went  to  the  aid  of  Pompey  in  Thessaly,  and  after 
Pharsalia  escaped  to  Africa.  It  was  then  put  in  the  hands  of 
the  quaestor,  Sextus  Iulius,  a  connection  of  the  Dictator,  with 
some  legions,  one  of  which  had  been  left  there  by  Caesar  in 
anticipation  of  the  coming  Parthian  war.  But  a  new  com¬ 
plication  had  been  introduced  by  Q.  Caecilius  Bassus.  This 
man  had  been  with  Pompey  at  Pharsalia  and  had  escaped  to 
Syria,  where  for  a  time  he  lived  obscurely.  But  after  a  while, 
by  tampering  with  the  soldiers  of  Sextus  Iulius,  who  was  both 
incompetent  and  vicious,  he  induced  them  to  assassinate  their 



commander  and  transfer  their  allegiance  to  himself.1  Professing 
to  be  lawful  proconsul  of  Syria  he  fortified  himself  in  Apamea, 
and  there  repulsed  forces  sent  by  Caesar  under  Antistius  Vetus 
and  L.  Statius  Murcus  successively.  He  made  some  agreement 
with  the  Parthians  which  secured  their  aid  ;2  and  though 
Murcus  was  reinforced  by  Crispus  governor  of  Bithynia,  Bassus 
was  still  unsubdued  at  the  time  of  Caesar’s  death.  There  had 
been,  therefore,  a  double  need  for  a  strong  man  in  Syria,  and 
Caesar  had  nominated  C.  Cassius,  the  former  defender  of  it 
against  the  Parthians.  After  Caesar’s  death,  however,  Dola- 
bella  secured  the  passing  of  a  law  transferring  Syria  to  himself 
with  the  command  against  the  Parthians.  But  some  irregularity 
in  the  auguries  taken  at  the  comitia  gave  Cassius  a  plausible 
excuse  for  ignoring  this  law.  Consequently  when  Dolabella 
entered  the  province  from  the  north,  Cassius  did  so  from  the 
south.  After  some  successful  movements  in  Palestine,  Cassius 
induced  Murcus  and  Crispus,  and  finally  Bassus  himself,  to 
hand  over  their  legions  to  him,  as  well  as  Trebonius’s  legate, 
Allienus,  who  was  bringing  some  legions  from  Egypt. 3  Thus 
reinforced  he  shut  up  Dolabella  in  Laodicea  and  frightened 
him  into  committing  suicide.  Syria  therefore  remained  in  the 
hands  of  Cassius  ;  and  when  he  fell  at  Philippi  it  was  vacant. 
In  accordance  with  the  agreement  made  with  Octavian  after 
that  battle  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  Antony,  who  retained  it 
personally,  or  by  his  legates,  till  his  death. 

Egypt  was  still  an  independent  kingdom,  ruled  since  b.c.  47 
by  Cleopatra.  Nevertheless,  there  was  a  considerable  Roman 
force  stationed  in  it,  partly  left  by  Gabinius,  when 
he  restored  Ptolemy  Auletes  in  b.c.  57-6,  partly 
stationed  there  by  Caesar  himself.  They  must  have  been 

1  Dio,  47,  26.  Appian  gives  two  accounts  of  Bassus.  In  the  first 
he  represents  him  as  the  real  commander  of  the  legions,  while  Sext.  Iulius 
was  the  nominal  chief.  He,  however,  gives  an  alternative  account  more 
in  accordance  with  that  of  Dio.  See  App.,  b.  c.  iii.  77  ;  iv.  58,  sq. 

2  Cicero,  ad  A  tt.  xiv.  9. 

3  Id.,  ad  Fain.  xii.  11  (Cassius  to  Cicero) ;  xii.  12. 



somewhat  in  the  position  of  the  English  troops  supporting 
the  authority  of  the  Khedive,  but  prepared  to  resist  all 
outside  interference.  So  in  this  case  the  Romans  retained 
a  preponderating  influence,  though  with  no  legal  authority  or 
right  of  raising  revenue.  These  troops  appear  to  have  been  in 
a  very  disorderly  state,  and  in  b.c.  50  murdered  two  of  the 
sons  of  Bibulus  who  were  among  their  officers.1 

The  district  between  Egypt  and  Roman  Africa,  called 
Cyrene,  was  once  joined  to  Egypt  and  then  governed  by  a 
king  of  its  own  (b.c.  x  1 7 ).  This  king  (Ptolemy 

and?reteE  Apion),  dying  in  b.c.  96  without  issue,  left  his 
dominions  to  the  Romans.  The  Roman  govern¬ 
ment  took  over  the  royal  estates,  and  placed  a  tax  on  the 
principal  product  of  the  country — silphium  (valuable  for  its 
medicinal  qualities) — but  did  not  organise  it  as  a  province. 
The  five  principal  cities 2  were  allowed  to  retain  a  pretty 
complete  autonomy.  But  upon  disagreements  between  these 
states  breaking  out,  the  whole  country  in  B.c.  74  was  reduced 
to  the  form  of  a  province  governed  by  a  qucestor  pro  pratore.'S 
Six  years  later  (b.c.  68-7)  complaints  as  to  the  harbouring  of 
pirates  caused  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  to  reduce  Crete  also.4 
When  Pompey  superseded  Metellus  in  b.c.  67,  he  introduced 
certain  changes  in  the  administration  of  both  provinces,  though 
there  is  no  proof  that  he  combined  them  as  was  done  at  a  later 
date.  In  b.c.  44  indeed,  they  were  assigned  separately — Crete 
to  Brutus  and  Cyrene  to  Cassius  S — while  Antony  produced  a 
memorandum  of  Caesar’s  directing  that  Crete  should  be  re¬ 
stored  to  liberty,6  that  is,  should  cease  to  pay  tributum.  At 
the  division  of  the  provinces  after  Philippi  both  were  assigned 

1  Cicero,  ad  Att.  vi.  5  ;  Valer.  Max.,  vi.  1,  15. 

2  Cyrene  with  four  other  cities — Apollonia,  Ptolemais,  Arsinoe,  Berenice 
— formed  a  Pentapolis.  (Livy,  Epit.  70.) 

3  App.,  b.  c.  I.  iii.  sq. ;  Sail.,  if  39- 

4  Veil.  Pat.,  ii.  34  ;  Dio,  36,  2  ;  lust.  39,  5  ;  Livy,  Epit.  100.  The  laws  of 
Crete  were  left  in  force  (Cic.,  Mur.  §  74  ;  pro  Flacc.  §  30). 

5  App.,  b.  c,  iii.  12,  16,  36  ;  iv.  57  ;  Dio,  47,  21.  6  Cicero,  2  Phil.  §  97. 


to  Antony,  and  he  assumed  the  right  some  years  later  of 
forming  out  of  them  a  kingdom  for  his  daughter  by  Cleopatra. 

It  will  be  seen  therefore  that  at  Caesar’s  death  there  was 
hardly  any  part  of  the  Empire  in  which  there  were  not 
elements  of  mischief  more  or  less  active.  The 
disordered!  most  peaceful  district  was  perhaps  Greece,  though 
the  Empire.  managec|  to  pUt  itself  under  the  frown  of  the 

triumvirs  by  sympathising  with  Brutus,  and  later  on  under 
that  of  Octavian  by  sympathising  with  Antony.  The  dis¬ 
turbances  which  most  affected  the  actual  residents  in  Rome 
and  Italy  were  those  in  Sicily  and  Sardinia,  Gaul  and 
Illyricum.  The  man  who  should  put  an  end  to  these 
would  seem  a  saviour  of  society.  The  struggles  in  the 
far  East,  though  from  a  financial  point  of  view  they  were 
of  considerable  importance,  would  not  loom  so  large  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Italians.  We  have  now  to  trace  the  steps  by 
which  Augustus  was  able  to  satisfy  the  needs  of  the  state  ;  to 
restore  peace  and  plenty  to  Italy  ;  to  organise  and  safeguard 
the  provinces  ;  and  thus  to  be  almost  worshipped  as  the  visible 
guarantee  of  order  and  tranquillity. 




Cui  dabit  partes  scelus 
expiandi  Iuppiter  ? 

The  news  of  his  great-uncle’s  death  reached  Octavius  at 
Apollonia  in  the  afternoon,  just  as  he  and  his  suite  were 
going  to  dinner.  A  vague  rumour  of  some  great 
meurde°rfb??ughtS  misfortune  quickly  spread  through  the  town,  and 
March, °B°cni44.  many  of  the  leading  inhabitants  hastened  to  the 
house  with  zealous  friendliness  to  ascertain  its 
truth.  After  a  hasty  consultation  with  his  friends,  Octavius 
decided  to  get  rid  of  most  of  them  while  inviting  a  few  of  the 
highest  rank  to  discuss  with  him  what  should  be  done.  This 
being  effected  with  some  difficulty,  an  anxious  debate  was 
carried  on  into  the  night.  Opinions  were  divided.  One 
party  urged  Octavius  to  go  to  the  army  in  Macedonia,  appeal 
to  its  attachment  to  Caesar,  and  call  on  the  legions  to  follow 
him  to  Rome  to  avenge  the  murdered  Dictator.1  Those  who 
thus  advised  trusted  to  the  impression  likely  to  be  made  by 
Octavius’s  personal  charm  and  the  pity  which  his  position 
would  excite.  Others  thought  this  too  great  an  undertaking 
for  so  young  a  man.  They  argued  that  the  many  friends 
whom  Caesar  had  raised  to  positions  of  honour  and  profit 

1  The  possibility  of  these  legions  crossing  to  Italy  had  caused  no  little 
anxiety  at  Rome  ;  Cicero,  ad  A  tt.  xiv.  16. 




prepares  to  go 
to  Italy,  April, 
B.C.  44. 

might  be  trusted  to  avenge  his  murder.  They  did  not  yet 
know  that  theirs  were  the  very  hands  which  had  struck  him 
down.  After  listening  to  the  various  opinions  Octavius  re¬ 
solved  to  take  no  decisive  step  until  he  had  reached  Italy,  had 
consulted  his  friends  there,  and  had  seen  the  state  of  affairs 
with  his  own  eyes. 

Preparations  for  crossing  were  begun  at  once,  and  in  the 
few  days  before  the  start  farther  details  of  the  assassination 
reached  Apollonia.  The  citizens  begged  Octavius 
to  stay,  putting  all  the  resources  of  the  town  at 
his  disposal  ;  and  a  number  of  officers  and  soldiers 
came  from  the  army  with  tenders  of  service, 
whether  to  guard  his  person  or  to  avenge  the  Dictator.  But 
for  the  present  he  declined  all  offers.  He  thanked  the  Apollo- 
niates  and  promised  the  town  immunities  and  privileges — a 
promise  which  in  after  years  he  did  not  forget.  He  told  the 
officers  and  soldiers  that  he  would  claim  their  services  at  some 
future  time.  For  the  present  he  did  not  need  them:  “only 
let  them  be  ready  when  the  time  came.”  The  conduct  ot 
the  Martia  and  Quarta  a  few  months  later  shewed  that  these 
feelings  were  genuine  and  lasting. 

Octavius  had  a  poor  vessel  and  a  stormy  crossing,  but  landed 
in  safety,  probably  at  Hydruntum  ( Otranto ),  the  nearest  point 
in  Calabria,  and  in  fair  weather  only  a  five  hours’  voyage.1 
That  fact  and  the  state  of  the  wind  may  have  influenced  the 
choice  of  the  port.  But  he  was  also  too  much  in  the  dark  as 
to  affairs  in  Italy  to  venture  upon  such  a  frequented  landing- 
place  as  Brundisium,  where  he  might  have  found  himself 
in  the  midst  of  political  enemies  or  hostile  troops.  From 
Hydruntum  he  went  by  land  to  Lupiae,  rather  more  than 
half  way  to  Brundisium.  There  he  first  met  some  who  had 
witnessed  Caesar’s  funeral,  had  heard  the  recitation  of  his  will, 
and  could  tell  him  that  he  was  adopted  as  Caesar’s  son,  and 
(with  a  deduction  of  a  liberal  legacy  to  the  citizens)  was  heir 

1  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xv.  21. 



to  three-quarters  of  his  property,1  the  remaining  fourth  being 
divided  between  Caesar’s  two  other  grand-nephews  Q.  Pedius 
and  Lucius  Pinarius.  He  learnt  also  that  the  Dictator  s 
funeral,  which  by  his  will  was  to  be  conducted  by  Atia, 
had  been  performed  in  the  Forum  amidst  great  popular  ex¬ 
citement,  caused  partly  by  the  sight  of  his  wounded  body,2 3 4 
partly  by  Antony’s  speech,  and  had  been  followed  by  attacks 
on  the  houses  of  the  chief  assassins,  who,  after  barricading 
themselves  for  three  days  on  the  Capitol,  had  found  it  neces¬ 
sary  to  retire  from  Rome,  first  to  the  villa  of  Brutus  at 
Lanuvium,  and  then  to  Antium,3  in  spite  of  the  amnesty 
voted  in  the  Senate  on  the  17th  of  March. 

Though  deeply  moved  by  this  story  Octavian  did  not  allow 
his  feelings  to  betray  him  into  taking  any  false  or  hasty  step. 

Satis  celeriter  quod  satis  bene  was  his  motto  now  as  in 

accepts  the  after  life.4  He  went  on  to  Brundisium,  having 

name,  May,  ascertained  that  it  was  not  occupied  by  enemies,  and 
there  received  letters  from  his  mother  and  step¬ 
father  confirming  what  he  had  already  heard.  His  mother 
begged  him  to  join  her  at  once,  to  avoid  the  jealousies  roused 
by  his  adoption.  Philippus  advised  him  to  accept  neither 
inheritance  nor  name,  and  to  hold  aloof  from  public  business. 
The  advice  was,  no  doubt,  prompted  by  affection,  and  was 

1  Suetonius  (Iul.  83)  says,  “three-fourths”  ;  so  also  does  Nicolas  Dam.  17 
(rpia  n'tpn  rw  xPW«rw")-  But  Livy  TP- II6)  says  “ one-half  ”  (ex  semissc). 
It  is  possible  Livy  may  refer  to  the  amount  left  when  the  legacy  of  300 
sesterces  to  each  citizen  was  deducted.  Nicolas  seems  to  think,  however, 
that  this  legacy  was  charged  on  the  remaining  fourth.  Octavian  certainly 
undertook  to  pay  it,  but  then  Pinarius  and  Pedius  handed  over  their  shares 
to  him. 

2  Appian  (b.  c.  ii.  147)  says  that  the  body  itself  was  not  seen  during 
Antony’s  laudatio,  but  that  a  wax  figure  was  displayed  which  by  some 
mechanical  contrivance  was  made  to  revolve  and  show  all  the  wounds. 

3  Nicolas  (§  17)  would  seem  to  send  them  straight  to  Antium. 
But  from  Cicero’s  letters  it  is  clear  that  Brutus  at  any  rate  went  first 
to  Lanuvium,  ad  Att.  xiv.  10,  21 ;  xv.  9.  They  seem  to  have  gone  to 
Antium  towards  the  end  of  May  or  beginning  of  June. 

4  Suet.,  Aug.  25. 



natural  in  the  circumstances.  But  though  Octavian  never 
blustered,  neither  did  he  easily  turn  aside  :  he  wrote  back 
declaring  his  determination  to  accept.  His  own  friends  hence¬ 
forth  addressed  him  as  “  Cssar,”  his  full  name  now  being 
Gaius  Iulius  Caesar  Octavianus.1  The  adoption  indeed  was 
not  complete  without  the  formal  passing  of  a  lex  curiata ;  but 
though  that  was  delayed  for  more  than  a  year,  the  new  name 
was  assumed  at  once.  He  complied  with  his  mother’s  wish 
that  he  should  visit  her  first,  and  he  soon  had  the  satisfaction 
of  feeling  that  though  Philippus  was  still  opposed,  her  heart 
was  with  him  in  the  manly  resolve  to  sustain  the  great  part 
which  Caesar’s  affection  had  assigned  to  him.  Cicero  mentions 
in  a  letter  of  April  nth  that  Octavius  had  arrived  in  Italy, 
and  on  the  18th  that  he  had  reached  Naples.  On  the  19th 
Balbus — the  Dictator’s  friend  and  agent — called  on  him  and 
learned  from  his  own  lips  his  resolve  to  accept  the  inheritance. 
On  the  22nd  Cicero  met  him  at  his  stepfather’s  villa  near 
Puteoli,  and  anxiously  watched  for  any  indication  of  his 
political  aims.  He  was  only  partly  satisfied. 

“  Octavius  here  treats  me  with  great  respect  and  friendliness. 
His  own  people  addressed  him  as  ‘  Caesar,’  but  as  Philippus  did  not  do 
so,  I  did  not  do  it  either.  I  declare  it  is  impossible  for  him  to  be 
a  good  citizen  !  He  is  surrounded  by  such  a  number  of  people  who 
actually  threaten  our  friends  with  death.  He  says  the  present  state 
of  things  is  intolerable.”  2 

It  was  not  Octavian’s  cue  as  yet  to  break  openly  with  the 
aristocrats.  The  first  struggles  for  his  rights  were  likely  to  be 
with  Antony,  in  which  the  aid  of  Cicero  and  his  party  would 
be  useful.  At  the  same  time  he  was  too  cautious  and  self- 
controlled  to  commit  himself  or  betray  his  real  intentions, 
which  remained  an  enigma  to  the  emotional  orator,  who  hardly 
ever  spoke  without  doing  so.  Cicero  consoled  himself  by  the 

1  The  last  being  the  adjectival  form  of  his  original  name,  in  accordance 
with  the  usual  custom  in  cases  of  adoption. 

2  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xiv.  5,  10,  n,  12. 



reflection  that  at  any  rate  Octavian’s  claims  must  cause  a 
quarrel  with  Antony.  Yet  he  was  indignant  that  this  stripling 
could  go  to  Rome  without  risk,  while  Brutus  and  Cassius  and 
the  other  “  heroes  ”  of  the  dagger  could  not.  Octavian’s 
journey  to  Rome  was  for  the  twofold  purpose  of  giving  formal 
notice  to  the  praetor  urbanus  that  he  accepted  the  inheritance, 
and  of  making  a  statement  of  his  intentions  as  administrator  of 
the  will  at  a  public  assembly.  For  the  latter  he  needed  to  be 
introduced  to  the  meeting  by  a  tribune.  For  this  service  he 
relied  on  .Lucius  Antonius.  All  three  brothers  were  in  office 
this  year  Marcus  consul,  Gaius  praetor,  Lucius  tribune  ;  and 
as  supporters  of  the  late  Caesar  they  could  not  in  decency  refuse 
him  this  opportunity  of  declaring  his  sentiments. 

Octavian  reached  Rome  in  the  first  week  of  Mav,  duly 
accepted  the  inheritance,  and  was  introduced  to  a  contio  by 

Octavian  and  Lucius  Antonius  about  the  10th  of  that  month.1 

m.  Antonius.  q^he  speech  was  not  satisfactory  to  the  Ciceronian 
party.  He  declared  his  intention  to  carry  out  his  “  father’s  ” 
will  as  to  the  legacy  to  the  people,  and  to  celebrate  the  games 
at  the  dedication  of  the  temple  of  Venus  promised  by  Cssar. 
Preparations  for  them  were  begun  at  once,  two  of  the 
Dictator’s  friends,  Matius  and  Postumius,  being  selected  to 
superintend  them.2  But  though  confining  himself  to  expres¬ 
sions  of  veneration  for  his  “  father’s  ”  memory,  and  uttering  no 
threats  against  any  one,  Octavian  had  not  given  up  for  a 
moment  his  resolve  to  punish  the  murderers.  The  amnesty  voted 
in  the  Senate  he  regarded  as  a  temporary  expedient.  All  that 
was  needed  was  an  accuser,  and  he  did  not  mean  that  such  a 
person  should  be  long  wanting.  But  meanwhile  his  first  business 
was  to  secure  his  own  position  and  the  possession  of  Caesar’s 

1  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xiv.  20,  21.  Dio  (45,  6)  says  that  the  introducing 
tribune  was  Tib.  Canutius.  But  it  seems  probable  that  this  refers  to  a 
second  speech. 

2  Cic.,  ad  Att.  xv.  2.  There  is  a  singularly  manly  and  frank  letter 
from  Matius  to  Cicero  (ad  Fain.  xi.  28),  defending  his  attachment  to  Caesar 
and  his  services  to  Octavian. 



property.  This  at  once  brought  him  into  collision  with 

The  financial  arrangements  of  the  late  Dictator  were  to 
a  great  degree  to  blame  for  this.  He  seems  to  have  introduced 
the  system  of  the  Jiscus,  though  without  the  name 
the  temple  of  known  in  later  times  :  that  is,  large  sums  or  money 
were  deposited  in  the  temple  of  Ops  to  his  order, 
separate  from  the  public  ararium  of  the  temple  of  Saturnus, 
and  not  clearly  distinguished  from  his  own  private  property.  It 
was  as  though  a  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  paid  portions  of 
the  revenue  to  his  private  banking  account,  and  were  to  die 
suddenly  without  leaving  any  means  of  distinguishing  between 
public  and  private  property.1  Cicero  says  that  this  money 
(700,000,000  sesterces,  or  about  five  and  a  half  millions  sterling) 
was  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  confiscated  properties,2  and  there 
was,  it  seems,  much  other  property  in  lands  and  houses  from 
the  same  source.  The  claim  by  an  heir  of  Caesar  would  be 
met  by  a  double  opposition — from  the  government,  which 
would  regard  the  whole  as  public  ;  and  from  the  owners  01 
their  representatives,  who  might  have  hopes  of  recovering  parts 
of  it.  For  at  Rome  confiscation  did  not  bar  claims  under 
marriage  settlements,  or  for  debts  secured  on  properties.  The 
large  sum  at  the  temple  of  Ops  had  been  taken  over  entirely 
by  Antony  the  Consul,  nominally  as  being  public  money,  really 

_ as  Cicero  affirms — to  liquidate  his  own  enormous  debts.  It 

is  very  likely  that  Antony  shared  the  spoil  with  others,  perhaps 
with  his  colleague  Dolabella,  and  they  may  have  satisfied  their 

I  Annian  b  C.  3,  20,  r&v  n pooiSuv  ig  06  naprjXQev  rrjv  « PXW  k  cciirbv 
ro^iov  The  sole  management  of  the  Treasury 

had  been  committed  to  Cmsar  in  b.c.  45  (Dio,  43,  44,  ra  h^oaia  xP'l^ra 
aovov  SkhkeZv).  He  had  taken  it  out  of  the  hands  of  the  quceston  and 
appointed  two  fircefecti  to  manage  it :  but  it  does  not  seem  that  they 
had  anything  to  do  with  the  money  in  the  temple  of  Ops,  as  to  which 
mere  was  sdme  doubt  as  to  its  being  “public  money”  in  the  ordinary 


*  Cicero,  1  Phil.  §  17  ;  2  Phil.  §  93- 



consciences  with  some  partial  use  of  it  for  public  purposes.1 
At  any  rate  it  was  not  forthcoming  when  Octavian  put  in  his 
claim.  Even  in  regard  to  such  property  as  was  handed  over  to 
him  he  was  constantly  harassed  by  lawsuits.  Claimants  were 
instigated,  as  he  believed,  by  one  or  other  of  the  Antonies ;  while 
Gaius  Antonius,  acting  prcetor  urbanus  for  Brutus,  would  often 
preside  in  the  court.  He  was  resolved,  however,  to  carry  out 
Caesar’s  will,  even  if  he  had  to  sell  his  own  paternal  estate 
and  draw  upon  his  mother’s  resources.  But  it  seems,  after  all, 
that  the  property  of  Caesar  which  he  did  manage  to  get,  or  his 
own  wealth,  was  so  ample,  that  he  was  able  to  do  this  without 
crippling  himself.  Pinarius  and  Pedius  got  their  shares,  but 
handed  them  over  to  him,  perhaps  as  being  too  heavily  weighted 
with  legacies  to  be  of  much  value  to  them,  or  thinking  that 
his  great  future  made  it  a  good  investment.  At  any  rate  the 
legacies  were  paid,  the  games  given,  and  when  some  months 
later  he  proceeded  to  enroll  two  legions  of  veterans  he  was  able 
to  pay  each  man  a  bounty  amounting  to  something  like  ^20 
of  our  money.2  At  no  time  in  his  career  does  he  seem  to  have 
had  serious  money  difficulties.  No  doubt  his  resources  were 
always  large,  but  he  must  also  have  had  the  valuable  faculty  of 
husbanding  them  in  small  matters,  while  always  having  enough 
for  large  outlays. 

But  it  was  not  only  in  regard  to  money  that  Octavian 

1  Cicero,  in  2  Phil.  §  93,  seems  to  assume  that  Antony  had  taken  the 
money  all  at  once.  But  from  Cicero’s  own  letters  it  would  seem  that  the 
process  of  despoiling  the  temple  of  Ops  was  a  gradual  one,  and  that 
the  use  made  of  the  money  by  Antony  was  more  or  less  a  matter  of 
conjecture.  On  the  27th  of  April  he  writes  :  “  You  mention  plundering 
going  on  at  the  temple  of  Ops.  I,  too,  was  a  witness  to  that  at  the  time  ” 
(ad  Att.  xiv.  14).  On  the  7th  of  May  he  says  that  Dolabella  had  a  great 
share  of  it  ( ad  Att.  xiv.  18).  In  November  he  says  that  his  nephew  Quintus 
knew  all  about  it,  and  meant  to  reveal  it  to  the  public  (ad  Att.  xvi.  14). 
Appian  (b.  c.  iii.  20)  makes  Antony  say  to  Octavian  :  “  The  money  trans¬ 
ferred  to  my  house  was  not  so  large  a  sum  as  you  conjecture,  nor  is  any 
part  of  it  in  my  custody  now.  The  men  in  power— except  Dolabella  and 
my  brothers— divided  up  the  whole  of  it  as  the  property  of  a  tyrant.” 

2  Cic.,  ad  A  tt.  xvi.  8. 



found  himself  thwarted  by  Antony  and  his  brothers.  A 
tribune,  probably  Lucius  Antonius  himself,  pre- 

Difficulties  about  ,  ,  r  .  .  r  ^  1  •  ,  r 

octavian’s  vented  the  formal  passing  or  the  lex  cunata  tor 
his  adoption,  with  a  view  of  weakening  his  claims 
upon  the  inheritance.  When  he  wished  to  be  elected  tribune 
in  the  place  of  Cinna,  who  had  fallen  a  victim  to  the  mob  in 
mistake  for  L.  Cinna,  a  praetor  who  had  spoken  against  Caesar, 
he  was  prevented  by  the  partisans  of  Antony.1  There  was 
indeed  a  legal  obstacle  in  the  fact  that  he  was  now  a  patrician,2 3 
was  under  age,  and  had  not  held  the  quaestorship,  though  this 
last  was  a  breach  of  custom  rather  than  of  law.  Lastly, 
Antony  treated  him  with  studied  disrespect,  keeping  him 
waiting  in  his  ante-room  ;  while  Lucius  Antonius  and  the 
other  tribunes  forbade  him  to  place  Caesar’s  gilded  chair  in 
the  Circus  at  his  games.3 

It  was  clear  that  a  breach  between  the  two  was  imminent. 
The  younger  man  was  not  abashed  by  the  years  or  high  office 
of  the  other  ;  and  though  some  formal  reconcilia- 
theOptfmates.  tion  was  brought  about  by  common  friends  or  by 
ing  of  the  Senate  military  officers,  Octavian  seems  to  have  allowed 
the  Ciceronians  to  believe  that  he  intended  to 
join  them  in  opposing  Antony.  His  attentions  to  them 
became  more  marked  after  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  of  the 
I  st  of  June.  To  this  meeting  the  Constitutionalists  had  been 
looking  forward  as  likely  to  bring  the  uncertainty  to  an  end. 
At  it  the  question  of  the  provinces  was  to  be  settled ;  the  two 
consuls,  with  the  aid  of  a  committee,  were  to  report  on  what 
were  the  genuine  acta  of  Caesar  ;  and  some  means  were  to  be 
found  to  enable  Brutus  and  Cassius  to  carry  on  their  duties  as 
praetors  in  Rome  with  safety. 

1  Dio,  45,  6  ;  this  seems  a  different  case  from  that  mentioned  by  App., 
b.  c.  iii.  ’47,  and  referred  to  by  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xvi.  15,  as  happening  later  in 
this  same  year. 

2  See  ante  p.  14  :  Dio,  45,  2  ;  Sueton.,  Aug.  2,  10  ;  Tac.,  Ann.  xi.  25. 

3  Dio,  45,  4  ;  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xv.  3. 



Meanwhile  Antony  had  been  availing  himself  of  the  papers 
of  Caesar  as  though  the  committee  had  already  reported.  He 
had  also  been  securing  himself — as  he  thought — 

Antony  and  ,  .  .  .  ,  ,  °. 

Cssar’s  acta  and  by  visiting  the  colonies  of  Caesar  s  veterans  in 

veterans.  „ 

Campania1  and  by  gradually  collecting  a  body¬ 
guard.  This  had  now  assumed  sufficiently  formidable  propor¬ 
tions  to  overawe  the  Senate.2 3 4  It  is  true  that  he  had  expe¬ 
rienced  difficulties  at  Capua,  where  the  existing  coloni  resented 
his  attempt  to  plant  others  in  the  same  territory  ;  but,  on  the 
whole,  he  seems  to  have  improved  his  position  by  his  tour 
in  April  and  May.  Then  again  Lepidus  had  visited  Sext. 
Pompeius  in  Spain,  and  was  reported  to  have  induced  him,  on 
condition  of  recovering  his  father’s  property,  to  return  to  Rome 
and  place  his  naval  and  military  forces  (amounting  to  more 
than  six  legions)  at  the  disposal  of  the  consuls.3  This,  thinks 
Cicero,  would  make  Antony  irresistible  ;  and  so  no  doubt 
thought  Octavian  also. 

Nor  did  the  meetings  of  the  Senate  in  June  effect  anything 
to  dissipate  these  fears.  What  was  done  for  Brutus  and 
The  position  of  Cassius  satisfied  neither  party.  They  were  offered 
the  cura  annona ,  superintendence  of  the  corn 
supply — Cassius  in  Sicily,  Brutus  in  Asia — which 
would  give  them  a  decent  pretext  for  being  absent 
from  Rome  for  the  rest  of  the  year.  They,  however,  regarded 
this  offer  as  an  insult.4  So  also  in  regard  to  the  provinces  : 

Brutus  and 
Cassius.  The 
change  of 

1  Cicero,  2  Phil.  §  100  ;  ad  Att.  xiv.  20,  21. 

2  Id.,  ad  Att.  xiv.  3  (9th  April)  ;  xv.  4  (24th  May)  ;  2  Phil.  §  108  ;  Appian, 
b.  c.  iii.  5.  The  Senate  had  been  induced  to  vote  him  a  bodyguard. 
See  the  letter  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  to  Antony  in  Cicero,  ad  Fam.  xi.  2. 

3  Dio,  45, 10  ;  Cic.,  ad  Att.  xvi.  1.  The  negotiation  after  all  fell  through 
on  the  question  of  Sextus’s  recovering  the  actual  house  and  property  of  his 
father,  much  of  which  was  in  Antony’s  hands  (Cic.,  ad  Att.  xvi.  4  ;  Dio, 
45.  9)-  He  refused  to  accept  a  mere  money  compensation.  Eventually, 
when  the  Senate  had  broken  with  Antony,  it  made  terms  with  Sextus, 
appointing  him  commander  of  the  naval  forces  of  the  Republic.  Conse¬ 
quently  he  was  proscribed  by  the  Triumvirs.  App.,  b.  c.  iii.  4. 

4  Cic.,  ad  Att.  xv.  10,  xi. 



Brutus  and  Cassius  were  deprived  of  Macedonia  and  Syria, 
which  Caesar  had  assigned  to  them  respectively,  and  were 
offered  the  unimportant  governorships  of  Crete  and  Cyrene. 
But  Antony  in  the  same  meetings  secured  still  greater  military 
strength  for  himself  by  an  arrangement  with  Dolabella. 
The  latter  was  appointed  to  Syria  and  the  command  against 
the  Parthians  by  a  lex ;  and  he  then  induced  the  Senate  to 
give  Macedonia  to  himself,  with  the  command  of  the  legions 
stationed  there,  one  of  which  he  had  bargained  with  Dolabella 
to  hand  over  to  him.  These  decrees  having  been  passed,1  he 
sent  his  brother  Gaius  over  at  once  to  announce  the  fact  to 
the  legions  in  Macedonia  and  to  give  them  notice  that  they 
might  at  any  time  be  summoned  to  Italy.  For  Antony  him¬ 
self  had  no  intention  of  going  to  Macedonia.  His  private 
resolve  was  to  hold  Gallia  Cisalpina  with  the  largest  force 
possible,  as  giving  him  most  hold  on  Italy.  He  had  only 
accepted  Macedonia  in  order  to  get  these  legions  into  his 
hands.  At  the  same  time  he  carried  a  repeal  of  Caesar’s  law 
confining  the  tenure  of  a  province  for  a  propraetor  to  one,  and 
for  a  proconsul  to  two,  years. 

Though  this  increasing  power  ot  Antony  was  naturally  cal¬ 
culated  to  alarm  Octavius,  he  was,  on  the  other  hand,  opposed 
^  t  to  Decimus  Brutus — one  of  the  assassins — retain- 

hiraself  in?  Gallia  Cisalpina.  He  therefore  supported 

nominated  to  o  1  . 

cisalpina  Gaui.  Antony  in  carrying  a  law  conferring  that 
province  on  him  at  the  end  of  his  consulship.2  The  Senators 
now  saw  that  they  had  been  tricked.  They  had  given  Antony 
the  Macedonian  legions  without  conditions,  and  he  would  now 
use  them  in  another  province  given  him  by  a  lex— over  which 
they  had  no  control.  Suggestions  were  made  to  remove 

1  Cicero  (2  Phil.  §  109)  declares  that  Antony’s  bodyguard  was  stationed 
round  the  Senate— some  of  them  being  foreign  mercenaries— and  that  his 
opponents  therefore  did  not  venture  to  enter  the  house. 

»  Appian,  b.c.  iii.  29-30.  But  Appian  in  regard  to  the  order  of  events 

here  is  very  confused  and  often  wrong. 



Gallia  Cisalpina  from  the  list  of  provinces,  and  incorporate  it 
(as  was  afterwards  done  by  Augustus)  in  Italy,  thus  doing 
away  with  any  pretext  for  a  proconsul  residing  there  with 
legions.  But  for  the  present  the  law  stood  which  assigned  it  to 
Antony  for  b.c.  43.  It  appears  to  have  been  passed  by  the 
beginning  of  July,  and  he  at  once  sent  word  to  his  brother  to 
bring  the  legions  over.  They  were  expected  in  July,1  but  did 
not  actually  arrive  till  nearly  three  months  later.  Meanwhile 
a  war  of  recriminations  was  maintained  between  Antony  the 
consul  and  Brutus  and  Cassius  the  pra;tors  by  letters  or 
edicts.  Antony  accused  the  praetors  of  collecting  forces  hostile 
to  the  government,  the  praetors  accused  Antony  of  making  it 
impossible  for  them  to  come  to  Rome  by  denouncing  them  in 
speeches  and  edicts,  in  breach  of  his  promise.  On  the  1st  of 
August  L.  Calpurnius  Piso — father-in-law  of  the  late  Caesar — 
inveighed  against  Antony  in  the  Senate,  ending  with  a  hostile 
motion,  of  the  exact  nature  of  which  we  are  not  informed. 
But  he  could  get  no  one  to  speak  or  vote  with  him,  so  com¬ 
pletely  cowed  were  the  Senators  by  Antony’s  military  forces.2 
On  the  other  hand,  Antony  was  uneasy  at  the  growing 
popularity  of  Octavian,  especially  among  the  veterans.  He 
had  himself  made  a  bid  for  their  favour  by  two  commissions 
for  assigning  land  to  them  both  in  Italy  and  the  provinces. 
But  the  veterans  were  suspicious  ;  they  had  expected  some 
signal  act  of  vengeance  for  the  murder  of  Caesar  ;  and  at  the 
same  time  Antony’s  lavish  grants  of  public  land  to  unworthy 
favourites  impoverished  the  exchequer  and  diminished  the 
amount  available  for  distribution.  They  lowered  his  popularity 
with  the  veterans  as  much  as  they  annoyed  the  Senators,  who 
yet  did  not  venture  to  oppose  him. 

The  friction  between  the  two  men — varied  by  occasional 
reconciliations — became  more  and  more  acute,  until  about  the 
end  of  September  it  was  rumoured  that  Octavian  had  suborned 

1  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xvi.  4,  5. 

2  Id.,  1  Phil.  §  14  ;  ad  Att.  xvi.  7  ;  ad  Fam.  xii.  2. 



men  to  assassinate  Antony.  Of  course  Octavian  disclaimed 
it,  and  upon  Antony  giving  out  that  certain  men 

Attempted  ’  r  ,  .  ,  ,  , 

assassination  had  been  found  in  his  house  with  daggers,  tie 
of  Antony.  °  . 

went  openly  with  an  offer  to  serve  along  with  his 
friends  among  his  bodyguards.  The  popular  belief  was  that 
Antony  had  invented  the  whole  story  to  discredit  him  ;  but 
Cicero  and  others  of  his  party  both  believed  and  approved,  and 
subsequent  writers  are  divided  in  opinion.  Nicolas  of  Damascus 
probably  gives  Octavian’s  own  version,  according  to  which 
Antony  was  unable  to  produce  the  pretended  assassins  to  a 
council  of  his  friends,  or  to  induce  them  to  advise  active 
retaliation  upon  Octavian.  Appian  points  out  that  it  was  not 
to  Octavian’s  interest  just  then  that  Antony  should  disappear, 
for  it  would  have  been  a  great  encouragement  to  the  party  of 
the  Assassins,  of  whose  real  sentiments  towards  himself  he  was 
no  doubt  aware.1 

For  with  this  party  his  alliance  was  a  matter  of  great  doubt. 
In  June  Cicero  had  said  of  him  : 

“  In  Octavian,  as  I  have  perceived,  there  is  no  little 

Octavian  and  a^jptv  and  spirit  ;  and  he  seems  likely  to  be  as  well 
the  Optimates.  J  .  t-»  j  i.  x. 

disposed  to  our  heroes  as  I  could  wish.  But  what  con¬ 
fidence  one  can  feel  in  a  man  of  his  age,  name,  inheiitance,  and 
upbringing  may  well  give  us  pause.  His  stepfather,  whom  I  saw  at 
Antium,  thinks  none  at  all.  However,  we  must  foster  him,  and,  if 
nothing  else,  keep  him  estranged  from  Antony.  Marcellus  will  be 
doing  admirable  service  if  he  gives  him  good  advice.  Octavian 
seems  devoted  to  him,  but  has  no  great  confidence  in  Pansa  and 

Philippus  was  not  a  man  for  whom  Cicero  had  a  great 
respect.3  But  Marcellus,  the  husband  of  Octavia  (Cos.  b.c.  50), 

*  Nicolas  (§  30),  Appian  (b.c.  iii.  39),  Plutarch  (Ant  16),  acquit  Augustus. 
The  two  writers  who  adopt  Cicero’s  view  of  the  truth  of  the  accusation  are 
Seneca  (de  Clement.  1,  9,  1)  and  Suetonius  (Aug.  10).  See  Cicero,  ad  Fam. 
xii.  23. 

2  ad  Att.  xv.  12. 

3  See  ante,  p.  3. 



was  a  sound  aristocrat  and  a  trustworthy  man.  Still  Octavian 
had  done  nothing  since  to  identify  himself  with  the  con¬ 
servative  party,  in  spite  of  his  differences  with  Antony.  With 
Cicero  himself  he  kept  up  friendly  communications  ;  yet  at  the 
final  breach  between  Cicero  and  Antony  in  September,  it  does 
not  seem  to  have  occurred  to  Cicero  to  put  forward  Octavian 
as  Antony’s  opponent ;  nor  does  he  mention  him  in  the  first 
two  Philippics.  It  was  Octavian’s  own  independent  action 
which  first  shewed  that  he  was  ready  and  able  to  assume  that 
position,  and  Cicero  viewed  this  at  first  with  anxiety  and 
almost  dismay. 

Antony  left  Rome  on  the  9th  of  October  to  meet  the 
Macedonian  legions  at  Brundisium.  Octavian  no  longer 
hesitated.  Sending  agents  to  tamper  with  the 
°c* veterans.' °'*s  loyalty  °f  the  newly  arrived  legions,  he  himself 
went  a  round  of  the  veterans  in  Campania,  offering 
them  a  bounty  of  500  denarii  (about  ^20),  if  they  would 
enlist  again.  In  doing  this  he  acted  wholly  on  his  own 
initiative  and  without  authority  from  Senate  or  people,  and 
without  holding  any  office  giving  him  military  command.1  In 
after  years  Augustus  regarded  this  as  the  first  step  in  his  public 
career,  the  first  service  rendered  to  the  State  :  “  When  nineteen 
years  old  I  raised  an  army  on  my  own  initiative  and  at  my  own 
expense,  with  which  I  restored  to  liberty  the  republic  which 
had  been  crushed  under  the  tyranny  of  a  faction.”  And  not 
only  did  he  reckon  this  his  first  public  service  ;  the  wording  of 
this  statement  is  a  declaration  that  he  thereby  adopted  the 
policy  and  was  continuing  the  work  of  his  “father,”  for  he  uses 
the  very  phrase  which  Caesar  had  used  in  justifying  himself.2 

1  He  had  the  title  Imperator  inherited  from  Ceesar  (Dio,  43,  44)  ;  but  this 
was  a  mere  honorary  title,  and  could  not  be  held  to  give  imperium.  He 
was  careful  to  use  it  however,  as  in  the  inscription  recording  the  formation 
of  the  triumvirate.  .  .  .  EMILIVS  M.  ANTONIVS.  IMP.  CAESAR.  Ill 
VIR  R.P.C.  A.D.  IV  KAL.  DEC.  AD.  PRID.  KAL.  IAN.  SEXT.  .  .  . 

2  Monum.  Ancyr.  I,  annos  undeviginti  natus  exercitum  privato  consilio 
et  privata  impensa  comparavi :  per  quem rem  publicam  dominations  factionis 


This  phrase  illustrates  another  point  also.  Ostensibly  the 
enrolment  of  veterans  was  to  protect  himself  against  Antony. 
Perhaps  he  did  not  yet  see  how  it  was  to  be  done,  but  at  the 
bottom  of  his  heart  was  the  purpose  of  checkmating,  if  not 
destroying,  the  clique  which  had  caused  Caesar’s  murder, 
though  for  the  moment  he  was  with  them  in  opposition  to 
Antony,  and  was  eager  to  have  Cicero’s  support  and  approval. 
Yet  how  doubtful  and  uneasy  the  orator  felt  is  shewn  by  two 
letters  in  which  he  tells  what  Octavian  was  doing. 

“  Puteoli,  2  November.  On  the  evening  of  the  ist  I  got  a  letter 
from  Octavian.  He  is  entering  upon  a  serious  undertaking.  He  has 
won  over  to  his  views  all  the  veterans  at  Casilinum  and  Calatia.  And 
no  wonder  :  he  gives  a  bounty  of  500  denarii  apiece.  Clearly  his 
view  is  a  war  with  Antony  under  his  own  leadership.  So  I  perceive 
that  before  many  days  are  over  we  shall  be  in  arms.  But  whom  are 
we  to  follow  ?  Consider  his  name,  consider  his  age  !  Again,  he 
demands  to  begin  with  a  secret  interview  with  me  at  Capua  of  all 
places  !  It  is  really  quite  childish  to  suppose  that  it  can  be  kept 
quiet.  I  have  written  to  explain  to  him  that  it  is  neither  necessary 
nor  practicable.  He  sent  a  certain  Caecina  of  Volaterras  to  me,  an 
intimate  friend  of  his  own,  who  brought  me  news  that  Antony  was 
on  his  way  to  the  city  with  the  Alaudos,  was  imposing  money  con¬ 
tribution  on  the  municipal  towns,  and  was  marching  at  the  head  of 
the  legion  with  colours  flying.  He  wanted  my  opinion,  whether  he 
should  start  for  Rome  with  his  legion  of  3,000  veterans,  or  should 
hold  Capua,  and  so  intercept  Antony’s  advance,  or  should  join  the 
three  Macedonian  legions  now  sailing  by  the  Mare  Superum,  which 
he  hopes  are  devoted  to  himself.  They  refused  to  accept  a  bounty 
offered  them  by  Antony,  as  my  informant  at  least  asserts.  They  even 
used  grossly  insulting  language  to  him  and  moved  off  when  he 
attempted  to  address  them.  In  short,  Octavian  offers  himself  as  our 
military  leader,  and  thinks  that  our  right  policy  is  to  stand  by  him. 
On  my  part  I  advised  his  making  for  Rome.  For  I  think  he  will 
have,  not  only  the  city  mob,  but,  if  he  can  impress  them  with  con¬ 
fidence,  the  loyalists  also  on  his  side.  Oh,  Brutus  !  Where  are 
you  !  What  an  opportunity  you  are  losing  !  I  did  not  actually 
foresee  this,  but  I  thought  that  something  of  the  sort  would 
happen.”  _ 

oppressam  in  libertatem  vindicavi.  Compare  Caesar,  b.  civ.  i,  22,  ut  se  et 
Populum  Romanum  factione  paucorum  opptessnm  in  libertatem  vindicaret. 



“Puteoli  [3]  November.  Two  letters  0x1  the  same  day  from 
Octavian  !  His  present  view  is  that  I  should  come  to  Rome  at  once, 
and  that  he  wishes  to  act  through  the  Senate.  I  told  him  that  a 
meeting  of  the  Senate  was  impossible  before  the  1st  of  January,  and 
I  believe  it  is  so.  But  he  adds  also,  ‘  and  by  your  advice.’  In  short 
he  insists,  while  I  suspend  judgment.  I  don’t  trust  his  youth,  I  am 
in  the  dark  as  to  his  disposition.  I  am  not  able  to  do  anything 
without  your  friend  Pansa.  I  am  afraid  of  Antony  succeeding,  and 
I  don’t  like  moving  far  from  the  sea.  At  the  same  time  I  fear  some 
great  coup  being  struck  without  my  being  there.  Varro  for  his  part 
dislikes  the  youth’s  plan.  I  don’t  agree  with  him.  He  has  forces  on 
which  he  can  depend.  He  can  count  on  Decimus  Brutus,  and  is 
making  no  secret  of  his  intentions.  He  is  organising  his  men  in 
companies  at  Capua,  he  is  paying  them  their  bounty  money.  War 
seems  to  be  ever  coming  nearer  and  nearer.” 

In  spite  of  these  half-hearted  and  doubtful  expressions  of 
Cicero,  the  Senate  at  his  own  suggestion  was  presently  glad  to 
approve  Octavian’s  action,  and  to  accept  his  aid. 
iw?thnthe  senate  F°r  events  now  followed  quickly.  When  Antony 
SmberbBc^44!  met  the  legions  at  Brundisium,  sent  over  by  his 
bi'other  Gaius,2  he  seems  at  first  to  have  found 
them  ready  to  obey  him.  But  difficulties  were  presently  pro¬ 
moted  by  the  agents  of  Octavian,  who  offered  the  men  liberal 
bounties,  or  scattered  libelli  among  them  denouncing  Antony’s 
tyranny  and  neglect  of  Caesar’s  memory,  and  urging  Octavian’s 
claim  on  their  allegiance.  Signs  of  mutiny  soon  shewed  them¬ 
selves,  and  after  a  stormy  meeting  at  which  some  officers  and 
men  used  insubordinate  language,  Antony  arrested  and  put  to 
death  several  of  the  officers  as  ringleaders,  and  about  300  men.3 
These  severities,  followed  by  more  liberal  offers  and  some  con¬ 
ciliatory  language,  seemed  for  the  time  to  put  an  end  to  the 
mutiny.  Selecting  therefore  a  “  praetorian  cohort  ”  from  the 
legions,  Antony  started  for  Rome,  ordering  the  rest  to  march  in 
detachments  up  the  coast  road  to  Ariminum,  where  the  via 
SEmilia  through  the  valley  of  the  Po  begins.  In  Cicero’s  letters 

1  Cicero,  ad  Alt.  xvi.  8  and  9.  2  Id.,  ad  Fain.  xii.  23. 

3  App.,  b.  c.  iii.  43-45  5  Cic.,  3  Phil.  §  10  ;  Dio,  45, 13. 



of  the  8th,  nth,  and  12th  of  November  are  recorded  the  various 
rumours  of  hisapproach,  and  the  anxieties  as  to  what  he  intended 
to  do  at  Rome.1  He  arrived  about  the  20th  in  full  military 
array,  and  entered  the  city  with  a  strong  bodyguard,  the  rest 
of  his  men  being  encamped  outside  the  walls.  He  did  not  stay 
long  however.  Having  summoned  the  Senate  for  the  25th,  in 
an  edict,  in  which  he  denounced  the  character  and  aims  of 
Octavian,2  he  went  to  Tibur,  where  he  had  ordered  his  new 
levies  to  muster.  Here  he  delivered  a  speech,  which  Cicero 
afterwards  described  as  “  pestilent.”  3  On  the  25  th,  however,  he 
did  not  appear  in  the  Senate.  A  second  edict  postponed  the 
meeting  to  the  29th.  Cicero  insinuates  that  his  non-appearance 
on  the  25th  was  caused  by  some  extra  debauch.  But,  in  fact, 
the  reason  may  have  been  the  news  about  the  legio  Martia , 
which,  instead  of  going  to  Ariminum,  had  turned  off  from  the 
coast  road  and  reached  Alba  Fucensis.  It  might  be  of  course 
that  the  legion  was  on  its  way  to  join  Antony  at  Tibur,  to 
which  there  was  a  good  road  from  Alba  Fucensis  ( via  Valeria ). 
Antony  therefore  went  to  Alba,  but  found  the  gates  closed, 
and  was  greeted  by  a  shower  of  arrows  from  the  walls.  It  was 
clear  that  this  legion  at  least  did  not  mean  to  serve  him.  He 
came  to  Rome  for  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  the  29th,  but 
was  informed  just  before  it  that  the  Quarta  had  followed  the 
example  of  the  Martia,  and  was  at  Alba  F ucensis.  He  under¬ 
stood  that  these  legions  meant  to  join  Octavian,  and  he  no 
longer  thought  it  possible  to  get  Octavian  declared  a  hostisy 
though  one  of  his  partisans  was  ready  to  propose  it.  Having 
therefore  transacted  some  formal  business — chiefly  the  allotment 
of  provinces,  in  which  his  brother  Gaius  obtained  Macedonia, 
and  a  supplicatio  in  honour  of  Lepidus,  he  hurriedly  re¬ 
turned  to  Tibur.  His  friends  and  supporters  visited  him  in 
great  numbers  ;  but  within  a  few  days  he  was  on  his  march  to 

1  Cic.,  ad  Att.  xvi.  10,  13  a,  13  b,  14. 

2  Id.,  3  Phil.  §  19. 

3  pestifcra,  13  Phil.  §  19. 




Ariminum  to  join  what  remained  of  the  five  Macedonian 

Antony’s  object  was  to  attack  Decimus  Brutus,  whose  forces 
were  concentrated  at  Mutina.  But  at  any  rate,  he  was  gone 
from  Rome,  and  Octavian  had  won  the  first  trick 
a^to'ocfa vian’s  in  the  game.  Cicero  attributes  Antony’s  lowered 

intentions.  tone  jn  Senate,  and  his  hurried  departure,  to 

Octavian’s  promptness  and  success  in  raising  the  veterans,  and 
inducing  the  Martia  and  Quarta  to  desert  him.  At  first, 
however,  he  had  not  felt  easy  as  to  the  young  man’s  intentions. 
Writing  from  Puteoli  on  the  5th  of  November  he  tells  Atticus 
that  he  gets  a  letter  from  Octavian  every  day,  begging  him  to 
come  to  Capua  and  once  more  to  save  the  republic,  or,  if  not, 
at  least  to  go  to  Rome.  Cicero  is  “shamed  to  refuse  and  yet 
afraid  to  take”  ;  but  owns  that  Octavian  is  acting  with  vigour, 
and  will  probably  enter  Rome  in  great  force.  But  he  doubts 
whether  the  young  man  understands  the  situation,  or  the 
terrorism  established  by  Antony  in  the  Senate.  He  had  better 
wait,  he  thinks,  till  the  new  consulate  begins  on  January  1st.2 
About  the  12th  of  November,  he  tells  Atticus  that  if  Octavian 
wins  now,  the  fear  is  that  he  will  confirm  Caesar’s  acta  more 
completely  than  ever,  which  will  be  against  the  interests  of 
Brutus,  while,  if  he  is  beaten,  Antony  will  become  more 
despotic  still.3  Early  in  December  (or  the  end  of  November), 
he  mentions  with  alarm  the  possibility  of  Octavian  being 
elected  for  a  chance  vacancy  in  the  Tribunate  4;  and  assents 
to  a  remark  made  by  Atticus,  that  though  Octavian  had  given 

1  Cicero,  3  Phil.  §§  19-27  ;  5  Phil.  §  23  ;  13  Phil.  §  19  ;  App.,  b.  c.  iii.  45. 

2  Cic.,  ad  Att.  xvi.  II.  3  Id.  xvi.  14. 

♦  Id.  xvi.  15.  It  seems  from  Appian  (b.  c.  iii.  31)  that  Octavian  was  not 
a  candidate,  but  he  was  generally  supposed  to  wish  it,  and  that  therefore 
many  were  going  to  vote  for  him.  He  ostensibly  supported  another  can¬ 
didate — Flaminius.  Antony  stopped  the  election  on  the  ground  that  there 
was  no  need  to  fill  up  a  vacancy  so  late  in  the  year.  This  settled  the 
question.  But  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  does  not  refer  to  an  earlier 


Antony  a  notable  check,  “they  must  wait  to  see  the  end.” 
Again  he  says  to  Oppius,  “  I  cannot  be  warmly  on  his  side 
without  having  some  security  that  he  will  cordially  embrace 
the  friendship  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  and  the  other  tyran¬ 
nicides.”  1 

On  the  9th  of  December,  however,  when  he  came  to  Rome 
after  Antony’s  departure,  Cicero  made  up  his  mind  that  for  the 
present  all  distrust  was  to  be  dismissed  or  at 
°cthismarci?ins  least  concealed.  Octavian  had  mustered  his  forces 
at  Alba  Fucensis,  and  after  some  communications 
with  the  Senate — which  warmly  welcomed  his  offer  of  aid — had 
started  with  his  legions  on  the  track  of  Antony  ;  who  before 
the  end  of  the  year  began  the  investment  of  Mutina,  upon 
the  refusal  of  Decimus  Brutus  to  quit  the  province. 

Accordingly,  on  the  20th  of  December,  Cicero  himself  pro¬ 
posed  a  resolution  in  the  Senate  authorising  the  Consuls-desig- 
nate  to  provide  for  the  safe  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  the  1st  of 
January ;  approving  of  an  edict  of  Decimus  Brutus,  just 
arrived,  in  which  he  forbade  any  one  with  imperium  entering 
his  province  to  succeed  him  ;  directing  all  provincial  governors 
to  retain  their  provinces  till  successors  were  named  by  the 
Senate  ;  and,  lastly,  approving  the  action  of  “  Gaius  Caesar 
in  enrolling  the  veterans,  and  of  the  Martia  and  Ouarta  in 
having  joined  him.  These  resolutions  were  to  be  formally  put 
to  the  Senate  on  the  1st  of  January  by  the  new  consuls.2 
Accordingly  on  that  and  the  following  days,  after  somewhat 
stormy  debates,  these  decrees  were  passed,  as  well  as  one  which 
_  t  .  .  acknowledged  the  services  of  Octavian,  and  gave 

recognised  by  ^im  Qf  propraetor  with  imperium.  It 

the  Senate,  and  r  1  . 

°brium  Jan£'  waS  also  enacted  that  in  regard  t0  elections  tO 

BC' 43'  office  he  should  be  considered  to  have  held  the 
quaestorship.  He  thus  became  a  member  of  the  Senate,  with 
a  right  of  speaking  among  the  pratorii,  and  consequently  with 
a  plausible  claim  to  stand  for  the  consulship,  in  spite  of  his 
1  Cicero,  ad  Att.  xvi.  15,  3.  2  M.,  ad  Fam-  xi-  6  !  3  PhlL  §§  37-39* 



youth.  A  second  decree — after  the  battles  at  Mutina — gave 

him  consularia  ornamental 

Octavian  was  now  fully  launched  on  his  public  career.  He 
had  shown  both  Antony  and  the  Senate  that  he  was  no  negli¬ 
gible  quantity.  Though  the  Senate  neither  liked  nor  trusted 
him,  he  had  played  his  cards  with  such  skill  that  it  was  forced 
to  treat  him  as  its  champion  ;  while  Antony  had  contrived  to 
put  himself  in  such  clear  opposition  to  the  constitutional  claims 
of  the  Senate,  that  Octavian  could  attack  him  without  thereby 
committing  himself  to  the  support  of  the  Assassins,  and  had 
made  himself  so  strong  that  (if  he  proved  successful  against 
Antony)  he  would  hereafter  be  able  to  dictate  his  own  terms. 
Cicero  saw  this  clearly  enough,  but  he  hoped  that  the  defeat 
of  Antony  would  secure  to  the  side  of  the  Senate  the  governors 
of  Gaul  and  Spain  with  their  legions,1 2 3  and  that  thus  supported 
they  would  be  able  to  discard  their  youthful  champion.  “  He 
was,”  he  said  later  on,  “  to  be  complimented,  distinguished,  and 
— extinguished.”  3  We  shall  now  see  how  the  hopes  of  the 
sanguine  orator  were  once  more  blasted,  and  how  all  these 
intrigues  were  baffled  by  the  wary  policy  and  cool  persistence 
of  “  the  boy.” 

1  The  passages  are  Cicero,  5  Phil.  §§  45-47  ! 11  Phil.  §  20  ;  13  Phil.  §  39  ; 
Monum.  Ancyr.  §  3  ;  Livy,  Ep.  118  ;  C.  I.  L.  x.  8375  ;  Suet,  Aug.  10,  26. 
Dio  (40,  29)  says  that  he  was  in  the  Senate  lv  roig  rtTafuevicom — inter  quces- 
torios.  This  may  be  a  misunderstanding  of  Cicero’s  proposal  that  for 
purposes  of  election  he  was  to  count  as  having  been  quaestor.  The  rank 
of  propraetor  was  necessary  for  his  command  in  the  army,  not  for  his 
entrance  into  the  Senate. 

2  Pollio  in  Baetica,  Lepidus  in  Gallia  Narbonensis  and  Hispania  Citerior, 
and  Plancus  in  Northern  Gaul. 

3  Laudandum,  ornandmn ,  tollendum  (Cic.,  ad  Earn.  xi.  20,  21).  This 
epigram  seems  to  have  been  inspired  by  the  exultant  hopes  roused  by  the 
news  of  the  battle  of  Forum  Gallorum. 




prin cipum  amicitias. 

The  campaign  of  Mutina,  in  which  Octavian  had  now  em¬ 
barked,  was  ended  by  two  battles — one  at  Forum  Gallorum  on 
octavian’s  the  15th,  and  another  at  Antony’s  camp  on  the 
p”g°°nlnfe  2 1 st  of  April.  After  the  latter  date  there  were 
BC-43-  military  movements  of  some  interest  and  impor¬ 
tance,  but  no  actual  conflict.  Before  these  battles  Octavian’s 
position  had  been  difficult  and  delicate  ;  and  though  it  was  much 
improved  after  them,  it  was  not  in  the  way  expected  by  the 
Senate.  The  change  was  due  to  his  own  prudence  and  energy. 
Since  his  start  from  Alba  to  follow  Antony  the  aspect  of  affairs 
at  Rome  had  been  much  modified,  and  he  had  had  good  reason 
to  doubt  the  favour  of  the  party  over  whom  Cicero  was  now 
exercising  a  predominant  influence.  Cicero  appears  indeed  to 
have  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  with  Octavian,  in 
which  he  did  his  best  by  flattery  and  argument  to  retain  his 
aid  and  lull  his  suspicions.  But  there  were  facts  which  it  must 
have  been  difficult  for  him  to  explain  to  Octavian’s  satisfaction. 
It  is  true  that  besides  the  honours  voted  to  him  in  the  Senate 
in  the  first  week  of  b.c.  43,  he  had  been  joined  with  the  other 
magistrate  in  the  Senatus-consultum  ultimum ,  empowering  them 




to  “see  that  the  state  took  no  harm.”1  But  though  the 
decrees  also  gave  him  a  constitutional  right  to  command 
soldiers,2  yet  the  despatch  of  the  two  consuls  to  the  seat  of 
war  deprived  him  of  the  chief  command  ;  while  the  more 
moderate  party  had  carried  over  Cicero’s  head  a  resolution  to 
send  three  commissioners  to  negotiate  with  Antony.  Cicero 
asserts  that  they  were  only  authorised  to  convey  to  Antony  the 
Senate’s  order  that  he  was  to  quit  the  Gallic  province.  That 
was  not,  however,  the  view  of  the  commissioners  themselves. 
One  of  them — Serv.  Sulpicius  Rufus — died  on  the  journey  ; 
but  the  other  two — L.  Calpurnius  Piso  and  L.  Marcius  Philippus 
— brought  back  some  proposals  from  Antony  in  February, 
which,  had  they  been  accepted,  might  perhaps  have  secured 
the  safety  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  but  would  certainly  have 
left  Octavian  out  in  the  cold,  without  any  pretext  for  keeping 
up  his  military  force. 

Antony  proposed  to  give  up  the  Cisalpine  province,  on 
condition  of  receiving  Transalpine  Gaul — exclusive  of  Nar- 
bonensis — with  the  six  legions  already  under 

proposals  him,  supplemented  by  those  at  present  commanded 
by  Dec.  Brutus,  for  five  years,  or  for  such  time  as 
Brutus  and  Cassius  should  be  consuls  or  proconsuls.  Secondly, 
on  condition  that  the  acta  of  his  consulship — including  the 
use  of  the  money  from  the  temple  of  Ops  and  his  grants 
of  lands — should  be  left  intact  ;  and  that  those  serving  with 
him  should  have  complete  indemnity.3  The  envoys  were 
against  the  extreme  measure  of  declaring  a  state  of  war 
(rather  than  a  tumultus )  and  proclaiming  Antony  a  hostis,  and 
the  majority  of  the  Senate  agreed  with  them  and  voted  for 
further  negotiations.  It  was  a  strange  position.  Octavian 

1  Monum.  Ancyr.  §  i,  respublica  ne  quid  detriment!  caperet  me  pro 
prretore  cum  consulibus  providere  iussit.  This  was  a  general  order,  neither 
Antony  nor  any  particular  hostis  being  named. 

2  Octavian  first  assumed  the  fasces  (symbol  of  imperium)  on  the  7th  of 

January  (C.  I.  L.  x.  8375.)  3  Cicero,  8  Phil.  §§  25-28. 


had  been  authorised  by  the  Senate  to  drive  Antony  from 
Cisalpine  Gaul.  One  of  the  consuls— Aulus  Hirtius— had 
left  Rome  with  two  legions,  and  had,  in  fact,  come  into  con¬ 
tact  with  the  enemy  in  a  cavalry  skirmish  at  Claterna  ;  the 
other  consul,  Pansa,  was  also  preparing  to  follow.  Yet  the 
Senate  was  negotiating  with  Antony  as  though  he  were  not 
a  hostis^  but  a  citizen  with  a  grievance.  The  time  was  soon 
to  come  when  Octavian,  too,  would  find  it  convenient  to 
make  terms  with  Antony  ;  but  nothing  could  have  been  moie 
against  his  interests  than  the  present  action  of  the  Senate.  It 
would  seem  to  him  a  cynical  disregard  of  their  mutual  obliga¬ 
tions.  Nor  was  this  the  worst.  Antony’s  offer  as  to  Brutus 
and  Cassius  was  only  an  offer  to  recognise  an  accomplished 
fact.  These  two  leaders  in  the  assassination  had  been  already 
nominated  by  the  Senate  to  Macedonia  and  Syria.  Cicero  was 
in  constant  correspondence  with  them,  addressing  them  as  the 
chief  hope  of  the  constitution,  and  suggesting  that  their  armies 
might  be  used  to  maintain  the  hold  of  the  party  on  Italy. 
Trebonius,  moreover,  had  been  sent  to  Asia  with  the  express 
understanding  that  he  was  to  fortify  that  province  and  collect 
money  to  support  Brutus  and  Cassius.  When  news  came  that 
Trebonius  had  been  put  to  death  by  Dolabella,  the  latter  was 
declared  a  hostis  by  the  Senate,  and  his  punishment  entrusted 

to  Cassius. 

These  facts  must  have  gradually  made  it  quite  clear  to 
Octavian  that  the  complete  triumph  of  the  Ciceronian  party 
would  be  no  less  damaging  to  him  than  that  of 
to  Octavian.  Antony.  But  though  skilful  use  was  made 
of  them  by  Antony  himself  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Hirtius 
and  Octavian,1  the  young  Caesar  was  not  to  be  induced  to  take 

*  The  letter  is  preserved  in  the  13th  Philippic,  with  Cicero’s  bitter  com¬ 
ments  It  dwells  on  the  favours  and  honours  voted  to  the  chief  assassins, 
as  well  as  the  abolition  of  many  of  Caesar’s  acta.  Antony  also  asserts 
that  Lepidus  and  Plancus  are  on  his  side  and  warns  Octavian  that  Cicero 

is  playing  him  false. 



any  premature  step.  The  Senate  might  be  dealt  with  here¬ 
after  :  for  the  present  the  first  necessity  was  to  prevent 
Antony  from  becoming  strong  enough  to  dictate  terms  to 
himself  as  well  as  to  the  Senate.  He  therefore  quietly  con¬ 
tinued  to  take  his  part  in  the  campaign. 

The  Senatorial  armies  commanded  the  district  round  Mutina, 
except  Bononia,  Regium  Lepidi,  and  Parma.  Of  these  towns, 
The  military  tlle  ^rst  was  twenty-three  miles  east  of  Mutina 
theUspringof  along  the  yEmilian  road  ;  the  other  two  about 
the  same  distance  west  of  it.  They  were  in  the 
hands  of  Antony,  affording  him  bases  of  operation  on  either 
side  of  Mutina.  In  the  middle  of  February  Cicero  was 
daily  expecting  to  hear  of  Dec.  Brutus  ending  the  war  by 
a  sally  from  Mutina.  At  that  time  Antony’s  headquarters 
were  at  Bononia,  only  a  part  of  his  troops  actually  investing 
Mutina.  Hirtius  was  at  Claterna,  eleven  miles  east  of 
Bononia ;  Octavian  at  Forum  Cornelii  (Imola),  nine  miles 
farther  east.  Bad  weather  had  prevented  serious  opera¬ 
tions,  but  some  time  in  March  Antony  evacuated  Bononia  to 
push  on  the  siege  of  Mutina  with  his  full  force.  Hirtius  and 
Octavian  at  once  occupied  Bononia,  and  gradually  pushed  out 
fortified  posts  towards  Mutina  ;  1  for  Dec.  Brutus  was  hard 
pressed  for  food,  and  they  feared  that  he  would  have  to  sur¬ 
render.  But  not  being  on  an  equality  with  Antony,  especially 
in  cavalry,  they  were  anxious  to  wait  for  the  fresh  legions 
from  Rome  under  Pansa.  Some  minor  skirmishes  took  place 
from  time  to  time,2  but  as  the  days  dragged  on  and  Mutina 
was  not  relieved,  the  anxiety  at  Rome  grew  greater  and 
greater.  “I  am  restlessly  waiting  for  news,”  writes  Cicero 
on  the  nth  of  April;  “the  decisive  hour  is  upon  us  ;  for 

1  The  country  is  very  flat,  but  was  intersected  by  drains  and  water¬ 
courses,  making  military  evolutions  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  in  the 
rainy  season.  (App.,  b.  c.  3,  65.) 

2  Such  as  the  cavalry  engagement  between  Pontius  Aquila  and  Tib. 
Munatius  Plancus  at  Pollentia  (Dio,  46,  38).  Octavian  also  suffered  some 
loss  by  the  desertion  of  some  Gallic  cavalry  (ib.  37). 


our  whole  hope  depends  on  relieving  Dec.  Brutus.” 1  On 
the  15th  and  16th  there  was  a  panic  in  the  city  caused  by  the 
praetor  Ventidius  Bassus.  He  had  enrolled  two  legions  of 
veterans,  and  was  believed  to  be  about  to  enter  Rome.  He, 
however,  marched  off  to  Potentia  to  watch  the  result  of  the 
struggle  in  Gallia  Cisalpina  ;  and  a  few  days  later  came  the 
news  of  the  victory  of  Forum  Gallorum,  which  changed  this 
unreasonable  panic  into  an  exultation  almost  as  unreasonable.2 

Pansa  was  expected  to  reach  the  seat  of  war  about  the  16th 
of  April.  A  detachment,  consisting  of  the  Martia  and  two 
Battle  of  Forum  praetorian  cohorts,  was  sent  out  to  conduct  him 

ApriVisth  and  his  four  new  legions  ‘nto  camp.  In  order 

BC-  ’  to  intercept  this  force  Antony  concealed  two 

legions  in  Forum  Gallorum,  only  allowing  his  cavalry  and 
light  armed  to  be  seen.  On  the  14th  Pansa  encamped  near 
Bononia,  and  next  morning  started  to  join  Hirtius  in  his 
camp  near  Mutina,  along  with  the  troops  sent  out  to  meet 
him.  The  main  force  marched  over  the  open  country  ;  the 
two  praetorian  cohorts  kept  to  the  via  /Emilia .  Neai  Foium 
Gallorum  there  was  some  marshy  and  difficult  ground.  The 
Martia  got  through  this  first,  and  suddenly  sighted  Antony’s 
cavalry.  The  men  could  not  be  held  back  :  enraged  at  the 
recollection  of  their  comrades  executed  at  Brundisium,  they 
broke  into  a  charge.  Pansa,  unable  to  stop  them,  tried  to 
bring  up  two  new  legions  to  their  support.  But  Antony  was 
too  quick  for  him.  He  suddenly  led  out  his  legions  from  the 
village,  and  Pansa,  in  danger  of  being  surrounded,  had  to 
retire  upon  his  camp  of  the  previous  night,  having  himself 

1  Cic.,  ad  Brutum,  ii.  2. 

2  In  enrolling  legions  Bassus  was  probably  justified  by  the  SCtum 
ultimum,  which  included  the  praetors.  He  was  known  to  be  a  supporter 
of  Antony,  and  might  be  thought  capable  of  occupying  Rome  in  his 
interest  We  shall  see  afterwards  that  he  joined  him  in  Cisalpine  Gaul. 
Some  rumour  of  his  being  likely  to  act  in  this  way  had  been  rife  before 
January  ist,  when  he  was  only  praetor-designate.  (See  Cic.,  ad  A  tt.  xvi.  i  ; 

ad  Brut.  i.  3-) 



received  two  wounds,  while  the  prsetorian  cohorts  on  the 
^milian  road  were  cut  to  pieces.  Antony  seemed  to  have 
won  the  day.  But  he  attempted  too  much.  He  pushed  on 
towards  Bononia,  hoping  to  storm  the  camp,  but  was  beaten 
off  and  forced  to  retire  to  his  own  quarters  near  Mutina.  He 
was,  however,  many  hours’  march  from  them.  His  men  were 
tired,  and  when  they  reached  Forum  Gallorum  again  they 
were  met  by  Hirtius,  who,  having  heard  of  Pansa’s  disaster, 
had  come  out  with  twenty  veteran  cohorts.  Antony’s  wearied 
men  were  utterly  routed  almost  on  the  ground  of  their 
morning’s  victory,  and  he  had  to  escape  with  his  cavalry  to 
his  camp  near  Mutina,  which  he  did  not  reach  till  long  after 
sunset.  Hirtius  had  no  cavalry  to  pursue  him,  and  accordingly 
went  on  to  visit  the  wounded  Pansa. 

Though  the  praetorian  cohorts  which  had  suffered  so 
severely  on  the  road  were  Octavian’s,  he  was  not  leading 
them,  nor  does  he  seem  to  have  been  engaged  in  either  of  the 
battles.  But  it  appears  that  some  of  Antony’s  men  had 
threatened  the  camp  in  charge  of  which  he  had  been  left, 
and  that  his  success  in  repelling  this  attack  was  sufficiently 
marked  for  his  soldiers  to  greet  him  with  the  title  of  Imperator 
as  well  as  Hirtius  and  Pansa.1 

The  news  of  this  victory  reached  Rome  on  the  20th,  and 
the  extravagant  exultation  of  the  Ciceronians  may  be  gathered 
Antony’s  second  fr°m  the  Fourteenth  Philippic.  But  Antony  was 
still  investing  Mutina,  and  though  he  had  lost 
heavily,  so  also  had  his  opponents,  especially  the 
Martia  and  Octavian’s  prsetorian  cohorts.  Pansa,  disabled  by 
his  wounds,  had  been  carried  to  Bononia,  and  for  some  days 
nothing  of  importance  was  attempted.  But  on  the  21st 
Hirtius  and  Octavian  moved  to  the  west  of  Mutina,  where 

defeat  at 
21  April. 

1  Cicero  says  of  Octavian  that  he  secundum  proelium  fecit  because  he 
castra  multarum  legionum  faucis  cohortibus  tutatus  est  (14  Phil.  §  28). 
The  attack  on  the  camp  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere  (ib.  §  37).  For  his 
being  greeted  as  Imperator  see  C.  I.  L.  ix.  8375. 



the  lines  of  investment  were  less  complete,  with  the  hope  of 
relieving  the  town  on  that  side.  Antony  sent  out  his  cavalry 
to  intercept  them,  and,  after  some  skirmishing,  two  legions  to 
support  it.  Octavian  attacked  and  drove  them  back  to  their 
camp,  into  which  Hirtius  forced  his  way,  but  was  killed  within 
the  vallum.  Octavian  got  possession  of  the  body,  but  had 
presently  to  evacuate  the  camp.  Still  Antony’s  losses  in  these 
two  battles  had  been  so  severe  that  he  feared  being  himself 
invested  by  Octavian,  who  would  in  that  case,  he  felt  sure,  be 
joined  by  Lepidus  and  Plancus.  Whatever  might  then  be  the 
fate  of  Decimus  Brutus,  he  at  any  rate  would  be  paralysed.  He 
resolved  to  make  a  dash  for  the  Transalpine  province,  hoping 
there  to  be  joined  not  only  by  Pollio,  Lepidus,  and  Plancus, 
but  by  Ventidius  also.  He  accordingly  raised  the  siege,  and 
with  a  strong  body  of  cavalry  marched  along  the  via  A Emilia .  At 
Dertona  he  left  the  road,  and  made  the  difficult  pass  of  Aquas 
Statielhe,  leading  to  the  coast  at  Vada  Sabatia.  There  he  was 
joined  by  Ventidius,  and  proceeded  along  the  Riviera  into  the 
province.  Decimus  Brutus  did  not  start  in  pursuit  till  the 
third  day,  partly  owing  to  the  exhausted  state  of  his  men  after 
their  long  investment,  partly  because  he  wished  to  induce 
Octavian  to  join  him. 

The  news  of  Antony’s  retirement  reached  Rome  on  the 
26th.  The  exultant  Ciceronians  regarded  the  war  as  at  an 
end,  and  next  day,  under  Cicero  s  influence, 

Ciceronian^  Antony  and  his  adherents  were  declared  hastes  in 
slight  octavian.  the  genate<i  He  was  believed  to  be  utterly  ruined, 

and  the  Senate  was  regarded  as  once  more  supreme.  Decimus 
Brutus  would  of  course  cut  to  pieces  the  poor  remains  of 
Antony’s  troops;  Lepidus  and  Plancus  would  hold  their 
provinces  in  obedience  to  the  Senate.  Octavian  was  no  longer 
necessary,  and  was  immediately  made  to  feel  it.  Not  only 
were  scandalous  rumours  spread  abroad,  charging  him  with 
causing  the  death  of  Hirtius,  and  suborning  his  physician  to 

1  Cic.,  ad  Brut.  1,  3>  5- 



poison  the  wounds  of  Pansa,1  but  in  the  vote  of  thanks  to 
the  army  no  mention  was  made  of  him.  The  vote  also  was 
so  framed  as  to  introduce  divisions  in  the  army  itself  by 
naming  certain  cohorts  for  honour  and  passing  over  others  ; 
while  the  legates  conveying  these  thanks  and  honours  were 
instructed  to  communicate  directly  with  the  men,  not  through 
Octavian  as  their  commander.  The  legions  of  Pansa  were 
transferred  to  Decimus  Brutus,  even  the  Martia  and  Quarta, 
formerly  commended  for  joining  Octavian.  At  the  same 
time,  all  those  most  likely  to  be  hostile  to  him  were  promoted. 
Sext.  Pompeius  was  declared  head  of  the  naval  forces  of  the 
republic  ;  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  confirmed  in  their  provinces 
and  given  special  powers  in  all  other  provinces  east  of  the 
Adriatic  ;  a  commission  of  ten  was  appointed  to  revise  the 
acta  of  Antony’s  consulship,  in  which  Octavian  had  no  place.2 
Lastly,  his  claim  to  a  triumph  and  to  be  a  candidate  for  one 
of  the  vacant  consulships  was  rejected,  though  as  a  kind  of 
sop  he  was  granted  consularia  ornamentals  and  Cicero  appears  to 
have  proposed  his  having  an  ovation.4  But  it  was  about  the 
same  time  that  Cicero’s  unlucky  epigram  as  to  “distinguishing 
and  extinguishing  ”  him  was  reported  to  Octavian. 5  If  Cicero, 
who  was  in  constant  correspondence  with  him,  and  was  even 
discussing  the  possibilities  of  their  holding  the  consulship  as 
colleagues,6  could  thus  speak,  what  was  he  to  think  of  the 
rest  ?  No  doubt  all  these  circumstances  contributed  to  fix 
Octavian’s  resolve.  He  at  once  declined  to  co-operate  with 
Decimus  Brutus,  or  to  surrender  his  legions  to  him.  Although 
those  under  Hirtius  and  Pansa  had  been  assigned  bodily  by  the 
Senate  to  Brutus,  the  Martia  and  Quarta  refused  to  obey  the 

Suet.,  Aug.  II  ;  Cic. ,  ad  Brut.  i.  6.  2  Cic.,  ad  Fam.  xi.  21. 

3  Dio,  46,  41  ;  Livy,  Ep.  118.  4  Cic.,  ad  Brut.  i.  15. 

5  Id.,  ad  Fam.  xi.  20,  21,  see  ante  p.  52. 

6  Id.,  ad  Brut.  i.  4  ;  App.,  b.  c.  iii.  82  ;  Dio,  46, 42  ;  Plut.,  Cic.  46.  There 
was  evidently  some  rumour  of  Cicero  intending  to  be  consul,  though  he 
speaks  with  rather  affected  indignation  of  Octavian  wishing  to  be  elected 
also  (ad  Brut.  i.  10). 


order,  and  declared  their  loyalty  to  Octavian.  Their  example 
was  followed  by  the  other  veterans,  who  refused  to  serve  under 
an  assassin  of  their  old  imperator.  Thus  fortified,  Octavian 
adopted  a  line  of  conduct  which  partly  alarmed  and  partly 
puzzled  the  other  commanders  of  troops.  He  established 
secret  communications  with  Antony,  releasing  prisoneis  taken 
from  his  army,  and  allowing  certain  officers  to  rejoin  him  ; 
while  he  himself,  remaining  inactive  for  some  months,  was 
privately  preparing  to  enforce  his  claim  on  the  consulship. 
The  departure  of  Decimus  Brutus  left  him  in  undisturbed 
command  of  the  greater  part  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  there  were 
no  military  forces  between  him  and  Rome,  now  that  Ventidius 
had  accomplished  his  rapid  march  from  Potentia  to  the  western 
coast  at  Vada. 

The  gradual  disillusionment  of  the  Ciceronians  as  to  the 
victory  over  Antony  ;  the  perplexity  caused  by  the  inactivity 
of  Octavian  ;  the  delays  and  helplessness  of 
Revulsion  of  Decimus  Brutus— all  these  are  faithfully  reflected 
in  the  Cicero  correspondence  of  this  period.  At 
first  everything  is  couleur-de-rose.  On  the  2ist  of  April,  on 
the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Forum  Gallorum,  he 
writes  : — 

“  In  the  youthful  Caesar  there  is  a  wonderful  natural  strain  of 
virtue.  Pray  heaven  we  may  govern  him  in  the  flush  of  honours 
and  popularity  as  easily  as  we  have  held  him  up  to  this  time  .  This 
is  certainly  a  more  difficult  thing,  but  nevertheless  I  have  no 
mistrust.  For  the  young  man  has  been  convinced,  and  chiefly  by 
my  arguments,  that  our  safety  is  his  work,  and  that,  at  any  rate,  if 
he  had  not  diverted  Antony  from  the  city,  all  would  have  been 

lost.”  1 

On  the  27th  (after  hearing  of  the  fight  at  the  camp)  he 
thinks  Octavian  is  with  Decimus  Brutus  in  pursuit  of  Antony 
or,  as  he  says,  “  of  the  remnant  of  the  enemy.  2 

1  Cic.,  ad  Brut.  1,  3*  “  ld‘  §  4‘ 



But  presently  he  is  informed  that  Octavian  is  not  thus 
acting,  or  serving  the  interests  of  the  Senate.  Decimus 
Brutus  writes  from  Dertona  on  the  5th  of  May  : — 

"  If  Cassar  had  hearkened  to  me  and  crossed  the  Apennines,  I 
should  have  reduced  Antony  to  such  straits  that  he  would  have 
been  ruined  by  failure  of  provisions  rather  than  the  sword.  But 
neither  can  any  one  control  Caesar,  nor  can  Caesar  control  his  own 
army — both  most  disastrous  facts.”  1 

Decimus  Brutus  was  inaccurately  informed  as  to  the  rela¬ 
tions  between  Octavian  and  his  troops,2 3 *  but  was  quite  right  in 
concluding  that  he  had  no  help  to  expect  from  him.  He 
wrote  again  on  the  12th  of  May,  attributing  his  delay  in 
beginning  the  pursuit  to  the  fact  that  “  he  could  not  put  any 
confidence  in  Caesar  without  visiting  and  conversing  with 
him.”  3  He  had,  however,  gained  nothing  by  the  interview, 
and  had  been  specially  dismayed  to  find  that  the  Martia  and 
Quarta  refused  to  join  him.4  On  the  24th  of  May  he  writes 
again,  warning  Cicero  that  Octavian  has  heard  of  his  epigram; 
that  the  veterans  are  indignant  at  the  proceedings  in  Rome  ; 
and  that  Octavian  had  secured  all  the  troops  lately  commanded 
by  Pansa.S  Later  in  the  same  month  he  appears  to  have 
suggested  the  recall  of  M.  Brutus,  and  that  meanwhile  the 
defence  of  Italy  should  be  intrusted  to  Octavian.6 

This  last  suggestion  shows  how  far  he  had  failed  to  pene¬ 
trate  the  policy  of  Octavian.  The  mistake  was  shared  by 
L.  Munatius  Plancus,  governor  of  Celtic  Gaul,  who  was 
moving  down  towards  the  province  expecting  to  be  joined 
by  Octavian  in  opposing  Antony,  or,  at  any  rate,  supposing 

1  Cic.,  ad  Fam.  xi.  10. 

2  He  was  perhaps  deceived  by  the  report  that  Octavian’s  legions  had 
taken  an  oath  not  to  fight  against  any  that  had  served  under  Iulius  Caesar. 
This  applied  to  some  men  at  present  with  Antony.  But  Dio  implies  that 
the  oath  was  at  the  secret  instigation  of  Octavian  himself  (Dio,  46,  42). 

3  Cic.,  ad  Fam.  xi.  13.  *  Id.  xi.  19. 

3  Id.  xi.  20.  6  hi.  xi.  14. 


that  Octavian’s  army  was  at  the  disposal  of  the  Senate.  “  Let 
Caesar,”  he  says,  on  the  6th  of  June,  “  come  with  the  best 
troops  he  has,  or,  if  anything  prevents  him  from  coming  in 
person,  let  his  army  be  sent.”1  Some  weeks  later  he  too  had 
learnt  that  Caesar’s  real  purpose  had  been  misunderstood.  He 
writes  on  the  28th  of  July  : — 

“  I  have  never  ceased  importuning  him  by  letter,  and  he  has 
uniformly  replied  that  he  is  coming  without  delay,  while  all  the 
time  I  perceive  that  he  has  given  up  that  idea,  and  has  taken  up 
some  other  scheme.  Nevertheless,  I  have  sent  our  friend  Furnius 
to  him  with  a  message  and  a  letter,  in  case  he  may  be  able  to  do 
some  good.”2 

While  the  generals  in  Gaul  were  thus  being  gradually 
brought  to  see  that  Octavian  had  an  independent  policy  of 
his  own,  the  hopes  of  support  entertained  by  Cicero  at  home 
were  one  by  one  disappearing.  By  the  middle  of  May  he 
knew  that  Antony’s  retreat  was  not  the  disorganised  flight 
supposed,  nor  the  end  of  the  war. 

“The  news  which  reached  Rome,”  he  says,  about  the  15th  of 
May,  “and  what  everybody  believed,  was  that  Antony  had  fled 
with  a  small  body  of  men,  who  were  without  arms,  panic  stricken, 
and  utterly  demoralised.  But  if  he  is  in  such  a  position  (as 
Grseceius  tells  us)  that  he  cannot  be  offered  battle  without  risk, 
he  appears  to  me  not  to  have  fled  from  Mutina,  but  merely  to  have 
changed  the  seat  of  war.  Accordingly  there  is  a  general  revulsion 
of  feeling.”3 

In  these  circumstances  Cicero  could  do  nothing  but  try  to 
keep  Decimus  Brutus,  Lepidus,  and  Plancus  loyal  to  the 
Senate,  and  urge  them  to  act  with  vigour. 

“  Be  your  own  Senate,”  he  writes  to  Plancus  about  the  27th  of  May, 
“  and  follow  wherever  the  interests  of  the  public  seivice  shall  lead 
you.  Let  it  be  your  object  that  we  hear  of  some  brilliant  operation 

1  Cic.,  ad  Fam.  x.  23. 

2  Id.  x.  24. 

s  Id.  xi.  12  and  14. 



by  you  before  we  thought  that  it  was  going  to  happen.  I  pledge 
you  my  word  that  whatever  you  achieve  the  Senate  will  accept  as 
having  been  done  not  only  with  loyal  intention,  but  with  wisdom 
also.” 1 

But  on  the  29th  of  May  Lepidus  joined  Antony.2  On  the 
3rd  of  June  Decimus  Brutus  writes  for  the  last  time  in  despair¬ 
ing  tones  to  Cicero  from  near  Grenoble, 3  and  though  a  subse¬ 
quent  junction  with  Plancus  kept  him  from  destruction  for  a  few 
weeks  longer,  he  was  never  able  to  do  anything  of  any  account 
again.  The  only  hope  remaining  to  Cicero  was  to  induce 
M.  Brutus  or  C.  Cassius,  or  both,  to  come  to  Italy  with  their 
armies.  He  had  not,  indeed,  quite  given  up  hope  of  Octavian’s 
loyalty,  but  his  old  doubts  were  recurring,  and  though  he  still 
used  flattering  words  to  him,  he  must  have  been  conscious 
that  Octavian  had  gauged  their  value.  Late  in  June,  writing 
to  urge  M.  Brutus  to  come  to  Italy,  he  says  :  “  The  protect¬ 
ing  force  of  the  young  Caesar  I  regard  as  trustworthy  ;  but 
so  many  are  trying  to  sap  his  loyalty  that  at  times  I  am 
mortally  afraid  of  his  giving  in. ”4 

It  does  not  seem  true  that  Octavian  yielded  to  the  influence 
of  others  in  the  steps  which  he  now  took.  As  at  other  times 
in  his  life  he  may  have  listened  to  advice,  but  the 
final  decision  was  always  his  own,  adopted  from 
no  passing  sentiment  or  passion,  but  with  the  cool 
determination  of  settled  policy.  He  had  decided 
that  to  be  able  to  treat  with  Antony  on  equal 
terms  he  must  obtain  one  of  the  vacant  consulships.  This 
would  make  him  legally  head  of  the  State,  and  add  to  his 
military  strength  the  prestige  and  authority  of  that  position. 
If  possible  he  would  be  elected  without  any  show  of  force,  and 
therefore  began  negotiations  with  the  Senate  soon  after  the 
battles  of  Mutina  through  Cicero.  But  the  Senate  suspected 
Cicero  of  wishing  for  the  consulship  himself,  and  would  not 

Octavian,  after 
some  vain  nego¬ 
tiations,  at 
length  moves  on 

Aug.,  B.c.  43. 

1  Cic.,  ad  Fam.  x.  16.  2  Id.  x.  35  ;  xii.  35. 

3  Id.  xi.  26,  cp.  xi.  13.  4  Id.,  ad.  Brut.  i.  10. 


listen  to  the  suggestion.  The  constitutional  difficulty  about 
the  election  gave  the  Senate  a  decent  excuse  for  postponement. 
Both  consuls  were  dead,  and  the  praetor  was  unable  to  “  create  ” 
a  higher  imperium  than  his  own.  There  was  no  one  to  name 
a  dictator,  and  as  magistrates  with  imperium  still  existed  the 
auspicia  had  not  reverted  to  the  patres}  therefore  they  could 
not  name  interreges.  On  the  1st  of  January,  when  the  curule 
offices  would  all  be  vacant,  the  auspicia  would  revert  to  the 
Senate.  Accordingly,  after  some  discussion,  Cicero  tells  a 
correspondent  at  the  end  of  June,  it  had  been  held  to  be 
best,  “in  the  interests  of  the  constitution,  to  put  off  the 
elections  till  January.”1  But  Octavian  had  no  intention  of 
being  thwarted  by  this  technical  difficulty.  He  had  no  wish 
for  the  present  to  farther  weaken  Antony,  and  bring  the 
whole  weight  of  the  Ciceronians  upon  himself,  but  he  was 
resolved  that  the  consulship  was  necessary  in  order  to  be  on 
an  equal  footing  with  him.2  He  therefore  allowed  a  deputa¬ 
tion  of  four  hundred  of  his  soldiers  to  go  to  Rome  to  demand 
the  payment  of  the  bounties  voted  to  them,  with  the  under¬ 
standing  that  they  were  also  to  ask  for  the  consulship  for 
Octavian.  There  would  be  some  show  of  reason  in  combining 
these  two  demands,  for  they  needed  his  protection  against  the 
decemvirs,  who  were  likely  to  interfere  in  the  allotment  of 
lands  made  both  by  Iulius  and  Antony.  But  the  deputation, 
though  admitted  to  the  curia,  received  an  unfavourable  answer. 
We  are  told  that  the  Senate  insisted  on  their  appearing  un¬ 
armed,  but  that  one  of  them  left  the  Senate  house  and  returned 
with  a  sword  and  the  remark,  “  If  you  do  not  give  Caesar  the 

1  A  similar  technical  difficulty  had  occurred  in  B.C.  49  (both  consuls 
being  absent,  and  unwilling,  of  course,  to  name  a  dictator),  and  had  been 
got  over  by  the  nomination  of  a  dictator  by  the  praetor  under  a  special 
Taw.  See  p.  8  ;  Cic.,  ad  Fam.  x.  26  ;  ad  M.  Brut.  i.  5- 

2  Plancus  (Cic.,  ad  Fam.  x.  29)  expresses  surprise  that  Caesar  wished  to 
ffive  up  the  glory  of  defeating  Antony  for  the  sake  of  “  a  two  months 
consulship.”  But  this  only  shows  that  Plancus  did  not  understand 
Octavian’s  object  or  policy. 




consulship  this  will  do  so.”  Whereupon  Cicero  exclaimed, 
“  If  that  is  your  way  of  pressing  his  suit,  he  will  get  it. 
The  same  story  is  told  of  Iulius,  and  one  is  always  suspicious 
of  such  dramatic  scenes.1  At  any  rate,  Octavian  regarded  the 
attitude  of  the  Senate  as  hostile,  and  determined  to  march  on 
Rome  with  his  eight  legions,2 3  a  corresponding  force  of  cavalry, 
and  some  auxiliary  troops. 

He  moved  in  two  columns,  the  first  consisting  of  his 
swiftest  and  most  active  men,  led  by  himself ;  for  among 
other  causes  of  anxiety  was  a  fear  that  his  mother 

Rome  and  and  sister  might  meet  with  ill-treatment  in  Rome. 

obtains  the  .  •  r 

consulship.  The  Senate  had  no  troops  to  oppose  to  this  ror- 

August,  B.c.  43.  _  t  .  .  , 

midable  army,  and  in  its  terror  sent  legates  with 
the  money  promised  to  the  men,  but  lately  refused  to  the 
deputation.  Octavian  however  refused  them  entrance  into 
the  camp,  and  pushed  on  without  stopping.  The  panic  in  the 
city  grew  daily  more  acute,  and  Cicero,  who  had  pledged  his 
credit  for  Octavian’s  loyalty, 3  found  himself  an  object  of  sus¬ 
picion  and  retired  from  Rome.  Then  every  concession  was 
made  in  the  Senate  :  the  bounty  promised  to  some  of  the 
troops  was  doubled,  and  extended  to  all  the  troops  alike, 
though  the  exchequer  was  exhausted  by  the  payment  of  only 
two  legions.4  Octavian  was  to  have  the  distribution  of  lands 
and  rewards  instead  of  the  decemvirs,  and  was  allowed  to  be  a 
candidate  for  the  consulship  in  his  absence.  Messengers  were 
sent  to  announce  these  concessions  to  him  ;  but  he  had 

1  Suet.,  Aug.  26  ;  Dio,  46,  43  ;  Plut.,  Pomp.  58.  Appian  (b.  c.  3,  82),  with¬ 
out  alluding  to  this  scene,  regards  the  application  itself  as  the  result  of  a 
secret  intrigue  with  Cicero,  and  Cicero’s  exclamation,  if  made,  may  have 
been  intended  as  encouraging  and  not  sarcastic. 

2  The  number  given  by  Appian  (b.  c.  iii.  88).  Octavian  had  five  legions 
when  he  went  to  Gaul  :  two  raised  in  Campania  of  veterans,  one  of  tirones, 
the  Martia  and  Quarta  (App.,  b.  c.  iii.  47).  The  other  three  must  have  been 
made  up  from  the  armies  of  Pansa  and  Hirtius.  None  of  the  veteran 
legions  in  these  two  armies  would  consent  to  follow  Decimus  Brutus 
(Cic.,  ad  Fam.  xi.  19). 

3  Cic.,  ad  Brut.  1,  18. 

*  lb.  and  App.,  b.  c.  iii.  90. 


scarcely  heard  them  when  he  was  informed  of  a  change  of 
sentiment  in  Rome.  The  legions,  summoned  by  the  Senate 
from  Africa,  had  arrived  ;  Cicero  had  reappeared  ;  the  decrees 
were  rescinded  ;  and  measures  were  being  taken  to  defend  the 
city.  The  two  legions  from  Africa  were  to  be  supported  by 
a  levy  en  masse  and  by  a  legion  enrolled  by  Pansa  but  not 
taken  with  him.  The  city  praetor  M.  Cornutus  was  to  be 
commander-in-chief.  At  the  same  time  boats  and  other  means 
of  transport  were  being  prepared  in  the  Tiber  for  the  escape 
of  the  chief  citizens,  their  families  and  property,  in  case  of 
defeat ;  while  a  vigorous  search  was  being  made  for  Octavian’s 
mother  and  sister  as  hostages.  Octavian  felt  that  no  time 
was  to  be  lost.  Sending  forward  messengers  to  assure  the 
people  that  they  would  not  be  harmed,1  he  continued  his 
advance  on  Rome.  A  day’s  march  from  the  city  he  was  met 
by  a  large  number  of  real  or  pretended  sympathisers  ;  and  felt 
it  safe  to  leave  his  troops  and  enter  Rome  with  a  strong  body¬ 
guard.  Enthusiastic  crowds  greeted  his  entrance,  and  as  he 
approached  the  temple  of  Vesta  he  had  the  happiness  of  seeing 
his  mother  and  sister,  who  had  taken  sanctuary  with  the 
Vestals,  and  now  came  out  to  embrace  him.  The  three 
legions  in  Rome,  in  spite  of  some  opposition  from  their 
officers,  declared  for  him  ;  and  the  praetor  Cornutus  killed 
himself  in  despair.  It  was  all  over,  and  Octavian  was  master 
of  the  situation.  For  a  moment  indeed  there  seemed  a  gleam 
of  hope.  A  rumour  reached  the  city  that  the  Martia  and 
Quarta  had  refused  to  follow  Octavian  to  Rome.  Cicero 
hastily  gathered  some  partisans  into  the  Senate  house  in  the 
evening  to  discuss  the  possibility  of  further  resistance.  But 
while  they  were  in  conference  they  learnt  that  the  rumour 
was  false.  There  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  disperse,  and 
Cicero  was  fain  to  seek  out  Octavian  and  offer  a  tardy 
congratulation — received  with  ironical  courtesy. 

1  The  panic  had  been  increased  by  some  damage  done  by  his  soldier 
on  the  march  to  properties  of  known  anti-Cassareans. 



The  constitutional  difficulty  as  to  the  election  was  at  once 
surmounted  by  the  investment  of  two  men  with  pro-consular 
powers  to  hold  it.  The  rest  was  a  mere  form, 
and  other  and  on  the  19th  of  August  Octavian,  with  his 
cousin  Q.  Pedius,  entered  upon  their  consulship. 
The  now  obsequious  Senate  proceeded  to  heap  honours  upon 
him.  He  was  to  have  money  to  pay  the  promised  bounties  ; 
to  enjoy  an  imperium,  when  with  an  army,  superior  to  the 
consuls  ;  to  do  whatever  he  thought  necessary  for  the  protec¬ 
tion  of  the  city  ;  and  to  take  over  the  army  lately  assigned  to 
Decimus  Brutus.  The  lex  curiata  for  his  adoption  under 
Caesar’s  will  was  at  once  passed,  and  he  was  now  by  right  as  well 
as  by  courtesy  a  Caesar.  His  colleague,  Q.  Pedius,  at  the  same 
time  carried  a  law  for  the  trial  of  all  concerned  in  the  murder 
of  Iulius,  and  the  quesstio  seems  at  once  to  have  been  instituted. 
All  were  condemned  in  their  absence  and  lost  their  citizenship 
and  the  protection  of  the  laws.1  Brutus  and  Cassius,  with  the 
rest  of  the  assassins,  were  thus  put  at  a  great  disadvantage.  It 
was  an  act  of  war  on  their  part,  as  condemned  men,  to  hold 
their  provinces  or  command  troops.  That  the  Senate,  in 
which  the  majority  were  doubtless  in  favour  of  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  should  have  practically  sanctioned  these  measures,2 
shews  how  completely  it  was  cowed.  Octavian’s  position  was, 
in  fact,  a  very  strong  one.  It  was  not  possible  for  M.  Brutus 
to  transport  a  sufficient  force  from  Macedonia  to  crush  him, 
much  less  for  Cassius  from  Syria.  The  two  combined  would 
no  doubt  hope  some  day  to  be  able  to  attack  him  ;  but  mean¬ 
while  he  had  time  to  fortify  himself  by  new  coalitions. 

1  Confiscation  of  property  and  the  forbidding  of  “  fire  and  water  ” 
followed  as  a  matter  of  course.  One  of  the  assassins— P.  Servilius  Casca 
—was  tribune,  and  as  such  could  not  legally  be  condemned,  but  he 
vacated  his  tribuneship  by  flying  from  Rome  and  was  condemned  with 
the  rest. 

2  The  Senate  had  nothing  to  do  with  this  qucestto,  which  was  estab¬ 
lished  by  a  lex,  but  its  attitude  to  Octavian  amounted  to  a  condonation  if 
not  an  active  approval. 



Caesar — as  we  should  now  call  him — -only  stayed  in  Rome  to 
see  these  measures  secured.  He  then  left  the  city  under  the 
care  of  Pedius,  and  marched  once  more  into  Cis- 
toCmeetanAltony  alpine  Gaul.  His  nominal  object  was  to  destroy 
Decimus  Brutus — now  a  condemned  man — but 
his  real  purpose  was  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  Antony 
and  Lepidus.  Letters  had  already  passed  between  them,  and 
some  plan  of  action  had  been  agreed  upon.  Antony  was  to  crush 
Decimus  Brutus  and  Plancus,  while  the  Senate  was  persuaded 
by  Pedius  to  rescind  the  decrees  declaring  Antony  and  Lepidus 
hostes.  This  news  was  sent  to  Caesar  while  on  his  leisurely 
march,  and  passed  on  by  him  to  Antony ;  who  thereupon  pro¬ 
ceeded  to  fulfil  his  part  of  the  bargain.  He  was  by  this  time, 
or  shortly  afterwards,  reinforced  by  Asinius  Pollio1  with  two 
legions  from  Spain,  who  at  once  succeeded  in  securing  the 
cohesion  of  Plancus.  The  greater  part  of  the  troops  under 
Decimus  Brutus  also  insisted  on  following  Plancus  ;  and  Brutus 
was  obliged  to  fly  with  a  small  force. 

This  settled  the  fate  of  Decimus  Brutus,  and  left  Northern 
Italy  open  to  Antony,  unless  Caesar  still  chose  to  oppose 
him.  After  various  fruitless  attempts  to  escape, 
Death  of  Brutus  was  put  to  death  by  a  Sequanian  Gaul, 

Decimus  Brutus.  r  .  ,  yi  IT 

under  orders  from  Antony,2  who  then  with  Pollio 
and  Lepidus  3  marched  into  Cispadane  Gaul  with  a  large  part 

1  According  to  Appian  (b.  c.  iii.  97),  Pollio  for  some  time  declined  to  join 
Antony  and  Lepidus.  He  seems  to  have  done  so  when  their  outlawry  was 

^Dedinus  Brutus  first  tried  to  reach  Ravenna,  hoping  to  sail  to  Macedonia 
and  join  M.  Brutus.  Headed  back  by  Caesar’s  advance,  he  recrossed  the 
Alps  (being  gradually  deserted  by  his  men)  and  trusted  himself  to  a  Gaul, 
who  had  received  favours  from  him  of  old.  But  his  host  communicated 
with  Antony,  and  by  his  orders  put  him  to  death.  There  were  other 
versions  of  his  death.  Perhaps  neither  Antony  nor  Caesar  cared  to  ask 
questions  so  long  as  he  was  dead.  (App.,  b.  c.  iii.  97-98  ;  Dio,  46,  53  ; 

Velleius  Pat.,  ii.  64  ;  Livy,  Ep.  120.)  . 

3  Plancus  did  not  accompany  Antony  into  Italy ;  he  stayed  in  Gau  , 
busying  himself  with  the  foundation  of  Lugdunum,  and  apparently  sup¬ 
pressing  some  movements  in  the  Eastern  Alps,  for  at  the  end  of  the  year 



of  their  forces,  the  rest  being  left  to  guard  the  province.  The 
invading  army  marched  along  the  Tamilian  road  as  though  to 
attack  Caesar.  But  the  real  intention  on  both  sides  was  to 
come  to  terms.  On  an  islet  in  a  tributary  of  the  Po,  between 
Mutina  and  Bononia,  the  three  leaders,  Antony,  Lepidus,  and 
Caesar  met  for  conference,  though  not  till  elaborate  precautions 
had  been  taken  against  treachery.  For  two  days  they  sat  from 
morning  till  night  in  earnest  debate,  in  full  view 

The  triumvirate  &  _  ’ 

arranged,  Qf  their  respective  armies.  On  the  third  the 

Nov.,  B.c.  43.  _  r 

soldiers  of  both  sides  were  summoned  to  a  contioy 
and  informed  of  the  articles  which  had  been  agreed  upon, 
though  the  last  and  most  terrible  of  them — the  proscription — 
was  not  communicated.  The  terms  announced  were:  (1) 
Caesar  agreed  to  abdicate  the  consulship,  which  was  to  be  held 
for  the  remainder  of  the  year  by  Ventidius  Bassus  ;  (2)  Lepidus 
and  Plancus  were  to  be  consuls  for  b.c.  42  ;  (3)  Lepidus, 
Caesar,  and  Antony  were  to  be  appointed  by  a  lex  for  the 
remainder  of  the  year,  and  for  five  years  from  the  next  1st  of 
January,  triumviri  reipublicee  constituencies — a  board  of  three  for 
settling  the  constitution. 

The  Triumvirate  was  practically  a  dictatorship  in  commission. 
The  word  was  avoided  owing  to  its  prohibition  in  Antony’s 
law.  But  the  triumvirs  were  to  exercise  all  the 
triumvirate.6  Powers  of  a  dictator  ;  their  acta  were  to  be 
authoritative  ;  they  were  to  be  independent  of  the 
Senate  ;  superior  to  all  magistrates  ;  to  have  the  right  of  pro¬ 
posing  laws  to  the  Comitia ;  to  regulate  the  appointment  of 
magistrates  and  provincial  governors.  The  colleagueship  was 
an  apparent  concession  to  the  fundamental  principle  of  the 
constitution  ;  but  from  the  first  it  was  practically  a  duum- 

coming  home  to  enter  on  his  consulship,  he  celebrated  a  triumph  ex  Rhcetis 
[Inscrip.  Neap.,  4089  ;  Fast.  Capitol.  29  Dec.  A.  V.  711.]  Pollio,  who  had 
presently  to  assent  to  the  proscription  of  his  father-in-law,  L.  Quintius, 
was  left  in  charge  of  Transpadane  Gaul,  to  arrange  for  lands  for  the 
veterans.  It  was  in  this  business  that  he  came  across  Vergil  and  his  farm. 


virate  rather  than  a  triumvirate,  Lepidus  being  treated  almost  at 
once  as  inferior.  The  Empire  east  of  the  Adriatic  was  for  the 
moment  separated  from  this  home  government,  being  held  by 
Brutus  and  Cassius  ;  but  the  western  part  was  to  be  divided 
among  the  three— Caesar  taking  Africa,  Sardinia,  and  Sicily  ; 
Antony,  Cisalpine  Gaul  and  Transalpina,  with  the  exception 
of  Narbonensis;  Lepidus,  Gallia  Narbonensis  and  Upper 
Spain.  In  these  districts  each  would  be  supreme  and  govern 
personally  or  by  their  legates.  But  the  greater  part  of  Caesar’s 
share  was  still  in  the  hands  of  Sextus  Pompeius,  and  would  have 
to  be  won  back.  It  was  accordingly  arranged  that  in  the 
following  year  Lepidus,  as  consul,  should  be  responsible  for  the 
order  of  Italy,  while  Caesar  undertook  to  put  down  Sextus,  and 
Antony  to  confront  M.  Brutus  and  Cassius. 

The  soldiers  of  both  armies,  having  no  desire  to  fight  each 
other,  received  the  announcement  with  enthusiasm.  Then 
devotion  to  Iulius  Caesar’s  memory  was  warmed  by  the  belief 
that  the  anti-Caesarean  clique  at  Rome  meant  to  deprive  them 
of  the  money  and  lands  assigned  to  them.  The  Triumvirs, 
on  the  other  hand,  promised  them  allotments  in  the  choicest 
parts  of  Italy— Capua,  Rhegium,  Venusia,  Vibo,  Beneventum, 
Ariminum,  Nuceria.  There  was  land  at  most  of  these  places 
which  from  one  cause  or  another  had  become  ager  publtcus ; 
and  when  that  failed  there  would  always  be  owners,  whose  part 
in  the  war  just  over,  and  that  about  to  take  place,  would  give 
opportunity  for  confiscation.  This  combination  of  military 
chiefs  therefore  suited  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  soldiers,  and 
some  of  them  urged  that  the  bond  should  be  drawn  still  closer 
by  Caesar’s  marriage  with  Antony’s  step-daughter  Clodia.1 
Caesar  assented  to  the  betrothal,  but  as  Clodia  was  still  quite 
young,  he  prudently  deferred  the  marriage.  He  doubtless 
foresaw  possible  inconveniences  in  being  too  closely  allie 

with  Antony.  ,  .  . 

The  next  step  was  for  the  three  to  enter  Rome  and  obtain 

1  Daughter  of  Fulvia  by  her  first  husband,  P.  Clodius. 



a  legal  confirmation  of  their  appointment.  But  they  did  not 
wait  till  their  arrival  in  the  city  to  begin  the 

Proscription  vengeance.  They  had  agreed  to  follow  the  pre¬ 
cedent  of  Sulla  by  publishing  lists  of  men  declared 
to  be  out  of  the  pale  of  the  law.  The  larger  list  was  reserved 
for  farther  consideration  ;  but  a  preliminary  list  of  seventeen 
names  was  drawn  up  at  once,  and  soldiers  were  sent  with 
orders  to  put  the  men  to  death  wherever  found.  Among 
these  were  Cicero,  his  brother,  and  nephew.  Plutarch  tells 
us  that  Cicero’s  name  was  put  upon  the  list  as  a  compromise. 
Octavian  bargained  for  Lucius  Caesar,  Antony’s  uncle,  and  in 
return  conceded  to  Antony  the  inclusion  of  Cicero,  while 
Lepidus  consented  to  his  brother,  L.  Paulus,  being  entered.1 
Four  of  the  seventeen  were  found  at  once  and  put  to  death. 
Cicero  escaped  till  the  arrival  of  the  triumvirs  in  Rome,  but 
was  killed  near  Formiae  on  the  7th  of  December,  his  brother 
and  nephew  having  already  been  put  to  death  in  Rome. 
Caesar  was  the  first  to  arrive  in  the  city,  and  was  quickly 
followed  by  Antony  and  Lepidus,  each  with  a  strong  praetorian 
guard.  Their  appointment  was  duly  confirmed  in  the  Comitia 
on  the  proposal  of  the  tribune  Titus  Titius,  and  on  the  27th 
of  November  they  entered  upon  their  office.2 

Naturally  the  sudden  execution  of  three  of  the  seventeen 
who  were  found  in  Rome  had  created  great  alarm  in  the  city, 
where  no  one  knew  whose  turn  was  to  come  next.  The 
panic  was  somewhat  lessened  by  Pedius  publishing  the  list  of 
the  seventeen,  with  the  assurance  that  no  more  executions 
were  intended.  He  appears  to  have  honestly  believed  this,  but 
the  agitation  of  the  night  of  horror  was  too  much  for  him,  and 
he  died  within  the  next  twenty-four  hours.  On  the  day  after 
the  installation  of  the  triumvirs  (November  28th)  the  citizens 
were  horrified  to  see  an  edict  fixed  up  in  the  Forum,  detailing 
the  causes  of  the  executions  which  were  to  follow,  and  offering 

1  Plut.,  Ant.  19  ;  App.,  b.  c.  iv.  6  ;  Dio,  46,  44. 

2  The  usual  interval  ( tres  nundince)  for  promulgatio  was  dispensed  with. 


a  reward  for  the  head  of  any  one  of  those  named  below 
25,000  sesterces  to  a  freeman,  10,000  and  freedom  to  a  slave. 
All  who  aided  or  concealed  a  proscribed  man  were  to  suffer 
death  themselves.  Below  were  two  tablets,  one  for  Senators 
and  one  for  equites.  They  contained  130  names,  besides  the 
original  seventeen,  to  which  were  shortly  added  150  more. 
Additions  were  continually  being  made  during  the  following 
days,  either  from  private  malice  or  covetousness.  In  some 
cases  men  were  first  killed  and  then  their  names  inserted  in 
the  lists.  The  edict  made  it  the  interest  of  slaves  to  betray 
their  masters,  against  whom  perhaps  in  many  cases  these  un¬ 
fortunate  men  had  a  long  list  of  injuries  to  avenge.  They 
had  now  the  fierce  gratification  of  seeing  their  oppressors 
grovelling  at  their  feet.  But  it  also  placed  a  severe  strain  on 
the  affection  of  the  nearest  kinsmen  whose  lives  were  forfeited 
if  they  concealed  or  aided  the  proscribed.  The  sale  of  confis¬ 
cated  property  at  low  rates  gave  opportunities  for  the  covetous 
and  many  a  man  perished  because  he  possessed  house  or  land 
desired  by  Fulvia  or  some  friend  of  Antony.  But  though 
the  terror  revealed  much  meanness  and  treachery,  it  also 
brought  to  light  many  instances  of  courage  and  devotion. 
Wives  and  sons  risked  death  for  husbands  and  fathers  ;  and 
there  were  slaves  who  assumed  the  dress  of  their  masters  and 

died  for  them.  ,  ...  , 

The  massacre  began  with  Salvius,  though  holding  t  e 

sacrosanct  office  of  tribune.  Two  praetors— Minucius  and  L. 
Yelleius — were  cut  down  while  engaged  in  their  courts.  1  o 
shew  how  no  connections,  however  high,  were  to  save  any 
man,  at  the  head  of  the  list  was  a  brother  of  Lepidus,  an  uncle 
of  Antony,  a  brother  of  Plancus,  and  the  father-in-law  of 
Asinius  Pollio.  But  as  usual  in  times  of  such  horror,  many 
perished  who  from  their  humble  position  or  their  youth  cou  d 
have  had  no  share  in  politics.  The  total  number  eventua  v 
proscribed,  according  to  Appian,  was  “  three  hundred  Senators 
and  about  two  thousand  equites.”  Livy  says  that  there  were 



130  names  of  Senators  on  the  lists,  and  a  large  number 
(. plurimi )  of  equites.  Livy  is  probably  giving  the  number  of 
Senators  who  actually  perished.1  In  Rome  itself  the  terror 
was  probably  brief.  It  would  not  take  long  to  find  those  who 
stayed  in  the  city  ;  the  gates  and  roads  were  strictly  guarded, 
and  it  was  difficult  to  evade  military  vigilance.  But  many 
were  hiding  in  the  country,  and  the  search  for  them  went  on 
into  the  first  months  of  the  next  year,  and  all  through  Italy 
soldiers  were  scouring  towns,  villages,  woods,  and  marshes  in 
search  of  the  proscribed.  Probably  the  exact  number  of 
those  executed  was  never  known.  But  it  seems  likely  that 
about  half  escaped,  some  of  whom  in  happier  times  rose  to 
high  office.  There  were  three  possible  places  of  refuge,  the 
camp  of  M.  Brutus  in  Macedonia,  of  Cassius  in  Syria,  and 
the  fleet  of  Sext.  Pompeius  in  Sicily.  Pompeius  sent  vessels 
to  cruise  round  the  southern  coasts  of  Italy  and  pick  up 
refugees  ;  and  tried  to  counteract  the  edict  by  offering  those 
who  saved  any  one  of  them  double  the  sum  set  upon  their 
heads  by  the  triumvirs.  He  was  liberal  in  relieving  their 
necessities,  and  found  commands  or  other  employments  for 
those  of  high  rank.2  At  length,  early  in  b.c.  42  Lepidus 
informed  the  Senate  that  the  proscriptions  were  at  an  end. 
He  seems  to  have  meant  by  this  that  no  new  list  was  to  be 
issued,  not  that  those  already  proscribed  were  to  be  pardoned  ; 
and  Caesar,  who  was  present,  entered  a  protest  against  being 
bound  even  by  this  declaration. 3 

In  fact  another  list  was  published,  but  this  time  it  was  of 
properties  to  be  confiscated,  not  of  lives  to  be 
PL°dieS°f  taken.  In  spite  of  the  already  large  confiscations 
the  triumviral  government  was  in  financial  diffi¬ 
culties.  Confiscated  properties  were  liable  to  reductions  for  the 

1  Appian,  b.  c.  iv.  5  ;  Livy,  Ej>.  120.  Of  the  69  names  given  by  Appian, 
he  records  the  escape  of  31.  This  tallies  roughly  with  the  discrepancy 
between  his  and  Livy’s  reckoning. 

2  Appian,  b.  c.  iv.  36. 

1  Suet.,  Aug.  27. 


dowries  of  widows,  10  per  cent,  to  sons,  and  5  Per  cent,  to 
daughters.1  These  claims  were  not  always  paid  perhaps,  but 
they  sometimes  were.  Again,  besides  the  natural  fall  of  prices 
caused  by  so  much  property  coming  into  the  market  at  once, 
much  of  it  was  sold  to  friends  and  partisans  at  great  reductions, 
few  venturing  to  bid  against  men  in  power  or  soldiers.  The 
treasury,  therefore,  was  not  enriched  as  much  as  might  have 
been  expected  ;  and  as  the  triumvirs  had  two  wars  in  the 
immediate  future  to  face,  they  were  in  great  need  of  money. 
The  tributum  and  tax  on  slaves  were  re-imposed,  but  failed  to 
produce  a  surplus.  A  device  therefore  was  hit  upon  something 
like  the  fines  on  “  Malignants  ”  in  England,  under  the 
Commonwealth.  Lists  of  persons  more  or  less  suspect  were  put 
up,  who  were  ordered  to  contribute  a  tenth  of  their  property. 
Each  man  had  to  value  his  own  estate,  and  this  gave  lise  to 
frequent  accusations  of  fraud,  generally  resulting  in  the  confis¬ 
cation  of  the  whole.  Others  found  it  impossible  to  raise  the 
money  without  selling  property,  which  could  only  be  done  just 
then  at  a  ruinous  sacrifice.  An  alternative  was  offered  to  such 
men  which  proved  equally  ruinous.  They  might  surrender 
their  whole  estate  and  apply  for  the  restoration  of  a  third. 
The  treasury  was  not  likely  to  be  prompt  in  completing  the 
transaction,  for  it  had  first  to  sell  and  satisfy  charges  on  the 
estate,  nor  to  take  a  liberal  view  of  the  amount  due  to  the 
owner.  It  was  an  encumbered  estates  act,  under  which  the 
margin  of  salvage  was  always  small,  and  tended  to  disappeai 
altogether.2  Among  those  thus  proscribed  were  about  fourteen 
hundred  ladies.  They  did  not  silently  submit,  but  applied  to 
Octavia,  as  well  as  to  Antony’s  mother  Iulia,  and  his  wife  Fulvia. 
By  Octavia  and  Iulia  they  were  kindly  received,  but  were 
driven  from  Fulvia’s  door.  Undismayed  they  appeared  before 
the  tribunal  of  the  triumvirs,  where  Hortensia,  daughter  of  the 
orator  Hortensius,  pleaded  their  cause  with  something  of  her 
father’s  eloquence.  “  If  they  were  guilty,”  she  argued,  “  they 
1  Dio,  47,  14.  2  ld-  l6_I7- 



ought  to  have  shared  the  fate  of  their  relations.  If  not  it  was 
as  unjust  to  injure  their  property  as  their  persons.  They  had 
no  share  in  political  rights,  and  therefore  were  not  liable  to 
taxation.  Women  had  of  old  voluntarily  contributed  their 
personal  ornaments  to  the  defences  of  the  country  ;  but  they 
had  never  contributed,  and,  she  hoped,  never  would  contribute 
to  a  civil  war,  or  shew  sympathy  on  either  side.”  The 
triumvirs  received  the  protest  with  anger,  and  ordered  their 
lictors  to  drive  the  ladies  away.  But  they  were  struck  by 
marks  of  disapproval  among  the  crowd  ;  and  next  day  a  new 
edict  was  substituted,  which  contained  only  four  hundred  names 
of  women,  and,  instead  of  naming  individual  men,  imposed  on 
all  properties  above  100,000  sesterces  (about  ^800)  an 
immediate  tax  of  2  per  cent,  of  the  capital,  and  one  year’s 
income  for  the  expenses  of  the  war.1 

For  a  just  view  of  the  character  of  Augustus,  it  is  important 

to  decide  how  far  he  acquiesced  in  the  cruelties  of  the  proscrip- 

ResponsibiUty of  tion‘  With  the  §eneraI  PoIicT  he  seems  to  have 
"^proscriptions10  been  In  ^  accord  ;  and  as  far  as  a  complete 
vengeance  on  those  implicated  in  the  murder  of 
Iulius  was  concerned,  he  was  no  doubt  inexorable.  But  his 

administration  as  sole  head  of  the  state  was  so  equitable  and 
clement,  that  many  found  it  difficult  to  believe  that  he  did 

more  than  tacitly  acquiesce  in  the  rest  of  the  proscriptions. 
Augustus  himself,  in  the  memoir  left  to  be  engraved  after  his 
death,  omits  all  mention  of  them,  and  conveniently  passes  from 
the  legal  condemnation  of  the  assassins  to  the  assertion  that  he 
spared  the  survivors  of  Philippi.  Paterculus  only  alludes  to 
them  in  a  sentence,  which  contains  a  skilful  insinuation  that 
Augustus  only  joined  in  them  under  compulsion.  Appian 
makes  no  distinction  between  the  three.  He  tells  us,  indeed, 
some  stories  of  mercy  shown  by  Augustus,  and  of  his  expressing 
approbation  of  acts  of  fidelity  on  the  part  of  friends  or  slaves. 
But  he  also  credits  Antony  with  at  least  one  act  of  a  similar 

1  App.,  b.  c.  4,  34. 


kind.  Plutarch  says  that  most  blame  was  thought  to  attach  to 
Antony,  as  being  older  than  Caesar  and  more  influential  than 
Lepidus.  Dio  goes  more  fully  into  the  question.  He  affirms 
that  Antony  and  Lepidus  were  chiefly  responsible  for  the  pro¬ 
scriptions,  pointing  out  that  Octavian  by  his  own  nature,  as  well 
as  his  association  with  Iulius,  was  inclined  to  clemency  ;  ana 
moreover,  that  he  had  not  been  long  enough  engaged  in  politics 
to  have  conceived  many  enmities,  while  his  chief  wish  was  to 
be  esteemed  and  popular  ;  and  lastly,  that  when  he  got  rid  of 
these  associates,  and  was  in  sole  power,  he  was  never  guilty  of 
such  crimes.  The  strongest  of  these  arguments  is  that  which 
claims  for  Caesar’s  youth  immunity  from  widespread  animosi¬ 
ties  •  and  it  does  seem  probable  that  outside  the  actual  assassins 
and ’their  immediate  supporters,  Augustus  would  not  personally 
have  cared  to  extend  the  use  of  the  executioner’s  sword.  But 
he  cannot  be  acquitted  of  a  somewhat  cynical  indifference  to 
the  cruelties  perpetrated  under  the  joint  name  and  authority  ot 
the  triumvirs.  None  of  them  have  been  directly  attributed  to 
him,  except  perhaps  in  the  case  of  his  (apparently  unfaithful) 
auardian  Toranius ;  but  neither  is  there  any  record  of  his 
having  interfered  to  prevent  them.  Suetonius  seems  to  give 
the  truer  account,  that  he  resisted  the  proscription  at  first,  but 
when  it  was  once  decided  upon,  insisted  that  it  should  be  carried 
out  relentlessly.  The  proscription  was  an  odious  crime  ;  but  a 
proscription  that  did  not  fulfil  its  purpose  would  have  been  a 
monstrous  blunder  also.  I  do  not,  however,  admit  Seneca  s 
criticism  that  his  subsequent  clemency  was  meiely  crue  y 
worn  out.”1  The  change  was  one  of  time  and  circumstance. 
Youth  is  apt  to  be  hard-hearted.  With  happier  surroundings 
and  lengthened  experience  his  character  and  judgment  npene 

an While  these  horrors  were  just  beginning  Caesar  lost  his 

to  are  Velleius,  11.  66  ;  App.,  b.  c.  iv.  42,  45  > 

Sueton.,  Aug.  27.  For  Toranius,  see  Nic.  Dam.  2. 



mother  Atia,  the  tender  and  careful  guide  of  his  childhood  and 
youth,  the  first  of  his  near  kin  to  recognise  and 
Death  of  Atia.  approve  his  high  destiny.  She  died  while  he  was 
still  consul,  that  is,  between  the  19th  of  August 
and  the  27th  of  November,  b.c.  43.  Devoted  to  her  in  her 
life  Caesar  now  obtained  for  her  the  honours  of  a  public  funeral. 
During  the  campaign  of  Mutina  she  was,  it  seems,  at  Rome  ; 
and  when  his  estrangement  from  the  Senate  made  her  position 
unpleasant  or  dangerous,  she  had  taken  sanctuary  with  the 
Vestal  Virgins  accompanied  by  Octavia,  and  was  ready  to  greet 
him  when  he  returned  to  Rome.  Nicolas  of  Damascus  gives 
an  attractive  picture  of  Octavian’s  relations  with  his  mother  ; 
and  even  the  uncomplimentary  Suetonius  owns  that  his  dutiful 
conduct  to  her  had  been  exemplary.  She  had  brought  up  her 
son  with  strictness,  and  the  author  of  the  de  oratoribus  classes 
her  with  the  mother  of  the  Gracchi.  But  her  strictness  had 
not  forfeited  her  son’s  affection,  nor  failed  to  impress  upon  him 
a  high  sense  of  duty.  Her  second  husband  Philippus  survived 
her  several  years.1 

Sue  ton.,  Aug.  61 ;  Dio,  47,  17  ;  [Tacit.]  de  orat.  29. 



Cum  fracta  virtus ,  ct  minaces 
turpe  solum  tetigere  men  to. 

The  first  task  of  the  Triumvirs,  after  securing  their  power  at 
Rome,  was  the  restoration  of  unity  and  peace  to  the  Empire, 
which  was  threatened  at  two  points  :  Brutus  and 
cMca®s"he  Cassius  were  in  arms  in  the  East,  Sext.  Pompeius 
East  in  the  West.  The  opposition  of  Brutus  and 
Cassius  seemed  the  more  formidable  of  the  two.  Brutus, 
indeed,  after  holding  Macedonia  throughout  b.c.  43,  after 
capturing  and  eventually  putting  to  death  Gaius  Antonius, 
and  after  winning  some  laurels  in  contests  with  surrounding 
barbarians,  had  towards  the  end  of  the  year  practically  abandoned 
the  province  and  removed  to  Asia,  in  which  a  deciee  of  the 
Senate  had  given  him  propraetorial  authority  along  with 
Cassius.  But  at  Cyzicus  and  on  the  coast  of  Bithynia  he  had 
collected  a  considerable  fleet,  and  having  thus  strengthened 
himself  and  levied  large  sums  of  money,  he  sent  urgent 
messages  to  Cassius  to  join  him  in  the  defence  of  the 


Meanwhile  Cassius  had  done  much  towards  securing  the 
rest  of  the  East  to  their  cause.  At  the  end  of  b.c.  44  he  had 
entered  Palestine,  and  been  joined  successively  by  the  forces  of 
L.  Statius  Murcus,  proconsul  of  Syria  ;  of  M.  Cnspus,  pro- 



consul  of  Bithynia  ;  of  Caecilius  Bassus,  the  old  Pompeian 
officer  who  had  seduced  the  troops  of  Sextius  Iulius  from  their 
allegiance  ;  and  by  four  legions  from  Egypt  under  Aulus 
Allien  us,  whom  Dolabella  had  sent  to  bring  them  to  himself. 
With  twelve  legions  he  had  shut  up  Dolabella  at  Laodicea-ad- 
Mare,  aided  by  a  fleet  raised  in  part  by  Lentulus,  the  pro- 
quaestor  of  Asia,  and  had  eventually  terrified  him  into  suicide. 
He  had  himself  also,  or  by  his  legates,  collected  a  fleet  strong 
enough  to  prevent  Cleopatra  sending  aid  to  Antony  and 
Octavian,  while  part  of  it,  under  Statius  Murcus  and  Cn. 
Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  was  to  watch  the  harbour  of  Brun- 
disium  and  prevent  the  despatch  of  troops  from  Italy. 

In  the  spring  of  B.c.  42,  therefore,  when  Brutus  and  Cassius 
met  at  Smyrna  they  were  both  in  possession  of  formidable 
forces,  naval  and  military,  and  Cassius  at  any  rate  was  also  well 
supplied  with  money.  They  did  not,  however,  at  once  push 
on  to  Macedonia,  for  they  believed  that  the  danger  threatened 
by  Sext.  Pompeius  would  delay  the  advance  of  the  Triumvirs. 
They  therefore  spent  some  "months  in  farther  securing  the 
East.  Brutus  proceeded  to  reduce  the  cities  in  Lycia,  Cassius 
sailed  against  Rhodes,  while  one  of  his  legates  invaded  Cappa¬ 
docia,  and  defeated  and  killed  King  Ariobarzanes.  Both 
encountered  some  resistance,  but  when  they  met  again  in  the 
summer  at  Sardis  they  had  successfully  carried  out  their  objects  ; 
and  Cassius  had  refilled  his  exchequer  by  the  taxes  of  Asia,  the 
towns  in  which  had  been  compelled  to  pay  nearly  ten  years’ 
revenue  in  advance. 

Having  told  off  a  portion  of  his  fleet  to  keep  up  the  watch 
over  Cleopatra  and  at  Brundisium,  the  two  proconsuls  set  out 
together  for  Abydos,  and  thence  crossed  to  Europe.  They 
marched  along  the  coast  road,  formerly  traversed  by  Persian 
invaders,  their  fleet  also,  like  that  of  the  Persian  king  of  old, 
coasting  along  parallel  with  their  march,  till  they  came  to  the 
part  of  the  Pangaean  range  which  covers  the  ten  miles  between 
Philippi  and  its  harbour  Neapolis  (Datum).  There  they  found 



the  road  blocked  by  Gaius  Norbanus  and  Decidius  Saxa,  with 
eight  legions,  sent  in  advance  by  Antony.  When  they  left 
the  main  road  and  attempted  to  pass  nearer  Philippi  they  found 
the  heights  immediately  south  of  the  town  also  guarded.  They 
drove  off  the  enemy  and  encamped  on  two  hills  which  they 
connected  by  a  trench  and  stockade  ;  and  eventually  farther 
secured  their  position  by  occupying  a  line  of  hills  commanding 
the  road  to  the  sea.  They  thus  kept  up  communication  with 
the  fleet  at  Thasos  as  a  base  of  supplies.  Norbanus  and  Saxa 
did  not  venture  to  attack  them,  but  retired  upon  Amphipolis, 
and  thence  sent  intelligence  to  Rome,  meanwhile  keeping  the 
enemy  in  check  by  skirmishing  parties  of  cavalry.  Brutus  and 
Cassius  were  in  no  hurry  to  advance,  for  they  had  an  excellent 
position,  and  were  sure  of  supplies  while  in  touch  with  their 
fleet  ;  whereas  their  opponents  depended  on  the  country, 
which  was  neither  rich  nor  well  stocked.  The  fleet  of  Murcus 
and  Domitius  might  also  delay,  and  perhaps  prevent  Antony 
and  Caesar  from  bringing  reinforcements,  while  the  fleet  at 
Thasos  could  stop  supplies  being  conveyed  by  sea. 

Nor  were  these  the  only  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the 
Triumvirs.  Ever  since  the  battle  of  Munda  (b.c.  45)  Sextus 
The  difficulties  Pompeius  had  been  leading  a  piratical  life  in  the 
Caesar  with  Western  Mediterranean.  His  forces  had  been 
Pompeius.  continually  increased  by  fugitive  Pompeians  and 
by  natives  from  Africa,  until  he  had  become  possessed  of  a 
formidable  power  against  which  the  successive  governors  of 
Southern  Spain  had  been  able  to  effect  little.  After  the  death 
of  Iulius  Caesar  an  attempt  was  made  through  Lepidus  to  come 
to  terms  with  him,  and  he  had  agreed  to  submit  to  the  govern¬ 
ment  on  condition  of  a  restitutio  in  integrum ,  including  the 
restoration  of  his  father’s  property.  But  though  Antony 
obtained  a  confirmation  from  the  Senate  the  arrangement  was 
never  carried  out.  Probably  the  immense  sum  named  as  the 
value  of  the  property — about  five  millions  sterling — made  it 
impossible,  especially  when  the  money  in  the  temple  of  Ops 




had  been  squandered.  Moreover  Pompeius  seems  to  have 
demanded  the  actual  house  and  estates  of  his  father,  and  these 
were  in  Antony’s  hands,  who  would  not  easily  surrender  them. 
Sextus  therefore  stayed  in  Spain  or  with  his  fleet.  When  the 
Senate  broke  with  Antony  it  renewed  negotiations  with 
Sextus,  promised  him  the  satisfaction  of  his  claims,  passed  a  vote 
of  thanks  to  him  for  services,  and  confirmed  him  in  his  com¬ 
mand  of  all  Roman  ships  on  active  service.1 2 3  The  Triumvirs 
deposed  him  from  this  command,  and  put  his  name  on  the  pros¬ 
cription  list.  His  answer  was  to  sail  to  Sicily,  force  Pompeius 
Bithynicus  to  surrender  Messana,  and  take  possession  of  the 
island.  Here  he  was  joined  by  numerous  refugees  of  the 
proscribed  and  many  skilful  seamen  from  Africa  and  elsewhere. 
By  thus  holding  Sicily  and  Sardinia  he  could  do  much  towards 
starving  out  Italy,  upon  the  southern  shores  of  which  he  also 
made  frequent  descents.  He  acted  as  an  independent  ruler,  and 
presently  put  Bithynicus  to  death  on  a  charge  of  plotting 
against  him.? 

Caesar  and  Antony  suspected  Lepidus  of  keeping  up  com¬ 
munication  with  Pompeius,  and  consequently  he  was  practically 
shelved.  He  was  to  remain  at  Rome  to  keep 
Tof  Philipp?"  or(^er  ar*d  carry  out  formal  duties,  while  Antony 
was  to  transport  his  legions  from  Brundisium  to 
attack  Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  Caesar  was  to  conduct  the  war 
against  Sextus  Pompeius.  But  the  strength  of  Pompeius 
seems  not  to  have  been  fully  realised.  Caesar  despatched  a 
fleet  under  Q.  Salvidienus  to  Sicily,  while  he  himself  went  by 
land  to  Rhegium.  But  Salvidienus  was  badly  defeated  by 
Pompeius  and  had  to  retire  to  the  Italian  shore  to  refit, 3  and 
before  Caesar  had  time  to  do  anything  more  he  was  called  to 
the  aid  of  Antony,  who  was  in  difficulties  at  Brundisium,  the 

1  Cicero,  13  Phil.  §§  8-12,  50  ;  Velleius,  ii.  73.  The  decree  was  passed 
on  the  20th  of  March,  B.c.  43. 

2  Dio,  48,  17  sq.  ;  Livy,  Ep.  123. 

3  App.,  b.  c.  iv.  85  ;  Dio,  47,  36  ;  Livy,  Ep.  123. 



exit  of  the  harbour  being  blocked  by  the  ships  of  Statius 
Murcus,  presently  reinforced  by  those  of  Ahenobarbus.  The 
arrival  of  Caesar  and  his  fleet  enabled  the  transports  to  cross, 
and  Antony  marched  along  the  Egnatian  Way  to  join  his 
advanced  army  at  Amphipolis.  Caesar  was  once  more  attacked 
by  illness  and  obliged  to  stay  at  Dyrrachium  ;  but  hearing  that 
Antony,  on  his  arrival,  had  suffered  some  reverses  in  cavalry 
skirmishes,  he  resolved  to  join  him  at  all  hazards.  It  was 
indeed  a  crisis  of  the  utmost  importance  to  him.  He  was 
leaving  Italy  exposed  to  a  double  danger,  on  the  east  from 
Murcus  and  Ahenobarbus,  on  the  south  from  Sextus  Pompeius. 
If  Antony  were  defeated  Caesar  would  be  in  a  most  alarming 
position  ;  if  Antony  won  without  him,  his  own  piestige  would 
be  damaged  and  he  might  have  to  take  a  second  place  in  the 
joint  government.  As  before  in  the  Spanish  journey  his  resolu¬ 
tion  conquered  physical  weakness,  and  he  reached  the  seat  of 
war  before  any  general  engagement  had  taken  place.  He 
found  the  army  somewhat  discouraged.  Antony  had  left  his 
heavy  baggage  at  Amphipolis,  which  had  been  secured  by 
Decidius  and  Norbanus,  and  had  advanced  over  the  wide  plain 
(about  sixty  miles)  to  within  a  mile  of  the  high  ground  on 
which  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  entrenched.  But  they  were 
too  strongly  posted  to  be  attacked,  and  he  had  suffered  some 
losses  in  his  attempts  to  draw  them  down.  His  men  were 
getting  demoralised  by  the  evidently  superior  position  of  the 
enemy,  who  were  protected  on  the  right  by  mountains,  and  on 
their  left  by  a  marsh  stretching  between  them  and  the  sea, 
so  that  it  was  impossible  to  turn  their  position  on  either  side. 
Delay  was  all  in  favour  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  whose  fleet 
afforded  abundant  provisions,  while  Antony  would  have  great 
difficulty  in  feeding  his  army  during  the  winter,  and  the  season 
was  already  advanced.  In  mere  numbers  there  was  not  much 
difference.  Both  had  nineteen  legions  ;  and,  though  those  of 
Brutus  were  not  at  their  full  strength,  he  and  Cassius  had 
20,000  cavalry,  as  against  1 3,000  of  Antony  and  Caesar. 



The  first  battle  (late  in  October)  was  brought  on  by  an 
attempt  of  Antony’s  to  get  across  the  marsh  by  a  causeway 
which  he  had  himself  constructed,  and  storm  an 

at  Phufppi6  earthwork  which  Cassius  had  thrown  up  to  prevent 
him.  Repulsing  a  flank  attack  made  by  the 
division  of  Brutus,  he  carried  the  earthwork  and  even  took 
the  camp  of  Cassius,  who  with  his  main  body  retired  to  the 
heights  nearer  Philippi  with  heavy  loss.  But  Antony  had 
also  suffered  severely,  and  the  fate  of  the  day  could  not  be 
considered  decided  until  it  was  known  how  Brutus  had  fared, 
who  after  the  unsuccessful  attack  on  Antony’s  flank,  had 
attacked  Caesar’s  division  which  was  opposite  him.  In  this 
last  movement  he  had  been  entirely  successful.  Caesar’s  camp 
had  been  stormed  and  his  men  driven  into  flight,  he  himself 
being  absent  through  illness.  The  result  of  this  cross  victory 
was  that  both  armies  returned  to  their  original  positions. 
Antony,  finding  that  the  left  wing  was  defeated,  did  not  venture 
to  remain  in  the  camp  of  Cassius.  Cassius  might  have 
returned  to  it,  but  for  a  mistake  which  cost  him  his  life.  He 
was  wrongly  informed  that  Brutus  had  been  defeated,  and 
being  short-sighted  he  mistook  a  squadron  of  cavalry  that 
was  riding  up  to  announce  Brutus’s  success  for  enemies,  and 
anticipated  what  he  supposed  to  be  inevitable  capture  by 
suicide.  Brutus,  informed  of  this,  withdrew  his  men  from 
the  attack  on  Caesar’s  camp,  and  retired  behind  their  lines, 
occupying  again  Cassius’s  abandoned  quarters. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time  as  this  indecisive  battle  the  cause 
of  the  triumvirs  had  suffered  a  disaster  nearer  home.  A  fleet 
of  transports  conveying  the  Martia,  another  lemon. 

Second  battle  at  1  ’  °  ’ 

Philippi,  and  some  cavalry  was  destroyed  by  Murcus  and 

November.  J  J  J 

Ahenobarbus,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  men  had 
been  lost  at  sea  or  forced  to  surrender.  Though  Brutus  did 
not  yet  know  this  he  held  his  position  for  about  a  fortnight 
longer.  But  the  tidings  when  they  came  made  it  more  than 
ever  necessary  for  Antony  and  Caesar  to  strike  a  blow  ;  for 


they  were  still  more  isolated  than  before  and  more  entirely  cut 
off  from  supplies.  On  the  other  hand,  the  officers  and  men 
in  the  army  of  Brutus  were  inspired  by  it  with  an  eager  desire 
to  follow  up  the  good  news  by  fighting  a  decisive  battle. 
Brutus  yielded  against  his  better  judgment  and  drew  out  his 
men.  Antony  and  Caesar  did  the  same.  But  it  was  not 
until  the  afternoon  was  well  advanced  that  the  real  fighting 
began.  After  spending  more  time  than  usual  in  hurling 
volleys  of  pila  and  stones,  they  drew  their  swords  and  grappled 
in  a  furious  struggle  at  close  quarters.  Both  Antony  and 
Caesar  were  active  in  bringing  up  fresh  companies  to  fill  up 
gaps  made  by  the  fallen.  At  last  the  part  of  the  line  against 
which  Caesar  was  engaged  began  to  give  way,  retiring  step  by 
step,  and  fighting  desperately  all  the  while.  But  the  order 
grew  looser  and  looser,  until  at  length  it  broke  into  downright 
flight.  The  camp  of  Brutus  was  stormed  and  his  whole  army 
scattered.  Caesar  was  left  to  guard  the  captured  camp,  while 
Antony  (as  at  Pharsalia)  led  the  cavalry  in  pursuit.  He 
ordered  his  men  to  single  out  officers  for  slaughter  or  capture, 
lest  they  should  rally  their  men  and  make  a  farther  stand. 
He  was  particularly  anxious  to  capture  Brutus,  perhaps  as 
hoping  to  avenge  his  brother.  But  in  this  his  men  were 
foiled  by  a  certain  Lucilius,  who  threw  himself  in  their  way 
professing  to  be  Brutus,  and  the  mistake  was  not  discovered 
till  he  was  brought  to  Antony.  Brutus  had,  in  fact,  escaped  to 
high  ground  with  four  legions.  He  hoped  with  this  force  to 
recapture  his  camp  and  continue  the  policy  of  wearing  out  the 
enemy  by  delay.  But  a  good  look-out  was  maintained  by 
Antony  during  the  night,  and  the  next  morning  his  officers 
told  Brutus  that  they  would  fight  no  more,  but  were  resolved 
to  try  to  save  their  lives  by  making  terms  with  the  victors. 
Exclaiming  that  he  was  then  of  no  farther  use  to  his  country, 
Brutus  called  on  his  freedman  Strato  to  kill  him,  which  he 
immediately  did. 

There  is  some  conflict  of  testimony  as  to  the  severitie 



inflicted  after  the  victory.  The  bulk  of  the  survivors  with 
their  officers  submitted  and  were  divided  between 

Conduct  of  .  ...  .  , 

Ccesar  after  the  the  armies  of  the  two  triumvirs.  A  certain  number 

victory.  ,  . 

who  had  been  connected  with  the  assassination  and 
included  in  the  proscription  lists  felt  that  they  had  no  mercy 
to  expect,  and  saved  farther  trouble  by  putting  an  end  to  their 
own  lives.  But  some  also,  as  Favonius  the  Stoic,  imitator  of 
Cato,  were  executed.  Suetonius  attributes  to  Caesar  not  only 
special  severity,  but  cruel  and  heartless  insults  to  those  whom 
he  condemned.  To  one  man  begging  for  burial  he  answered 
that  “  that  would  be  business  of  the  birds.”  A  father  and  son 
begging  their  lives  he  bade  play  at  morra  for  the  privilege  of 
surviving.  And  he  ordered  the  head  of  Brutus  to  be  sent 
home  that  it  might  be  placed  at  the  foot  of  Iulius  Caesar’s 
statue.  As  usual  there  remain  some  doubts  as  to  these  stories. 
That  of  the  father  and  son,  for  instance,  is  related  by  Dio,  but 
placed  after  Actium.1  And  the  story  as  to  the  head  of  Brutus 
is  somewhat  inconsistent  with  the  honourable  treatment  of  the 
body  attributed  to  Antony.2  The  refusal  of  funeral  rites  is 
contrary  to  his  own  assertion  in  his  autobiography  ;  and,  in  the 
Monumentum  Ancyranwn ,  he  declares  that  he  “  spared  all 
citizens.”  3  But  it  must  be  conceded  that  until  the  assassins 
and  their  supporters  were  finally  disposed  of  he  shewed  himself 
relentless.  The  milder  sentiments  are  those  of  a  later  time. 
The  plea  of  a  duty  to  avenge  his  “  father’s  ”  murder  may 
mitigate,  but  cannot  annul,  his  condemnation. 

The  victory  of  Philippi  reunited  the  eastern  and  western  parts 
of  the  Empire,  and  therefore  necessitated  a  fresh  dis- 

Second  division  .  . 

°f  the  Empire,  tribution  of  spheres  of  influence  among  the  trium¬ 
virs.  The  new  agreement  was  reduced  to  writing 
and  properly  attested,  partly  that  Caesar  might  silence  opposition 

1  Dio,  si,  2  ;  Suet.,  Aug.  13. 

2  At  any  rate  the  head  never  reached  Rome,  but  was  lost  at  sea.  App., 
b.  c.  iv.  135  ;  Dio,  47,  49  ;  Plut.,  Ant.,  22  ;  Brut.  53  5  Sueton.,  Aug.  13. 

s  Ulpian  (dig.  48,  24)  quotes  this  lost  autobiography  ;  see  Mon.  Ancyr.  §  3. 

7 he  second  division  of  THE  EMPIRE  8 7 

at  Rome,  but  partly  also  because  the  two  men  had  already 
begun  to  feel  some  of  their  old  distrust  of  each  other.  During 
the  late  campaign,  when  there  seemed  some  chance  of  defeat 
Antony  had  expressed  regret  at  having  embarrassed  himself 
with  Casar  instead  of  making  terms  with  Brutus  and  Cassius, 
and  such  words,  however  hasty  or  petulant,  would  be  sure  to 
reach  Carr’s  ears.  The  respect  also  shewn  by  Antony  to 
the  remains  of  Brutus,  and  the  evident  tendency  of  the  defeated 
party  to  prefer  union  with  him  rather  than  with  Caesar,  as  we 
as  the  more  generous  terms  which  he  was  willing  to  grant, 
must  all  have^suggested  to  Caesar  the  precarious  nature  of  the 
tie  between  them.  It  was  necessary  therefore  to  put  the 
arrangement  now  made  beyond  dispute. 

The  division  did  not,  as  two  years  later,  distinguish  between 
East  and  West.  It  was  still  only  the  western  half  of  the  Empire 
which  was  to  be  divided.  Italy  was  to  be  treated  as  the  centre 
of  government,  open  to  all  the  triumvirs  alike  for  recruiting 
and  other  purposes.  The  provinces  were  to  be  administered 
in  the  usual  way  by  governors  approved  of  by  them,  except 
that  Antony  was  to  have  Gaul  and  Africa,  Caesar  Spain  and 
Numidia,  thus  securing  to  each  a  government  in  the  west  and 
south  roughly  equal  in  extent  and  in  importance,  now  that 
Sicily  and  Sardinia  were  in  the  hands  of  Sextus  Pompous  and 
thus  actually  hostile  to  Italy.  But  the  last  article  in  the 
agreement,  though  intended  to  provide  only  for  a  passing  state 
of  affairs,  did  in  fact  foreshadow  the  division  of  the  Empne 
into  East  and  West.  By  it  Antony  undertook  to  go  at  once  to 
Asia  to  crush  the  fragments  of  the  republican  party  still  in 
arms  in  the  East,  and  to  collect  money  sufficient  foi  the  pay¬ 
ment  of  the  promised  rewards  to  the  veterans.  Caesar,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  to  return  to  Italy  to  carry  on  the  war  agaans 
Sextus  Pompeius  and  arrange  the  assignation  of  lands.  Lepid  s 
was  still  consul  as  well  as  triumvir,  but  if  the  suspicion  of  his 
being  in  correspondence  with  Pompeius  was  confirmed  he  was 
to  have  no  province  and  was  to  be  suppressed  by  Caesar.  It 



did  not  turn  out  to  be  true  Antony  undertook  to  hand  over 
Africa  to  him.  He  was  throughout  treated  as  subordinate — 

“a  slight,  unmeritable  man, 

Meet  to  be  sent  on  errands.” 

The  real  governors  of  the  Empire  were  to  be  Antony  and 
Cassar.  The  force  of  circumstances  ordained  that  for  the 
next  ten  years  Antony  was  to  govern  the  East  and  Caesar  the 
West.  And  as  yet  the  heart  and  life  of  the  Empire  was  in  the 
west.  It  was  this,  as  much  as  the  difference  of  his  character, 
which  eventually  secured  to  Caesar  the  advantage  over  his 
colleague  and  made  him  master  of  the  whole. 



actus  cum  frcto  Neptunius 
dux  fitgit  uslis  navibus. 

The  campaign  which  ended  with  the  second  battle  at  Philippi 
and  the  death  of  Brutus  had  been  won  at  the  cost  of  much 
physical  suffering  to  Caesar,  who  only  completed 
retlSto  his  twenty-first  year  some  days  after  it.  He  had 
PhiUppit  early  in  been  in  bad  health  throughout,  barely  able  to 
endure  the  journey  across  Macedonia,  and  only 
performing  his  military  duties  with  the  utmost  difficulty  and 
with  frequent  interruptions.  On  his  return  journey  he  had  to 
halt  so  often  from  the  same  cause  that  reports  of  his  death 
reached  Rome.  The  slowness  with  which  he  travelled  also  gave 
time  for  all  kinds  of  rumours  to  spread  abroad  as  to  farther 
severities  to  be  exercised  upon  the  republican  party  on  his  return, 
and  many  of  those  who  felt  that  they  were  open  to  suspicion 
sought  places  of  concealment  for  themselves  or  their  property. 

Caesar  sent  reassuring  messages  to  Rome,  but  he  did  not 
arrive  in  the  city  till  the  beginning  of  the  next  year  (b.c.  41). 

He  found  Lucius  Antonius  consul,  who  had 
L.  Antonius  celebrated  a  triumph  on  the  first  day  of  the  year 
Vatia  Isauricus  for  some  trifling  successes  in  Gaul.  The  real 
lands  for  the  control  of  affairs,  however,  was  being  exercised 
by  Fulvia,  the  masculine  wife  of  Marcus  Antonius, 
widow  successively  of  Clodius  and  Curio,  against  whom 



Lepidus  had  been  afraid  or  unable  to  act.  Fulvia  and  Lucius 
professed  to  be  safeguarding  the  interests  of  Marcus  and  fulfill¬ 
ing  his  wishes,  and  Lucius  adopted  the  cognomen  Pietas  as  a 
sign  of  his  fraternal  devotion.  But  the  moving  spirit  through¬ 
out  was  Fulvia.  Caesar’s  first  business  in  Rome  was  the  allot¬ 
ment  of  land  to  the  veterans.  This  had  been  begun  a  year 
before  in  Transpadane  Gaul,  on  the  establishment  of  the 
Triumvirate,  by  Asinius  Pollio,  left  in  command  of  that 
district  ;  and  Vergil  has  given  us  some  insight  into  the 
bitterness  of  feeling  which  it  often  roused  : 

“  Shall  some  rude  soldier  hold  these  new  ploughed  lands  ? 

Some  alien  reap  the  labours  of  our  hands  ? 

Ah,  civil  strife,  what  fruit  your  jangling  yields  ! 

Poor  toilsome  souls— for  these  we  sowed  our  fields  !” 

When  there  was  public  land  available  for  the  purpose,  the 
allotment  could  generally  be  made  without  much  friction  ;  but 
as  there  was  not  enough  of  it,  the  old  precedent  of  “  colonisa¬ 
tion  ”  was  followed.  A  number  of  Italian  towns  (nineteen  in 
all)  were  selected,  in  the  territories  of  which  the  veterans  of  a 
particular  legion  were  to  be  settled  as  coloni,  with  a  third  of  the 
land  assigned  for  their  support.  No  doubt  in  each  case  the 
lands  held  by  men  who  had  served  in  the  opposite  camp  were 
first  taken  as  being  lawfully  confiscated  ;  but  it  must  often 
have  happened  that  there  was  not  enough  of  such  lands,  and 
that  those  of  persons  not  implicated  in  the  civil  wars  were 
seized  wholly  or  in  part.  In  such  cases  it  was  understood  that 
the  owners  were  to  be  compensated  by  money  arising  from  the 
sale  of  other  confiscations.  But  this  money  was  either  in¬ 
sufficient  or  long  in  coming.  Petitions  and  deputations  remon¬ 
strating  against  the  injustice  poured  in  upon  Caesar,  who,  on 
the  other  hand,  had  to  listen  to  many  complaints  from  the 
veterans  of  inadequate  provision  made  for  them  and  of  promises 
still  unfulfilled. 

This  was  a  sufficiently  thorny  task  in  itself.  But  it  was 


made  still  more  irksome  by  L.  Antonius  and  Fulvia.  Their 
pretext  was  that  the  veterans  in  Antony  s  legions 
L  FuWatakead  were  less  liberally  treated  than  those  in  Caesar’s 
adTscogntentthe  own  ;  and  Lucius  claimed,  as  consul  and  as  repre¬ 
senting  his  brother,  the  right  of  settling  the  allot¬ 
ments  of  Antony’s  veterans.  Caesar  retorted  by  complaining 
that  the  two  legions  to  which  he  was  entitled  by  his  written 
agreement  with  Antony  had  not  been  handed  over  to  him. 
Starting  from  these  counter  charges  they  were  soon  at  open 
enmity,  embittered  by  the  frequent  collision  between  the 
constitutional  authority  of  the  consul  and  the  extra-constitu¬ 
tional  imperium  of  the  triumvir.  Lucius  and  Fulvia  made 
capital  out  of  this,  maintaining  that  Marcus  was  ready  to  lay 
down  his  extraordinary  powers  as  triumvir,  and  to  return  to 
Rome  as  consul.  Fulvia  was  credited  with  a  more  personal 
motive.  Antony’s  infatuation  for  Cleopatra  was  becoming 
known  in  Rome,  and  it  was  believed  that  Fulvia  designedly 
promoted  civil  troubles  in  the  hope  of  inducing  her  husband 
to  return.1  At  any  rate  she  and  Lucius  took  advantage  of 
the  ill-feeling  against  Caesar  caused  by  the  confiscation  of 
land.  They  feigned  to  plead  for  the  dispossessed  owners, 
maintaining  that  the  confiscations  had  already  produced  enough 
for  the  payment  of  all  claims,  and  that,  if  it  were  found  that 
this  was  not  so,  Marcus  would  bring  home  from  Asia  what 
would  cover  the  balance.  They  thus  made  Caesar  unpopulai 
with  both  sides — with  the  veterans  who  thought  that  he  might 
have  satisfied  their  claims  in  full ;  with  the  dispossessed  owneis, 
who,  over  and  above  the  natural  irritation  at  their  loss,  thought 
that  his  measure  had  not  been  even  necessary,  and  that  he 
might  have  paid  the  veterans  without  mulcting  them,  or  might 

*  The  first  meeting  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  when  the  queen  was 
rowed  up  the  Cydnus  in  her  barge,  dressed  as  Venus  with  attendant 
cupids,  seems  to  have  been  in  the  autumn  of  b.c.  42  (Plut,  Anton.  25-6.). 
He  had  seen  her  once  before  in  B.c.  56  when  he  accompanied  Gabmms 
to  restore  her  father.  But  she  must  have  been  a  mere  child  then. 



have  waited  for  the  money  from  Asia.  Specially  formidable 
was  the  anger  of  landowners  who  were  in  the  Senate.  The 
discontent  was  increased  by  the  hardness  of  the  times  ;  for 
corn  was  at  famine  price  owing  to  Sextus  Pompeius  and 
Domitius  Ahenobarbus  infesting  the  Sicilian  and  Ionian  seas. 
Caesar  was  therefore  in  a  serious  difficulty.  Unable  to  satisfy 
veterans  and  Senators  at  the  same  time,  he  found  how  powerless 
is  mere  military  force  against  widespread  and  just  resentment. 
His  one  answer  to  senatorial  remonstrance  had  been,  “  But 
how  am  I  to  pay  the  veterans  ?  ”  Now,  however,  he  found  it 
necessary  to  let  alone  the  properties  of  Senators,  the  dowries  of 
women,  and  all  holdings  less  than  the  share  of  a  single  veteran. 
This  again  led  to  mutinies  among  the  troops,  who  murdered  some 
of  their  tribunes,  and  were  within  a  little  of  assassinating  Caesar 
himself.  They  were  only  quieted  by  the  promise  that  all 
their  relations,  and  all  fathers  and  sons  of  those  who  had  fallen 
in  the  war,  should  retain  lands  assigned  to  them.  This 
again  enraged  a  number  of  the  losers,  and  fatal  encounters 
between  owners  and  intruding  “colonists”  became  frequent. 
The  soldiers  had  the  advantage  of  training,  but  the  inhabitants 
were  more  numerous,  and  attacked  them  with  stones  and 
tiles  from  the  housetops,  both  in  Rome  and  the  country 
towns.  The  burning  of  houses  became  so  common  that  it 
was  found  necessary  to  remit  a  whole  year’s  rent  of  houses 
let  for  500  denarii  (^20)  and  under  in  the  city,  and  a  fourth 
part  in  the  rest  of  Italy. 

Csesar  was  also  made  to  feel  that  attachment  to  Antony 
meant  hostility  to  himself ;  for  two  legions  de- 

other  provoca-  ,  ,  „  ° 

tions  offered  to  spatched  by  him  to  Spain  were  refused  passage 

Augustus.  He  .  r  & 

takes  steps  to  through  the  province  by  O.  Fufius  Calenus  and 

protect  himself.  ,  J  ~ 

V  entidius  Bassus,  Antony  s  legates  in  Gallia  Tran- 
salpina.1  Alarmed  by  the  aspect  of  affairs,  he  tried  to  come  to 

1  These  legions  had  behaved  badly  at  Placentia,  demanding  a  sum  of 
money  from  the  inhabitants.  Calenus  and  Ventidius  may  have  justified 
their  action  on  this  score  (Dio,  48,  10). 



some  understanding  with  Lucius  and  Fulvia,  but  found  them 
resolutely  hostile.  The  mediation  of  officers  in  the  army, 
of  private  friends  and  Senators  proved  of  no  avail  ;  though  he 
produced  the  agreement  drawn  up  between  Marcus  and  him¬ 
self,  and  offered  to  allow  the  Senate  to  arbitrate  on  their 
disputes.  Satisfied  that  by  the  refusal  of  this  offer  Lucius 
and  Fulvia  had  put  themselves  in  the  wrong,  he  determined  to 
rely  upon  his  army.  For  Lucius  had  been  collecting  men 
among  those  offended  by  Caesar,  and  Fulvia,  accompanied  by 
many  Senators  and  equites,  had  occupied  Praeneste  with  a  body 
of  troops,  to  which  she  regularly  gave  the  watchword  as  their 
commander,  appeared  among  them  wearing  a  sword,  and 
frequently  harangued  the  men. 

The  men  of  Caesar’s  army,  no  doubt  acting  on  a  hint  from 
himself,  now  took  the  matter  into  their  own  hands.  They 
suddenly  entered  Rome,  affirming  that  they  wished  to  consult 
the  Senate  and  people.  Assembling  on  the  Capitol,  with  such 
citizens  as  ventured  to  come,  they  ordered  the  agreement 
between  Caesar  and  Antony  to  be  read,  voted  its  confirmation, 
constituted  themselves  judges  between  the  disputants,  and 
named  a  day  on  which  Fulvia,  Lucius,  and  Caesar  were  to 
appear  before  them  at  Gabii.  Having  ordered  these  resolu¬ 
tions  to  be  written  out  and  deposited  with  the  Vestals,  they 
peaceably  dispersed.  Caesar  was  present  and  of  course  con¬ 
sented  to  appear;  but  Lucius  and  Fulvia,  though  at  first 
promising  to  attend  at  Gabii,  did  not  do  so.  They  scoffed  at 
the  idea  of  a  mob  of  soldiers,  a  senatus  caligatus  1  (a  “  Tommy- 
Atkins-parliament  ”),  presuming  to  speak  for  Senate  and 
people.  They  were  therefore  voted  in  their  absence  to  be 
in  the  wrong,  and  Caesar’s  acta  were  confirmed.  The  show 
of  legality  thus  gained  for  him  was  used  by  his  officers  to 
justify  the  collection  of  money  in  all  directions.  Temples 
were  stripped  of  silver  ornaments  to  be  coined  into  money, 
and  troops  were  summoned  from  Cisalpine  Gaul,  which  in 
1  From  caliga,  “a  soldier’s  boot.” 



spite  of  the  claims  of  Marcus  Antonius,  was  now  made  a 
part  of  Italy  without  a  provincial  governor  having  a  right 
to  maintain  troops.1  Lucius  also,  as  consul,  enrolled  men 
wherever  his  authority  was  acknowledged,  and  once  more 
there  was  civil  war  in  Italy.  It  was  in  many  respects  a 
recrudescence  of  the  republican  opposition  lately  headed  by 
Brutus  and  Cassius.  For  Sextus  Pompeius  had  been  joined 
by  Murcus  with  vessels  carrying  two  legions  and  50°  archers, 
and  was  reinforced  with  the  remains  of  the  armies  of  Brutus 
and  Cassius,  which  had  taken  refuge  in  Cephallenia.  In 
Africa  Antony’s  legate,  Titus  Sextius,  though  he  had  sur¬ 
rendered  the  province  to  Caesar’s  legate  Lurco,  had  resumed 
possession  and  put  Lurco  to  death.  Lastly,  Domitius  Aheno- 
barbus  was  threatening  Brundisium  with  seventy  ships.  It 
was  not  clear  how  far  these  movements  were  known  or 
approved  by  Antony ;  but  the  old  republican  party  hoped 
that  their  upshot  would  be  the  dissolution  of  the  triumvirate, 
the  downfall  of  Caesar,  and  the  restoration  of  the  old  con¬ 

For  the  present  Caesar  left  Sextus  Pompeius  alone.  But  he 
sent  a  legion  to  Brundisium  and  summoned  Salvidienus  with 
his  six  legions  from  his  march  into  Spain, 
between  Salvidienus  had  been  opposed  by  Antony’s  legates 
L.^Antonius  Pollio  and  Ventidius,  and  was  now  harassed  in  his 
1X  41  40  rear  by  them  when  he  turned  homeward  along  the 
via  Cassia.  Open  hostilities,  however,  began  elsewhere.  Some 
legions  at  Alba  Fucensis  showed  signs  of  mutiny,  and  both 
Caesar  and  Antonius  started  for  Alba,  hoping  to  secure  their 
adhesion.  But  Antonius  got  there  first,  and  by  lavish  pro¬ 
mises  won  them  to  his  side.  Caesar  only  came  in  time  to 
skirmish  with  Antonius’s  rearguard  under  C.  Furnius,  and 
then  moved  northward  to  renew  his  attack  on  Furnius, 
who  had  retreated  to  Sentinum  in  Umbria.  On  his  way 
he  unsuccessfully  attacked  Nursia,  where  Antonius  had  a 

1  Dio,  48,  12. 



garrison,  and  while  he  was  thus  engaged  Antonius  himself 
led  his  main  army  to  Rome.  Such  troops  as  Cassar  had  left 
in  or  near  the  city  surrendered  to  him  ;  while  Lepidus,  without 
attempting  resistance,  fled  to  Cassar,1  and  the  other  consul 
made  no  opposition.  Lucius  summoned  a  contio ,  declared  that 
he  meant  to  depose  Caesar  and  Lepidus  from  their  unconstitu¬ 
tional  office,  and  to  re-establish  the  just  authority  of  the 
consulship,  with  which  his  brother  Marcus  would  be  fully 
satisfied.  His  speech  was  received  with  applause ;  he  was 
hailed  imperator ;  and  the  command  in  a  war  was  voted  to 
him,  though  without  the  enemy  being  named.  Reinforced 
by  veterans  of  his  brother’s  army  he  started  along  the  via 
Cassia  to  intercept  the  returning  Salvidienus. 

Informed  of  these  transactions  Caesar  hurried  to  Rome, 
leaving  Sentinum  still  besieged.  But  it  was  Agrippa  who 
struck  the  decisive  blow.  With  such  forces  as  he  could 
collect  he,  too,  marched  on  the  heels  of  Antonius  along  the 
via  Cassia ,  and  occupied  Sutrium,  about  thirty  miles  fiom 
the  city.  This  cut  off  L.  Antonius’s  communications  with 
Rome,  who,  with  Salvidienus  in  front  of  him  and  Agiippa 
in  his  rear,  could  neither  advance  or  retire  along  the  Cassia 
without  fighting.  With  an  enemy  on  both  sides  of  him  he 
did  not  venture  to  give  battle,  but  turned  off  the  road  to 
Perusia.  At  first  he  encamped  outside  the  town  expecting  to 
be  soon  relieved  by  Pollio  and  Ventidius.  But  finding  that 
they  were  moving  slowly,  and  that  three  hostile  armies  undei 
Caesar,  Agrippa,  and  Salvidienus — were  threatening  him,  he 
retired  within  the  walls  ;  where  he  thought  he  might  safely 
winter.  Caesar  at  once  began  throwing  up  lines  of  circum- 
vallation,  and  cut  him  off  from  all  chance  of  supply.  Perusia 
is  on  a  hill  overlooking  the  Tiber  and  the  Trasimene  lake. 
But  its  position,  almost  impregnable  to  assault,  made  it  also 
somewhat  easy  to  blockade.  Fulvia  was  active  in  urging  the 

*  Appian,  b.  c.  4,  3°  ;  Dio,  48,  31.  Livy,  however  (Efi.  121),  says 
M.  Left  do  fuso,  as  though  he  had  resisted  and  had  been  beaten. 



legates  of  Antony  in  Gaul  and  North  Italy  to  come  to  the 
relief  of  Lucius.  But  Pollio  and  Ventidius  hesitated  and 
doubted,  not  feeling  certain  of  the  wishes  of  Marcus ;  and 
though  Plancus  cut  up  one  legion  on  its  march  to  join  Caesar, 
neither  he  nor  any  of  the  others  ventured  to  engage  him  when 
he  and  Agrippa  threw  themselves  in  their  way.  Pollio  retired 
to  Ravenna,  Ventidius  to  Ariminum,  Plancus  to  Spoletium, 
leaving  Lucius  to  his  fate  ;  while  Fufius  Calenus  remained  in 
the  Alpine  region  without  stirring.  Meanwhile  Salvidienus 
proceeded  to  Sentinum,  which  he  took,  and  shortly  afterwards 
received  the  surrender  of  Nursia. 

Caesar  was  thus  able  to  use  his  whole  force  against  Perusia. 
The  blockade  lasted  till  March,  B.c.  40,  when  L.  Antonius 

was  compelled  to  surrender  by  hunger.  Caesar 

Asinius  Pollio,  had  taken  an  active  share  in  the  siege  throughout, 
Cn.  Domitius  .  .  ,  .  , 

caivinus.  and  had  run  serious  risks,  at  one  time  being  nearly 

Fall  of  Perusia.  ,  . 

captured  in  a  sally  of  gladiators  while  engaged  in 
sacrifice  ;  at  another  being  in  danger  from  a  mutiny  in  his  own 
army.  On  the  fall  of  Perusia  the  townsmen  suffered  severely 
from  the  victorious  soldiery,  apparently  without  the  order,  and 
perhaps  against  the  wish,  of  Caesar  ;  and  in  the  course  of  the 
sack  the  town  itself  was  accidentally  set  on  fire  and  in  great 
part  destroyed.  There  is  again  a  conflict  of  testimony  as  to 
Caesar’s  severities.  Suetonius  says  that  he  executed  a  great  num¬ 
ber,  answering  all  appeals  with  a  stern  “  Death  !  ”  ( moriendum  est)  : 
and  his  enemies  asserted  that  he  deliberately  enticed  L.  Antonius 
into  the  war  to  have  an  excuse  for  thus  ridding  himself  of  his 
opponents.  Some  also  reported  that  he  caused  300  to  be 
put  to  death  on  the  Ides  of  March,  at  an  altar  dedicated  to 
Iulius.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  certain  that  L.  Antonius  was 
allowed  to  go  away  in  safety  ;  and  Livy  says  that  Caesar 
pardoned  him  and  “  all  his  soldiers.”  Appian  attributes  the 
death  of  such  leading  men  as  fell  to  the  vindictiveness  of  the 
soldiers.  Velleius,  of  course,  takes  the  same  view  ;  while  Dio, 
equally  of  course,  agrees  rather  with  Suetonius.  The  first 



writer  to  mention  the  Perusince  arcs  is  Seneca ;  but  as  his 
object  was  to  contrast  the  clemency  of  Nero  with  the  cruelty 
of  Augustus,  it  is  fair  to  suspect  that  he  was  not  very  particular 
as  to  the  historical  basis  for  his  allegations.  If  there  were  some 
executions  and  also  some  altar  dedicated  to  Iulius — both  of  which 
are  more  than  probable — it  would  be  easy  for  popular  imagina¬ 
tion  to  connect  the  two.  No  doubt  all  in  Perusia  who  were 
implicated  in  the  assassination,  or  had  been  on  the  proscription 
lists,  would  have  short  shrift.1  The  altar  story  is  unlike  the 
usual  good  sense  of  Augustus  ;  but  it  seems  that  in  this  siege 
he  desired  to  emphasise  the  fact  that  he  was  the  avenger  of 
his  “  father,”  some  at  least  of  the  leaden  bullets  used  by  the 
slingers  bearing  the  words  Divom  Iulium.2  At  any  rate, 
whether  during  the  siege  or  by  executions  after  it,  there  seems 
no  doubt  that  at  Perusia  a  blow  was  struck  at  the  old  republican 
party — already  decimated  by  civil  war  and  proscription — from 
which  it  never  recovered.  The  victory,  moreover,  left  Csesar 
supreme  in  Italy.  The  legates  of  M.  Antonius  for  the  most 
part  abandoned  their  legions  and  went  to  join  him,  or  to  Sicily 
to  join  Sextus  Pompeius,  who  was  already  negotiating  with 
Antony.  Fufius  Calenus,  indeed,  refused  to  surrender  his  eleven 
legions  ;  but  he  died  shortly  afterwards,  and  his  son  handed 
them  over  to  Caesar.  Plancus,  abandoned  by  his  two  legions, 
escaped  to  Antony.  Ventidius  seems  to  have  done  the  same  ; 
while  Pollio,  though  not  leaving  Italy,  hung  about  the  east 
coast  in  expectation  of  Antony’s  arrival.  Among  others, 
Tiberius  Nero  abandoned  a  garrison  which  he  was  commanding, 
and,  with  his  wife  Livia  (soon  to  be  the  wife  of 
Augustus)  and  his  infant  son  (afterwards  the 
Emperor  Tiberius),  fled  to  Sextus  Pompeius.  Thither  also  went 

1  Livy,  Ep.  126;  Velleius,  ii.  74 ;  App.,  b.  c.  v.  48-49  ;  Dio,  48,  14;  Seneca, 
de  Clem.  1,  11,  1.  The  uncertainty  of  historical  testimony  is  illustrated  by 
the  fact  that  both  Dio  and  Appian  name  C.  Canutius  (Tr.  PI.  B.c.  44)  among 
the  victims  at  Perusia,  while  Velleius  (ii.  64)  says  that  he  was  the  first  to 
suffer  under  the  proscription  in  B.c.  43.  2  C.  I.  L.,  i.  697. 




Antony’s  mother  Iulia,  whom  Pompeius  received  with  respect 
and  employed  as  envoy  to  her  son  ;  while  Fulvia  embarked  at 
Brundisium  and  sailed  to  Athens  to  meet  her  husband.  In 
Italy  there  was  no  one  to  rival  Caesar,  who  by  these  surrenders 
and  desertions  had  now  a  formidable  army.  What  he  had  still 
to  fear  was  a  combination  of  Antony  and  Sextus  Pompeius  and 
an  invasion  of  Italy  by  their  joint  forces. 

Such  an  invasion  was,  in  fact,  contemplated.  Antony  was 
in  Asia  when  he  heard  of  the  fall  of  Perusia.  Crossing  to 
Athens  he  met  Fulvia  and  his  mother  Iulia,  the 
Frewithrms  latter  bringing  an  offer  from  Sextus  Pompeius  of 
m.  Antonms.  support  against  Caesar.  Antony  was  in  no  good 

humour  with  his  wife  or  his  agents,  whom  he  must  have 
regarded  as  having  blundered.  Nor  was  he  prepared  to  begin 
hostilities  at  once.  But  he  promised  that  if  Sextus  did  so  he 
would  accept  his  aid  ;  and  that,  even  if  he  did  not,  he  would 
do  his  best  to  include  him  in  any  terms  made  with  Caesar. 
Meanwhile,  though  the  veterans  were  shy  of  enlisting  against 
Antony,  Caesar  found  himself  at  the  head  of  more  than  forty 
legions,  and  with  such  an  army  had  no  fear  of  not  holding  his 
own  on  land.  But  his  opponents  were  strong  at  sea,  and,  if 
they  joined  with  Sextus  Pompeius,  would  have  the  coasts  of  Italy 
at  their  mercy.  He  therefore  tried  on  his  own  account  to 
come  to  an  understanding  with  Pompeius.  With  this  view  he 
caused  Maecenas  to  negotiate  his  marriage  with  Scribonia, 
sister  of  Scribonius  Libo,  and  aunt  to  the  wife  of 
Pompeius.  He  had  been  betrothed  in  early  life  to 
a  daughter  of  his  great-uncle’s  colleague,  P.  Servilius 
Isauricus,  and  in  b.c.  43  to  Antony’s  stepdaughter,  Clodia.  But 
neither  marriage  had  been  completed,  and  at  the  beginning  of 
Fulvia’s  opposition,  in  b.c.  41,  he  had  repudiated  Clodia.  The 
present  union  was  one  of  political  convenience  only.  Scribonia 
had  been  twice  married,  and  by  her  second  husband  had  a  son 
only  a  few  years  younger  than  Caesar  himself.  She  was  therefore 
much  the  older,  and  seems  also  to  have  been  of  difficult  temper. 

Marriage  with 
B.c.  40. 


That  at  least  was  the  reason  he  gave  for  the  divorce  which 
followed  a  year  later,  on  the  day  on  which  she  gave  birth  to 
her  daughter  Iulia.  But  a  truer  reason  (besides  his  passion  for 
Livia)  was  the  fact  that  by  that  time  circumstances  were 
changed,  and  it  was  not  necessary,  or  even  convenient,  to  have 
such  a  connection  with  Sextus  Pompeius  any  longer. 

Antony  arrived  off  Brundisium  in  the  summer  of  B.c.  40,  and 
was  joined  by  Sextus  and  Domitius  Ahenobarbus.  The  three 
made  some  descents  upon  the  coast  and  threatened 

Firet  rec°nd-  Brundisium  with  a  blockade.  But  before  much 

nation  of 

Banddnew™’  damage  had  been  done  the  interference  of  common 

diviEmpirethe  friends  brought  about  a  reconciliation.  Antony 
consented  to  order  Sextus  Pompeius  to  return  to 
Sicily,  and  to  send  away  Ahenobarbus  as  propraetor  of  Bithynia. 
A  conference  was  held  at  Brundisium,  at  which  Pollio  repre¬ 
sented  Antony,  Maecenas  Caesar,  while  M.  Cocceius  Nerva 
(great-grandfather  of  the  Emperor)  attended  as  a  common 
friend  of  both.  The  reconciliation  here  effected  was  to  be 
confirmed  by  the  marriage  of  Antony  (whose  wife  Fulvia  had 
just  died  at  Sicyon)  to  Caesar’s  sister  Octavia,  widow  of 
C.  Claudius  Marcellus,  the  consul  of  b.c.  50.  The  two 
triumvirs  accordingly  embraced,  and  agreed  to  a  new  division 
of  the  Empire.  An  imaginary  line  was  to  be  drawn  through 
Scodra  (Scutari)  on  the  Illyrian  coast.  All  west  of  this  line, 
up  to  the  Ocean,  was  to  be  under  the  care  of  Caesar,  except 
Africa,  which  was  already  in  the  hands  of  Lepidus  ;  all  east  of 
it,  up  to  the  Euphrates,  was  to  go  to  Antony.  The  war 
against  Sextus  Pompeius  (unless  he  came  to  terms)  was  to  be 
the  common  care  of  both,  in  spite  of  Antony’s  recent  negotia¬ 
tions  with  him.  Caesar,  on  his  part,  agreed  to  amnesty  all  who 
had  joined  Antony  from  the  armies  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  in 
some  cases  even  though  they  had  been  among  the  assassins.1 

1  This  was  to  safeguard  Cn.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus.  There  is  some 
doubt,  however,  as  to  his  having  been  an  assassin.  Cocceius  denied  it 
(App.,  b.  c.  v.  62).  Suetonius  (Nero  3)  does  the  same.  But  Cicero  (2  Phil. 



Lastly,  both  were  to  have  the  right  to  enlist  an  equal  number 
of  soldiers  in  Italy.  This  agreement  was  followed  by  an  inter¬ 
change  of  hospitalities,  in  which  Antony  displayed  the  luxury 
and  splendour  learnt  at  the  Egyptian  court,  while  Caisar 
affected  the  simplicity  of  a  Roman  and  a  soldier.1 

But  Sextus  did  not  tamely  submit  to  be  thus  thrown  over. 
He  resumed  his  old  plan  of  starving  out  Italy.  His  freedman, 
Menodorus,  wrested  Sardinia  from  the  governor 
a  new  agree-  sent  bv  Caesar,  and  his  ships,  cruising  off  Sicily, 

ment  with  °  J  ’  .  '  .  -  .  rp. 

sext.jPompeius,  intercepted  the  corn-ships  from  Africa.  I  ne 
people  of  Rome  were  threatened  with  famine, 
and  on  the  arrival  of  Caesar  and  Antony  to  celebrate  the 
marriage,  though  an  ovation  was  decreed  to  both,  there  were 
serious  riots  in  which  Caesar’s  life  was  in  danger,  and  which 
had  to  be  suppressed  by  Antony’s  soldiers.  They  were  forced 
by  the  outcry  to  renew  negotiations  with  Sextus,  whose  brother- 
in-law  Libo— in  spite  of  the  advice  of  Menodorus— arranged 
a  meeting  between  him  and  the  triumvirs  at  Misenum,  early 
in  b.c.  39.  Every  precaution  was  taken  against  treachery  at 
the  hands  of  Pompeius.  And  not  without  reason.  The 
execution  of  Bithymcus  three  years  before  had  been  followed 
and  surpassed  by  the  treacherous  murder  of  Statius  Murcus, 
followed  by  the  cruel  crucifixion  of  his  slaves  on  the  pretence 
that  the  crime  had  been  theirs.  The  conference  was  therefore 

§§  27,  30)  says  that  he  was  ;  and  Appian  himself  does  the  same  (b.  c.  v.  59). 
Dio  thrice  speaks  of  him  as  a  a<paytvQ  (48,  7,  29,  54).  At  any  rate  he  was 
condemned  by  the  lex  Pedia,  as  though  he  had  been  an  assassin.  He  may 
have  been  one  of  those  who  joined  the  assassins  on  the  Capitol  after  the 

1  Appian,  b.  c.  v.  65.  It  has  been  doubted  whether  this  or  the  meeting  of 
g  c  37  was  the  one  to  which  Horace  accompanied  his  patron  Maecenas. 
In  favour  of  this  one  is  the  mention  of  Cocceius  Nerva  by  Horace  (Sat.  1 
v.  28,  50),  against  it  is  the  way  in  which  he  is  mentioned  with  Maecenas  as 
aversos  soliti  componere  amicos,  as  if  he  had  been  so  engaged  before. 
But  though  in  the  second  meeting  he  is  not  mentioned  by  Appian,  he  may 
have  been  there.  Something  has  been  made  of  the  mention  of  the  croaking 
frogs  (1.  14),  as  this  meeting  could  hardly  have  been  earlier  than  July, 
when  the  Italian  frogs  are  said  to  be  silent.  For  the  Ovations  see  C.  I.  L., 
i.  p.  461. 


held  on  temporary  platforms  erected  at  the  end  of  the  mole  at 
Puteoli,  with  a  space  of  water  between  them.  But  an  agree¬ 
ment  having  been  reached,  Antony  and  Caesar  accepted  a 
banquet  on  board  his  ship  ;  and  when  Menodorus  suggested  to 
Pompeius  that  he  should  cut  the  cables  and  sail  away  with  them 
as  prisoners,  he  answered  that  Menodorus  should  have  done  it 
without  asking,  but  that  he  himself  was  bound  by  his  oath. 
The  terms  made  between  them  were  that  Sextus  Pompeius  was 
to  remain  governor  of  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  Corsica,  with  his 
fleet,  as  well  as  in  Peloponnesus,  but  was  to  remove  all 
garrisons  from  Italian  towns  and  undertake  not  to  hinder 
commerce  or  receive  runaway  slaves,1  and  should  at  once 
allow  the  corn  which  he  had  impounded  to  reach  Italy.  On 
the  other  hand,  all  men  of  rank  who  had  taken  refuge  with 
him  were  to  have  restitution  of  civil  rights  and  property.  If  they 
had  been  on  the  proscription  lists,  they  were  to  recover  only  a 
fourth  ;  and  if  they  had  been  condemned  for  the  assassination, 
they  were  to  be  allowed  a  safe  place  of  exile.  Those — not 
coming  under  these  three  classes — who  had  served  in  his  army 
or  navy,  were  to  have  the  same  claim  to  pensions  as  those  in 
the  armies  of  the  triumvirs. 

Pompeius  then  returned  to  Sicily,  the  triumvirs  to  Rome. 
Thence  they  went  different  ways  :  Antony  and  Octavia  to 
Athens  ;  Caesar  to  Gaul,  where  the  disturbed  state  of  the 
country  required  his  presence.  Now,  therefore,  begins  the 
separate  administration  of  East  and  West,  and  the  different 
principles  on  which  it  was  carried  on  contributed  largely  to 
the  final  rupture  between  the  two  men.  Antony’s  was  the 
otiose  policy  of  setting  up  client  kings  who  would  take  the 
trouble  of  government  off  his  hands  and  yet  be  ready  to  pay 
him  court  and  do  him  service,  because  their  dignity  and  power 
depended  upon  his  supremacy.  Thus  Darius,  grandson  of 
Mithradates,  was  appointed  to  Pontus  ;  Herod  to  Idumaea  and 

1  This  was  one  of  the  chief  grievances.  Hor.,  Ep.  ix.  9,  minatus  urbi 
vincla,  quce  detraxerat  scrvis  amicus  perfidis. 



Samaria  ;  Amyntas  to  Pisidia  ;  Polemon  to  a  part  of  Cilicia. 
To  Caesar,  on  the  other  hand,  fell  the  task  of  preserving  order 
and  establishing  Roman  rule  in  countries  nearer  home,  peace 
and  good  government  in  which  were  essential  to  the  comfort 
of  the  city.  Above  all,  he  was  bound  to  prevent  Sextus 
Pompeius  from  again  interrupting  the  commerce  and  corn 
supply  of  Italy.  The  only  service  of  any  of  Antony’s 
partisans  near  enough  to  be  of  active  interest  to  Rome  was 
the  victory  of  Pollio  over  the  Parthini,  for  which  he  was 
awarded  a  triumph.1 

But  the  war  with  Sextus  Pompeius  soon  became  Caesar’s  chief 
task,  and  its  renewal  was  with  some  justice  laid  at  Antony’s 
door.  For  being  as  he  thought  unfairly  treated  by 
renewed  war  Antony  as  to  the  Peloponnese,  which  the  latter 

'pompeius5  had  declined  to  hand  over  till  he  had  collected  the 
year’s  taxes,  Pompeius  once  more  began  harassing 
the  Italian  shores  and  intercepting  corn-ships.  Caesar  answered 
this  by  bringing  troops  from  Gaul  and  building  ships.  He 
established  two  depots — at  Brundisium  and  Puteoli — and 
invited  Antony’s  presence  at  Brundisium  to  discuss  the  question 
of  war.  Antony  doubtless  found  it  inconvenient  to  be  closely 
pressed  on  this  matter,  for  he  was  greatly  responsible  for  the 
difficulty.  Though  he  came  to  Brundisium,  therefore,  he  left 
again  immediately,  without  waiting  for  Caesar,  who  had  been 
delayed.  He  gave  out  that  he  was  opposed  to  any  breach  of 
the  treaty  with  Pompeius,  ignoring  the  fact  that  Pompeius  had 
already  broken  it.  He  even  threatened  to  reclaim  Menodorus 
as  his  slave,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  been  the  slave  of  Cn. 
Pompeius,  and  had  therefore  passed  to  him  as  the  purchaser  of 
Pompey’s  confiscated  estate.  Unable,  therefore,  to  reckon  on 
help  from  Antony,  Caesar  undertook  the  business  himself.  He 

1  Hor.,  Od.  ii.  I,  15-16;  Dio,  48,  41  ;  C.  I.  L.,  i.  p.  461.  Pollio  after  this 
withdrew  from  active  political  life  and  devoted  himself  to  literature.  He 
seems  to  have  taken  no  part  in  the  subsequent  quarrels  between  Antony 
and  Augustus. 


strengthened  assailable  points  on  the  Italian  coasts  ;  collected 
ships  at  Rome  and  Ravenna  ;  and  took  over  Corsica  and 
Sardinia  from  Menodorus,  who  deserted  to  him  and  was  made 
joint  admiral  with  Calvisius.  He  set  sail  himself  from 
Tarentum,  Calvisius  from  Cosa  in  Etruria ;  while  a  large 
army  was  stationed  at  Rhegium.  Pompeius  was  almost  taken 
by  surprise,  but  yet  managed  to  reach  Cumae  and  all  but 
defeat  his  enemy’s  fleet.  This  was  followed  by  a  violent 
storm  in  which  Caesar’s  fleet  suffered  severely,  off  the  Skyl- 
laean  promontory,  and  by  a  second  battle  in  which  it  only 
escaped  destruction  by  nightfall.  A  second  terrible  storm, 
which  Pompeius’s  more  experienced  mariners  managed  to 
avoid,  still  farther  reduced  Caesar’s  sea  forces.  Pompeius, 
elated  by  these  successes,  assumed  the  title  of  son  of  Neptune, 
and  wore  sea-green  robes  as  a  sign  of  his  origin.1 

Caesar  did  not  give  in,  but  he  changed  his  generals. 
Agrippa  was  summoned  from  Gaul,  where  he  had  been  veiy 
successful,  and  for  the  first  time  since  the  ex- 
AgripVp^B°c.  pedition  of  Iulius  Caesar,  had  led  an  army  across 

reconciifation  the  Rhine.  The  construction  and  command  of 
with  Antony.  &  new  fleet  were  entrusted  to  him.  With 

characteristic  energy  he  not  only  built  and  manned  a  large 
number  of  ships,  but  began  the  formation  of  a  new  harbour 
[partus  Iulius)  for  their  safety  and  convenience,  by  piercing 
the  causeway  between  the  sea  and  the  Lucrine  Lake,  deepening 
the  lake  itself,  and  connecting  it  with  the  lake  Avernus. 
Here  he  practised  his  ships  and  men  during  the  winter,  and  by 
the  summer  of  B.c.  36  was  ready  for  action.  Meanwhile  fresh 
negotiations  with  Antony  were  conducted  by  Maecenas,  and 
in  the  spring  of  b.c.  37  a  reconciliation  was  arranged  at 
Tarentum,  with  the  help  of  Octavia.  The  two  triumvirs  met 
on  the  river  Taras,  and  after  an  interchange  of  hospitalities 
they  agreed  :  First,  that  the  triumvirate  should  be  renewed 
for  a  second  period  of  five  years,  that  is,  to  the  last  day  of 
1  Dio,  48,  19,48  ;  Hoi\,  Epod.  9,  17* 



b.c.  33. 1  Secondly,  that  Antony  should  supply  Caesar  with 
120  ships  for  the  war  against  Sextus,  and  Caesar  give  Antony 
20,000  men  for  the  Parthian  war,  which  was  now  becoming 
serious.  Some  farther  mutual  presents  were  made  through 
Octavia,  and  Antony  started  for  Syria  leaving  her  and  their 
child  with  her  brother. 

Caesar’s  plan  of  campaign  for  b.c.  37  was  that  on  the  1st  of 
July  a  combined  attack  should  be  made  on  Sicily,  from  three 
points — from  Africa  by  Lepidus,  from  Tarentum 
C^t!” sextuSar  Statilius  Taurus,  and  from  Puteoli  by  himself. 

b°&37-36.  Another  violent  storm  baffled  this  plan  ;  Caesar 
had  to  take  refuge  at  Elea  ;  Taurus  had  to  put 
back  to  1  arentum  ;  while,  though  he  reached  Sicily,  Lepidus 
returned  without  effecting  anything  of  importance.  Another 
winter  and  spring  had  to  be  spent  on  preparations,  and  it  was 
not  till  the  autumn  of  b.c.  36  that  the  final  engagements  took 
place.  At  that  time  Pompeius’s  fleet  was  stationed  along  the 
Sicilian  coast  from  Messana  to  Tyndaris,  with  headquarters  at 
Mylas.  After  reconnoitring  the  position  from  the  AEolian 
islands,  Caesar  left  the  main  attack  to  Agrippa,  while  he 
himself  joined  Taurus  at  Leucopetra.  Agrippa  repulsed  the 
enemy’s  ships,  but  not  decisively  enough  to  enable  him  to 
pursue  them  to  their  moorings.  It  was  sufficient,  however,  to 
enable  Caesar  to  cross  to  Tauromenium,  leaving  his  main  body 
of  men  on  the  Italian  shore  under  the  command  of  Valerius 
Messalla.  Here  he  soon  found  himself  in  the  greatest  danger. 
Pompeius’s  fleet  was  not  held  up  by  Agrippa,  as  Cssar  thought, 
but  appeared  off  Tauromenium  in  force.  Messalla  was  unable 
to  cross  to  his  relief,  and  a  body  of  Pompeian  cavalry  attacked 

1  The  first  period  ended  on  the  last  day  of  b.c.  38  ;  but  neither  Antony 
nor  Caesar  had  laid  down  their  imperium  of  office.  They  now  assumed 
that  it  went  on  from  the  first  day  of  b.c.  37,  the  want  of  legal  sanction 
during  the  intervening  months  being  ignored.  There  is  no  certain  trace 
of  this  second  triumvirate  having  been  confirmed  by  a  lex ;  yet  one  would 
think  that  they  would  have  taken  care  to  have  that  formality  observed. 
See  p.  143. 


him  while  his  men  were  making  their  camp.  Caesar  himself 
managed  to  get  back  to  Italy,  but  he  left  three  legions,  500 
cavalry,  and  2,000  veterans,  under  Cornificius,  encamped  near 
Tauromenium,  surrounded  by  enemies,  and  without  means  of 
supply.  He  himself  landed  in  a  forlorn  condition,  with  only 
one  attendant,  and  with  great  difficulty  found  his  way  to  the 
camp  of  Messalla.  Thence  he  sent  urgent  orders  to  Agrippa 
to  despatch  a  force  to  the  relief  of  Cornificius  ;  commanded 
Messalla  to  send  for  reinforcements  from  Puteoli  ;  while 
Maecenas  was  sent  to  Rome  with  full  powers  to  suppress  the 
disorders  likely  to  occur  when  the  ill-success  against  Pompeius 
was  known. 

The  force  despatched  by  Agrippa  found  Cornificius  and  his 
men  in  a  state  of  desperate  suffering  in  the  difficult  district  of 
Mount  JE tna,  and  conveyed  them  to  the  fleet  off  Mylae. 
So  far,  though  Pompeius  had  maintained  his  reputation  at  sea, 
he  had  not  shown  himself  able  to  follow  up  a  success  on  land. 
And  now  the  tide  turned  against  him.  Agrippa  seized  Tyn- 
daris,  in  which  Pompeius  had  large  stores,  and  Caesar  landed 
twenty-one  legions  there,  with  2,000  cavalry  and  5,000  light¬ 
armed  troops.  His  plan  was  to  assault  Messana  while  Agrippa 
engaged  the  fleet.  There  was  a  good  road  from  Tyndaris  to 
Messana  [via  Valeria),  but  Pompeius  still  held  Mylae  and  other 
places  along  the  coast  with  the  defiles  leading  to  them.  He 
was  misled,  however,  by  a  report  of  an  immediate  attack  by 
Agrippa,  and,  withdrawing  his  men  from  these  defiles  and 
strong  posts,  allowed  Caesar  to  occupy  them.  Finding  the 
report  to  be  false,  he  again  attempted  to  intercept  Caesar  as  he 
was  marching  with  some  difficulty  over  the  district  of  Mount 
Myconium.  But  his  general  (Tisienus)  failed  to  take  advan¬ 
tage  of  Caesar’s  unfavourable  position,  who,  having  meanwhile 
been  joined  by  Lepidus,  encamped  under  the  walls  of  Messana. 
He  was  now  strong  enough  on  land  to  send  detachments  to 
occupy  the  various  towns  from  which  Pompeius  drew  supplies  ; 
and  therefore  it  was  necessary  for  the  latter  to  abandon  Sicily, 



or  to  scatter  the  fleet  of  Agrippa  and  so  open  the  sea  to  his 
transports.  In  a  second  battle  off  Mylae,  however,  the  fleet  of 
Pompeius  was  nearly  annihilated,  and  though  he  escaped  himself 
into  Messana,  his  land  forces  under  Tisienus  surrendered  to 
Caesar.  When  he  discovered  this  Pompeius,  without  waiting 
for  the  eight  legions  which  he  still  had  at  Lilybaeum,  collected 
seventeen  ships  which  had  survived  the  battle  and  fled  to 
Asia,  hoping  that  Antony  in  gratitude  for  former  services  would 
save  and  possibly  employ  him. 

The  danger  which  for  so  many  years  had  hung  like  a  cloud 
about  the  shores  of  Italy  was  thus  at  an  end.  But  there  was 
one  more  danger  still  to  be  surmounted  before 
DtL°eSpidus.°f  Caesar’s  authority  was  fully  established  in  Sicily. 

The  eight  Pompeian  legions  from  Lilybaeum 
under  Plennius  presently  arrived  at  Messana.  Finding  Pom¬ 
peius  fled,  as  Caesar  happened  to  be  absent,  Plennius  handed 
them  over  to  Lepidus,  who  was  on  the  spot.  Lepidus  added 
them  to  his  own  forces,  and  being  thus  strengthened,  conceived 
the  idea  of  adding  Sicily  to  his  province  of  Africa.  It  had 
not  been  definitely  included  in  any  of  the  triumviral  agree¬ 
ments  ;  he  had  been  the  first  to  land  there,  and  had  in  the 
course  of  his  march  forced  or  persuaded  many  cities  to  submit, — 
why  should  he  have  less  authority  to  deal  with  it  than  Caesar, 
whose  office  was  the  same  as  his  own  ?  He  had  originally 
bargained  for  Narbonensis  and  Spain  :  he  had  been  shifted 
to  Africa  without  being  consulted,  and  his  provinces  had  been 
taken  over  by  Caesar.  He  was  now  at  the  head  of  twenty-two 
legions,  and  would  no  longer  be  treated  as  a  subordinate. 
His  arguments  were  sound  ;  but  they  needed  to  be  backed  by 
a  determination  as  fixed  as  that  of  his  rival,  and,  above  all,  by 
the  loyalty  of  his  army.  Neither  of  these  advantages  were  his. 
In  a  stormy  interview  with  Caesar  he  shewed  that  he  could 
scold  as  loudly  as  another.  But  when  they  had  parted,  he  failed 
from  indolence  or  blindness  to  detect  that  Caesar’s  agents  were 
undermining  the  fidelity  of  his  men,  especially  in  the  Pom- 



peian  legions,  by  informing  them  that  without  Caesar’s  assent 
the  promises  made  them  by  Lepidus  would  not  be  held  valid. 
On  his  next  visit  to  the  camp  of  Lepidus  with  a  small  body¬ 
guard,  Caesar  was  mobbed  by  the  soldiers,  and  even  had  some 
of  his  guard  killed,  but  when  in  revenge  for  this  he  invested 
Lepidus  with  his  main  army,  the  forces  of  the  latter  began 
quickly  to  melt  away,  and  before  many  days  he  was  com¬ 
pelled  to  throw  himself  at  Caesar’s  feet.  He  was  forced  to 
abdicate  the  triumvirate,  and  sent  to  reside  in  Italy,  where  he 
remained  till  his  death  (b.c.  13))  in  a  private  capacity  and 
subject  to  constant  mortifications.  He  retained  indeed  the 
office  of  Pontifex  Maximus,  because  of  certain  religious  diffi¬ 
culties  as  to  its  abdication,  but  he  was  never  allowed  to 
exercise  any  but  the  most  formal  functions.  This  treatment 
of  a  colleague  was  not  generous  ;  but  the  whole  career  of 
Lepidus  since  the  beginning  of  the  civil  war  had  been  weak 
and  shifty.  He  was  “  the  greatest  weathercock  in  the  world  ” 

( ventosissimus ),*  as  Decimus  Brutus  told  Cicero,  and  he  cei- 
tainly  presents  the  most  pitiful  figure  of  all  the  leading  men  of 
the  day. 

The  old  policy  of  Philippi  and  Perusia  was  followed  as 
regards  the  forces  of  Pompeius.  Senators  and  equites  were, 
it  is  to  be  feared,  in  many  cases  put  to  the  sword  ; 
SextePom-  while  the  rank  and  file  were  admitted  into Caesar’s 
peius,  B.c.  35-  arm^  and  an  amnesty  was  granted  to  those 

Sicilian  towns  which  had  submitted  either  to  Pompeius  or 
Lepidus.  Africa  and  Sicily  Caesar  took  over  as  his  part  of  the 
Empire  and  appointed  propraetors  to  each.  He  did  not 
attempt  to  pursue  Sextus  Pompeius  ;  he  preferred  that  Antony 
should  have  the  responsibility  and  perhaps  the  odium  of  dealing 
with  him.  In  fact,  he  did  some  years  afterwards  make  his 
execution  a  ground  of  complaint  against  Antony.  Yet  Antony 
seems  to  have  had  little  choice  in  the  matter.  For  Pompeius 

1  Cicero,  ad  Fam.  xi.  9  ;  Cicero  himself  calls  him  levissimus,  ad 
Brut.  1,  IS,  §  9- 



acted  in  Asia  much  as  he  had  acted  in  Sicily  and  Italy,  cap¬ 
turing  towns  and  plundering  ships,  while  sending  peaceful 
embassies  to  Antony,  offering  to  serve  him  against  Caesar. 
Being  at  last  compelled  to  surrender  to  Amyntas  (made  king 
of  Pisidia  by  Antony),  and  being  by  him  delivered  to  Antony’s 
legate  Titius,  he  was  taken  to  Miletus  and  there  put  to  death. 
But  it  was,  and  still  remains,  uncertain  whether  this  was  done 
by  Antony’s  order. 

He  was  just  forty,  and  had  led  a  strange  life  since  he  wit¬ 
nessed  his  father’s  death  from  the  ship  off  the  coast  of  Egypt. 
He  seems  to  have  had  some  generous  qualities  which  attached 
men  to  him.  But  the  times  were  out  of  joint,  and  he  was 
compelled  to  live  the  life  of  a  pirate  and  freebooter,  having  a 
grievance  against  every  successive  party  that  gained  power  at 
Rome,  trusting  none,  and  feeling  no  obligation  to  treat  them 
as  fellow  citizens  or  even  as  noble  enemies.  He  seems  to  have 
missed  more  than  one  chance  of  crushing  Caesar  ;  but  his 
troops,  though  numerous,  were  fitted  neither  by  spirit  nor 
by  discipline  to  encounter  regularly  trained  legions  in  open 
fight.  We  cannot  withhold  a  certain  admiration  for  the 
courage  and  energy  which  maintained  him  as  virtual  ruler  of 
no  inconsiderable  portion  of  the  Roman  Empire  for  nearly 
twelve  years. 

To  face  page  108. 

Augustus  addbessing  Teoops. 

Photographed  from  the  Statue  in  the  Vatican  by  Edne.  Alinari. 



Altera  iam  teritur  bellis  civilibus 

Soevis  Liburnis,  scilicet  invidens, 

frivata  deduci  superbo 

non  hnmilis  mulier  triumpho. 

When  Sextus  fled  from  Sicily  Caesar  was  about  to  complete 
his  27th  year.  It  was  nearly  nine  years  since,  while  little 
more  than  a  boy,  he  had  first  boldly  asserted  him- 
The  early  se[f  in  opposition  to  men  more  than  twice  his 
Augustus'  and  own  age,  and  had  forced  those  who  had  been  states¬ 
men  before  he  was  born  to  regard  him  as  their 
champion  or  respect  him  as  their  master.  Since  that  time  he  had 
had  little rest  from  grave  anxieties  or  war.  At  Mutina,  Philippi, 
Perusia,  and  in  Sicily,  he  had  tasted  danger  and  disaster  as  well 
as  victory  ;  and  had  more  than  once  been  in  imminent  hazard. 
These  fatigues  had  been  made  more  trying  by  frequent  illness, 
apparently  arising  from  a  sluggish  liver,  to  which  he  had  been 
subject  from  boyhood.  Through  all  he  had  been  supported  by 
an  indomitable  persistence  and  a  passionate  resolve  to  avenge 
his  adoptive  father,  all  the  more  formidable  perhaps  in  a 
character  naturally  cold  and  self-contained.  As  he  went  on 
there  gradually  awoke  in  him  a  nobler  ambition,  that  ot 
restoring  and  directing  the  distracted  state.  Neither  now  nor 
afterwards  do  the  more  vtxlgar  attributes  of  supreme  power 




wealth,  luxury, and  adulation — seem  to  have  had  charms  for  him. 
He  felt  the  governing  power  in  him,  he  believed  in  his  “genius,” 
what  we  might  call  his  “mission,”  and  the  difficulties  of  a 
divided  rule  became  more  and  more  clear  to  him.  From  this 
time,  therefore,  he  used  every  means  which  wise  statesmanship  or 
crafty  policy  could  suggest  to  rid  himself  of  the  remaining  partner 
in  the  Triumvirate,  and  to  gain  a  free  hand  in  the  work  of 
restoration  which  he  had  already  begun. 

In  private  life  he  had  taken  a  step  which  was  the  source  of 
a  life-long  happiness  to  him.  The  political  marriage  with 
Scribonia  in  b.c.  40,  contracted  with  the  idea  of 
Ruv™l?cw38h  conciliating  Sextus  Pompeius,  had  been  ended  by 
divorce  on  the  very  day  of  the  birth  of  his  only 
daughter  Iulia.  The  reason  alleged  was  her  disagreeable 
disposition  ;  but,  besides  the  change  in  the  political  situation, 
there  was  another  reason  of  a  more  personal  nature.  The 
peace  of  Misenum  had  permitted  many  partisans  of  Brutus, 
Cassius,  or  Lucius  Antonius,  who  had  fled  to  Sextus  Pompeius, 
to  return  to  Rome.  Among  others  came  Tiberius  Nero,1 
with  his  young  wife,  Livia  Drusilla.  Unless  statues  and  coins 
are  more  than  usually  false,  she  was  possessed  of  rare  beauty. 
In  b.c.  38  she  was  twenty  years  old,  and  had  one  son  (the  future 
Emperor  Tiberius)  now  in  his  fourth  year,  and  was  within 
three  months  of  the  birth  of  her  second  son  Drusus.  Even 
to  the  lax  notions  of  divorce  and  re-marriage  then  current  this 
seemed  somewhat  scandalous.  A  year  was  held  to  be  the 
necessary  interval  for  a  woman  between  one  marriage  and 
another.  But  the  object  of  this  convention  was  to  prevent 
ambiguity  as  to  the  paternity  of  children  ;  and  when  Cjesar 
consulted  the  pontifices,  they  told  him  that,  if  there  was  no 
doubt  as  to  the  paternity  of  the  child  with  which  Livia  was 
pregnant,  the  marriage  might  lawfully  take  place  at  once.  No 
opposition  seems  to  have  been  made  by  Livia’s  husband,  who  was 

1  In  b.c.  52  Cicero  had  wished  to  give  his  daughter  Tullia  in  marriage 
to  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero  (Cic,,  Alt.  6,  6.). 


1 1 1 

at  least  twenty  years  her  senior.1  He  acted  as  a  father  in 
giving  her  to  her  new  husband,  and  entertained  the  bridal  pair 
at  a  banquet.  The  marriage  was  so  prompt  that  a  favourite 
page  of  Livia’s,  seeing  her  take  her  place  on  the  same  dinner 
couch  as  Caesar,  whispered  to  his  mistress  that  she  had  made  a 
mistake,  for  her  husband  was  on  the  other  couch.  On  the 
birth  of  Drusus,  Caesar  sent  the  infant  to  its  father,  thus  com¬ 
plying  with  the  conditions  of  the  pontifices.  That  the  two 
men  should  have  been  on  good  terms  is  not  incredible  in  view 
of  the  prevailing  sentiment  as  to  divorce.  We  find  Cicero,  for 
instance,  writing  effusively  to  Dolabella  almost  directly  after  he 
had  compelled  his  daughter  to  divorce  him  for  gross  misconduct, 
and  there  are  other  instances.  At  any  rate  Tiberius  Nero,  on 
his  death-bed  in  b.c.  33,  left  the  guardianship  of  his  sons  to 
Caesar  ;  and  in  spite  of  such  a  beginning  the  marriage  proved 
permanently  happy.  Caesar  was  devoted  to  Livia  to  the  day  of 
his  death  ;  his  last  conscious  act  was  to  kiss  her  lips.2 

The  victory  in  Sicily  left  him  supreme  in  the  West,  and 
he  at  once  devoted  himself  to  the  re-establishment  of  order 
and  prosperity.  The  relief  to  Italy  and  Rome  was 
H°to°c2sarted  immense  ;  for  with  Pompeius  master  of  the  sea 
the  city  was  always  in  danger  of  famine,  and  the 
Italian  coast  of  devastation.  This  feeling  of  relief  found 
expression  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Senate,  which  now  began 
those  votes  of  special  honours  and  powers  to  Caesar,  which  in 
the  course  of  the  next  ten  or  twelve  years  gradually  clothed 
him  with  every  attribute  of  supremacy  in  the  state.  On  his 
return  from  Sicily  he  was  decreed  an  ovation,  as  after  Philippi, 3 

1  He  was  quaestor  in  B.c.  48,  and  therefore  was  not  born  later  than 
B.c.  78.  Livia  was  born  B.c.  58. 

2  Even  Suetonius,  not  much  inclined  to  speak  good  of  Augustus,  admits 
that  he  dilexit  et  p rob avit  unice  ac  perseveranler. 

3  Suetonius  (c.  22)  says  that  he  had  two  ovations — after  Philippi  and  after 
the  bellum  Siculum.  But  if  an  ovation  was  decreed  after  Philippi,  it  was 
not  celebrated  till  b.c.  40,  upon  the  reconciliation  with  Antony.  The  second 
was  this.  Another  had  been  voted  in  b.c.  43  after  Mutina,  but  not 
celebrated  (C.  I.  L.  I.  p.  461).  See  also  p.  roo. 

I  12 


as  well  as  statues  and  a  triumphal  arch.  On  the  day  of  the 
victory  over  Pompeius  (2nd  of  September),  there  were  to  be 
fence  and  supplicationes  for  ever  ;  he  and  his  wife  and  family 
were  to  be  feasted  on  the  Capitol  ;  and  he  was  to  have  the 
perpetual  right  of  wearing  the  laurel  wreath  of  victory.  He 
refused  the  office  of  Pontifex  Maximus,  as  long  as  Lepidus  lived, 
but  he  accepted  the  privileges  of  the  tribuneship — the  personal 
sanctity  which  put  any  one  injuring  or  molesting  him  under  a 
curse,  and  the  right  of  sitting  with  the  tribunes  in  the  Senate. 
This  it  seems  gave  him  practically  the  full  tribunicia  potestas 
within  the  city.  But  it  was  a  novel  measure,  and  its  full 
consequences  were  not  perhaps  foreseen.1  He  had  twice  before 
wished  to  be  elected  tribune,  but  his  “  patriciate  ”  stood  in  his 
way.  This  was  meant  as  a  kind  of  compromise,  and  it  fur¬ 
nishes  the  keynote  to  his  later  plans  for  absorbing  the  powers 
of  the  republican  offices. 

Caesar’s  chief  difficulties  now  came  from  the  large  military 
forces  of  which  he  found  himself  possessed,  either  by  his  own 
enlistment  or  from  that  of  the  various  defeated 

Mgssutcs  of  con-  ,  ,  — i—  ,  *  ,  ,  .  •  ,  • 

ciiiation  and  leaders,  i  o  disband  them  was  neither  safe  in 

restoration.  .  r  ...  ...  .  ,  . 

view  of  possible  complications  with  Antony,  nor 
possible  without  finding  large  sums  of  money  or  great  tracts  of 
unoccupied  land  with  which  to  reward  the  men  ;  whereas  his 
object  now  was  to  put  an  end  to  confiscation,  fines,  and 
unusual  imposts,  and  to  bring  back  confidence  and  security. 
After  suppressing  more  than  one  incipient  mutiny,  he  contrived 
to  secure  enough  land  for  those  who  had  served  their  full  time, 
partly  by  purchases  from  Capua,  where  there  was  still  a  good 
deal  of  unassigned  land.  He  repaid  the  colony  by  granting  it 

1  Appian  (b.  c.  v.  132)  says  that  they  elected  him  perpetual  tribune  ( abrbv 
■  ■  tiXovTo  Cri/iapxov  tc  ad).  Dio  (49, 15)  only  says  that  they  gave  him  the 
personal  sacredness  of  the  tribunes  and  the  right  of  sitting  on  their  bench. 
Orosius  (6,  18,  34)  says  that  the  Senate  voted  ut  in  perpetuum  tribunicice 
potestatis  esset.  We  shall  have  to  discuss  this  later  on,  but  it  must  be  said 
at  once  that  Augustus  was  never  tribune,  and  that  it  seems  doubtful 
whether  the  tribunicia  potestas  was  given  in  its  full  sense  at  this  time. 


1 13 

revenues  from  lands  at  Cnossus  in  Crete,  which  had  become 
ager publicus  on  the  defeat  of  the  pirates,  and  on  some  of  which 
a  Roman  colony  was  not  long  afterwards  established.1  Some 
of  the  men,  again,  who  had  been  most  clamorous  and  mutinous 
he  sent  to  Gaul  as  a  supplementum  to  colonies  already  existing, 
or  to  found  new  colonies.2  He  was  thus  able  to  make 
remission  of  taxation,  as  well  as  of  arrears  due  from  the  lists  of 
forfeiture  published  by  the  triumvirs.  His  enemies  said  that 
his  object  was  to  throw  the  odium  of  their  original  imposition 
upon  Antony  and  Lepidus  ;  or  to  make  a  merit  of  necessity, 
since  in  most  cases  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  collect  the 
money.  These  motives  may  have  had  a  share  in  his  policy,  but 
he  doubtless  also  wished  to  restore  confidence  and  cause  an 
oblivion  of  the  miseries  of  the  civil  wars.  For  the  soldiers  who 
remained  various  other  employments  were  found.  The  weak¬ 
ness  of  the  central  government  had  long  been  shewn  by  the 
existence  of  marauding  bands  in  various  parts  of  Italy.  The 
civil  wars  had  aggravated  the  evil,  till  travelling  had  become 
dangerous  almost  everywhere,  and  even  the  streets  of  Rome 
were  unsafe.  Caesar  now  organised  a  police  force  of  soldiers 
under  Sabinus  Cotta  to  patrol  the  city  and  Italy,  and  within  a 
few  months  the  evil  was  much  mitigated.3  Besides  this,  Statilius 
Taurus  was  sent  with  an  army  to  restore  order  in 
security  of  the  two  African  provinces — Proconsularis  and 
Numidia.4  Another  expedition  was  sent  against 
the  Salassi,  inhabiting  the  modern  Val  d’Aosta,  who  had  for 
two  years  been  holding  out  against  Antistius  Vetus.  He  had 
driven  them  into  their  mountain  fastnesses  ;  but  when  he  left 
the  district  they  once  more  descended  and  expelled  the  Roman 
garrisons.  The  war  was  entrusted  to  Valerius  Messalla,  who 

1  Dio,  49,  14  ;  Strabo,  x.  4,  9.  2  Dio,  49,  34. 

3  App.,  b.  c.  v.  132  ;  Suet.,  Aug.  32. 

4  Or,  as  they  were  also  called  Vetus,  and  Nova  Africa.  The  former  was 
the  old  province  formed  of  the  territory  of  Carthage,  the  latter  the  new 
province  formed  after  the  battle  of  Thapsus  (b.c.  46)  of  which  the  first 
governor  was  the  historian  Sallust.  See  pp.  23-4. 




reduced  them  at  least  to  temporary  submission  (b.c.  35-34)-1 
Another  similar  war  was  that  against  the  Iapydes,  living  in 
what  is  now  Croatia,  who  in  their  marauding  expeditions  had 
come  as  far  as  Aquileia  and  plundered  Roman  colonies.  To 
this  Caesar  went  in  person.  He  destroyed  their  capital, 
Metulum,  on  the  Colapis  (mod.  Kolpa ),  after  a  desperate 
resistance,  in  the  course  of  which  he  was  somewhat  severely 
injured  by  the  fall  of  a  bridge.  The  rest  of  the  country  then 
submitted.2  The  Iapydes  had  no  doubt  provoked  the  attack. 
But  that  does  not  seem  to  be  the  case  with  the  Pannonians, 
whom  Caesar  proceeded  to  invade.  They  were  a  mixed 
Illyrian  and  Celtic  tribe,  dwelling  in  forests  and  detached  villages 
without  great  towns,  and  appear  to  have  lived  peaceably.  But 
Caesar  resolved  to  take  their  one  important  town,  Siscia,  at  the 
junction  of  the  Kolpa  and  Save,  partly  as  a  convenient 
magazine  in  wars  against  the  Daci,  and  partly  for  the  mere 
object  of  keeping  his  army  employed  and  paid  at  the  expense 
of  a  conquered  country.  The  siege  of  the  town  lasted  thirty 
days,  and  after  its  fall  he  returned  to  Rome,  leaving  Fufius 
Geminus  to  continue  the  campaign.  So  again  in  the  spring  of 
B.c.  34  Agrippa  was  sent  against  the  Dalmatians,  and  when 
later  in  the  season  he  was  joined  by  Caesar  in  person,  their  chief 
towns  were  taken  and  burnt ;  and  this  people,  who  since  their 
defeat  of  Gabinius  in  b.c.  44-43,  had  been  practically  in¬ 
dependent,  had  again  to  submit  and  pay  tribute,  with  ten  years’ 
arrears,  and  restore  the  standards  taken  from  Gabinius.  Their 
submission  was  followed  by  that  of  other  tribes,  and  by  the  middle 
of  b.c.  33,  the  whole  of  Illyricum  was  restored  to  obedience. 

These  were  the  sort  of  successes  to  make  a  man  popular  at 
Rome  ;  for  they  were  not  costly  in  blood  or  treasure,  and 
they  affected  the  interests  of  a  large  number  of  merchants  and 

1  Appian,  lllyr.  17  ;  Dio,  49,  34,  38. 

2  Appian,  lllyr.  18-21  ;  Dio,  49,  37.  The  Iapydes  (a  wild  tribe)  had  first 
been  attacked  in  b.c.  129  by  C.  Sempronius  and  subdued  after  some 
disasters.  (Livy,  Ep .  59-) 



men  of  business.  Nor  was  this  all.  One  of  his  legates, 

.  .  O  7 

Statilius  Taurus,  was  so  successful  in  Africa,  and  another,  C. 
Norbanus,  in  Spain,  that  both  were  decreed  triumphs  in  b.c.  34, 
and  in  the  same  year  Mauretania  was  made  a  Roman  province. 
Caesar  had  declined  a  triumph  after  the  Pannonian  war,  but 
accepted  honours  for  Octavia  and  Livia,  who  were  exempted 
from  the  tutela ,  to  which  all  women  were  subject ;  and  during 
these  two  years  his  name  was  becoming  associated  with  success 
and  with  the  expansion  of  the  Empire  and  of  trade. 

This  was  accompanied  by  restorations  and  improvements  in 
the  city  calculated  to  appeal  still  more  strongly  to  popular 
imagination.  In  B.c.  33  Agrippa  as  aedile  re- 
'I'S?  formed  the  water  supply  of  Rome,  constructing 
700  basins,  500  fountains,  and  repairing  the 
aqueducts.1  He  also  cleansed  the  cloacae,  adorned  the  circus, 
distributed  oil  and  salt  free,  and  opened  the  baths  gratis 
throughout  his  year  of  office,  besides  throwing  among  the 
spectators  at  the  theatre  tessera  (tickets)  entitling  the  holders 
to  valuable  presents.  Caesar  himself,  who  was  consul  for  a 
few  months  at  the  beginning  of  B.c.  33,  erected  the  Porticus 
Octaviae,  named  in  honour  of  his  sister,  with  the  spoils  of  the 
Illyrian  and  Pannonian  wars,2 3  and  began  the  building  of  the 
temple  of  Apollo  and  the  two  libraries,  on  the  site  bought  for  a 
house  on  the  Palatine  before  b.c.  36,  when  that  of  Hortensius 
had  been  granted  to  him  by  the  Senate, 3  and  while  he  was  still 
living  in  the  house  of  Calvus  near  the  Forum. 

These  successes  in  the  Western  provinces,  combined  with 
such  costly  improvements  in  the  city,  impressed 
Intony's’^areer.  (as  was  intended  that  they  should)  the  minds  of 
the  people  in  Rome  with  the  feeling  that  Caesar’s 
name  was  the  best  guarantee  for  the  era  of  peace  and  pros- 

1  Pliny,  N.  H.  36  §  121. 

2  The  Porticus  Octaviae,  of  which  an  arch  remains,  was  a  rectangular 
cloister  enclosing  the  temples  of  Jupiter  Stator  and  Iuno  Regina. 

3  Dio,  49,  15  ;  Sueton.,  Aug.  72. 


1 16 

perity  which  seemed  at  last  to  be  succeeding  the  ruin  and 
horror  of  civil  war.  In  strong  contrast — carefully  emphasized 
by  Caesar  and  his  friends — were  the  military  expeditions  in  the 
East,  and  the  extravagance  of  Antony’s  infatuation  for 
Cleopatra  in  Egypt.  In  B.c.  40  he  had  been  roused  from  the 
intoxication  of  love  and  revelry  in  Alexandria  to  find  Syria  in 
the  hands  of  the  Parthian  Pacorus,  son  of  Orodes, 
The  Paithians.  Qf  Lat,;enuS)  son  Qf  the  01J  legate  of  IuliuS, 

who  had  joined  the  enemy  after  the  battle  of  Philippi.  They 
had  defeated  and  killed  his  legate,  Decidius  Saxa,  and  taken 
possession  of  the  province.  It  is  true  that  next  year,  B.c.  39, 
P.  Ventidius  drove  away  Labienus,  and  in  b.c.  38  defeated  the 
Parthians  and  killed  Pacorus.  But  Antony  was  jealous  of 
Ventidius,  deposed  him  from  his  command,  and  went  in 
person  to  besiege  the  remains  of  the  Parthian  army  in 
Samosata,  where  they  had  been  received  by  Antiochus,  king 
of  Commagene.  He  failed  to  take  the  town,  and  though  in 
his  despatch  he  took  all  the  credit  of  previous  successes,  the 
truth  was  well  known  in  Rome.  After  his  failure  at  Samosata 
he  made  somewhat  inglorious  terms  with  Antiochus,  and  going 
off  to  meet  Caesar  at  Tarentum  left  C.  Sosius  in  charge  of  Syria. 
Sosius  put  down  an  insurrection  in  Judaea  and  established 
Herod  as  king  (b.c.  38-7).  But  in  b.c.  36  Antony  suffered 
severe  reverses  in  an  expedition  against  Phraates,  who  had  just 
succeeded  his  father  Orodes  as  king  of  Parthia.  One  success, 
however,  in  the  course  of  an  inglorious  campaign  enabled  him 
to  send  home  laurelled  despatches,  the  real  value  of  which 
Caesar  and  his  friends  took  care  should  be  known.  In  b.c.  35 
he  began  carving  out  a  kingdom  for  his  elder  son  by  Cleopatra, 
and  making  preparations  for  an  expedition  against  the  king  of 
Armenia,  whom  he  accused  of  failing  in  his  duty  of  supporting 
him  in  the  previous  year.  Having  first  made  a  treaty  of 
friendship  with  the  king  of  Media,  in  b.c.  34  he  invaded 
Armenia,  and  getting  possession  of  the  person  of  the  king  by 
an  act  of  treachery  which  shocked  Roman  sentiment — not 


ii  7 

very  scrupulous  in  such  matters — he  brought  him  in  silver 
chains  to  Alexandria. 

Thus  Antony’s  career  as  an  administrator  and  defender  of 
the  Empire  was  rightly  or  wrongly  looked  upon  as  comparing 
,  unfavourably  with  that  of  Caesar.  But  still  more 

Cleopatra.  #  J 

shocking  to  Roman  feeling  was  his  position  in 
Cleopatra’s  court.  Though  the  moral  standard  at  Rome  was 
far  from  high,  it  was  rigid  in  regard  to  certain  details.  Just 
as  a  valid  marriage  could  only  be  contracted  with  a  woman 
who  was  a  avis,  so  for  a  man  in  high  position  to  live  openly 
with  a  foreign  mistress,  however  high  her  rank,  was  peculiarly 
scandalous.  The  beloved  Emperor  Titus,  a  hundred  years 
later,  had  to  give  way  to  this  sentiment  and  dismiss  his 
Idumaean  mistress.  But  that  a  Roman  imperator  should  not 
only  have  such  a  connection  with  a  “  barbarous  ”  queen,  but 
should  act  as  her  officer  and  courtier  ;  that  she  should  have  a 
bodyguard  of  Roman  soldiers  ;  should  give  the  watchword  to 
them  as  their  sovereign  ;  and  should  even  employ  them  to  deal 
with  what  in  one  sense  or  another  was  Roman  territory — this 
seemed  an  outrage  of  the  worst  kind.  In  a  poem  written  it 
seems  while  the  campaign  at  Actium  was  still  undecided,  but 
when  rumours  of  Antony’s  defeat  were  reaching  Rome, 
Horace  well  expresses  the  disgust  with  which  the  position 
conceded  to  Cleopatra  by  Antony’s  fondness  was  regarded  : 

False,  false  the  tale  our  grandsons  will  declare — 

That  Romans  to  a  woman  fealty  sware  ; 

Shouldered  their  pikes ;  presented  arms ;  and  did 
Whate’er  her  wrinkled  eunuchs  deigned  to  bid  : 

Or  that  among  our  Roman  flags  were  seen 
The  gauzy  curtains  of  her  palanquin.”  1 

Antony  himself  made  no  concealment  as  to  the  queen’s 
connection  with  the  army.  After  his  disastrous  expedition  of 
B.c.  36-5,  Cleopatra  supplied  him  with  money,  and  he  told 
1  Horace,  Epod.  ix.  ii.  ;  cp.  Ov.,  Met.  15,  826. 

1 1 8 


his  men  when  paying  them  that  they  were  receiving  it  from 
her.  The  connection  also  involved  a  breach  with  Caesar. 
Their  friendship — always  doubtful — had  been  patched  up  from 
time  to  time  by  formal  reconciliations ;  in  B.c.  43  after 
Mutina  ;  in  B.c.  40  at  Brundisium  ;  and  in  B.c.  37  at  Taren- 
tum.  For  a  time  Antony  had  found  great  pleasure  in  the 
society  of  Octavia,  with  whom  he  lived  for  a  time  at  Athens. 
But  after  the  meeting  at  Tarentum  he  left  Octavia  with  her 
brother  on  his  return  to  the  East,  and  soon  fell  again  under 
Cleopatra’s  spell,  who,  though  not  beautiful,  fascinated  him  by 
her  art  and  infinite  variety.  When  in  B.c.  35  Octavia,  trying 
to  effect  another  reconciliation,  went  to  Athens,  talcing  money 
and  soldiers  for  him  from  her  brother,  Antony  accepted  the 
gifts,  but  sent  her  word  that  she  was  to  return  to  Rome. 
Caesar  would  have  had  her  repudiate  him  at  once,  but  she 
seems  to  have  been  sincerely  attached  to  him,  and  to  have 
shrunk  from  the  idea  of  an  insult  to  herself  being  made  an 
occasion  of  civil  war.  She  persisted  in  living  in  his  town 
house,  and  in  bringing  up  with  liberality,  not  only  her  own 
children  by  him,  but  also  Antony’s  children  by  Fulvia. 

But  after  his  return  from  the  Armenian  expedition  (b.c.  34) 
Antony  became  still  more  infatuated  with  Cleopatra.  He 
publicly  gave  her  the  title  of  “  Oueen  of  Queens,”  and  her 
eldest  son  the  name  of  Caesarion  and  “  King  of  Kings  ”  ; 
while  to  his  two  sons  and  daughter  by  Cleopatra  he  assigned 
kingdoms  in  Syria,  Armenia,  Libya,  and  Cyrene.  He  had 
the  assurance  to  write  to  the  Senate  asking  for  the  confirma¬ 
tion  of  these  acta.  When  his  two  friends,  C.  Sosius  and  Cn. 

Domitius  Ahenobarbus  entered  on  their  consulship 
betweenrc®sar  (ist  of  January,  B.c.  32),  they  resolved  to  suppress 
and  Antony.!  tj1j$  deSpatch,  in  spite  of  Caesar’s  wishes;  but 

they  communicated  to  the  Senate  his  message  that  the  second 
period  of  the  Triumvirate  having  expired  (on  the  last  day  of 
B.c.  33),  he  had  no  desire  for  its  renewal.  He  did  not, 
however,  lay  down  his  imperium,  and  the  object  of  this 


declaration  was  to  embroil  Caesar  with  the  Senate,  should  he 
wish  to  retain  his  extraordinary  powers.  Ahenobarbus,  indeed, 
had  had  enough  of  civil  war  and  wished  to  take  no  step  likely 
to  bring  it  about.  But  Sosius  made  an  elaborate  speech  in 
praise  of  Antony,  and  attacking,  or  at  least  depreciating, 
Caesar  ;  and  was  only  prevented  from  bringing  in  a  motion 
in  Antony’s  favour  by  the  intervention  of  a  tribune.  A 
few  days  after  this  Caesar  (who  had  not  been  present  on  the 
1st  of  January)  summoned  the  Senate,  and  delivered  a  speech 
from  the  consular  bench,  which  though  studiously  moderate  as 
regards  himself,  was  very  outspoken  as  regards  Sosius  and 
Antony.  No  one  ventured  to  reply,  and  the  Senate  was 
dismissed  with  the  assurance  that  Caesar  would  produce  proofs 
of  what  he  had  said  about  Antony.  The  two  consuls,  without 
taking  any  farther  step,  left  Rome  privately  and  joined 
Antony  in  Alexandria.  They  were  followed  by  a  considerable 
number  of  Senators,  Cssar  giving  out  that  they  went  with 
his  full  consent,  and  declaring  that  others  might  go  if  they 

chose.  ....  , 

This  was  a  division  of  the  governing  body  similar  to  that 

of  b.c.  49-8,  and  it  was  evident  that  a  civil  war  was  imminent. 

Sentiment  was  by  no  means  all  on  one  side  at 
The  grievances  Rome,  as  is  proved  by  the  numbers  of  the  Senate 
who  crossed  to  Antony.  Party  feeling,  in  fact, 
was  so  keen  that  the  very  boys  in  the  streets  div.ded  them¬ 
selves  into  Caesarians  and  Antonians  ;■  and  both  leadeis  shewe 
great  eagerness  by  arguments  and  declarations  to  put  them¬ 
selves  in  the  right.  Antony’s  grievances  against  Cssar  were  . 

.  An  anecdote  has  been  preserved  illustrating  the  policy  ot  “sitting  on 
the  hedge,”  which  must  have  prevail 

Shat  he  Should  bge  forced  to  bring  another  bird,  which  when  brought  re- 
pealed  as  it  had  been  taught,  “  Ave,  Antoni,  mfimtor  el  Vidor. 



( i )  that  he  deprived  Lepidus  of  Africa  without  consulting 
him  5  (2)  that  he  had  not  shared  with  him  the  countries 
formerly  controlled  by  Sextus  Pompeius  ;  (3)  that  he  enrolled 
soldiers  in  Italy  without  sending  him  the  contingents  due  by 
their  agreement.  Caesar’s  against  Antony  were  that  he  was 
occupying  Egypt  (not  a  Roman  province)  without  authority; 
had  executed  Sextus  Pompeius,  whom  he  (Caesar)  had  wished 
to  spare  ;  had  disgraced  the  Roman  name  by  his  conduct  to 
the  king  of  Armenia,  by  his  connection  with  Cleopatra,  and 
by  bestowing  kingdoms  on  his  children  by  her  ;  and,  lastly,  had 
wronged  him  by  acknowledging  Caesarion  as  a  son  of  Iulius 
Caesar.  Letters  and  messages  were  interchanged  for  some 
months  on  these  and  other  points,  both  trying  to  justify 
themselves.  Antony,  in  one  letter  at  least,  preserved  by 
Suetonius,  ridicules  in  the  coarsest  terms  what  he  regards  as 
Caesars  hypocritical  or  prudish  objection  to  his  connection 
with  the  queen.  But  at  length  Cssar  found  means  to 
discredit  Antony  in  the  eyes  of  the  Senators,  and  to  convince 
them  that  they  must  prevent  an  invasion  of  Italy  by  a  pro¬ 
clamation  of  war  against  Cleopatra,  which  would  be  understood 
to  be  against  Antony.  He  did  this  by  using  two  of  Antony’s 
officers  who  had  quarrelled  with  him  and  returned  to  Rome— 
M.  Titius  and  L.  Munatius  Plancus.  The  latter,  Cicero’s 
correspondent,  the  governor  of  Celtic  Gaul  in  b.c.  44,  and 
consul  in  b.c.  42,  had  joined  Antony  in  Alexandria  as  his 
legatus ,  and  had  been  much  in  his  confidence.  He  is  held  up 
to  scorn  by  contemporary  writers  as  a  monster  of  fickleness 
and  an  ingrained  traitor,  and  his  thus  turning  upon  Antony  was 
regarded  with  much  contempt  even  by  the  Cassarians.  The 
story  he  and  his  companion  had  to  tell,  however,  served 
Caesar  s  turn.  They  brought  word  that,  on  hearing  of  his 
speech  in  the  Senate,  Antony  had  publicly  divorced  Octavia 
in  the  presence  of  the  Senators,  and  had  announced  that  he 
intended  to  undertake  a  war  against  him.  They  also  told  how 
Antony  styled  Cleopatra  his  queen  and  sovereign,  gave  her 


1 2 1 

a  bodyguard  of  Roman  soldiers,  with  her  name  on  their 
shields  ;  how  he  escorted  her  to  the  forum  and  sat  by  her  side 
on  the  seat  of  justice  ;  how,  when  she  rode  in  her  chair  he 
walked  on  foot  by  her  side  among  the  eunuchs  ;  how  he  called 
the  general’s  quarters  or  praetorium  “the  Palace,”  wore  an 
Egyptian  scimitar  and  a  robe  embroidered  with  gold,  and  sat 
on  a  gilded  chair  ;  and  how  some  religious  mummeries  had 
been  played,  in  which  he  took  the  part  of  Osiris,  she  of  the 
Moon  and  Isis.  The  Roman  world  believed  that  Antony  was 
bewitched  by  Cleopatra ;  and  the  serious  consequences  likely 
to  ensue  were  made  more  manifest  by  his  will,  of  which 
Augustus  got  either  a  copy  or  an  account  of  its  contents  from 
Plancus,  and  read  it  publicly  from  the  Rostra.  In  it  Antony 
affirmed  the  legitimacy  of  Caesarion,  gave  enormous  legacies 
to  his  children  by  Cleopatra,  and  ordered  his  body  to  be  buried 
with  that  of  the  queen’s  in  the  royal  mausoleum.  Altogether 
people  began  to  believe  the  report  that  he  meant  to  hand  over 
the  Empire,  even  Rome  itself,  to  Cleopatra,  and  to  transfer  the 
seat  of  government  to  Alexandria.  There  was  one  of  those 
„T  ,  .  .  outbursts  of  feeling  which  carries  all  before  it. 

War  proclaimed  ° 

against  Even  those  who  had  been  neutral,  or  inclined  to 

B.c.32.  be  suspicious  of  Caesar,  turned  violently  against 

Antony.  He  was  deposed  from  the  consulship  for  b.c.  31,  to 
which  he  had  been  elected,  and  declared  to  be  divested  of 
imperium.  It  seems  probable  that  he  was  not  at  first  declared 
a  hostis ,x  but  war  was  voted  against  Cleopatra.  It  was  enough 
for  his  enemies  that  he  should  be  found  fighting  with  the 
Egyptians  against  Rome  ;  and  the  vote  was  well  understood  to 
include  him.  Caesar  was  appointed  to  proclaim  the  war  with 
all  the  Fetial  ceremonies,  and  the  Senate  assumed  the  sagum .1 2 

1  Dio,  50,  5  ;  but  Suetonius,  Aug.  17,  says  that  he  was  declared  a  hostis. 

2  Dio,  50,  5.  Thus  Horace,  on  hearing  the  rumours  of  Antony’s  defeat, 
exclaims  (somewhat  prematurely),  Epod.  ix.  27  : 

“  Terra  marique  victus  hostis  punico. 
lugubre  mutavit  sagum.” 



Both  sides  were  now  making  preparations  in  earnest.  Caesar 
could  draw  forces  from  Italy,  Gaul,  Spain,  Illyricum,  Sardinia, 
Sicily,  and  other  islands.  Antony  relied  on  Asia,  the  parts 
about  Thrace,  Greece  and  Macedonia,  Egypt,  Cyrene,  and  the 
islands  of  the  iEgean,  besides  a  large  number  of  client  kings 
who  had  owed  their  position  to  him.1  He  silenced  their 
scruples,  when  gathered  at  Samos,  by  pointing  out  that  they 
would  not  be  formally  at  war  with  Rome,  and  promising  that 
within  two  months  of  the  victory  he  would  lay  down  his 
imperium  and  remit  all  power  to  the  Senate  and  people.  Nor 
did  he  confine  his  exertions  to  the  East.  Agents  were  sent  to 
cities  in  Italy  carrying  money,  though  Caesar — who  kept 
himself  well  informed — frustrated  this  attempt  for  the  most 

From  Samos  Antony  removed  his  headquarters  to  Athens, 
whence  in  the  winter  of  B.c.  32  he  started  to  invade  Italy. 

But  at  Corcyra  he  got  intelligence  of  an  advanced 

approaches  squadron  of  Caesar’s  fleet  near  the  Acroceraunian 
promontory,  and  thinking  that  Caesar  was  there 
in  full  force,  he  decided  to  put  off  hostilities  till  the  spring,  by 
which  time  he  expected  to  be  joined  by  the  forces  of  the  client 
kings.  He  himself  wintered  at  Patrae,  distributing  his  forces 
so  as  to  guard  various  points  in  Greece.  He  scornfully  rejected 
Caesar’s  proposal  for  an  interview,  on  the  ground  that  there 
was  no  one  to  decide  between  them,  if  either  broke  the  terms 
upon  which  they  might  agree.  The  proposal  was  probably 
not  seriously  meant.  It  was  only  another  means  of  putting 
Antony  in  the  wrong. 

Nothing,  however,  was  done  before  the  end  of  the  year,  a 
storm  having  frustrated  an  attempt  of  Caesar’s  to  surprise  some 
of  the  enemy’s  ships  at  Corcyra.  In  the  early  spring  the 

1  Bocchus  of  Mauretania,  Tarchondemus  of  Cilicia  Aspera,  Archilaus  of 
Cappadocia,  'Amyntas  of  Lycaonia  and  Galatia,  Philadelphus  of  Paphla- 
gonia,  Malchus  of  Arabia,  Herod  of  Judaea,  Sadalas  of  Thrace,  Polemon  of 
Pontus.  (Plut.,  Ant.  61.) 


first  move  was  made  by  Agrippa,  who  swooped  down  upon 
Methone  in  Messenia,  killed  Bogovas,  late  king  of 
Mauretania,  and  harassed  the  shores  of  Greece  by 
ThVeabe|nSng-of  other  descents,  in  order  to  divert  Antony’s  atten¬ 
tion  ;  who  was  now  with  his  main  fleet  in  the 
Ambracian  gulf,  having  secured  the  narrow  entrance  to  it  by 
towers  on  either  side,  and  with  ships  stationed  between.  His 
camp  was  close  to  the  temple  of  Apollo,  on  the  south  side  of  the 
strait.  The  successes  of  Agrippa  encouraged  Caesar  to  move. 
He  landed  troops  in  Ceraunia,  making  his  own  headquarters  at 
the  “ Sweet  Haven,”  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cocytus,  and  sent 
a  detachment  by  land  round  the  Ambracian  sea  to  threaten 
Antony’s  camp.  Having  failed  to  entice  the  fleet  from  the 
Ambracian  gulf,  or  to  tempt  the  men  to  abandon  Antony,  he 
seized  the  high  ground  overlooking  the  strait,  and  opposite 
Actium,  where  he  entrenched  himself,  on  the  ground  on  which 
he  afterwards  built  Nicopolis.  The  summer  months,  however, 
were  wearing  away  without  any  decisive  blow  being  struck  by 
either  side,  and  the  delay  was  irksome  to  both.  Rome  was  in  a 
state  of  simmering  revolt  owing  to  distress  and  heavy  taxes,  a 
discontent  which  found  expression  in  the  conspiracy  of  Lepidus, 
son  of  the  ex-triumvir.  It  was  promptly  suppressed,  indeed, 
and  Lepidus  was  sent  over  to  Caesar  to  receive  his  condem¬ 
nation  ;  but,  nevertheless,  Maecenas,  who  was  in  charge  of  Rome, 
found  that  he  had  no  sinecure.  To  Antony,  again,  delay 
meant  discontent  among  his  Eastern  followers,  tottering  loyalty, 
and  probable  abandonment.  Above  all,  Cleopatra  was  in  a 
highly  nervous  state,  and  was  urging  a  return  to  Egypt.  At 
last  on  the  31st  of  August,  a  cavalry  engagement  going  against 
Antony,  she  became  clamorous  ;  and  after  long  deliberation, 
Antony  determined  to  follow  her  advice.  He  ordered  his  ships 
to  be  prepared  for  battle,  but  with  the  secret  intention  of 
avoiding  a  fight  and  sailing  away  to  Alexandria.1 

Csesar  was  kept  informed  of  this,  and  resolved  to  prevent  it. 

1  Dio,  50,  14-23. 



His  idea  was  to  allow  the  Antonian  fleet  to  issue  out  and  begin 

Battle  of  their  course,  and  then  to  fall  upon  their  rear.  But 
Acti™’  ®ept. 3’  Agrippa  thought  that  the  superior  sailing  powers 
of  the  Antonian  fleet  would  render  this  impossible, 
and  urged  an  attack  as  soon  as  the  ships  cleared  the  straits. 
There  had  been  rough  weather  for  four  days,  but  on  the  3rd  of 
September  there  was  a  calm,1  or  only  some  surf  from  the  pre¬ 
ceding  storms ;  and  when  the  trumpet  rang  out  for  the  start 
Antony’s  huge  vessels,  furnished  with  towers  and  filled  with 
armed  men,  began  streaming  out  of  the  straits.  They  did  not 
at  first  show  any  signs  of  standing  out  to  sea.  The  ships  took 
up  a  close  order  and  waited  to  be  attacked.  There  was  a  brief 
pause  on  Cassar’s  side.  He  or  Agrippa  hesitated  to  attack 
these  great  galleons  with  their  smaller  craft.  But  before  long 
an  order  was  issued  to  the  vessels  on  the  extremities  of  Caesar’s 
fleet  to  exert  their  utmost  powers  in  rowing  in  order  to  get 
round  Antony’s  two  wings.  To  avoid  this  danger  Antony  was 
forced  against  his  will  to  order  an  attack. 

The  battle  raged  all  the  afternoon  without  decisive  result  ; 
though  the  smallness  of  Caesar’s  vessels  proved  in  many  points  a 
decided  advantage.  They  could  be  rowed  close  up  to  bigger 
ships  and  be  rowed  away  again  when  a  shower  of  javelins  had 
been  poured  in  upon  the  enemy.  Antony’s  men  returned  the 
volleys  and  used  grappling  irons  of  great  weight.  If  these  irons 
caught  one  of  the  smaller  ships  they  were  doubtless  very 
effective  ;  but  if  the  cast  missed  they  either  seriously  damaged 
their  own  ship,  or  caused  so  much  confusion  and  delay  that  an 
opportunity  was  given  to  the  enemy  to  pour  in  fresh  volleys  of 
darts.  At  length  Cleopatra,  whose  ships  were  on  the  southern 
fringe  of  the  fleet,  could  bear  the  suspense  no  longer.  She  gave 
the  signal  for  retreat,  and  a  favourable  breeze  springing  up,  the 
Egyptian  ships  were  soon  fading  out  of  sight.  Antony  thinking 

Dio,  50-31,  says,  vetoq  re  tv  rovrtp  \afipbr  icai  ZdXij  7ro\\iy.  But  Plutarch, 
Airt.  65,  says  that  after  four  days  of  stormy  weather  on  the  day  of  battle 
vrjvefiiag  ical  yaXrjvriQ  yevojJt'e vi]Q  (TVvpeoav. 


that  this  was  the  result  of  a  panic,  and  that  the  day  was  lost, 
hastened  after  the  retiring  squadron.  The  example  of  their 
leader  was  followed  by  many  of  the  crews,  who  lightening  their 
ships  by  throwing  overboard  the  wooden  towers  and  war  tackle, 
fled  with  sails  full  spread.  But  others  still  maintained  the 
struggle,  and  it  was  not  until  Caesar’s  men  began  throwing 
lighted  brands  upon  the  enemy’s  ships  that  the  rout  became 
general.  Even  then  the  work  was  not  over,  for  Caesar  spent 
the  whole  night  on  board  endeavouring  to  rescue  men  from  the 
burning  ships.1 

Antony  got  clear  off  from  pursuit,  but  his  camp  on  land  was 
easily  taken,  and  his  army  was  intercepted  while  trying  to 
retreat  into  Macedonia.  For  the  most  part  the 

The  finale  of  the  .  „  ,  ,  . 

civil  war  in  men  took  service  in  Caesar  s  legions,  the  veterans 
Eajpt,B.  -oi  30.  kejng  disbanded  without  pensions.  Antony,  how¬ 
ever,  was  followed  to  Egypt  by  many  of  his  adherents  of  rank, 
and  still  thought  himself  strong  enough  to  make  terms  with 
Caesar.  But  he  could  no  longer  hope  for  aid  from  the  client 
kings.  They  all  hastened  to  make  their  peace  with  Caesar,  or 
were  captured  and  punished.  Even  Cleopatra  was  secretly 
prepared  to  betray  him. 

With  the  exception  of  one  visit  to  Brundisium  of  seven  days, 
to  suppress  the  mutiny  of  some  discontented  veterans,  Caesar 
spent  the  winter  at  Samos  and  Athens,  collecting  an  army  and 
navy  destined  to  deprive  Egypt  permanently  of  its  indepen¬ 
dence.  Cleopatra  had  indeed  tried  to  brave  it  out.  She 
returned  to  Alexandria  with  her  prows  decked  with  flowers 
and  her  pipers  playing  a  triumphant  tune.  The  people  are 
not  likely  to  have  been  deceived,  but  there  was  no  sign  of 
revolt.  She  was  able  to  seize  the  property  of  those  whose 
fidelity  she  suspected,  and  even  put  to  death  the  captive  king 
of  Armenia  to  gratify  her  ally  the  king  of  Media.  Messages 
were  sent  to  the  kings  who  had  been  allied  with  Antony,  and 
for  some  gladiators  whom  he  had  in  training  at  Trapezus. 

1  Suet.,  Aug.  17. 



The  gladiators  started  but  were  intercepted,  and  no  help  came 
from  the  client  kings.  A  still  worse  disappointment  awaited 
him  in  Cyrene,  over  which  he  had  placed  L.  Pinarius  Scarpus 
with  four  legions.  When,  leaving  Cleopatra  at  Paraetonium, 
he  went  to  take  over  these  legions,  Pinarius  refused  to  receive 
him  and  even  put  his  messengers  to  death,  and  shortly  after¬ 
wards  handed  over  his  province  and  army  to  Caesar’s  legate, 
Cornelius  Gallus.  This  was  an  unmistakable  sign  that 
Antony’s  day  of  influence  was  over.  Cleopatra  returned  to 
Alexandria  and  made  secret  preparations  for  retiring  into 
Asia,  as  far  as  Iberia  ( Georgia )  if  necessary,  though  still 
keeping  up  appearances  and  sending  in  every  direction  for  aid. 
Cleopatra’s  son  Caesarion  and  Antony’s  son  by  Fulvia  ( Antyllus) 
were  declared  of  man’s  estate  and  capable  of  governing,  and 
messages  were  despatched  to  Caesar  proposing  that  Antony 
should  retire  to  Athens  as  a  privatus ,  and  that  Cleopatra  should 
abdicate  in  favour  of  Caesarion.  The  queen  also,  without 
Antony’s  knowledge,  sent  Caesar  a  gold  sceptre  and  crown. 
He  made  no  reply  to  Antony,  but  answered  in  threatening 
terms  to  Cleopatra,  while  sending  his  freedman  Thyrsus  to 
give  her  privately  a  reassuring  message.  Antony  suspected 
the  purport  of  Thyrsus’s  mission,  and  with  a  last  ebullition 
of  his  old  swaggering  humour  had  him  flogged,  and  sent  back 
with  the  message,  that  if  Caesar  felt  aggrieved  he  might  put 
his  freedman  Hipparchus  (who  had  joined  Caesar)  to  the 
torture  in  revenge.  But  things  went  from  bad  to  worse  with 
him.  News  came  that  the  gladiators  had  been  impounded, 
that  his  own  legatus  in  Syria  (Q.  Didius)  had  bidden  the 
Arabs  burn  the  ships  while  he  had  prepared  for  his  flight  in 
the  Red  Sea,  and  that  the  only  two  client  kings  who  had 
seemed  inclined  to  stand  by  him — those  of  Cilicia  and  Galatia 
— had  fallen  off.  He  therefore  tried  once  more  to  open 
communications  with  Caesar.  He  sent  him  as  a  prisoner  one 
of  the  assassins  of  Iulius,  whom  he  had  protected  and  employed, 
P.  Turullius,  and  a  considerable  sum  of  money  by  the  hands 



of  his  son  Antyllus.  Caesar  put  T urullius  to  death  and  took 
the  money,  but  returned  no  answer  to  Antony,  though  he 
again  sent  a  private  message  to  Cleopatra.  Presently  Antony 
was  informed  that  Gallus  had  arrived  at  Paraetonium  with  the 
four  legions  taken  over  from  Pinarius  ;  and  believing  that  even 
now  his  personal  influence  was  sufficient  to  win  back  the  men, 
he  hurried  thither,  accompanied  by  the  remains  of  his  fleet 
coasting  along  to  guard  him.  But  this  only  led  to  farther 
disaster.  The  soldiers  refused  to  listen  to  him  ;  and  when  his 
ships  entered  the  harbour  the  chains  were  made  fast  across  the 
mouth  and  they  were  trapped.  On  land  he  now  found  himself 
between  two  hostile  forces ;  for  Caesar  with  Cleopatra’s 
connivance  had  landed  at  Pelusium  and  was  marching  on 
Alexandria,  and  Gallus  was  attacking  him  from  Paraetonium. 
He  once  more  executed  one  of  those  rapid  movements  for 
which  he  was  famous.  Hastening  back  to  Alexandria  he 
flung  his  cavalry  upon  Caesar’s  vanguard  when  tired  with  its 
march.  But  the  success  of  this  movement  encouraged  him  to 
make  a  general  attack,  in  which  he  was  decisively  beaten. 
His  last  resource,  the  ships  still  remaining  in  the  harbour  of 
Alexandria,  failed  him.  Acting  under  Cleopatra’s  orders  the 
captains  refused  to  receive  him.  The  queen,  it  is  said,  had 
shut  herself  up  in  the  Tomb-house  or  Ptolemaeum,  hoping  to 
drive  Antony  to  despair  and  suicide,  as  the  only  solution  of  the 
difficulty.  If  that  was  indeed  her  motive,  she  was  both 
successful  and  repentant.  Antony  stabbed  himself,  and  begged 
to  be  carried  to  the  Tomb-house,  where  he  died  in  her  arms. 

Caesar  was  now  eager  to  secure  Cleopatra’s  person.  He 
sent  Gallus  to  her  with  soothing  messages,  which  he  delivered 

to  her  at  the  porch.  But  while  he  was  speaking 

Death  of  wjtj1  her  Q  Proculeius  entered  by  a  window, 

Cleopatra.  _  . 

seized  the  queen,  and  conveyed  her  to  the  ralace, 
where  she  was  allowed  her  usual  attendants  and  all  the 
paraphernalia  of  royalty.  Of  the  two  accounts  of  Caesar  s 
interview  with  her  the  more  picturesque  one  is  given  by  the 



usually  prosaic  Dio.  He  found  her  looking  charming  in  her 
mourning,  surrounded  by  likenesses  of  various  kinds  of  the 
great  Iulius,  and  in  the  bosom  of  her  dress  a  packet  of  letters 
received  from  him.  On  his  entrance  she  rose  with  a  blush 
and  greeted  him  as  her  lord  and  master.  She  pleaded  that 
Iulius  had  always  honoured  her  and  acknowledged  her  as 
queen.  She  read  affectionate  passages  from  his  letters,  which 
she  kissed  passionately  with  tears  streaming  from  her  eyes, 
being  at  the  same  time  careful  to  put  respectful  admiration  and 
affection  for  Caesar  himself  into  her  looks  and  the  tone  of  her 
voice.  Caesar  quite  appreciated  the  drama  thus  played  for  his 
behoof,  but  feigned  unconsciousness,  keeping  his  eyes  fixed  on 
the  ground  and  saying  nothing  but  :  “  Courage,  madam  !  Do 
not  be  alarmed,  for  no  harm  will  happen  to  you.”  He  said  no 
word,  however,  as  to  her  retention  of  royal  power,  nor  did 
his  voice  betray  the  least  tenderness.  In  an  agony  of  disap¬ 
pointment  she  flung  herself  at  his  feet  and  besought  him  by 
the  memory  of  his  father  to  allow  her  to  die  and  share 
Antony’s  tomb.  Caesar  made  no  reply  except  once  more  to 
bid  her  not  be  alarmed  ;  but  he  gave  orders  that  though 
allowed  her  usual  attendants  she  was  to  be  closely  watched. 
Cleopatra  understood  only  too  well  that  the  intention  was  to 
take  her  to  Rome  that  she  might  adorn  the  victor’s  triumph. 
But  in  order  to  secure  greater  freedom  she  feigned  submission 
and  to  be  busied  in  collecting  presents  to  take  to  Livia. 
Having  thus  diminished  the  vigilance  of  Epaphroditus  and  her 
other  guards,  she  some  days  afterwards  made  a  parade  of 
writing  a  letter  to  Caesar,  which  she  induced  Epaphroditus  to 
convey.  When  he  returned,  however,  he  found  the  queen, 
decked  in  royal  robes,  lying  dead  with  two  of  her  waiting 
women  dead  or  dying  by  her  side.  “  No  one  knows  for 
certain,”  says  Dio,  “  how  she  died.  Some  say  that  a  venomous 
snake  was  conveyed  to  her  in  a  water-vessel  or  in  some 
flowers.  Others  that  the  long  pin  with  which  she  fastened 
her  hair  had  a  poisoned  point,  with  which  she  pricked  her  arm.” 



Plutarch,  with  a  like  expression  of  doubt,  says  that  the  snake 
was  conveyed  in  a  basket  of  figs  ;  and  that  on  receiving  the 
letter  brought  by  Epaphroditus  Caesar  understood  her  purpose 
and  hurried  to  the  Palace  to  prevent  it,  and  even  summoned 
some  of  the  mysterious  Psylli — snake  charmers  and  curers — to 
suck  out  the  poison.1  But  in  spite  of  his  disappointment,  he 
admired  her  spirit  and  gave  her  a  royal  funeral.  Perhaps  after 
all  he  felt  relieved  of  a  difficulty.  According  to  Plutarch  she 
had  shown  him  that  she  was  not  to  be  easily  managed.  At 
the  end  of  her  conversation  with  Caesar,  he  says,  she  handed 
him  a  schedule  of  the  royal  treasures.  But  when  one  of  her 
stewards  or  treasurers  remarked  that  she  was  keeping  back 
certain  sums,  the  enraged  queen  sprang  up,  clutched  his  hair, 
and  beat  his  face  with  her  fists.  When  Caesar  smiled  and 
tried  to  pacify  her,  she  exclaimed  :  “  A  pretty  thing,  Caesar, 
that  you  should  visit  and  address  me  with  honour  in  my  fallen 
state,  and  that  one  of  my  own  slaves  should  malign  me  !  If  I 
have  set  apart  certain  women’s  ornaments,  it  was  not  for 
myself,  but  for  Octavia  and  Livia,  that  they  might  soften  your 
heart  to  me.” 

It  would  be  pleasanter  if  the  death  of  Cleopatra  and  the 
confiscation  of  her  treasury  were  the  end  of  the  story.  But 
the  executions  of  the  two  poor  boys,  Cassarion  and  Antyllus, 
were  acts  of  cold-blooded  cruelty.  The  former,  who  could  not 
have  been  more  than  sixteen,  had  been  sent  by  his  mother  with 
a  large  supply  of  money  to  ^Ethiopia,  but  was  betrayed  by  his 
padagogus ,  overtaken  by  Caesar’s  soldiers,  and  put  to  death. 
The  young  Antonius  (or  Antyllus)  begged  hard  for  his  life, 
and  fled  for  safety  to  the  heroum  of  the  divine  Iulius,  con¬ 
structed  by  Cleopatra,  but  was  dragged  away  and  killed.  He 
could  at  most  have  been  no  more  than  fourteen,  and  had  in 

1  The  earlier  writers,  Horace  ( Od .  i.  37,  27)  and  Velleius  (2,  87),  seem  to 
have  no  doubt  about  the  snake  story.  Livy  (as  we  have  him)  says  nothing 
either  way  except  that  she  died  by  suicide  (Ep.  133).  It  is  the  later  writers 
who  express  the  doubt,  Suet.,  Aug.  17  ;  Plut.,  Ant.  86  ;  Dio,  51  14. 




childhood  been  betrothed  to  Caesar’s  infant  daughter,  Iulia. 
Perhaps  the  pretensions  of  Caesarion  to  the  paternity  of  Caesar, 
and  his  acknowledgment  as  heir  to  the  throne  of  Egypt,  made 
his  death  inevitable  ;  but  the  extreme  youth  of  Antyllus  and 
his  helplessness  might  have  pleaded  for  him.  The  rest  of 
Antony’s  children  were  protected  by  Octavia,  and  brought  up 
as  became  their  rank. 

It  is  impossible  not  to  feel  some  sympathy  for  Antony,  who 
had  thus  flung  away  fame  and  life  for  a  woman’s  love.  But  it 
was  doubtless  a  happy  thing  for  the  world  that  the  direction  of 
affairs  fell  to  the  cautious  Augustus  rather  than  to  him.  He 
had  some  attractive  qualities,  but  no  virtues.  Boundless  self- 
indulgence  in  a  ruler  more  than  outweighs  good-nature  or 
liberality.  It  brings  more  suffering  to  subjects  than  the  occa¬ 
sional  gratification  caused  by  the  latter  qualities  can  compensate. 
His  scheme  for  erecting  a  series  of  semi-independent  kingdoms 
in  the  East  would  almost  certainly  have  been  the  cause  of 
endless  troubles.  He  was  not  more  than  fifty-three  at  his 
death,  but  there  were  signs  of  a  great  decay  of  energy  and 
activity.  The  people  thought  of  him — 

“As  of  a  Prince  whose  manhood  was  all  gone, 

And  molten  down  in  mere  uxoriousness.” 

And  undoubtedly,  if  instead  of  spending  a  winter  in  Samos 
in  luxury  and  riot  and  part  of  another  at  Athens  in  much  the 
same  way,  he  had  begun  his  attack  on  Caesar  a  year  earlier,  the 
result  might  have  been  different.  But  he  let  the  occasion 
slip  and  found,  as  others  have  done,  that  the  head  of  Time  is 
bald  at  the  back. 

Rev. :  The  Sphinx. 

Ohv. :  Head  of  Augustus. 

Ohv. :  Heads  of  Augustus  aud  Agrippa.  Rev. ;  Crocodile  and  Palin. 
Colon  la  Nemausi  (Nismes). 

Ohv. :  Head  of  Augustus. 

Rev. :  Triumphal  Arch,  celebrating  the  re-construction  of  the  roads. 

Ohv. :  Head  of  Drusus.  Rev. :  Trophy  of  Arms  taken  from  the  Germans. 

Ohv.:  Head  of  Li  via.  Rev.:  Head  of  Julia. 

To  face  page  130. 



Hie  antes  did  pater  atque  princeps. 

The  seven  years  which  followed  the  death  of  Antony  and 
Cleopatra  witnessed  the  settlement  of  the  new  constitution  in 
its  most  important  points.  It  has  been  called  a 
constitution.  dyarchy ,  the  two  parties  to  it  being  the  Emperor 
and  the  Senate.  They  were  not,  however,  at  any 
time  of  equal  power.  As  far  as  it  was  possible  Augustus  rested 
his  various  functions  on  the  same  foundation  as  those  of  the 
Republican  magistrates,  and  treated  the  Senate  with  studious 
respect.  But  in  spite  of  all  professions,  in  spite  even  of  him¬ 
self,  he  became  a  monarch,  whose  will  was  only  limited  by 
those  forces  of  circumstance  and  sentiment  to  which  the  most 
autocratic  of  sovereigns  have  at  times  been  forced  to  bow. 
The  important  epochs  in  this  reconstruction  are  the  years 
B.C.  29,  27,  23  ;  but  it  will  be  necessary  sometimes  to 
anticipate  the  course  of  events  and  to  speak  at  once  of  what 
often  took  many  years  to  develop. 

The  reduction  of  the  vast  armaments  which  the  various 
phases  of  the  civil  war  had  called  into  existence  was  made 
possible  by  the  wealth  which  the  possession  of 
Rthearniy°f  Egypt  put  into  Cassar’s  hands.  Though  Egypt 
became  a  Roman  province  it  was  from  the  first 

in  a  peculiar  position,  governed  by  a  “  prefect  ”  appointed  by 




the  Emperor,  who  took  as  his  private  property  both  the 
treasures  and  domain  lands  of  the  Ptolemaic  kings  and  the 
balance  of  the  revenues  over  the  expenses.  This  formed  the 
nucleus  of  what  was  afterwards  called  the  fiscusj-  the  imperial 
revenue  as  distinguished  from  the  ararium  or  public  treasury. 
He  was  thus  enabled  to  disband  many  legions  at  once,  without 
the  dangerous  discontent  of  the  veterans,  or  the  irritation  of 
fresh  confiscations.  It  was  imperatively  necessary  to  do  this  if 
he  wished  to  avoid  the  dangers  which  had  so  often  threatened 
the  State  from  leaders  of  overgrown  military  forces.  The 
number  of  legions  under  arms  during  the  preceding  ten  years 
was  indeed  formidable.  In  B.c.  36,  when  Caesar  took  over 
those  of  Lepidus  and  Sextus  Pompeius,  he  had  forty-four  or 
forty-five  legions  under  his  command.2  Between  that  time 
and  the  war  with  Antony  he  had  reduced  the  number  to 
eighteen.  But  after  the  victory  at  Actium  and  the  death  of 
Antony,  the  legions  taken  over  from  him,  along  with  those 
newly  raised  for  the  war,  again  amounted  to  fifty.  Therefore 
Cassar  had  twice  to  deal  with  a  body  of  about  250,000  men. 
He  says  himself  that  in  the  course  of  his  wars  half  a  million 
citizens  had  taken  the  military  oath  to  him.  The  wealth  of 
Egypt  served  to  purchase  lands  or  compensate  towns  for  such 
as  were  taken  for  the  veterans.  From  first  to  last  more  than 
300,000  men  were  provided  for  in  this  way.3  An  important 
purpose  also  served  by  this  measure  was  the  repeopling  of  Italy 
and  the  renovation  of  many  towns  which  during  the  civil  wars, 
or  from  other  causes,  had  fallen  into  decay.  Republican  pre- 

1  This  word — one  of  the  financial  terms  borrowed  from  Sicily  (lit.  “  a 
basket”) — was  perhaps  not  commonly  used  in  the  restricted  sense  in  the 
time  of  Augustus,  though  the  thing  existed.  Into  the  emperor's  fisc  went 
the  revenues  of  the  imperial  provinces  ;  but  the  balance  in  the  case  of 
most  was  not  large.  Cicero  indeed  ( pro  lege  Manil,  §  14)  says  that  none  of 
the  provinces  except  Asia  did  much  more  than  pay  its  expenses.  This 
was  probably  an  exaggeration,  but  not  a  very  great  one. 

2  This,  it  should  be  remembered,  was  exclusive  of  the  legions  regularly 
raised  for  certain  provinces  and  stationed  in  them. 

3  Mon.  Ancyr.  3,  16. 



cedent  was  followed  by  recalling  the  ancient  practice  of  settling 
“  colonies  ”  in  the  Italian  towns,  but  with  this  difference,  that 
the  new  colonists  were  usually  treated  as  a  supplementum  of  an 
already  existing  colonia,  lands  being  purchased  for  them  from 
private  owners  or  from  the  communities.  Augustus  claims 
twenty-eight  of  such  Italian  colonies,  of  which  thirteen  are 
known  to  have  been  in  past  times  “  Roman  ”  or  “  Latin  ” 
colonies.  Other  towns,  besides  a  money  compensation,  were 
rewarded  by  being  raised  to  the  status  of  a  colony,  generally 
with  the  addition  of  “  Iulia  ”  or  cc  Augusta  ”  to  their  name. 
This  system  was  presently  extended  beyond  Italy — to  Africa, 
Spain,  Sicily,  Illyricum,  Macedonia,  Achaia,  Gallia  Narbonensis, 
Asia,  Syria,  and  Pisidia.  Settlements  in  these  countries  were 
all  colonies  of  veterans,  except  Dyrrachium,  which  was  filled 
with  dispossessed  Italians.  This  was  not  altogether  a  novelty  : 
for  extra-Italian  colonies  had  been  already  established  in 
Cisalpine  and  Transalpine  Gaul,  at  Carthage,  and  at  Corinth. 
Iulius  Caesar  is  said  to  have  settled  80,000  citizens  in  this  way 
outside  Italy.  The  extra-italic  colonies  of  Augustus,  however, 
differed  from  these  last  in  regard  to  status.  They  had  what 
was  called  Latinitas ,  that  is,  citizenship  without  the  right  or 
voting  or  holding  office  at  Rome.  In  virtue  of  this  citizen¬ 
ship  they  came  under  the  Roman  law  and  belonged  to  the 
assize  ( conventus )  of  the  provincial  governors.  Some  of  them, 
again,  had  the  special  privileges  which  were  summed  up  in  the 
general  term  cc Italic  right”  ( ms  Italicum ),  and  included  free¬ 
dom  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  provincial  governor  ( libertas ), 
and  exemption  from  tribute  ( immunitas ).  The  general  aim 
seems  to  have  been  to  put  the  extra-italic  colonies  as  far  as 
possible  in  the  same  position  as  those  in  Italy.  As  a  rule  also 
the  veterans  settled  in  a  colony  had  been  enlisted  in  the  pro¬ 
vince,  and  had,  therefore,  already  local  connections.  Augustus 
took  trouble  in  fostering  and  adorning  these  towns,  whether  in 
Italy  or  the  provinces,  and  records  with  pride  that  many  had 
become  populous  cities  during  his  life-time.  In  many  cases 



their  subsequent  importance  shewed  that  they  had  been  well 
selected.  Thus  Carthage  had  a  great  mediaeval  history  ; 
D  urazzo  and  Philippi  were  long  places  of  consequence  ; 
Saragossa,  Merida,  Cordova,  Aix,  Patras,  Beyroot,  all  trace  their 
prosperity  to  the  colonisation  of  Augustus.1 

Nor  did  he  meanwhile  forget  to  encourage  restoration 
at  Rome,  to  which  he  had  already  given  a  strong  impulse. 

Nothing  had  damaged  Antony  in  the  eyes  of  the 
ImatRomentS  R°mans  more  than  the  report  of  his  intention  to 
transfer  the  seat  of  Empire  to  Alexandria.  A 
similar  report  as  to  the  establishment  of  an  imperial  city  for 
the  East  at  Ilium  caused  a  like  uneasiness  a  few  years  later, 
which  found  expression  in  one  of  Horace’s  most  spirited  odes.2 3 
Caesar  prudently  shewed  not  only  that  he  held  firmly  by  the 
Imperial  position  of  Rome,  but  that  he  also  wished  to  make  it 
externally  worthy  to  be  the  capital  of  the  world.  As  in  all 
his  projects,  no  one  co-operated  more  loyally  than  Agrippa. 
But  others  also  were  pressed  into  the  service ;  and  those 
especially  who  had  earned  triumphs  were  encouraged  to  use 
a  portion  at  least  of  their  spoils  in  public  works.  In  the  next 
few  years  there  was  a  great  outburst  of  temple  restoration, 3 
and  it  became  the  fashion  among  the  immediate  friends  and 
followers  of  Augustus  to  signalise  their  tenure  of  office  or 
a  military  success  by  undertaking  some  important  building. 
Horace  again  has  reflected  the  view  of  such  matters  which 
the  official  classes  were  expected  to  take,  and  perhaps  to  a 
certain  extent  did  take.  The  sufferings  of  the  Romans  in 
the  revolutionary  period  had  undoubtedly  been  great.  The 
ruinous  state  of  the  temples  was  doubtless  connected  with  the 
unsettled  times — whether  as  cause  or  consequence,  who  could 

1  Traces  of  the  work  of  Augustus  in  provincial  towns  may  still  be  seen, 
as  at  Nismes  and  other  towns  in  South-eastern  France. 

2  Horace,  Odes  iii.  3. 

3  In  the  Mon.  Ancyr.  20,  he  says  that  he  repaired  82  temples  in  B.c.  28, 
and  the  Flaminian  road  with  all  but  two  of  its  bridges  in  B.c.  27. 


exactly  say  ?  It  was  not  unnatural  to  suppose  that  among  the 
other  delicta  maiorum  this  too  had  moved  the  wrath  of  the  gods. 
At  any  rate  moral  laxity  went  side  by  side  with  scepticism  and 
neglect  of  religious  observances.  Nor  need  we  regard  either 
poet  or  emperor  as  a  monster  of  hypocrisy  in  supporting  such 
a  doctrine.  Habit  and  tradition  are  stronger  than  philosophy. 
There  always  remains  the  Incalculable  after  all  our  reasoning  ; 
and  many  to-day  regret  the  decay  of  religious  sentiment  as  a 
public  misfortune,  who  are  yet  profoundly  uncertain  as  to 
what  they  in  truth  believe  themselves. 

On  his  return  from  Asia  and  Greece,  where  he  had  spent 
the  winter  and  spring  of  B.c.  30-29,  Caesar  was  received  with 
enthusiasm  by  all  classes.  Solemn  sacrifice  was 
bestowed  on  offered  by  the  consul  in  the  name  of  the  people, 
Cssar,  B.c.  30-27.  and  every  honour  which  the  Senate  could  bestow 

was  awaiting  his  acceptance.  Those  voted  after  Actium  were 
lavishly  increased  in  September  b.c.  30,  on  the  news  of  Antony’s 
death  and  the  occupation  of  Alexandria.  Two  triumphal 
arches  were  to  be  erected,  one  at  Rome  and  another  at 
Brundisium;1  the  temple  of  the  divine  Iulius  was  to  be 
adorned  with  the  prows  of  captured  ships  ;  his  own  birthday, 
the  day  of  the  victory  at  Actium,  and  that  of  the  entry  into 
Alexandria  were  to  be  for  ever  sacred  ;  the  Vestal  Virgins 
and  the  whole  people  were  to  meet  him  on  his  return  in 
solemn  procession  ;  he  was  to  have  the  foremost  seat  at  all 
festivals  ;  and  was  to  celebrate  three  triumphs— one  for  the 
victory  over  the  Dalmatian  and  neighbouring  tribes,  a  second 
for  Actium,  and  a  third  for  Egypt.  The  tribunicia  potestas 

1  The  foundations  of  the  triple  arch  at  Rome  were  discovered  in  1888 
between  the  temple  of  Caesar  and  that  of  the  Castores.  For  the  inscrip- 
tion  see  C.  I.  L.  vii.  872.  SENATUS  .  POPULUSQUE  .  ROMANUS  . 
IMP  C&SAR1  .  DIVI .  IULI  .  F  .  COS  .  QUINCT .  COS  .  DESIG  .  SEX 7  . 
IMP  SEPT .  REPUBL1CA  .  CONSERVATA.  The  date  here  indicated 
is  bc  29  See  Lanciani,  Ruins  of  Ancient  Rome,  p.  270.  Middleton, 
Remains  of  Ancient  Rome,  vol.  i.  p.  284.  There  does  not  appear  to  be 
any  record  of  the  arch  at  Brundisium. 



for  life  had  again  been  voted  to  him  with  the  right  of  exer¬ 
cising  it  within  a  mile  radius  beyond  the  walls.  He  was  to 
have  the  right  to  hear  all  cases  on  appeal  and  to  have  a  casting 
vote  in  all  courts.  His  name  was  to  be  mentioned  in  public 
prayers  for  the  state.  On  the  1st  of  January,  b.c.  29,  all  his 
acta  had  been  confirmed  ;  and  when  it  became  known  that  the 
Parthians  had  referred  a  disputed  succession  to  the  throne  to 
his  arbitration,  some  fresh  honours  were  devised.  The  disasters 
under  Crassus  and  Antony  had  made  the  Romans  particularly 
sensitive  in  regard  to  the  Parthians  ;  and  this  apparent  acknow¬ 
ledgment  by  them  of  a  superiority  attaching  to  Augustus, 
however  indefinite,  was  represented  by  the  court  party  and  the 
court  poets,  not  only  as  a  veritable  triumph  over  the  Parthians, 
but  as  a  step  in  a  career  of  Eastern  conquest  of  almost  un¬ 
limited  extent.1  Accordingly  his  name  was  now  to  be  coupled 
with  those  of  the  gods  in  hymns  ;  a  tribe  was  named  lulia  in 
his  honour ;  he  was  to  wear  the  chaplet  of  victory  in  all 
assemblies  5  and  to  nominate  as  many  members  as  he  chose 
to  all  the  sacred  colleges.  Caesar  accepted  most  of  these 
honours,  but  begged  to  be  excused  the  procession  on  his 
return.  This  was  an  honour  which  he  always  avoided  if  he 
could,  preferring  to  enter  the  city  quietly  by  night.  It  was  no 
doubt  a  trying  ordeal  at  the  end  of  a  long  journey,  and  he  may 
have  felt  like  Cromwell  that  a  larger  crowd  still  would  have 
come  out  to  see  him  hanged.  The  three  triumphs,  however, 
were  now  celebrated  with  the  greatest  splendour,  especially 
the  third  over  Egypt,  in  which  a  figure  of  the  dead  queen 

1  Vergil,  Georg,  iv.  560,  Caesar  dum  magntts  ad  altum  fulminat  Euphratem 
bcllo.  Horace,  Od.  1,  12,  53  : 

I  lie  seu  Parthos  Latio  imminentes 

Egcrit  iusto  domitos  triumpho , 

Sive  subjectos  Oricntis  orce  Seras  ct  Indos. 

Similar  exaggerations  will  be  found  scattered  throughout  the  poems  of 
Propertius  (ii.  7,  3  ;  iii.  1,  13  ;  iii.  23,  5  ;  iv.  3,  4  ;  iv.  4,  48  ;  iv.  11,  3).  Still 
more  exaggerated  language  was  used  afterwards  on  the  restoration  of 
the  standards  (b.c.  20). 


lying  upon  a  couch,  with  son  and  daughter  beside  her,  was 
a  prominent  feature. 

Caesar  now  had  ample  powers  for  every  purpose  of  govern¬ 
ment.  The  tribumcia  potestas  in  itself  gave  him  legislative 
initiative  and  control  over  other  departments. 

Tthe  Patriciate4  It  was  afterwards  regarded  as  the  most  important  1/ 
and  the  Census.  ^  ^  pQwers<  But  his  first  measures  of  reform 

he  availed  himself  rather  of  his  powers  as  consul.  The  consul¬ 
ship  was  to  be  really,  as  it  always  remained  nominally,  the 
chief  state  office,  combining  all  the  prerogatives  once  centred 
in  the  rex.  Thus  in  holding  the  Census  of  B.c.  28  he  acted 
as  Consul  with  his  colleague  Agrippa,  exercising  indeed  a 
censoria  potestas ,  though  not  one  formally  bestowed,  but  as 
inherent  in  the  consulship.1  He  concluded  it  with  the  solemn 
lustrum ,  which  had  not  been  performed  for  forty-two  years,  the 
last  Censors  (b.c.  50)  having  apparently  been  prevented  from 
performing  this  solemnity  by  the  outbreak  of  civil  war.  The 
Census  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  reform  in  the  ordines  and 
especially  of  the  Senate.  In  the  first  place,  he  recruited  the 
dwindling  number  of  patrician  gentes  by  raising  certain  plebeian 
families  to  the  patriciate,  as  his  own  family  had  been  raised  by 
Iulius  in  B.c.  45  in  virtue  of  a  lex  Cassia.  The  same  power 
was  now  accorded  to  him  by  a  law  proposed  by  L.  Saenius, 
who  was  consul  during  the  last  two  months  of  b.c.  30.  The 

1  A  good  deal  of  confusion  in  our  authorities  has  arisen  by  a  failure  to 
distinguish  between  a  censoria  potestas  granted  like  the  tribunicia  by 
special  vote  and  the  censoria  potestas  inherent  in  the  consulship,  fiom 
which  it  had  been  devolved  in  b.c.  444.  In  the  Monumentum,  ch.  8, 
Augustus  himself  says  nothing  about  the  censoria  potestas,  but  in  the 
Venusian  fasti  (C.  I.  L.  ix.  422)  we  find  imp.  Ccesar  vi.  M.  Agrippa  II.  Cos. 
idem  censoria  potestate  lustrum  fecerunt.  Suetonius  (c.  27)  knew  that  he 
was  not  Censor,  but  supposed  him  to  have  acted  under  a  decree  granting 
him  morum  legumquc  regimen  perpetuum,  an  office,  however,  which 
Augustus  expressly  says  that  he  declined  (Mon.,  ch.  6).  Dio  (52,  42) 
describes  him  as  r^ijrevcrae  <svv  TV  'Aypimaf,  a  direct  confusion  between 
the  censorial  power  possessed  by  a  Consul  and  that  bestowed  indepen¬ 
dently.  He,  however,  apparently  did  receive  censoria  potestas  (never  the 
censorship)  in  b.c.  19  for  five  years. 



object  seems  to  have  been  to  preserve  a  kind  of  nobility,  which 
at  the  same  time  should  have  certain  political  disabilities. 
The  patricians,  indeed,  still  had  the  exclusive  right  of  being 
appointed  to  certain  religious  offices,  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
they  were  debarred  from  the  tribuneship  and  the  plebeian 
asdileship,1  the  two  offices  in  which  a  man  by  legislative  pro¬ 
posals  or  lavish  expenditure  might  make  himself  politically 

A  similar  desire  to  restore  the  ancient  order  of  the  State 
prompted  his  reformation  of  the  Senate.  The  powers  of  this 
body  had  always  been  great  precisely  because  they 
Senatus.  were  not  defined  by  law  ;  and  by  associating  it 
with  himself  he  would  gain  all  the  advantages  of 
*/  this  indefiniteness  and  prestige,  while  really  keeping  full  con¬ 
trol  of  it.  Iulius  Caesar  had  made  the  mistake  of  treating  it 
with  studied  disrespect,  and  his  chief  enemies  were  within  its 
walls.  The  Triumvirs,  though  in  reality  despotic,  had  looked 
to  it  to  give  their  acta  an  outward  show  of  legality.  Thus  on 
Octavian’s  demand  it  had  condemned  Q.  Gallius  in  b.c.  43, 
and  Salvidienus  in  b.c.  40,  for  treason.  It  had  confirmed 
the  triumviral  acta  en  bloc,  giving  Antony  charge  of  the 
Parthian  war  and  ratifying  his  arrangements  in  the  East  in 
advance.  It  had  voted  triumphs  and  other  honours  to  the 
triumvirs  and  their  agents.  It  was  the  Senate  that  in  b.c.  41 
voted  L.  Antonius  an  hostis,  that  in  b.c.  32  decreed  war  against 
Cleopatra,  deposed  Antony  from  consulship  and  imperium,  and 
in  b.c.  31-30  voted  the  various  honours  and  powers  to  the 
victorious  Caesar.  The  late  civil  war  had  in  a  way  made  the 
importance  of  the  Senate  more  prominent.  So  many  Senators 
had  joined  Antony  at  Alexandria  that,  like  Sertorius  in  Spain 
and  Pompey  in  Epirus,  he  had  professed  to  have  the  Senate 
with  him.  The  victory  of  Actium  had  pricked  that  bubble, 

1  Rex  sacrorum,  the  greater  flamens,  the  Salii  had  still  to  be  patricians. 
An  interrex  also  must  be  a  patrician,  but  that  office  was  now  practically  at 
an  end.  The  last  case  of  an  interrex  was  in  b.c.  52. 


and  the  Senate  at  Rome  remained  the  only  Senate  of  the 
Empire.  Cassar  was  wise  to  put  himself  under  the  aegis  of 
this  ancient  and  still  respected  body.  But  it  was  necessary  to 
secure  its  dignity  and  effectiveness,  which  had  suffered  in 
various  ways  during  the  revolutionary  period.  Among  other 
things  its  numbers  had  been  swollen  and  often  with  men  or 
inferior  social  standing.  Iulius  Caesar  had  filled  it  with  his 
creatures — provincials  from  Gaul  and  Spain,  sons  of  freedmen, 
centurions,  soldiers,  and  peregrini — so  that  a  pasquinade  was 
put  up  by  some  wit  that  “  no  one  was  to  show  a  new  Senator 
the  way  to  the  Senate  House.”1  Another  batch  of  Senators 
was  introduced  after  Caesar’s  death,  chiefly  by  Antony,  in  virtue 
of  real  or  fictitious  entries  found  in  Caesar’s  papers,  whom  the 
populace  nicknamed  “  post-mortem  Senators  ”  ( Senatores  orcini ),2 3 
or  sometimes  even  on  their  own  initiative  without  any  other 
formality  than  assuming  the  laticlave  and  senatorial  shoe.3 
Many  Senators  no  doubt  perished  in  the  proscriptions,  in 
the  subsequent  battles  of  Philippi  and  Perusia,  and  in  the  con¬ 
tests  with  Sextus  Pompeius,  but  the  Triumvirs  appear  to  have 
been  lavish  in  enrolling  new  members  without  regard  to 
fortune,  origin,  or  official  position  ;  and  so  careless  were  they 
in  this  matter  that  cases  are  recorded  of  unenfranchised  slaves 
having  obtained  office  and  seats  in  the  Senate  and  being  then 

1  A  jest  that  was  reproduced  in  London  when  country  peeis  came  up  to 
vote  against  the  Home  Rule  Bill  and  were  said  by  gossips  to  be  obliged  to 
ask  their  way  to  the  House  of  Lords.  A  popular  ballad  also  was  sung 
about  the  streets — 

“  Caesar  leads  the  Gauls  in  triumph  and  guides  them  to  the  Senate  house  ; 

Gauls  have  doffed  their  native  brogues  and  donned  the  Senate’s  laticlave  !  ” 

Sueton.,  Cces.  72,  80.  See  also  Cicero,  9  Phil.  §  12  ;  13  Phil.  §  27  ;  ad 
Fatn.  vi.  18  ;  Bell.  Afr.  28  ;  Dio,  42,  51  5  43,  V-  Compare  the  career  of 
P.  Ventidius  Bassus,  brought  a  prisoner  from  Asculum  to  adorn  the 
triumph  of  Pompey  after  the  Social  war,  then  a  mule  contractor  to  Caesar, 
and  afterwards  going  through  all  the  offices  to  the  consulship  in  B.c.  43  • 

2  On  the  analogy  of  slaves  enfranchised  by  will.  Suet.,  Aug.  35  ; 
Plutarch,  Ant.  15. 

3  Cicero  calls  such  a  man  a  voluntarius  Senator ,  13  Phil .  §  2b. 



recognised  and  claimed  by  their  masters.1  The  result  was  that 
at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Actium  there  were  more  than  a 
thousand  Senators.2  This  was  too  large  a  number  for  practical 
work,  without  taking  into  consideration  inferiority  of  character. 
No  doubt  a  good  many  who  had  sided  with  Antony  disappeared 
in  various  ways  ;  but  in  now  making  a  formal  lectio  Caesar 
resolved  to  reduce  the  number  still  more.  Sixty  voluntarily 
resigned  and  were  allowed  to  retain  the  purple  and  certain 
social  distinctions,  but  a  hundred  and  forty  were  simply  omitted 
from  the  new  list.  By  this  means  the  roll  was  reduced  to 
about  six  hundred,  which  continued  to  be  the  number  in 
subsequent  lectiones. 

To  secure  their  attendance  and  to  prevent  interference  in 
the  provinces  the  regulation  was  enforced  which  prohibited 
any  Senator  from  leaving  Italy  (except  for  Sicily  or  Gallia 
Narbonensis)  unless  he  had  imperium  or  was  on  a  legatio,3 
that  is,  practically,  unless  he  was  serving  the  state  in  some  way 
on  Caesar’s  nomination.  In  the  next  lectio  (b.c.  19)  Augustus 
tried  an  elaborate  system  of  co-option,  by  nominating  thirty  on 
the  existing  roll,  each  of  whom  were  to  name  five  who  were 
to  draw  lots  for  admission,  and  so  on  till  the  number  was  made 

1  Dio,  48,  34. 

-  Suet.,  Aug.  35  ;  Dio,  52,  42.  In  the  Monumentum  (c.  25)  he  reckons 
the  number  of  Senators  who  had  served  under  him  as  “more  than  700.” 
To  them  must  be  added  those  who  had  not  taken  active  service  and  those 
who  were  with  Antony. 

3  Dio,  52,  42.  The  regulation  had  always  existed  because  every  Senator 
was  bound  to  attend  if  called  upon,  and  therefore  must  be  within  reach 
unless  he  was  one  of  those  qui  reipublicce  causa  abessent.  (Livy,  43,  11.) 
Thus  Cicero,  defending  the  Senators  who  crossed  over  to  join  Pompey  in 
Epirus,  says  to  Atticus  (viii.  15)  that  there  was  hardly  one  who  had  not  a 
legal  right  to  cross,  either  as  having  imperium,  or  being  legatus  to  an 
imperator.  The  usual  means  of  evading  this  was  to  obtain  a  libera  legatio 
for  a  fixed  time.  Occasionally  a  man  got  himself  named  an  ordinary 
legatus  to  a  provincial  governor,  but  was  allowed  to  go  elsewhere  with 
some  colourable  commission.  But  this  was  an  abuse.  See  Cicero,  ad  Fam. 
xii.  21  ;  ad  0.  Frat.  ii.  9  ;  ad  Att.  xv.  11.  Sicily  and  Gallia  Narbonensis 
were  excepted  as  being  practically  Italy,  or,  as  Cicero  says,  “  suburban 


up.  But  finding  that  it  was  not  worked  fairly  he  stopped  this 
and  made  up  the  roll  himself.  This  continued  to  be  the  system, 
but  as  time  went  on  the  difficulty  was  not  so  much  to  exclude 
unworthy  men  as  to  induce  enough  of  the  right  sort  to  serve. 
Membership  became  less  attractive  as  the  imperial  power 
developed,  and  the  holding  of  profitable  offices  depended  on 
the  will  of  the  Emperor,  who  was  not  bound  to  select  from  the 
Senate.  Moreover,  a  property  qualification  was  now  required. 
None  had  existed  under  the  republic  by  definite  law,  though  a 
certain  fortune  was  regarded  as  practically  necessary  ;  and  as 
the  Senate  was  recruited  from  the  ordo  equester ,  a  minimum  was 
in  the  last  century  of  the  republic  automatically  secured. 
Caesar  fixed  800,000  sesterces,  and  later  on  a  million  sesterces 
as  the  Senatorial  fortune,  though  in  cases  of  special  fitness  he 
gave  grants  to  enable  men  to  maintain  their  position.  Still 
the  honour  of  membership  was  not  found  to  make  up  for  its 
disabilities— the  difficulty  of  going  abroad  and  the  prohibition 
as  to  engaging  in  commerce.  In  B.c.  13  Augustus  was 
obliged  to  compel  men  who  had  the  property  qualification  to 
serve.  Even  then  the  attendance  was  so  slack  that  in  b.c.  i  i 
the  old  quorum  of  four  hundred  was  reduced.  In  B.c.  9  various 
regulations  were  introduced  to  facilitate  business,  such  as  the 
publication  of  an  order  of  the  day  (Muxw/ia),  fixed  days  of 
meeting,  a  variation  as  to  the  quorum  required  for  different 
kinds  of  business,  a  scale  of  fines  for  non-attendance,  the 
selection  by  lot  of  thirty-five  Senators  to  attend  during 
September  and  October,  and  an  extension  to  the  praetors  of 
the  power  of  bringing  business  before  the  house.  Towards  the 
end  of  the  life  of  Augustus,  when  his  age  made  it  too  much  of 
an  exertion  to  meet  the  full  Senate,  a  committee  of  sixteen 
Senators  was  selected  by  lot  to  confer  with  him  at  his  own 
house.  The  inevitable  consequence  was  that  this  small 
committee  practically  settled  most  questions,  which  only  came 
formally  before  the  whole  body,  whose  administrative  function 
was  farther  lessened  by  the  diminished  importance  of  the 



cerarium  as  compared  with  the  imperial  treasury  or  fiscus. 
Finally,  it  lost  the  right  of  coining  silver,  retaining  only  the 
bronze.  On  the  whole,  then,  the  tendency  was  towards 
restricting  the  functions  of  the  Senate  and  making  membership 
less  attractive.  But  this  does  not  appear  to  have  been  the 
original  design  of  Augustus.  He  habitually  addressed  it  with 
respect,  referred  all  his  powers  to  its  confirmation,  and  took  it 
into  his  confidence  on  imperial  affairs.  He  revived  the  ancient 
dignity  of  princeps  Senatus — in  abeyance  since  the  death  of 
Cicero — and  held  that  rank  himself  all  his  life.  Certain  of  the 
provinces  were  still  left  to  its  management,  and  cases  of 
majestas  were  referred  to  its  decision.  The  publication  of  the 
Senate’s  acta  had  originated  with  Iulius  Caesar  (b.c.  59),  who 
was  not  likely  to  have  done  anything  to  enhance  its  prestige. 
The  prohibition  of  this  publication  by  Augustus  was  perhaps 
intended  partly  to  protect  the  proceedings  from  criticism,  partly 
to  emphasise  the  fact  that  the  Senate  shared  with  him  the 
intimate  secrets  of  government  which  it  was  not  for  the  public 
advantage  to  have  generally  known.  The  effect,  however, 
was  not  good  ;  what  could  not  be  ascertained  with  exactness 
from  official  sources  was  often  misrepresented  by  irresponsible 
rumour,  and  one  of  the  early  measures  of  Tiberius  was  to  reverse 
this  order.1 

With  a  Senate  purified  by  his  first  lectio  Caesar  felt  that  the 
constitution  might  in  form,  at  any  rate,  be  restored.  But  first 
the  end  of  the  revolutionary  period  had  to  be 
Thlnardchy.the  marked.  On  January  n,  b.c.  29,  the  temple  of 
Ianus  was  closed,  for  the  first  time  since  b.c.  235, 
for  the  third  time  in  all  Roman  history.  It  was  still  shut 
when  Caesar  returned  from  Asia,  and  on  the  1st  of  January, 
b.c.  28,  the  augurium  salutis  was  taken.  This  ceremony — 
ascertaining  by  augury  whether  prayers  for  the  people  should 
be  offered  to  Salus — could  only  be  performed  in  time  of  com¬ 
plete  peace.  At  the  same  time  a  single  edict  annulled  all  the 
1  Sueton.,  Aug.  36 ;  Dio,  53,  19  ;  Tacitus,  Ann.  5,  4. 



acta  of  the  triumvirs,  which  were  to  have  no  force  from  his 
sixth  consulship  (b.c.  28).1  The  constitutional  significance  of 
this  will  be  best  seen  by  recalling  some  facts  as  to  the  triumvirs. 
Whether  its  acta  were  good  or  bad,  the  triumvirate  was  in  itself 
a  suspension  of  the  constitution.  Established  by  a  lex  on  the 
27th  of  November,  b.c.  43,  to  hold  office  till  the  31st  of 
December,  b.c.  38,  its  authority  had  been  renewed  in  the  course 
of  b.c.  37  to  the  31st  of  December,  b.c.  33,  whether  by 
another  lex  or  by  the  will  of  the  triumvirs  themselves  is  a 
moot  point.2  But,  however  appointed,  the  triumvirs  were 
like  dictators  in  superseding  all  other  magistrates,  and  more 
powerful  than  dictators  from  the  length  of  their  tenure  of 
office,  and  because  the  terms  of  their  appointment  ( reipublica 
constituencies  causa )  gave  them  absolute  legislative  powers. 
They  could  abolish,  modify,  or  grant  dispensation  from  existing 
laws.  Their  edicts  had  the  force  of  laws,  and  such  laws  as 
were  passed  in  the  regular  way  during  their  office  either  con¬ 
firmed  their  powers,  or  were  passed  at  their  desire  to  give 
formal  permanence  to  their  edicts.  They  had  complete  con¬ 
trol  of  elections,  and  agreed  between  themselves  as  to  the 
nomination  of  magistrates,  often  for  several  years  in  advance. 
They  controlled  the  treasury,  the  domain  lands,  the  raising  or 
removal  of  taxation  in  Rome  and  Italy.  They  divided  among 
themselves  the  command  of  the  military  forces  and  the  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  provinces.  Each  of  them,  personally  or  by  a 
legatus,  exercised  imperial  powers  in  the  provinces  assigned 
to  him  ;  set  up  or  put  down  client  kings  ;  granted  immunities 
or  freedom  to  cities,  or  abolished  them  ;  bestowed  or  withdrew 

1  opov  rr)v  eKrrjv  viraTuav  avrov  TrpouOeig.  Dio,  53,  2.  See  Tacitus,  Ann. 
iii.  28. 

2  The  doubt  was  an  old  one.  Appian  in  one  place  affirms  and  in 
another  denies  that  there  was  a  lex  for  the  second  period  of  the  triumvirs 
(Illyr.  28  ;  b.  c.  v.  95).  No  other  authority  mentions  one,  and  it  certainly 
was  not  passed  in  the  early  months  of  b.c.  37,  that  is,  till  after  the  triumvirs 
had  already  continued  their  office  without  legal  confirmation  for  some 
time.  Willems  ( le  Senat,  ii.  761)  holds  that  there  was  a  plebiscitum  ; 
Mommsen  that  there  was  not. 



the  citizenship  of  individuals  ;  waged  war  with  surrounding 
nations  ;  raised  or  remitted  taxation.  At  Rome  also  they  had 
exercised  the  right  of  summoning,  consulting,  and  presiding 
over  the  Senate,  of  vetoing  the  motion  of  other  Senators,  but 
without  being  subject  to  the  tribunician  veto  themselves.  To 
abolish  the  acta  of  such  a  despotic  body  might  with  reason  be 
regarded  a  considerable  step  towards  a  restoration  of  the 
constitution.  Even  if  some  of  his  own  acta  were  thereby 
abolished,  Caesar  would  have  no  difficulty  in  re-enacting  them 
if  desirable.  The  point  was  to  abolish  the  memory  of  a  period 
of  unconstitutional  government,  to  prevent  its  enactments 
remaining  as  precedents  or  grounds  of  claim  by  citizen  or 
subject,  and  to  leave  the  field  open  for  the  new  arrangement 
which  Caesar  wished  men  to  regard  as  a  restoration  of  the 
republic.  For  he  had  already  conceived  a  plan,  in  virtue  of 
which  the  people,  magistrates,  and  Senate  should  resume  their 
old  functions,  while  he  himself  should  be  practically  the 
colleague  of  the  higher  magistrates — endowed  with  their 
powers,  though  not  necessarily  with  their  office — and  thereby 
practically  direct  the  policy  of  the  state.  The  key  to  the 
policy — as  he  wished  it  to  be  regarded — is  contained  in  his  own 
comment :  “After  that  time  (January  I,  27)  I  was  superior  to 
all  in  rank,  but  of  power  I  had  no  more  than  my  colleagues  in 
the  several  offices.”  1  There  were  some  of  his  powers  difficult 
to  reconcile  with  this  theory  of  a  restored  constitution  ;  but  he 
was  careful  to  rest  these  on  votes  of  the  people  or  Senate,  to 
accept  them  only  for  fixed  periods,  or  to  profess  to  share  them 
with  his  colleagues.  2 

The  new  constitution  was  now  introduced  in  a  characteristic 
scene,  apparently  designed  to  make  it  clear  that  Csesar  did  not 
seek  power,  but  undertook  it  under  pressure.  In  a  meeting 

1  Mon.  Ancyr.  ch.  34. 

2  In  b.c.  28  he  took  care  to  transfer  the  consular  fasces  to  his  colleague 
Agrippa  in  alternative  months,  and  when  with  soldiers  to  give  the 
watchword  jointly  with  him.  (Dio,  53,  1.) 



of  the  Senate,  at  the  beginning  of  his  seventh  consulship,  he 
delivered  from  a  written  copy  a  carefully  prepared 
the  new  speech,  in  which  he  surrendered  to  the  Senate  all 
i  January,’  the  powers  which  it  had  bestowed  upon  him,  as 
well  as  those  which  he  had  acquired  in  any  other 
way — the  command  of  troops,  the  powers  of  legislation,  the 
government  of  the  provinces.  He  based  his  resolution  on  justice, 
the  inherent  right  of  the  people  to  manage  its  own  affairs,  and 
on  his  own  right  to  consult  for  his  personal  safety,  health,  and 
ease.  At  the  same  time,  he  dwelt  on  his  public  services  and 
those  of  his  adoptive  father,  the  labours  they  had  both  endured, 
the  dangers  to  which  both  had  been  exposed,  and  justified  the 
exercise  up  to  this  time  of  his  various  powers.  Finally,  he 
urged  them  to  refrain  from  innovations,  to  give  a  hearty 
obedience  to  the  laws,  to  elect  the  best  men  for  civil  and 
military  offices  without  prejudice  or  favouritism,  to  deal 
honestly  with  public  money,  to  treat  allies  and  subjects  equit¬ 
ably,  to  seek  no  wars  but  to  be  prepared  for  any,  and  to  see 
that  he  had  no  cause  to  regret  his  renunciation  of  power.  The 
speech  was  received  with  loud  remonstrances,  some  sincere  and 
some  perhaps  cautious  and  time-serving,  but  so  general  that  he 
had  to  consent  with  real  or  feigned  reluctance  to  receive  back 
his  autocratic  powers.  Was  he  merely  playing  a  part,  or  had 
he  any  real  wish  to  retire  from  public  life  ?  As  in  most  cases 
there  was  probably  a  division  of  feeling  in  his  heart.  He  was 
in  weak  health,  and  had  had  another  illness  a  few  months  before. 
For  eighteen  years — just  half  his  life — he  had  been  ceaselessly 
engaged  in  fatiguing  duties,  in  wars  for  which  he  had  no 
genius,  and  in  civil  administration  which,  though  mucn  better 
suited  to  his  taste  and  abilities,  had  been  carried  out  amidst 
constant  opposition  and  difficulty.  One  side  of  his  mind  may 
well  have  been  eager  for  rest.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  no  man 
who  has  tasted  power  and  feels  that  he  can  wield  it  quits  it 
without  pain.  At  no  time  did  he  find  pleasure  in  the  outward 
trappings  of  state,  or  in  the  personal  indulgences  for  which 




it  gives  opportunity,  but  he  was  ambitious  in  the  best  sense. 
He  loved  his  country  and  desired  to  be  remembered  as  the 
restorer  of  its  prosperity  and  happiness,  as  the  benefactor  of  the 
Empire  and  the  guarantee  of  its  peace  and  good  government. 
Twenty-four  years  later  when  Valerius  Messalla,  speaking  in 
the  name  of  people  and  Senate,  greeted  him  with  the 
affectionate  title  of  “  Father  of  his  country,”  he  burst  into 
tears  and  could  only  murmur  that  he  had  nothing  more  to  pray 
for  except  to  retain  their  affection  to  the  end  of  his  life.  But 
whatever  secret  wish  he  may  have  had  for  rest  he  must  have 
known  that  it  was  impossible.  The  elements  of  disorder  and 
oppression  were  not  destroyed.  If  the  restraining  hand  were 
removed  they  would  break  out  into  new  activity.  Nor  would 
it  be  safe  for  himself  after  years  of  steady  working  for  this  end, 
in  the  course  of  which  he  must  have  offended  countless 
interests,  to  trust  himself  to  a  new  generation  of  statesmen 
without  the  experience  in  the  working  of  a  free  state  possessed 
by  their  ancestors,  and  yet  with  the  same  passions  and  ambitions. 
A  scheme  had,  in  fact,  been  elaborated  in  conjunction  with  his 
faithful  friends  and  ministers,  Agrippa  and  Maecenas.  Dio 
represents  the  former  as  urging  Caesar  to  withdraw  from  power 
and  frankly  to  restore  the  republic.  He  grounded  his  advice 
on  the  financial  and  political  difficulties  which  he  would  have 
to  face,  on  the  uncertainty  of  his  own  health,  on  the 
impossibility  of  drawing  back  hereafter  and  the  evil  destiny  of 
all  those  who  in  previous  ages  had  attempted  to  gain  absolute 
power.  Maecenas,  on  the  other  hand,  not  only  urged  him  to 
retain  his  power,  but  went  into  most  elaborate  details  as  to  the 
arrangements  which  it  would  be  necessary  to  make.  He  did 
not  deny  the  risks,  but  maintained  that  the  glory  was  worth 
them,  and  that  a  withdrawal  was  neither  safe  for  himself  nor 
for  the  people.  It  is  not  clear  how  far  we  may  regard  these 
two  speeches,  as  well  as  that  of  Augustus  in  the  Senate,  as 
representing  what  was  really  said.  It  is  possible  that  as 
they  were  all  written  documents  they  may  have  been 


preserved,  and  that  Dio  is  translating  from  them  ;  but  at 
any  rate  they  represent  fairly  well  the  two  sides  of  the 
question  which  Augustus  must  have  considered  with  care  and 

The  arrangement  actually  made  was  of  the  nature  of  a 
compromise.  The  provinces  were  divided,  as  formerly  between 

Division  of  the  -^ntony  anc^  Caesar,  so  now  between  Caesar  and  the 
Senate.  Those  that  required  considerable  military 
forces  were  to  be  under  Caesar,  governed  by  his 
deputies  with  the  rank  of  praetor  {legati  pro  prtetore ),  appointed 
by  his  sole  authority,  and  holding  office  during  his  pleasure. 
The  rest  were  to  be  still  governed  by  proconsuls,  selected  as  of 
old  by  ballot  under  the  superintendence  of  the  Senate  from 
the  ex-praetors  or  ex-consuls,  subject  to  the  existing  laws  as  to 
length  of  tenure  and  the  obligation  of  furnishing  accounts,  and 
liable  with  their  staff  to  prosecution  de  rebus  repetundis  in  the 
ordinary  courts.  The  “  primacy  ”  of  the  Emperor,  however, 
was  apparent  in  this  partnership  with  the  Senate,  no  less  than 
in  that  with  colleagues  in  office.  In  the  allotment  of 
Senatorial  provinces  he  retained  the  right  of  nominating  the 
exact  number  required,  so  that  no  one  of  whom  he  disapproved 
could  obtain  a  province.  In  both  classes  of  province  he 
appointed  a  procurator,  with  authority  over  the  finances 
independent  of  the  proconsul  or  legatus.2  In  both  also  the 
governor  received  a  salary  fixed  by  himself,  and  had  to  conform 
to  certain  general  principles  laid  down  by  him.  In  all  alike  he 

1  I  do  not  myself  see  any  good  reason  to  doubt  that  Dio  has  given  at 
any  rate  the  substance  of  these  documents.  It  is  not  perhaps  natural  to 
us  to  suppose  two  men  like  Maecenas  and  Agrippa  solemnly  reading 
speeches  to  the  Emperor  ;  but  it  was  no  unusual  thing  at  Rome.  Augustus 
himself  is  said  to  have  done  it,  even  to  his  wife,  Livia,  and  frequently  with 
others  (Sueton.,  Aug.  84).  Tacitus  says  it  was  the  fashion  of  the  time 
(Arm.  4,  37),  as  it  seems  to  have  been  still  earlier,  for  Cicero  complains 
that  his  nephew,  Quintus,  had  written  an  elaborate  diatribe  against  him 
which  he  meant  to  deliver  to  Iulius  Cassar  in  Alexandria.  (Ad  Att.  xi.  10. 
For  similar  documents  see  Dio,  52,  1-40  ;  53,  3  ;  55,  15-21. 

2  Dio,  52  15. 



possessed  a  majus  imperium ,  soon  afterwards,  if  not  at  first, 
defined  as  a  proconsulare  imperiumJ 

For  the  rest  he  retained  his  right  of  being  yearly  elected 
consul,  his  tribunician  power,  his  membership  of  the  sacred 
colleges,  his  command  of  the  army.  But  freedom  of  election 
was  ostensibly  restored  to  the  people,  and  the  Senate  was  still 
the  fountain  of  honour,  and  had  the  control  of  the  ararium. 
But  this  last  was  no  longer  managed  by  two  elected  quaestors, 
but  by  two  men  of  praetorian  rank,  nominated  by  the  Emperor. 
It  was,  moreover,  now  of  minor  importance,  as  the  jiscus  (to 
use  the  later  term)  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  Caesar,  and  into 
it  went  the  revenues  of  the  imperial  provinces,  and,  above  all,  of 
Egypt.  The  key  of  the  position  was  that  though  the  old 
republican  magistrates  still  existed,  Caesar  in  various  ways  was 
their  colleague,  and  of  course  the  predominant  partner.  The 
Senate,  however,  accepted  his  view  of  the  case,  as  afterwards 
expressed  in  the  Monumentum ,  that  he  had  “  transferred  the 
republic  from  his  power  to  the  authority  of  the  Senate  and 
people  of  Rome.”  To  show  their  confidence  in  him  the 
Senators  voted  him  a  bodyguard  (the  men  drawing  double  pay), 
and  confirmed  his  authority  in  the  provinces.  The  latter, 
which  made  him  princeps  throughout  the  Empire,  as  he  already 

1  The  Imperial  provinces  were  :  Hispania  Tarraconensis,  and  Lusitania, 
the  Galliae  (beyond  the  Alps),  including  the  districts  afterwards  called 
Germania,  superior  and  inferior,  Ccele-Syria,  Phoenicia,  Cilicia,  Cyprus, 

The  Senatorial  were  :  Sicilia,  Hispania  Bastica,  Sardinia,  Africa, 
Numidia,  Dalmatia,  Greece  and  Epirus,  Macedonia,  Asia,  Crete  and 
Cyrene,  Bithynia  and  Pontus. 

Cisalpine  Gaul  ceased  to  be  a  province,  and  was  included  in  Italy. 

Subsequent  changes  were  : 

B.c.  24.  Cyprus  and  Gallia  Narbonensis  were  transferred  to  the 

B.c.  21.  Dalmatia  was  transferred  to  the  Emperor. 

B.c.  6.  Sardinia  was  transferred  to  the  Emperor  for  nine  years. 

The  provinces  added  during  the  life-time  of  Augustus :  Galatia, 
Lycaonia,  Mcesia,  and  the  minor  Alpine  provinces  were  imperial. 

All  provinces  added  afterwards  were  imperial. 



was  in  Rome,  he  refused  to  accept  for  more  than  ten  years. 
But  it  was  always  renewed  subsequently  for  periods  of  five  or 
ten  years  ;  and  when  in  b.c.  23,  the  proconsulare  imperium  was 
declared  to  be  operative  within,  as  well  as  beyond,  the 
pomaerium,  he  had,  in  fact,  supreme  control,  military  and 
financial,  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire.  To  mark  his  exceptional 
position  without  offending  the  prejudice  against  royalty,  it  was 
desired  to  give  him  a  special  title  of  honour.  His  own  wish 
was  for  “  Romulus,”  as  second  founder  of  the  state.  But 
objection  was  raised  to  it  as  recalling  the  odious  position  of 
rex ,  and  he  eventually  accepted  the  title  of  Augustus,  a  word 
connected  with  religion  and  the  science  of  augury,  and  thereby 
suggesting  the  kind  of  sentiment  which  he  desired  to  be 
attached  to  his  person  and  genius.  This  was  voted  by  the 
Senate  on  the  Ides  (13th)  of  January,  b.c.  27,  and  confirmed  by 
a  plebiscitum  on  the  16th.  He  was  now  “first”  or  princeps 
everywhere,  whether  in  the  Senate,  or  among  his  colleagues  in 
the  offices,  or  among  the  proconsuls  in  the  provinces.1  He 
was,  therefore,  spoken  of  as  princeps  in  ordinary  language,  and 
the  word  gradually  hardened  into  a  title.  It  exactly  suited  the 
view  which  he  himself  wished  to  be  taken  of  his  political 
position,  as  giving  a  primacy  of  rank  among  colleagues  of  equal 
legal  powers  ;  though,  of  course,  a  primacy,  supported  by  the 
power  of  the  purse  and  the  sword,  made  him  a  master  while 
masquerading  as  a  colleague.  He,  however,  adopted  the  word 
as  rightly  expressing  his  position  without  giving  needless  offence, 
and  his  successors  took  it  as  a  matter  of  course,  though  it  less 
frequently  occurs  in  inscriptions  than  their  other  titles.2 

1  Ovid  (F.  x,  587-616)  says  the  Ides  of  January ;  the  Calendarium  Prrenes- 
tinum  gives  the  16th.  Possibly  the  one  is  the  date  of  the  SCtum,  the  other 
of  the  plebiscitum. 

2  Augustus  himself  uses  it  in  the  Monumentum  (chs.  30,  32),  “  me 
principe,”  “  ante  me  principem.”  Horace  (Od.  1,  21,  13  ;  2,  30  ;  Ep.  2,  1, 
256),  Propertius  (v.  6,  46),  both  employ  it  when  speaking  of  Augustus.  It 
occurs  in  inscriptions  referring  to  Tiberius,  and  is  the  common  term  used 
by  Tacitus.  If,  therefore,  it  was  not  formally  bestowed  (as  seems  probable), 



Closely  connected  with  the  bestowal  of  the  title  Augustus 
was  another  vote  of  the  Senate,  that  the  front  of  his  house 
should  not  only  be  adorned  with  the  laurels  that  told  of  victory 
over  his  enemies,  but  also  with  the  oaken  or  “  civic  ”  crown 
which  told  of  the  lives  of  citizens  preserved.  This  appears 
again  and  again  on  his  coins  with  the  legend — ob  cives  servatos  : 
and  it  is  mentioned  by  Augustus  himself  at  the  end  of  his 
record  of  achievements,  as  though — with  the  later  title  of 
Pater  Patrise — it  indicated  the  chief  glory  of  his  career. 

it  soon  grew  into  use  as  a  title  in  ordinary  language.  Nor  was  it  altogether 
a  new  idea  ;  Cicero  had  used  it  as  a  possible  title  of  honour,  with  which 
Pompey  or  Caesar,  had  they  been  moderate,  might  have  been  content. 
(Cic.,  ad  Fam.  vi.  6).  Again,  though  it  is  not  a  mere  extension  of  princess 
senatus,  yet  it  is  clearly  connected  with  it.  As  the  Senatus  is  the  first  or  do 
in  the  state,  the  princcps  senatus  is  also  princcps  civitatis.  The  two  titles 
were  soon  confounded.  Thus  Pliny  (N.H.  xxxvi.  §  116)  speaks  of  M. 
yEmilius  Scaurus  as  totins  princcps  civitatis,  when  he  means  that  he  had 
been  several  times  entered  by  the  Censors  on  the  roll  as  princcps  senatus. 
But  a  new  connotation  became  attached  to  the  word  from  the  political 
powers  of  the  princcps. 



Serves  ituruvi  Ccesarem  in  ultimos 
orbis  Britannos  et  invenum  recens 
examen  Eois  timendum 
partibus  Oceanoque  rubro. 

The  settlement  of  his  official  status  at  Rome  left  Augustus  free 
to  turn  to  other  parts  of  the  Empire.  He  had  spent  the  greater 
part  of  two  years  after  the  victory  at  Actium  in 

Gaul  and  Britain.  .  .  ,  „  TT.  c  ,  , 

organising  the  East.  His  race  was  now  turned 
northward  and  westward.  In  the  spring  of  B.C.  27,  he  set  out 
for  Gaul  to  reorganise  the  provinces  won  by  Iulius  in 
B.C.  58-49,  and  farther  secured  by  the  operations  of  Agrippa  in 
B.C.  37  and  Messalla  in  B.C.  29.  It  was  understood  that  he 
meant  also  to  cross  to  Britain,  and  the  court  poets  are  dutifully 
anxious  as  to  the  dangers  he  will  incur,  and  prophetically  certain 
of  the  victories  he  will  win.  A  British  expedition  had  been  for 
some  years  floating  in  Roman  minds.  It  is  true  that  Iulius 
Caesar  had  invaded  the  island  and  imposed  a  tribute  on  some  of 
the  tribes.  But  the  tribute  does  not  seem  to  have  been  paid. 
The  Briton  was  still  intactus ,  and  was  classed  with  the  Parthian 
as  a  danger  to  the  frontier  of  the  Empire.1  He  was  chiefly 
known  at  Rome  by  the  presence  of  certain  stalwart  slaves,  and 
by  the  determination  he  displayed  not  to  admit  adventurous 
1  Horace,  Epode,  vii.  7  ;  Odes,  i.  21,  15  ;  iii.  5>  2  ;  Propert.,  iii.  23,  5. 



Roman  merchants.1  But,  after  all,  Augustus  found  enough  to 
do  in  Gaul,  and  saw  good  reason  for  abstaining  from  such  a 
dangerous  adventure.  The  Britons,  though  they  neglected 
the  tributum ,  yet  paid  a  duty  on  exports  and  imports  to  and 
from  Gaul,  principally  ivory  ornaments,  and  the  better  sorts  of 
glass  and  pottery  ;  and  it  was  pointed  out  that  the  danger  of  a 
British  invasion  of  Gallia  was  small,  that  a  military  occupation 
of  the  island  would  cost  more  than  the  tribute  would  bring  in, 
and  that  the  portoria  would  be  rather  diminished  than  increased 
by  it.2  Augustus,  at  any  rate,  professed  to  be  satisfied  by 
certain  envoys  sent  to  him  from  Britain.  They  dedicated  some 
offerings  on  the  Capitol,  and  received  for  their  countrymen  the 
title  of  “  Friends  of  Rome  !  ”  3 

Augustus  spent  the  summer  and  winter  of  B.c.  27-6  in 
Narbo,  finding  enough  to  do  in  holding  a  census  of  the  rest  of 
Gaul  for  purposes  of  taxation,  and  regularly 
fn  Gauif  organising  the  country  annexed  by  Iulius  to 
that  ancient  province,  which  had  been  Roman 
long  before  his  time.  Four  provinces  were  created  with 
separate  legati.  The  original  “  province  ”  was  now  called 
Gallia  Narbonensis ;  the  south-western  district,  extending  from 
the  Pyrennees  to  the  Loire,  retained  its  old  name  of  Aquitania  ; 
the  central  or  “  Celtic  ”  Gaul  was  called  Lugdunensis,  from 
its  capital  Lugdunum,  made  a  colonia  in  b.c.  43  ;  the  northern 
country  up  to  the  Rhine  was  Belgica,  including  the  districts  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  in  which  Agrippa  had  settled  certain 
German  tribes  who  had  crossed  the  river.  Augustus  was  not 
content  with  a  merely  political  organisation.  He  established 
schools  to  spread  the  use  of  the  Latin  language,  and  everywhere 
introduced  the  principles  of  Roman  law.  He  took  especial 

1  Vergil,  Georg,  iii.  25  ;  Horace,  Odes  iii.  4,  33. 

2  Strabo,  ii.  5,  8  ;  iv.  6,  4. 

3  Strabo,  /.  c.  In  the  Monument,  (ch.  32)  Augustus  records  the  visit  of 
two  British  princes,  Dumnobellaunus  and  another,  of  whose  name  only  the 
letters  Tinn  remain  (perhaps  “  Tincommius,”  a  king  of  what  is  now 


pains  to  adorn  and  promote  the  towns  in  Narbonensis,  where 
traces  of  his  buildings  are  still  to  be  seen.  The  effect  of  his 
work  now  and  ten  years  later  was  that  Gaul  became  rapidly 
Romanised  both  in  speech  and  manners,  and  that  in  learning 
and  civilisation  it  soon  rivalled  Italy  itself. 

This  was  a  work  thoroughly  congenial  to  Augustus,  and  in 
which  his  ability  was  conspicuous.  But  he  now  had  to  engage 
again  in  war,  for  which  his  genius  was  by  no  means  so  well 
suited.  Ianus  Quirinus  was  again  open.  The  surround¬ 
ing  barbarians  were  again  threatening  Macedonia  ;  the  Salassi 
of  the  Val  d'  Aosta  were  again  making  raids,  and  there  was 
imminent  danger  in  Northern  Spain.  The  governor  of 
Macedonia,  M.  Crassus  (grandson  of  the  triumvir)  had  been 
so  successful  over  the  Thracians  and  Getae,  that  he  was 
allowed  a  triumph  in  July,  b.c.  27,  but  it  appears  that  their 
incursions  did  not  cease  in  spite  of  these  victories.1  The  war 
with  the  Salassi  was  entrusted  to  Terentius  Varro  Murasna, 
who,  after  winning  some  victories  in  the  field,  sold  many 
thousands  of  their  men  of  military  age  into  slavery,  and  estab¬ 
lished  a  colony  of  3,000  veterans  to  overawe  them,  called 
Augusta  Praetoria,  the  modern  Aosta.2 

From  Narbo,  Augustus  next  proceeded  to  Spain  in  the  early 
part  of  b.c.  26,  and  spent  the  rest  of  the  year  in  peaceful 
reforms  and  in  the  organisation  of  the  province. 
Alsp!inSin  But  in  b.c.  25  he  was  forced  to  enter  upon  a 
b.c.  26-25.  campaign  against  the  Cantabri  and  Astures,  those 
warlike  tribes  in  the  north-west,  who,  nominally  included  in 

1  The  triumph  of  M.  Crassus  is  dated  by  the  Tab.  Triumph.  C.  I.  L.  I,  416  ; 
but  the  defeat  of  the  “  Dacian  Cotiso  ”  is  classed  with  the  Cantabrian  war 
by  Horace  (Od.  3,  8,  18-24),  and  Livy,  EP •  r35.  mentions  a  second  war  of 
M.  Crassus  “  against  the  Thracians,”  as  contemporary  with  the  Spanish 

W=FThe  Salassi,  who  had  for  the  last  100  years  given  much  trouble,  had 
twice  in  recent  years  been  in  arms  :  in  b.c.  35  they  defeated  C.  Antistius 
Vetus,  and,  in  B.c.  34,  had,  with  great  difficulty,  been  partly  subdued  by 
Valerius  Messalla.  Their  command  of  the  principal  Alpine  pass  made  it 
important  that  they  should  be  kept  in  check. 



the  upper  province,  were  continually  harassing  the  more 
obedient  peoples,  and  showing  their  dislike  of  Roman  supre¬ 
macy.1  The  war  was  tantalising  and  difficult.  The  hardy 
highlanders  knew  every  forest,  mountain,  and  valley,  and  the 
Roman  soldiers  could  neither  provide  against  sudden  attacks, 
not  get  at  the  enemy  in  their  fastnesses.  From  fatigue  and 
anxiety  Augustus  fell  ill  and  was  obliged  to  retire  to  Tarraco, 
leaving  the  conduct  of  the  campaign  to  Gaius  Antistius  Vetus, 
who  was  able  to  win  several  engagements,  because  after  the 
retirement  of  Augustus  the  natives  ventured  more  frequently  to 
appear  in  the  open.  Another  of  his  legates,  Titus  Carisius, 
took  Lance  ( Sallanco )  ;  and  finally  Augustus  founded  a  colony 
of  veterans  among  the  Lusitani,  called  Augusta  Emerita 
(. Merida ),  and  another  called  Caesar- Augusta  ( Zaragossa )  among 
the  Editani,  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Salduba,  from  which  all 
the  great  roads  to  the  Pyrennees  branch  off.  The  Cantabri 
were  not  crushed,  but  they  were  quiet  for  a  time.  Ianus  was 
closed,  and  Augustus  returned  at  the  beginning  of  B.c.  24;  and 
the  courtier  Horace  is  again  called  on  to  celebrate  a  success, 
and  to  welcome  the  Emperor’s  home-coming  as  of  a  victor.2 
The  Senate  voted  him  a  triumph,  partly  for  the  Spanish  cam¬ 
paign  and  partly  for  some  successes  of  his  legate,  M.  Vinicius, 
in  Gaul,  who  had  caused  his  soldiers  to  proclaim  Augustus 
imperator  for  the  eighth  time.  Augustus  refused  the  triumph, 
but  accepted  the  acclamation  of  imperator — thus  assuming  as 
head  of  the  army  that  what  was  everywhere  done  was,  to  use  the 
technical  expression,  done  “  under  his  auspices,”  and  was  to  be 
reckoned  to  his  credit.  He  also  accepted  honours  for  his 
young  nephew  Marcellus,  and  his  stepson  Tiberius.  The 
former  was  admitted  to  the  Senate  with  praetorian  rank,  and 
with  ten  years  seniority  for  office,  in  virtue  of  which  he  was  at 
once  elected  aedile,  though  only  in  his  twentieth  year  ;  the  latter 

1  Hor.,  Od.  2,  6,  2,  Ccmtabrum  indoctum  iugaferre  nostra. 

2  Odes  iii.  8,  21,  servit  Hispance  vetus  hostis  oroe  Cantaber  sera  domitus 
catena ;  iii.  14,  3,  Caesar  Hispana  repetit  Penates  Victor  ab  ora. 



was  allowed  five  years’  seniority,  and  at  once  elected  quaestor 
in  his  nineteenth  year.  A  triumphal  arch  was  also  erected  in 
honour  of  Augustus  in  the  Alpine  region.1  The  temple  of 
Ianus  did  not  remain  long  closed,  however.  Soon  after 
Augustus  left  Spain  the  Cantabri  and  Astures  again  rose  ;  and 
in  b.c.  24  took  place  the  ill-judged  and  unfortunate 

Exp^amon"  expedition  of  7£lius  Gallus  into  Arabia.  A  march 
of  six  months’  duration,  in  which  large  numbers 
perished  from  heat  and  disease  and  only  seven  men  in  actual 
fighting,  was  followed  by  a  retreat  lasting  sixty  days.  Gallus 
had  been  misled  and  duped  by  the  satrap  of  the  Nabataeans,  and 
all  the  hopes  of  splendid  booty  were  baffled.  The  expedition 
had  been  approved,  if  not  suggested,  by  Augustus,  partly  on 
the  pretext  of  preventing  incursions  into  Egypt  ;  but  more,  it 
would  seem,  because  Arabia  was  regarded  as  an  El  Dorado, 
where  vast  treasures  of  gold  and  jewels  were  to  be  found, 
accumulated  from  the  export  of  the  rich  spices  of  the  country, 
which  the  inhabitants  were  believed  to  keep  jealously  in  a 
country  as  yet  never  pillaged  by  an  invader.  As  usual,  the 
court  poets  echo  the  popular  delusions,  and  eulogise  the  certain 
success  of  the  Emperor  ;  Horace  harps  on  the  rich  “treasures  of 
the  Arabians,”  their  “well-stocked  houses,”  their  “virgin 
stores.”  The  Roman  arms  are  to  strike  terror  in  the  East 
and  the  Red  Sea,  and  are  at  length  being  employed  on  what  is 
their  proper  and  natural  foe.2 3  Augustus,  says  another  poet,  is 
now  a  terror  to  the  “homestead  of  the  yet  unplundered 
Arabia.”  3  Happily  this  was  an  almost  solitary  instance  of 
such  wild  schemes,  prompted  by  greed,  and  promoted  by 
ignorance  and  delusion.  Augustus  came  to  see  that  the 
frontiers  of  his  great  empire  afforded  sufficient  work  for  its 

1  Perhaps  that  of  which  remains  exist  at  Aosta,  and  cannot  now  be  dated. 
That  at  Turbia  was  built  B.c.  6  (Pliny,  N.  H.  3  §  136).  That  at  Susa  in 
B.c.  8  [C.  I.  L.  v.  7,231] .  Horace  may  refer  to  it  among  the  Nova  Augusti 

tropcea  (Od.  2,  9,  19). 

2  Horace,  Odes  i.  29, 1 ;  ii.  12,  24  ;  iii.  24,  1  ;  1.  35,  32-40- 

3  Propert.,  3,  1,  n. 



military  resources  ;  but  it  was  not  till  near  the  end  of  his  long 
life  that  a  great  military  disaster  gave  him  a  sharp  reminder  of 
the  impolicy  of  pushing  beyond  them. 

During  these  years  the  process  of  adorning  Rome  with 
splendid  buildings  or  restorations  of  old  ones  had  been  steadily 
going  on.  For  the  largest  number  of  these 
NTtRomengS  Augustus  himself  was  responsible.  In  B.c.  28 
the  temple  of  Apollo  on  the  Palatine,  with  its 
colonnades  and  libraries,  had  been  dedicated.  In  the  same 
year  the  restoration  of  82  temples  was  begun  on  his  initiative, 
and  apparently  at  his  expense.  The  new  temple  of  Mars 
Ultor,  vowed  at  Philippi,  with  its  surrounding  forum  Augustum, 
was  in  process  of  erection,  as  well  as  another  to  Iupiter 
Tonans  on  the  Capitol,  vowed  in  the  course  of  the  Cantabrian 
expedition  to  commemorate  a  narrow  escape  from  being  struck 
by  lightning.  He  also  completed  the  forum  and  basilica 
partly  erected  by  Iulius,  had  begun  or  projected  the  porticus 
Livies  et  Octavice,  and  had  erected  the  imposing  rotunda 
intended  as  the  mortuary  of  the  Iulian  gens  :  while  Statilius 
Taurus  had  built  the  first  amphitheatre,  Plancus  a  great  temple 
of  Saturn,  and  Cornelius  Balbus  was  about  to  begin  a  new 
theatre.  But  most  splendid  of  all  were  the  benefactions  of 
Agrippa.  Baths,  bridges,  colonnades,  gardens,  aqueducts,  were 
all  dedicated  by  him  to  the  use  of  the  public.  Above  all,  by 
B.c.  25  he  had  completed  the  magnificent  Pantheon,  still  in  its 
decline  one  of  the  most  striking  buildings  in  the  world.  It 
was  dedicated  to  Mars  and  Venus,  mythical  ancestors  of  the 
Iulian  gens ,  but  its  name  may  be  derived  either  from  its 
numerous  statues  ol  the  gods,  or  from  the  supposed  likeness  of 
its  dome  to  the  sky.  Its  purpose — bevond  being  a  compliment 
to  Augustus — is  still  a  subject  of  dispute.  Nor  have  we  any 
record  of  its  use  except  as  the  meeting-place  of  the  Arval 

1  Middleton  (Remains  of  Ancient  Rome ,  vol.  ii.  pp.  126-128)  seems  to 
have  given  good  reasons  against  its  connection  with  the  Thermae  of 



Great  way,  therefore,  was  already  made  towards  justifying 
the  boast  of  Augustus  that  he  found  Rome  brick  and  left  it 
marble.  For  these  buildings  were  lined  or  paved 
T recovery  of d  with  every  kind  of  precious  marble  and  stone.  But 
Aiii\23f’  the  year  following  his  return  from  Spain  witnessed 
a  crisis  in  his  life  as  well  as  in  his  political  position. 
He  seems  to  have  been  in  a  feeble  state  of  health  all  through 
B.c.  24,  the  effect  probably  of  his  fatigues  and  anxieties  in 
Spain.  But  soon  after  entering  on  his  eleventh  consulship  in 
B.c.  23,  he  became  so  much  worse  that  he  believed  himself  to 
be  dying.  It  became  necessary,  therefore,  to  make  provision 
for  the  continuance  of  the  government.  Augustus  had  no 
hereditary  office,  and  no  power  of  transmitting  his  authority. 
Still  it  was  supposed  that  he  was  training  his  nephew  and  son-in 
law  Marcellus,  or  his  stepson  Tiberius,  to  be  his  successor. 
The  former  was  curule-aedile,  and  seems  to  have  conceived  the 
ambition  of  succeeding  his  uncle.  But  when  he  thought  death 
approaching,  Augustus  did  not  designate  either  of  these  young 
men.  He  handed  his  seal  to  Agrippa,  and  the  official  records 
of  the  army  and  revenue  to  Cn.  Calpurnius  Piso,  his  colleague 
in  the  consulship.  He  would  play  his  part  as  constitutional 
magistrate  to  the  last.  To  speculate  on  what  might  have  been 
is  not  very  profitable.  Agrippa  had  advised  a  restoration  of  the 
republic  in  B.c.  30.  But  every  year  since  then  had  made  it 
more  difficult  ;  and,  if  he  had  wished  to  do  it,  he  would  pro¬ 
bably  have  found  it  as  impossible  as  his  master  had  done,  and 
would  have  had  to  choose  between  supporting  Marcellus  and 

Agrippa.  Lanciani  ( Ruins  and  Excavations ,  pp.  476-488)  asserts  that  the 
structure  as  it  now  stands  is  of  the  age  of  Hadrian  (about  a.d.  129),  and 
doubts  Agrippa’s  original  building  being  of  the  same  shape.  Even  the 
portico  with  its  inscription— M.  Agrippa  l.  f.  cos.  tert.  fecit— he  thinks 
was  taken  to  pieces  and  put  up  again  by  Hadrian.  The  history  of  the 
building,  however,  cannot  be  regarded  as  thoroughly  ascertained. 
Agrippa’s  third  consulship  was  in  b.c.  27,  whereas  Dio  places  the  com¬ 
pletion  of  the  Pantheon  under  B.c.  25  (53, 27).  It  may  well  have  been  that 
the  external  building  was  finished  and  dedicated  in  b.c.  27,  and  that  the 
inside  occupied  two  more  years. 



taking  the  direction  of  affairs  into  his  own  hands.  The  difficulty, 
however,  did  not  arise  ;  for  owing  either  to  the  goodness  of 
his  constitution,  or  the  skill  of  his  physician,  Antonius  Musa, 
Augustus  recovered. 

When  he  met  the  Senate  once  more  he  offered  to  read  his 
will  to  prove  that  he  had  been  true  to  his  constitutional 

The  new  obligations,  and  had  named  no  successor,  but  had 
Csettiement,al  t^le  decision  in  the  hands  of  the  Senate  and 
BC'23'  people.  The  Senators,  however,  declined  to  hear 
it,  but  insisted  that  the  powers  which  he  had  been  exercising 
should  be  more  clearly  defined  and  placed  on  a  better  legal 
footing.  Accordingly  a  Senatus-consultum  was  drawn  up,  to 
be  afterwards  submitted  to  the  centuriate  assembly,  giving 
him  a  variety  of  powers,  and  forming  a  precedent  which  was 
followed  in  the  case  of  subsequent  emperors.  It  began  with 
a  confirmation  of  the  tribunicia  potestas ,  for  life  and  unlimited 
as  to  place,  with  the  right  of  bringing  business  of  any  kind 
before  the  Senate  (ius  relationis ).  It  next  gave  him  the  ius 
proconsulare ,  both  within  and  without  the  pomaerium,  involving 
a  maius  imperium  in  all  provinces.  Further,  it  gave  him  the 
right  of  making  treaties  ;  the  right  of  summoning,  consulting, 
and  dismissing  the  Senate  (ius  consulare )  ;  the  confirmation  01 
all  his  acta ,  “Whatever  he  shall  think  to  be  for  the  benefit  and 
honour  of  the  republic  in  things  divine  and  human,  whether 
public  or  private  ”  ;  finally,  exemption  from  the  provisions  of 
certain  laws  and  plebiscita.  Some  legal  difficulty  was  apparently 
discovered  afterwards  as  to  the  right  of  proposing  laws  to  the 
centuriate  assembly,  which  was  remedied  in  b.c.  19  by  his 
receiving  the  full  consular  power  for  life,  with  the  right  of 
having  Victors ,  and  sitting  on  the  consular  bench.  This  seems 
to  have  been  a  concession  to  legal  purists.  He  doubtless 
exercised  the  full  consular  powers  before  ;  but  a  distinction 
was  drawn  by  some  between  the  ius  consulare  and  the  imperium 
consulare ,  and  whatever  doubt  there  might  be  was  now  set  at 


As  the  imperial  powers  may  now  be  considered  as  fully 
developed,  future  extensions  being  merely  logical  deductions 
from  the  constitution  as  now  established,  it  will 
ThpowersIal  be  convenient  here  once  for  all  to  point  out  their 
nature  and  extent.  They  may  be  classed  under 
two  headings — (1)  imperium ;  (2)  potestas  tribunicia. 

The  first — imperium — embraces  all  those  powers  which 
Augustus  obtained  as  representing  the  curule  magistrates, 
or  from  special  law  and  senatorial  decrees.  As  imperator, 
then,  he  had  supreme  command  of  all  forces  by  land  or  sea. 
The  military  oath  was  now  taken  in  his  name,  no  longer  to 
individual  officers  raising  legions.  He  alone  had  the  right  to 
enrol  soldiers  ;  he  nominated  the  officers  ;  his  procurators  paid 
the  men  in  his  name  ;  from  him  proceeded  all  rewards.  The 
Senate,  indeed,  still  awarded  triumphs  and  triumphalia  orna- 
menta ,  but  it  was  at  his  suggestion,  and  the  tendency  was  to 
confine  the  right  of  triumph  to  the  Emperor  himself. 

By  the  same  imperium  he  decided  on  questions  of  peace  or 
war  ;  on  the  distribution  of  the  ager  publicus ,  and  the  assigna¬ 
tion  of  lands  to  veterans  and  coloni  generally. 

Finally,  the  right  of  conferring  the  citizenship,  complete  or 
partial,  and  settling  the  status  of  all  colonies  and  municipia ,  and 
of  interpreting  the  laws  by  2.  constitutio  principis,  expressed  in  an 
edict  or  decree,  which  amounted,  in  fact,  to  legislative  power. 

The  second — potestas  tribunicia — was  superior  to  the  ordinary 
powers  of  the  tribunes,  because  by  it  he  could  veto  their  pro¬ 
ceedings,  while  they  could  not  veto  his.  “  It  gave  him  ” — to 
use  Dio’s  words — “  the  means  of  absolutely  putting  a  stop  to 
any  proceeding  of  which  he  disapproved  ;  it  rendered  his 
person  inviolable,  so  that  the  least  violence  offered  him  by 
word  or  deed  made  a  man  liable  to  death  without  trial  as 
being  under  a  curse.”  From  the  ancient  constitution  of  the 
office  also  it  made  him  president  of  the  comitia  tributa 
(representing  the  old  consilia  plebis ),  gave  him  the  right  of 
interposing  in  all  decisions  of  magistrates  or  Senate  affecting 



the  persons  or  civil  status  of  citizens  ( auxilii  latio ),  and  that  of 
compelling  obedience  by  imprisonment  or  othei  means,  as  in 
the  republic  the  tribunes  had  done  even  to  the  consuls  in 
extreme  cases  ( coercitio ).  Though  this  power  was  given  the 
Emperor  for  life,  it  was  also  in  a  sense  annual  ;  and  it  was 
in  effect  so  much  the  most  important  of  all  his  powers,  while 
at  the  same  time  in  origin  and  professed  object  so  much  the 
most  popular,  that  it  became  the  custom  from  henceforth  to 
date  all  documents,  inscriptions,  and  the  like,  by  the  year  of 
the  tribunician  power  from  27th  of  June  this  year  (b.c.  23). 
The  imperium  was  renewed  at  intervals  of  ten  or  five  years, 
the  tribunician  power  of  Augustus  went  on  from  year  to  year 
without  break.  It  was  now  unnecessary  any  longer  to  hold 
the  consulship,  for  the  imperium  given  him  in  other  ways 
covered  all,  and  more  than  all,  which  the  consulship  could 
give.  It  was  convenient  to  use  it  for  rewarding  others,  as  it 
retained  all  its  outward  signs  of  dignity,  and  still  in  theory 
made  its  holder  head  of  the  state,  though  in  reality  its  duties 
had  become  almost  wholly  ceremonial.  He  therefore  abdicated 
the  consulship,  which  he  did  not  hold  again  till  B.c.  5>  when 
he  desired  to  give  eclat  to  his  grandson’s  deductio  in  forum. 

The  clause  in  the  lex,  quoted  above,  also  gave  Augustus 
supreme  control  of  all  religious  matters,  and  made  him  able, 
among  other  things,  to  nominate  most  of  the  members  of  the 
sacred  colleges.  He  did  not  become  Pontifex  Maximus  till 
the  death  of  Lepidus  (b.c.  13).  When  that  took  place  he 
became  official,  as  well  as  real,  head  of  the  Roman  religion. 

Certain  other  arrangements  in  regard  to  the  city  of  Rome 
itself  followed,  all  in  the  direction  of  centralisation.  Thus 
Augustus  presided  at  the  review  of  the  equites,  which  used 
to  be  held  by  the  censors.  Public  works  were  mostly  en¬ 
trusted  to  curatores  appointed  by  him  ;  for  the  supply  of  corn 
he  named  a  puefectus  annonce ;  and  for  police  a  prafectus  urbi , 
under  whom  were  the  cohortes  urbanee ,  the  night-watch  and 
fire  brigade  ( nocturni  vigiles).  Each  of  these  bodies  had  their 


own  officers  or  prafecti ;  but  Augustus  from  time  to  time 
appointed  some  one  as  prafectus  urbi ,  to  whom  all  alike  would 
be  subject.  Such  an  officer,  however,  did  not  always  assume 
the  name,  and  really  as  well  as  theoretically  the  ultimate 
authority  was  Augustus  himself,  who  later  on,  by  dividing 
Rome  into  regiones  and  vici,  made  elaborate  arrangements  for 
the  effective  policing  of  the  city. 

Augustus  might  pose  as  a  constitutional  magistrate  enjoying 
a  life-tenure  of  his  office,  without  the  right  of  transmitting  it 

The  succession.  f°  an  heir-  Th'S  vieW  WaS  Strictl7  legal>  but  !t 

was  evident  that  such  a  power  could  not  safely 

be  left  by  its  holder  without  any  understanding  as  to  a 
successor.  The  matter  was  indeed  in  the  hands  of  Senate  and 
people  ;  but  in  the  minds  of  possible  heirs,  as  well  as  of  the 
Senate  and  people  themselves,  it  began  to  be  thought  natural 
and  necessary  that  some  arrangement  of  the  sort  should  be 
made.  The  cases  are  numerous  in  all  history  of  rulers, 
whether  new  or  hereditary,  who  have  wished  to  found  or 
continue  a  dynasty,  or  who  have  thought  to  prevent  confusion 
and  danger  after  their  own  death  by  naming  a  successor,  or  by 
taking  him  into  present  partnership.  Such  a  scheme  was  not  as 
yet  fully  developed,  even  if  it  was  contemplated.  But  Marcellus, 
who  had  been  adopted  by  Augustus  on  his  marriage  to  Iulia, 
betrayed  his  hopes  by  protesting  against  the  preference  shewn 
by  the  apparently  dying  Emperor  to  Agrippa  ;  and  Augustus 
yielded  so  far  as  to  send  Agrippa  from  Rome  as  governor  of  Syria. 

A  sudden  disaster,  however,  put  an  end  to  any  intention 
that  may  have  been  formed  in  regard  to  Marcellus.  In  the 
summer  of  b.c.  23,  he  was  attacked  by  fever,  and 
Antonius  Musa,  who  had  successfully  treated 
Augustus  by  a  regime  of  cold  baths,  tried  a 
similar  treatment  on  the  young  man  with  fatal  effect.  His 
death  was  a  great  grief  to  Augustus  and  so  severe  a  blow  to 
Octavia,  that  she  lived  afterwards  in  complete  retirement.  It 
produced  a  sensation  in  Rome  such  as  has  been  witnessed  more 


Death  of 



than  once  among  us  at  the  death  of  an  heir  to  the  throne  ; 
and  has  been  immortalised  by  a  celebrated  passage  inserted  by 
Vergil  in  the  sixth  book  of  the  /Eneid, \  a  work  in  which 
Augustus  was  specially  interested  as  a  consecration  of  the 
greatness  of  Rome  and  the  hereditary  dignity  of  the  Iulian 
gens.  It  is  skilfully  placed  at  the  end  of  the  catalogue  of 
Roman  heroes  whose  souls  are  being  reviewed  by  Anchises  in 
the  Elysian  realms,  where  they  are  waiting  their  time  for 
entering  the  bodies  of  men  destined  to  make  Roman  history. 
The  Marcellus  of  the  Punic  war  naturally  introduces  the 
younger  shade,  whose  brief  tenure  of  life  is  even  now  fore¬ 
shadowed  by  the  cloud  that  hangs  about  his  brow.  When 
Vergil  recited  the  lines  to  the  Emperor  and  his  sorrowing 
sister,  Octavia  fainted  from  emotion,  and  Augustus  bestowed 
a  splendid  reward  upon  the  poet.  It  may  help  us  to  realise 
the  scene  if  we  once  more  read  the  familiar  lines.  Aeneas 
notices  the  mysterious  and  melancholy  shade  and  eagerly 
questions  his  father  : — 

“‘What  youth  is  this  of  glorious  mien 
The  noblest  and  the  best  between, 

Cheered  to  the  echo  ?  See,  a  cloud 
(The  darkening  shadow  of  the  shroud) 

Hovers  about  him  even  now, 

And  black  night  broods  upon  his  brow. 

Is  he  some  scion  of  the  race, 

Destined  our  mighty  line  to  grace  ?  ’ 

Thus  spake  the  son,  the  father  sighed. 

And  thus  with  rising  tears  replied  : 

‘Seek  not,  my  son,  to  learn  the  woe, 

Your  progeny  is  doomed  to  know. 

The  fates  will  show  and  then  withdraw 
The  gift  men  loved  but  hardly  saw. 

Too  mighty,  gods  !  for  so  you  deemed, 

With  such  a  prince  Rome’s  race  had  seemed  ! 
What  sobs  shall  thrill  the  Martian  plain  ! 

Ah,  Tiber,  what  dark  funeral  train 



Your  waves  shall  see,  as  past  the  Mound 
New-built  you  sweep  your  waters  round! 

No  scion  of  the  Ilian  stock 

Shall  raise  such  hopes,  such  hopes  shall  mock. 

Ah,  Romulus,  thy  land  shall  see 
No  son  to  fire  thy  pride  as  he. 

Oh  loyalty  !  Oh  faith  unstained  ! 

Oh  strong  right  hand  to  yield  untrained  ! 

Whether  on  foot  he  grasped  the  sword, 

Or  charger’s  flank  with  rowel  scored, 

No  foe  would  e’er  have  faced  his  steel 
Nor  learnt  what  ’tis  the  vanquished  feel. 

Oh  child  of  many  tears,  if  fate 
Shall  not  prevent  your  living  date, 

Thou  art  Marcellus  !  Lilies  fair 
Scatter  in  handfuls  on  his  bier  ! 

Oh  let  me  but  his  herse  bestrew 
With  flowers  bright  with  purple  hue. 

Vain  gift  !  but  let  it  still  be  paid 
To  grace  my  far-off  grandson’s  shade.’  ” 

The  death  of  Marcellus  had  occurred  in  an  unhealthy  season 
when  many  shared  the  same  fate.  Yet  there  were  found 
people  who  attributed  it  to  Livia’s  jealousy  on  behalf  of  her 
son  Tiberius,  and  her  anger  at  the  preference  shown  to  the 
Emperor’s  nephew.  Scarcely  any  death  occurred  in  the 
imperial  family  that  did  not  give  rise  to  some  such  idle  and 
malevolent  gossip.  But  the  Emperor  soon  had  cause  to 
regret  the  absence  of  Agrippa,  who  was  living  in  Lesbos 
and  administering  Syria  by  his  legate.  The  next  year  was 
a  year  of  sickness  and  scarcity  at  Rome,  and  was  also  disturbed 
by  more  than  one  outbreak  of  political  unrest,  one  of  the  few 
conspiracies  against  the  life  of  Augustus  being  detected  and 
punished.  We  do  not  know  why  Muraenaand  Fannius  Caepio 
plotted  to  kill  Augustus,  if  they  really  did  so.  It  may  be  that 
the  change  made  in  the  principate  in  b.c.  23  seemed  to  them 
to  be  too  much  in  the  direction  of  autocracy,  or  that  the 
consulship  without  Augustus  as  colleague  suggested  some  idea 
that  its  old  supremacy  might  be  recovered.  The  violent  party 



strife  which  occurred  later  at  the  election  for  b.c.  21,  may 
have  had  some  connection  with  the  same  feeling.  Muraena 
had  had  a  successful  career,  had  been  rewarded  by  an  augurship 
and  a  consulship  in  b.c.  23,  and  there  is  nothing  known  which 
explains  his  conduct.  It  may  be  that  his  offence  was  chiefly 
intemperance  of  language.  Dio  says  that  he  had  a  sharp 
tongue  which  spared  no  one,  and  Horace  perhaps  meant  to 
give  him  a  hint  in  the  ode  addressed  to  him.  Velleius  tells  us 
that,  unlike  his  fellow  conspirator  Fannius  Caepio,  he  was  a 
man  of  high  character.1  At  any  rate  their  execution — for 
both  are  said  to  have  been  put  to  death — is  one  of  the  few 
instances  of  severity  on  the  part  of  Augustus  since  the  civil 
war.  This  trouble  was  followed  by  others — a  renewed  out¬ 
break  in  Spain,  riots  at  the  elections,  and  a  coldness  between 
himself  and  his  devoted  friend  and  minister  Maecenas,  caused, 
it  is  said,  by  his  being  supposed  to  have  communicated  to  his 
wife  Terentia,  the  sister  of  Muraena,  some  secret  as  to  the 
detection  of  the  plot.  All  these  things  must  have  caused 
Augustus  much  uneasiness.  He  had  left  Rome  in  the 
summer  of  B.c.  22  for  Sicily,  intending  to  start  thence 
on  another  progress  through  the  Eastern  Provinces.  There 
urgent  messages  came  to  him  to  return  and  put  a  stop  to  the 
disturbances.  He  did  not  wish  to  give  up  his  Eastern  journey 
and  yet  did  not  venture  to  leave  the  city  without  some  control. 
His  thoughts  turned  naturally  to  the  support  that  had  never 
failed  him — to  Agrippa.  He  was  summoned  home  primarily 
to  take  charge  of  Rome  ;  but  he  came  back  to  what  seemed 
the  highest  possible  position  next  to  that  of  the  Emperor,  and 
one  that  promised  a  still  greater  one  in  the  future.  Augustus 
insisted  on  his  divorcing  Marcella  (daughter  of  Octavia)  and 
marrying  his  own  daughter  Iulia,  left  a  widow  by  Marcellus. 

1  A.  Licinius  Muraena  was  called  A.  Terentius  Varro  Muraena  from  being 
adopted  by  Terentius  Varro.  See  Dio,  54,  3  ;  Suet.,  Aug.  19  ;  Hor.,  Odes 
2,  10 ;  Velleius  Paterc.  2,  91.  Of  Fannius  Caepio  nothing  practically  is 
known,  he  was  prosecuted  by  Tiberius  for  maiestas  and  condemned. 


As  usual  Agrippa  did  all  that  was  imposed  upon  him  well  and 
thoroughly  (b.c.  21-20).  Having  restored  order  in  the  city, 
he  next  went  to  Gallia  Narbonensis,  where  he  not  only  put  a 
stop  to  some  dangerous  disturbances,  but  initiated  great  public 
works  in  the  way  of  roads  and  aqueducts.  Passing  to  Spain 
he  finally  crushed  the  Cantabri  and  Astures,  who  were  again 
in  arms.  He  seems  indeed  to  have  suffered  reverses  in  this 
war,  as  his  master  had  done  before,  but  in  the  end  he  reduced 
them  to  submission.  All  this  good  work  was  done  while 
Augustus  was  in  the  East  (b.c.  21-19),  and  for  it  he  refused 
the  triumph  offered  him  by  the  Senate  at  the  instigation  of 
the  Emperor.  But  his  succession,  should  he  survive  the 
Emperor,  was  now  secured  by  his  being  associated  with  him 
in  the  tribunicia  potestas  and  other  prerogatives  for  five  years 
at  the  first  renewal  of  his  powers  in  B.c.  17.  Agrippa  had 
now  two  sons  by  Iulia,  Gaius  born  in  b.c.  20,  Lucius  in 
B.c.  17  ;  and  Augustus  adopted  both  of  them  by  the  ancient 
process  of  a  fictitious  purchase.  He  had  now  legitimate  heirs 
and  nothing  farther  was  done  about  the  succession  for  some 
years.  Agrippa  died  in  March,  b.c.  12,  just  as  his  period  of 
tribunician  power  was  expiring.  But  during  these  years  the 
two  sons  of  Livia,  Tiberius  and  Drusus,  had  begun  those 
services  on  the  German  frontier  and  among  the  Rhaeti  and  other 
powerful  tribes  which  proved  their  vigour  and  ability.  These 
services  were  renewed,  after  a  few  months’  interval  of  quiet, 
in  B.c.  13  and  following  years.  Accordingly  Augustus  seems 
to  have  meditated  putting  Tiberius  in  much  the  same  position 
as  Agrippa  had  held.  In  B.c.  11  he  compelled  him  to  divorce 
his  wife  Vipsania  (a  daughter  of  Agrippa)  and  marry  Agrippa’s 
widow  Iulia,  the  Emperor’s  only  daughter.  He  thought  still 
farther  to  secure  a  line  of  descendants  to  succeed  if  necessary 
to  his  power.  But  he  made  the  mistake  of  neglecting  senti¬ 
ment.  Tiberius  was  devotedly  attached  to  Vipsania,  by  whom 
he  had  a  son,  and  could  feel  neither  affection  nor  respect  for 
Iulia,  who  fancied  that  she  lowered  herself  in  marrying  him. 


1 66 

The  only  thing  that  could  compensate  him  for  such  a  marriage 
was  the  chance  of  succession,  and  that  was  barred  by  the 
existence  of  Gaius  and  Lucius  Caesar.  His  only  son  by  Iulia 
died,  and  before  long  her  frivolity  and  debaucheries  disgusted 
him,  and  therefore,  though  associated  in  the  tribunician 
power  for  five  years  in  b.c.  7,  he  sought  and  obtained  per¬ 
mission  in  the  next  year  to  retire  to  Rhodes,  where  he  stayed 
seven  years  in  seclusion. 

Meanwhile  the  boys  were  being  brought  up  with  a  view  to 
their  splendid  future  under  the  eye  of  Augustus,  when  he  was 
at  home,  and  often  under  his  personal  instruction, 
LuduscSar.  accompanied  him  as  they  grew  older  on  his 
journeys,  in  a  carriage  preceding  his  own  or  riding 
by  his  side,  and  in  fact  were  treated  in  every  way  as  real  and 
much  beloved  sons.  In  the  year  in  which  they  assumed  the 
toga  vinlis  (b.c.  5  and  b.c.  2)  Augustus  again  entered  upon 
the  consulship,  that  the  deductio  in  forum  should  be  as  brilliant 
and  dignified  as  possible.  The  Senate  was  not  behindhand  ; 
from  the  day  of  taking  the  toga  virilis  it  voted  that  they  should 
be  capable  of  taking  part  in  public  business,  and  each  of  them 
in  turn  was  designated  consul,  Gaius  to  enter  upon  his  office 
that  time  five  years.  A  new  dignity  moreover  was  invented, 
each  in  turn  being  named  by  the  equites  princeps  inventutis. 
As  Augustus  was  princeps  senatus  as  well  as  princeps  civitatis , 
each  of  these  young  men  was  to  be  the  head  of  the  next  or  do , 
the  original  condition  for  belonging  to  which  was  that  a  man 
must  be  iuvenis.  Both  were  members  of  the  College  of 
Augurs.  They  were,  in  fact,  treated  as  we  expect  to  see 
princes  of  the  blood  and  heirs-apparent  treated.1  But  whatever 
was  the  intention  of  Augustus  or  the  expectation  of  the  people, 
fate  interposed  ruthlessly.  The  younger — Lucius — died  first, 
on  the  20th  of  August,  a.d.  2,  at  Marseilles,  before  he  could 

1  In  the  cenotaphia  Piscina.  Gaius  is  described  after  his  death  as  iam 
designatum  iustissimum  ac  simillimum  parentis  sui  virtutibus  principcm.” 
But  this  is  probably  not  an  official  title. 


enter  on  the  consulship  to  which  he  had  been  designated  ;  the 
elder  Gaius  was  sent  into  Asia  in  b.c.  i,  where  he  entered  upon 
his  consulship  of  a.d.  1.  The  object  of  his  mission  was  to 
force  Phraates  IV.,  king  of  the  Parthians,  to  evacuate 
Armenia  which  he  had  invaded.  This  was  accomplished 
without  fighting  and  by  personal  negotiation  with  the  Parthian 
king  ;  but  when  he  entered  Armenia  to  take  possession  and 
arrange  for  its  restoration  to  its  recognised  king,  he  was  wounded 
by  an  act  of  treason  under  the  walls  of  Artagera.  Weakened 
by  this  wound,  and  being  in  other  respects  in  a  feeble  state 
of  health  and  spirits,  he  obtained  leave  from  Augustus  to  lay 
down  his  command.  He  started  on  his  homeward  journey, 
but  died  on  the  way  at  Limyra  in  Lycia  the  23rd  of 
February,  a.d.  4. 

The  succession  was  once  more  uncertain.  The  members 
of  the  imperial  family  at  this  time  were  few.  Of  the  children 
of  Agrippa  and  Iulia  Agrippa  Postumus  was  barely 
TfixednSponaasy  sixteen,  and  his  two  sisters,  the  younger  Iulia  and 

successor.  Agripp;na  a  few  years  older.  Drusus,  the  younger 

brother  of  Tiberius,  had  married  Antonia,  daughter  of  Marcus 
Antonius  and  Octavia,  and  had  left  three  children,  Germanicus, 
b.  b.c.  15,  Livia  b.  b.c.  12,  and  Claudius  (afterwards  Emperor) 
b.  b.c.  10.  Augustus  meant  to  provide  a  new  line  of  descen¬ 
dants  by  marrying  Agrippina  to  Germanicus,  but  that  did  not 
take  place  till  about  a.d.  5.  Meanwhile,  probably  on  Livia’s 
suggestion,  he  turned  his  thoughts  to  his  stepson  Tiberius, 
who  had  divorced  Iulia  and  had  a  son  (Drusus)  by  his  former 
wife  Vipsania,  who  was  married  to  his  cousin  Livia.  There 
is  no  good  evidence  that  Augustus  entertained  any  but  warm 
feelings  for  Tiberius,  and  he  certainly  had  had  good  reason  to 
respect  his  military  abilities  and  energy.  He  seems  to  have  been 
hurt  at  his  prolonged  stay  at  Rhodes  and  to  have  regarded  it 
as  a  sign  that  Tiberius  cared  nothing  for  him  and  his  family. 
He  had  therefore  discouraged  his  return  two  years  before, 
though  he  had  given  him  the  position  of  legatus  as  a  colourable 


1 68 

pretext  for  staying  abroad  without  loss  of  dignity.  Upon  the 
death  of  Lucius,  however,  he  seems  to  have  wished  him  to 
return  to  Rome.  Tiberius  did  so,  partly  on  the  instigation  of 
his  mother,  and  partly,  perhaps,  because  he  had  reason  to  expect 
the  hostility  of  Gaius,  and  yet  had  judged  from  the  latter’s 
visit  to  him  on  his  way  to  Syria  that  he  was  not  likely  to  be 
a  formidable  rival ;  for  he  was  at  once  somewhat  arrogant  and 
weak,  and  was  surrounded  by  injudicious  and  dishonest  advisers. 
On  his  return  he  for  some  time  lived  in  retirement  and 
refrained  from  all  public  business.  But  when  the  death  of 
Gaius  was  announced  (a.d.  4)  Augustus  adopted  Tiberius  and 
Agrippa  Postumus,  having  first  arranged  that  Tiberius  should 
adopt  his  nephew  Germanicus.  The  adoption  of  Agrippa 
Postumus  was  shortly  afterwards  annulled,  and  he  was  banished 
to  an  island  under  surveillance.1 

There  was  now  therefore  a  regular  line  of  succession. 
Tiberius  indeed  had  no  drop  of  Iulian  blood  in  his  veins,  but 
adoption  according  to  Roman  law  and  sentiment  placed  him 
exactly  in  the  same  position  as  that  of  a  naturally  born  son, 
and  by  his  son’s  marriage  to  Antonia,  his  adoption  of 
Germanicus,  and  the  marriage  of  the  latter  to  Agrippina, 
it  seemed  that  there  was  security  that  after  him  must  come 
some  one  who  was  collaterally  or  directly  descended  from 
Augustus.  In  the  same  year  (a.d.  4)  Tiberius  was  once 
more  associated  with  Augustus  in  the  tribunician  power  for 
ten  years.2  There  could  be  no  longer  any  doubt  who  would 
succeed.  At  the  death  of  Augustus  there  would  be,  if 
Tiberius  survived,  a  man  already  possessed  of  the  most 

1  There  seems  little  doubt  that  the  character  of  Agrippa  Postumus  gave 
some  ground  for  this  measure  ;  but  Augustus  seems  to  have  regretted  and 
at  times  to  have  contemplated  recalling  him.  His  murder  immediately 
after  the  death  of  Augustus  is  called  by  Tacitus  “  the  first  crime  of  the 
new  reign.”  Whether  Tiberius  or  Livia  was  responsible  for  it  cannot  be 
discussed  here. 

2  So  Dio  (55,  5;  says.  Suetonius  (Tib.  16)  says  five  years.  There  may 
have  been  a  renewal  after  five  years. 


important  of  his  functions  ;  and  his  position  was  still  farther 
strengthened  in  the  last  year  of  the  Emperor’s  life  by  being 
associated  also  in  his  imperium  proconsulare .  This  gave  him 
authority  in  the  provinces  and  the  command  of  all  military 
forces  ;  and  we  find  him,  in  fact,  upon  the  death  of  Augustus 
giving  the  watchword  at  once  to  the  praetorian  guard. 

Augustus  therefore  is  responsible  for  the  principate  of 
Tiberius,  though  some  of  its  powers  had  to  be  formally 
bestowed  by  a  decree  of  the  Senate.  Did  he  do  ill  or  well 
in  this  ?  Hardly  any  emperor  left  behind  him  such  an  evil 
reputation  as  Tiberius.  His  funeral  procession  was  greeted 
with  shouts  of  “Tiberius  to  the  Tiber,”  the  Senate  did  not 
vote  him  the  usual  divine  honours,  and  Tacitus  has 
exerted  all  his  skill  to  make  his  name  infamous.  A 
gallant  attempt  has  been  made  by  Mr.  Tarver  to  plead  for 
a  rehearing  of  the  case,  and  to  shew  that  Tiberius  was  pure  in 
private  life  and  admirable  as  a  ruler.  I  for  one  agree  with 
with  him  in  rejecting  as  unproved  slander  and  often  as 
physically  impossible  the  charges  of  monstrous  immoralities 
raked  up  both  by  Tacitus  and  Suetonius,  often,  no  doubt,  from 
the  prurient  gossip  of  Rome,  which  has  never  been  surpassed 
for  foulness.  The  same  summary  rejection  cannot,  I  think, 
be  applied  to  the  formidable  list  of  his  cruelties.  But  these 
mainly  fell  upon  members  of  the  imperial  family  and  their 
adherents  ;  they  did  not  affect  the  Empire  at  large.  Augustus 
could  not  foresee  these  family  and  dynastic  tragedies  ;  but  he 
judged,  and  apparently  judged  rightly,  that  he  was  leaving  a 
successor  whose  prudence  and  sagacity,  in  spite  of  what 
seemed  a  sullen  reserve,  would  secure  the  peace  and  prosperity 
of  the  Empire  as  a  whole.  There  is  nothing  to  prove  that 
Augustus  regarded  him  otherwise  than  affectionately.  If  he 
turned  out  to  be  the  monster  represented  by  his  enemies, 
Augustus  no  doubt  made  a  grave  mistake.  It  is  a  ridiculous 
suggestion  that  he  deliberately  designated  him  his  successor 
in  order  that  people  might  regret  himself.  Such  recondite 



snares  for  posthumous  fame  are  more  like  the  cunning 
of  a  madman  than  the  motives  influencing  a  reasonable 
being.  Suetonius,  who  reports  the  suggestion,  says  that 

after  mature  reflection  he  is  convinced  that  a  man  so 
careful  and  prudent  as  Augustus  must  have  acted  on 
better  motives  ;  must  have  weighed  the  virtues  and 
faults  of  Tiberius  and  decided  that  the  former  predominated. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  Augustus  had  little  choice.  Agrippa 
Postumus  was  impossible  ;  Germanicus  might  have  served, 
but  he  could  never  have  displaced  his  uncle  without  a  struggle. 
At  the  time  of  Tiberius’  adoption  he  was  only  nineteen,  and 
Augustus  could  not  reckon  on  the  ten  more  years  of  life  which 
in  fact  remained  for  him.  No  doubt  in  these  last  years  of  his 
life  Augustus  had  come  to  see  that  some  sort  of  hereditary 
principle  was  necessary  to  prevent  civil  war  at  every  vacancy. 
In  b.c.  23  he  had  ignored  that  principle  altogether,  and  as  far 
as  he  could  without  naming  an  heir  had  put  Agrippa  in  the 
way  of  the  succession.  But  Agrippa  had  now  been  dead  nearly 
sixteen  years,  and  Augustus  had  had  no  minister  since  either 
so  able  or  so  faithful.  Like  Cromwell  in  his  last  hours,  he 
was  driven  to  recognise  the  conveniency  of  the  hereditary 
principle  ;  and  though  the  practical  designation  of  Tiberius  was 
apparently  a  breach  of  it,  yet  by  means  of  the  adoptions  and 
marriages  which  he  had  arranged,  it  best  prepared  for  its 
continuance  hereafter.  It  was  one  of  those  politic  compro¬ 
mises  which  had  characterised  his  whole  policy.  It  moreover 
best  secured  the  position  and  safety  of  the  beloved  Livia  ;  and 
it  set  a  precedent  which  was  often  followed  with  advantage  in 
after-times,  when  military  arrogance  and  violence  did  not  over¬ 
power  every  other  consideration,  that  an  Emperor’s  natural 
heir  should  be  his  successor,  or  at  any  rate  some  one  closely 
allied  to  him  ;  and  that  in  case  of  the  failure  or  complete 
unworthiness  of  such  an  heir  a  prudent  emperor  should  pro¬ 
vide  for  the  succession  by  adoption. 



Tu  regere  impcrio  populos, 
Romane,  memento. 

At  the  end  of  his  life  Augustus  left,  among  other  memoirs,  a 
roll  containing  certain  maxims  of  state  which  he  thought 
important  for  his  successors  to  observe.  Among 
'of Ih e  Empire  them  was  an  injunction  not  to  seek  to  increase 
under  Augustus.  ^  Empire,  for  it  would  be  difficult  to  guard  an 

extended  frontier.  His  own  policy  had  been  directed  generally 
on  this  principle.  Such  additions  as  were  made  in  his  time 
were  mainly  those  rendered  inevitable  by  the  necessity  of 
securing  the  already  existing  frontiers.  When  his  generals 
went  beyond  that  they  met  with  difficulties  and  sometimes 
with  disaster.  The  additions  actually  made  weie  (i)  in  Africa  . 
Egypt  was  made  a  province  in  b.c.  30,  at  first  almost  as  a  private 
possession  of  the  Emperor,  though  in  b.c.  10  it  was,  nominally 
at  any  rate,  put  on  the  same  footing  as  the  other  provinces. 
Mauretania,  on  the  other  hand,  though  made  a  province  in 
b.c.  33,  was  restored  to  independence  under  King  Iuba  in  b.c.  25* 
(2)  In  Asia  a  new  province  of  Galatia  was  formed  in  b.c.  25> 
with  a  capital  at  Ancyra,  and  embracing  several  districts,  such 
as  Lycaonia,  Isauria,  Pamphylia,  and  parts  of  Phrygia.  (3)  In 
the  West,  sometime  before  a.d.  6,  Moesia,  answering  to  the 
1  Monum.  Ancyr.  27  ;  C.I.L.  vi.  701. 



modern  Servia  and  Bulgaria,  was  made  a  province  as  a  barrier 
of  the  Empire  on  the  Danube.  So  also  Ulyricum,  in  B.c.  9-8, 
was  extended  to  the  Danube  by  the  addition  of  Pannonia  ; 
Noricum,  also  on  the  Danube,  was  held  in  subjection,  if  not 
fully  organised  as  a  province,  after  b.c.  16  ;and  Rhaetia  (modern 
Bavaria)  was  put  under  a  Roman  procurator  after  B.c.  15. 
All  these  additions  were  clearly  rendered  necessary  in  order  to 
protect  the  line  of  the  Danube  as  the  frontier  of  the  Empire. 
Lastly,  on  the  reorganisation  of  Gaul  in  four  provinces 
(b.c.  16-14),  two  districts  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Lower 
Rhine,  called  Germania  Superior  and  Germania  Inferior,  were 
also  occupied  and  partly  organised,  while  some  minor  Alpine 
districts,  Alpes  Maritimae  (Savoy  and  Nice),  Alpes  Cottiae 
(Susa  and  district),  Alpes  Penninae  (Canton  du  Valois)  were 
taken  over  and  administered  sometimes  independently  and 
sometimes  as  part  of  other  provinces.  In  these  cases  again  the 
extension  was  merely  consequential,  the  inevitable  result  of 
having  a  long  frontier  to  defend  against  invading  tribes.1  The 
Rhine  and  the  Danube  then  became  the  limits  of  the  Empire. 
We  shall  have  occasion  to  see  immediately  what  dangers 
awaited  an  attempt  to  go  beyond  them. 

Augustus  twice  spent  periods  of  between  two  and  three 

ti  years  in  the  East,  engaged  in  resettling  frontiers 

and  re-organising  the  Roman  provinces. 

After  the  victory  at  Actium  (b.c.  31)  he  remained  in 
the  East  till  B.c.  29.  The  changes  then  made  chiefly 
consisted  in  upsetting  most  of  the  arrangements  which 
had  been  made  by  Antony  with  various  client  kings,  and  in 
favour  of  the  children  of  Cleopatra.  Thus  Cyprus,  which  had 
been  restored  to  Cleopatra,  was  now  separated  from  Egypt  and 
made  a  province  ;  the  coast  towns  of  Syria  and  Palestine  were 
reunited  to  the  province  of  Syria  ;  certain  cities  of  Crete  and 

1  This  is  what  Augustus  means  by  saying  “  that  he  extended  the  frontiers 
of  all  the  provinces  bordering  on  tribes  that  had  not  submitted  ”  (Mon. 
A  nc.  26). 


Cyrene,  Iudaea  and  Ituraea,  and  of  Cilicia,  which  Antony  had 
assigned  to  Cleopatra’s  son,  Cassarion,  were  either  reunited  to 
the  provinces  or  declared  free,  as  was  also  the  case  with  other 
districts  and  towns  assigned  by  Antony  to  his  own  son  by 
Cleopatra.  Certain  client  kings,  however,  were  allowed  to 
retain  their  territory  and  dignity,  such  as  Herod  in  Iudaea, 
Amyntas  in  Galatia,  Archelaus  in  Cappadocia.  But  the 
eternal  question  in  the  East  was  that  of  the  Parthians. 
They  not  only  were  resolved  to  maintain  the  Euphrates  as  the 
limit  beyond  which  Roman  power  was  not  to  pass,  but  they 
had  frequently  made  raids  upon  Syria,  and  were  always  attempt¬ 
ing  to  occupy  Armenia,  which  was  a  Roman  protectorate,  and 
the  intervening  kingdom  of  Media.  The  disaster  of  Crassus 
in  Mesopotamia,  and  the  chequered  operations  of  Antony,  had 
all  sprung  from  these  facts.  When  Augustus  arrived  in  Asia 
the  state  of  things  which  had  finally  resulted  from  the  operations 
of  Antony  was  that  Artaxes  (whose  father,  Artavasdes,  had 
been  treacherously  captured  by  Antony  and  afterwards  put  to 
death  by  Cleopatra)  was  king  of  Armenia,  and  had  attacked 
Media  and  captured  its  king  Artavasdes  ;  and  that  Phraates 
had  recovered  his  kingdom  of  Parthia.  Augustus  had  two  or 
three  advantages  in  dealing  with  these  complications.  He 
found  the  brothers  of  the  Armenian  Artaxes  still  prisoners  at 
Alexandria,  and  sent  them  to  Rome  as  hostages.  Again  the 
captured  king  of  Media  managed  to  escape  and  appealed  to 
him  for  help  ;  and,  lastly,  Phraates  of  Parthia  had  only  just 
recovered  his  throne,  from  which  he  had  been  expelled  by  a 
rebellion  headed  by  Tiridates,  and  the  latter  escaped  to  Syria 
and  sent  to  implore  the  help  of  Augustus,  while  legates  from 
Phraates  also  arrived  soliciting  his  support.  Augustus  availed 
himself  skilfully  of  these  complications  to  assume  the  position 
of  a  lord  paramount  and  arbiter.  He  allowed  Tiridates  to 
remain  in  safety  in  Syria  ;  but  he  treated  the  legates  of  Phraates 
in  a  friendly  manner,  and  cordially  invited  a  son  of  that  king 
to  accompany  him  to  Rome,  where,  however,  he  was  kept  as 



a  hostage.  Artavasdes  was  set  up  in  Lesser  Armenia  to  form 
a  check  upon  Artaxes.  These  diplomatic  successes  were 
regarded  in  Rome,  as  we  have  seen,  as  veritable  triumphs  over 
the  dangerous  Parthians — the  only  name  much  known  there. 
The  abolition  of  the  arrangements  of  Antony,  which  had 
involved  the  curtailment  of  the  Roman  Empire,  was  recorded 
on  coins  struck  in  b.c.  29,  with  a  head  of  Augustus  on  the 
obverse,  and  on  the  reverse  a  figure  of  victory  standing  on 
the  mystic  cista,  with  the  legend  Asia  recepta.  But  it  is  with 
his  second  Eastern  progress  (b.c.  22-19)  that  the  useful  public 
works,  such  as  roads  and  buildings,  of  which  traces  are  still 
found,  probably  began. 

Between  these  two  visits  there  had  been  only  two  movements 
of  serious  importance — the  useless  and  almost  disastrous  expedi¬ 
tion  of  TElius  Gallus  into  Arabia  (b.c.  24-3),  and 
M°theEastin  tde  invasion  of  Southern  Egypt  at  Elephantine  by 
beandacB,22.24  Candace,  queen  of  ^Ethiopia,  encouraged  by  the 
diminution  of  the  Roman  forces  in  Egypt  during 
the  Arabian  expedition.  The  ^Ethiopians  gained  some  minor 
successes  over  three  Roman  cohorts  stationed  near  the  frontier, 
but  were  eventually  repulsed  by  the  praefect  Gaius  Petronius, 
who  pursued  them  to  their  capital  town  Nabata,  which  he  took 
and  plundered.1 

The  second  eastward  progress  of  Augustus  began  with 
some  months’  residence  in  Sicily.  There  he  was  busied  in 

Second  Eastern  founding  colonies>  of  which  seven  are  named. 

BPc°22-i9  The  chief  town  Sicily  was  still  Syracuse,  but 
it  seems  to  have  suffered  in  the  time  of  Sextus 
Pompeius,  and  Augustus  placed  in  it  two  thousand  settlers, 
probably  veterans.  It  was  the  object  of  such  colonies  to 
provide  for  veterans  and  poor  Italians,  but  also  to  Romanise 
countries  more  completely,  and  to  introduce  an  industrial 

1  The  exact  position  of  Nabata  is  uncertain.  It  is  described  in  the 
Mon.  Ancyr.  26  as  “  close  to  Meroe.”  Augustus  takes  the  responsibility  of 
both  these  campaigns  as  being  meo  iussu  et  ausfiicio. 


class.  Sicily  needed  above  all  things  free  cultivators.  Its 
corn  trade  had  suffered  from  the  competition  of  Africa, 
Sardinia,  and  Egypt,  and  its  pastoral  farms  were  largely  owned 
by  Roman  capitalists,  who  did  not  reside,  but  employed  slave- 
labour  directed  by  bailiffs  or  vi/lici.1  One  object  at  least, 
therefore,  of  these  measures  of  Augustus  was  to  bring  into  the 
country  a  class  of  small  landowners  residing  on  their  property. 
Land  was  found  for  them  by  purchase,  where  there  was  no 
ager  publicus  available. 

From  Sicily  Augustus  passed  to  Greece  and  wintered  at 
Samos.  Achaia  was  a  senatorial  province,  but  the  Emperor, 

Augustus  in  we  may  notice,  exercised  complete  authority  there. 

Greece  b.c.  21.  jje  jja(j  already  established  two  colonies — at 
Actium  and  Patrae,  and  he  seems  to  have  devoted  most  of 
his  attention  to  promoting  their  interests.  He  compelled  the 
inhabitants  of  several  townships  in  the  neighbourhood  of  both 
towns  to  migrate  to  the  new  colonies,  and  he  insisted  on  the 
colony  at  Actium  being  admitted  to  the  Amphictyonic 
League.  The  places  were  well  chosen  for  naval  purposes, 
but  the  element  of  compulsion  in  his  policy  towards  them  was 
unfortunate.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  done  much  for 
Greece  generally.  It  was  in  a  lamentably  decaying  state,  the 
population  declining,  and  old  towns  disappearing.  Nearly 
the  only  exception  was  the  Iulian  colony  at  Corinth.  Such 
changes  as  Augustus  made  on  this  visit  rather  tended  to 
emphasise  this  state  of  things,  and  certainly  did  nothing  to 
relieve  it.  Athens,  which  retained  nothing  of  its  greatness 
except  its  past  and  the  still  surviving  reputation  as  a  university 
town  (though  Marseilles  was  running  it  hard  even  in  that), 
had  disgraced  itself  in  his  eyes  by  the  display  of  sympathy,  first 
for  the  Pompeians  against  Iulius,  again  for  Brutus  and  Cassius 
against  the  triumvirs,  and  lastly  for  Antony  against  himself. 

1  As,  for  instance,  Agrippa.  Hor.,  Efi,  1,  12,  1.  The  seven  colonies 
mentioned  are  Syracuse,  Tauromenium,  Catana,  Thermae,  Tyndaris, 
Lilybaeum,  Panormus. 



A  town  always  on  the  losing  side  can  expect  little  favour.  It 
was  deprived  of  its  few  remaining  extra-Attic  dependencies, 
vEgina  and  Eretria,  and  was  forbidden  to  avail  itself  of  almost 
the  only  source  of  revenue  left — -the  fees  which  certain  persons 
were  still  willing  to  pay  for  the  honour  of  being  enrolled  as  its 
citizens.  Sparta,  indeed,  was  rewarded  by  the  restoration  of 
Cythera,  in  return,  it  is  said,  for  hospitality  to  Livia  when 
in  exile  with  her  former  husband  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
was  deprived  of  the  control  over  its  harbour  town  of  Gythium. 
But  though  both  Iulius  and  Augustus  favoured  Sparta,  as  against 
Athens — a  fact  commemorated  by  a  temple  to  Iulius  and  an 
altar  to  Augustus — it  remained  completely  insignificant. 

Very  different  was  his  policy  in  Asia.  There  Augustus  set 
himself  to  restore  the  prosperity  of  the  towns  by  grants  of 
money,  by  relief  from  or  readjustment  of  tribute,  and  by  the 
promotion  of  useful  public  works.  Nor  were  details  of  local 
administration  and  internal  reforms  neglected.  Edicts  are 
preserved  which  touch  on  such  matters  as  the  age  of  local 
magistrates,  or  the  succession  to  the  property  of  intestates  in 
Bithynia,  shewing  with  what  minute  care  he  studied  local 
interests  and  problems.  It  was  now  probably  that  schemes 
were  set  on  foot  for  opening  up  the  country  by  roads,  afterwards 
carried  out  by  his  legates.  Milestones  are  being  now  discovered 
along  the  via  Sebaste  connecting  the  six  Pisidian  colonies 
dated  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  tribunician  power  (b.c.  6) 
and  a  marble  temple  to  Augustus  still  stands  at  Ancyra 
(. Angora ),  to  witness  the  gratitude  of  these  Asiatic  cities. 
At  the  same  time  disorder  or  illegal  conduct  was  sternly 
punished.  Cyzicus  was  deprived  of  its  libertas  for  having 
flogged  and  put  to  death  some  Roman  citizens,  and  the 
same  punishment  was  awarded  for  their  internal  disorders 
to  Tyre  and  Sidon,  whose  ancient  liberties  had  been  secured 
to  them  by  Antony  when  he  handed  over  the  country  to 

But  of  all  his  achievements  during  this  progress  nothing 


made  such  a  sensation  in  the  Roman  world,  or  was  so  much 

celebrated  by  the  poets  of  the  day,  as  the  fact  that 
standards  by  the  he  received  back  from  the  Parthian  king  the  Roman 

Parthians.  .  .  . 

eagles  and  standards  lost  by  Crassus  in  b.c.  53,  by 
Antony’s  legate  Decidius  Saxa  in  b.c.  40,  and  by  Antony  him¬ 
self  in  b.c.  36  in  a  battle  with  Parthians  and  Medes.  Those 
taken  by  the  Medes  had  been  returned  to  him,  but  not  those 
taken  by  the  Parthians.  In  b.c.  23  Tiridates,  who  had  been 
allowed  to  take  refuge  in  Syria  in  b.c.  30,  came  to  Rome,  and 
Phraates,  to  counteract  his  appeal,  sent  ambassadors  thither 
also.  After  consulting  the  Senate  Augustus  declined  to  give 
up  Tiridates,  but  he  sent  back  to  Phraates  the  son  whom  he  had 
kept  at  Rome  for  the  last  six  years  on  condition  that  the  king 
should  restore  the  standards.  Pressed  though  he  was  by  the 
disaffection  of  his  subjects,  Phraates  had  not  yet  fulfilled  his 
bargain.  But  perhaps  this  disaffection  had  by  b.c.  20  become 
more  acute,  or  he  was  alarmed  by  the  promptness  with  which 
Augustus  asserted  Roman  supremacy  in  Armenia.  Artaxes 
had  ruled  ill  and  had  been  insubordinate.  Augustus  appears 
to  have  meditated  an  expedition  against  him,  but  his  subjects 
anticipated  the  difficulty  by  assassinating  him.  Augustus  says 
that  he  might  have  made  Armenia  a  province,  but  preferred  to 
allow  the  ancient  kingdom  to  remain.  Accordingly  on  his 
order  Tiberius  went  to  Armenia  and  with  his  own  hand  placed 
the  diadem  on  the  head  of  Tigranes,  brother  of  the  late  king, 
who  had  been  living  in  exile  at  Rome.  Thus  the  supremacy 
of  Augustus  was  acknowledged  in  Armenia  and  its  king  ruled 
by  his  permission.  A  coin  struck  in  b.c.  19  represents  it  as  a 
real  capture  of  Armenia,  having  on  its  reverse  Casar  Div.  F. 
Armen,  capt.  Imp.  viiii.  The  Parthian  king  thought  it  well 
now  to  fulfil  his  bargain,  and  again  Tiberius  was  commissioned 
to  receive  the  captured  standards  in  Syria.  With  the  standards 
were  also  some  prisoners  ;  though  there  were  others  who  had 
in  the  thirty-three  years  that  had  elapsed  since  the  fall  of  Crassus 
settled  peaceably  in  Parthian  territory,  married  wives,  and  now 


i  ;8 


refused  to  return.1  Such  a  contented  abandonment  of  their 
native  land  seemed  shocking  to  the  orthodox  Roman,  unable 
to  suppose  life  worth  living  among  barbarians  for  one  who 
had  once  been  a  citizen  of  the  Eternal  City.  Prisoners  of  war 
were  never  much  valued  at  Rome.  It  was  the  traditional 
maxim  that  the  state  never  paid  ransom,  though  private  friends 
might  and  did,  and  Horace’s  ode  may  be  meant  to  support  the 
Emperor’s  refusal  of  some  demand  of  Phraates  for  ransom  of 
prisoners  to  accompany  the  standards.  This  transaction,  how¬ 
ever,  was  the  crown  of  the  Emperor’s  work  in  the  East.  It  is 
commemorated  on  coins  of  B.c.  19  bearing  a  triumphal  arch, 
with  Augustus  receiving  the  standards,  on  the  obverse,  and  the 
legend  civibus  et  signis  militanbus  a  Parthis  receptis  on  the 
reverse.  The  poets  were  not  behind  with  their  compliments. 
Vergil,  who  was  in  Greece  in  this  the  last  year  of  his  life, 
seems  to  have  inserted  three  lines  in  his  description  of  opening 
the  doors  of  Bellona  to  bring  in  an  allusion  to  it.2  Horace, 
who  had  for  the  time  given  up  lyric  poetry,  yet  contrives  a 
compliment  in  one  of  his  epistles  ;  3  and,  on  returning  to  lyric 
poetry  in  B.c.  13-12,  is  careful  to  include  it  among  the  great 
services  of  Augustus  ;  and  Propertius,  after  prophetic  sugges¬ 
tions  as  to  what  will  be  done,  at  last  burst  out  into  a  trium¬ 
phant  hymn  of  praise  over  the  achievements  of  these  years, 
and,  above  all,  on  the  Nemesis  that  has  come  for  the  slaughtered 
Crassus.4  Many  years  afterwards  Ovid  takes  the  opportunity 
in  describing  the  temple  of  Mars  Ultor,  in  which  Augustus 
deposited  the  recovered  standards,  to  glorify  him  for  having 
wiped  out  an  old  and  shameful  stain  upon  the  Roman  arms.S 

1  Dio,  54,  8  ;  Horace,  Od.  3,  5  ;  this  ode  was  written  several  years  before 
the  restoration  of  the  standards,  but  the  fact  of  the  milites  Crassi  having 
settled  in  Parthia  was  naturally  known. 

2  Verg.,  Ain.  vii.  604-606.  3  Horace,  Ep.  i.  18,  56  ;  Odes  iv.  15,  6. 

*  Propert.,  3,  10,  13  ;  4,  4»  16  i  4>  5.  i  4>  *2>  3  ;  5>  6,  79. 

5  Ovid,  F.  v.  567-594.  According  to  Mommsen  there  were  two  temples 
of  Mars  Ultor,  one  on  the  Capitol  (Dio,  54,  8),  the  other  in  the  Forum 
Augustum,  vowed  at  Philippi,  but  not  dedicated  till  b.c.  2.  The  signci 


1 79 

There  were  many  other  arrangements  made  with  the  client 
kings  of  Asia,  all  of  which  were  accompanied  by  the  strict 
condition  that  they  were  henceforth  to  confine  themselves  to 
the  territories  now  assigned  to  them  and  were  to  make  no 
wars  of  aggression.  The  pax  augusta  was  to  be  strictly  main¬ 
tained  everywhere. 

All  this  had  been  done  without  any  drop  of  blood  shed  in 
war,  and  Augustus  was  able  to  devote  the  winter  of  b.c.  20-19 
at  Samos  to  rest  and  enjoyment,  receiving 

Augustus  .  J  J  ’  ° 

returns  from  numerous  embassies  from  all  parts,  as  far  as  from 
the  East,  b.c.  19.  r  7 

India.  The  Indian  envoys  brought  him  a  present 
of  tigers,  a  beast  never  before  seen  in  Greece  or  Italy,  and  a 
wonderful  armless  dwarf  who  could  draw  a  bow  and  throw 
javelins  with  his  feet.  He  returned  next  year  by  way  of 
Athens,  where  he  was  initiated  in  the  Eleusinian  mysteries 
and  where  he  met  with  Vergil.  The  poet  joined  the  Emperor’s 
train,  visited  Megara  with  him,  and  returned  with  him  to 
Italy,  only  to  fall  ill  at  Brundisium  and  die  (September  22). 

Though  Augustus  returned  to  Rome  amidst  loud  congratula¬ 
tions,  the  Western  part  of  the  Empire  was  not  yet  at  peace,  and 
Troubles  in  'n  fact  there  were  many  threatening  signs  of 

Defeat  of  future  trouble.  Agrippa,  indeed,  in  the  very  year 
Loibus,  b.c.  16.  t]ie  jrmperor’s  return  from  the  East,  crushed  the 

rebellious  Cantabri  and  Astures,  not  without  severe  fighting  ; 
but  though  Augustus  was  able  now  to  remain  at  home,  passing 
laws,  holding  the  secular  games,  and  strengthening  his  family 
by  adopting  Agrippa’s  children,  the  Empire  was  not  at  peace, 
the  Ianus  Quirinus  still  stood  open.  There  were,  in  fact,  a 
number  of  “little  wars,”  mostly  frontier  raids.  Thus  in  b.c. 
17-16,  P.  Silius  Nerva  was  engaged  with  various  Alpine  tribes, 
and  in  repelling  an  inroad  of  Pannonians.  There  were  also 
about  the  same  time  brief  outbursts  in  Spain  and  Dalmatia,  and 

seem  to  have  been  deposited  first  in  the  former  and  then  transferred  to 
the  latter.  Ovid  evidently  speaks  of  them  as  in  the  temple  in  the  Forum 



inroads  of  barbarous  tribes  (Dentheletae  and  Scordisci)  into 
Macedonia.  In  Thrace  the  guardian  of  the  sons  of  Cotys  had 
to  be  assisted  against  the  Bessi,  and  the  Sauromatae  had  to  be 
driven  back  across  the  Danube.  These  were  comparatively 
unimportant  affairs.  But  a  more  serious  danger  was  caused  by 
some  warlike  German  tribes — Sugambri,  Usipetes,  and  Tencteri 
— crossing  the  Rhine  and  invading  Gallia  Belgica.  They 
defeated  some  Roman  cavalry,  and  while  pursuing  them  came 
up  with  Lollius  and  his  main  army,  which  they  again  defeated, 
capturing  the  eagle  of  the  Fifth  Legion.  Suetonius  says  that 
the  affair  was  rather  disgraceful  than  really  disastrous.  But  it 
seemed  sufficiently  serious  to  Augustus.  Agrippa  was  away  in 
the  East  looking  after  Syria  and  Asia,  and  did  not  return  till 
b.c.  13;  and  he  resolved  to  go  to  Gaul  himself,  taking  with 
him  Tiberius,  and  leaving  Drusus  to  carry  on  the  latter’s 
praetorship.  The  Germans,  however,  had  no  wish  to  fight  a 
regular  imperial  army,  they  therefore  retired  beyond  the  Rhine, 
and  made  terms  and  gave  hostages. 

Augustus  nevertheless  found  enough  to  do  without  positive 
fighting  in  introducing  improvements  and  reforms.  At 
Nemausus  the  old  gate  of  the  town  walls  still 
AdmmibtraUon  gtanc[s^  jnscribed  with  his  name,  and  dated  in  the 

bC' 16  I+  seventh  year  of  his  tribunician  power  (b.c.  16) ;  he 
had,  moreover,  to  listen  to  long  tales  of  grievances  caused  by 
the  extortions  of  Licinius,  the  procurator  at  Lugdunum.  This 
man’s  career  was  an  early  example  of  that  of  the  rich  freedmen 
of  later  times.  Brought  as  prisoner  from  Gaul  by  Iulius 
Caesar,  and  apparently  emancipated  by  Octavian  in  accordance 
with  his  uncle’s  will,  he  had  by  some  means  amassed  an 
immense  fortune,  and  retained  the  favour  of  Augustus  by  large 
contributions  to  the  public  works  from  time  to  time  promoted 
by  the  Emperor.  A  millionaire  disposed  to  such  liberality  is 
always  welcome  to  a  sovereign  with  a  taste  for  expensive 
reforms.  As  a  Gaul  by  birth,  Augustus  seems  to  have  supposed 
that  he  would  be  a  sympathetic  officer.  But  he  proved  more 


Roman  than  the  Romans  in  exacting  the  last  farthing.  We  are 
reminded  of  “  Morton’s  fork  ”  and  of  Empson  and  Dudley, 
when  we  are  told  that  he  insisted  on  certain  monthly  payments 
being  made  fourteen  times  in  the  year,  on  the  ground  that 
November  and  December  meaning  the  ninth  and  tenth 
months,  there  must  be  two  more  to  be  accounted  for  !  The 
complaints  were  so  serious,  however,  that  Licinius  thought  it 
necessary  to  offer  to  surrender  his  whole  property  to  Augustus, 
as  though  he  had  only  amassed  it  for  the  public  service,  with 
the  deliberate  purpose  of  weakening  the  disloyal  natives.  We 
are  not  told  whether  he  was  left  in  power,  but  at  any  rate  he 
escaped  punishment  and  survived  Augustus.  He  probably  was 
recalled  to  Rome,  where  he  tried  to  pacify  public  indignation 
by  large  contributions  to  the  restoration  of  the  Curia  Iulia, 
which  was  re-dedicated  in  honour  of  the  Emperor’s  grandsons 
about  a.d.  12. 

But  another  and  more  serious  trouble  had  now  to  be  faced. 
The  Rhaeti,  inhabiting  the  modern  Grisons,  Tyrol,  and  parts  of 
Lombardy,  were  making  raids  upon  Gaul  and 
Tiberius  and  Italy,  burning  and  slaying  and  plundering.  With 

Drusus,  B.c.  15. 

them  were  allied  the  V indelici  (inhabiting  parts 
of  modern  Baden,  Wurtenburg,  and  S.  Bavaria),  with  other 
Alpine  tribes.1  The  campaign  against  these  tribes  was  intrusted 
to  Tiberius,  who  conceived  a  masterly  plan  which  was  crowned 
with  brilliant  success.  Drusus  was  summoned  from  Rome  to 
guard  the  passes  into  Lombardy,  and  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Tridentine  Alps  at  the  entrance  of  the  Brenner  pass,  near  the 
Lacus  Benacus  (Lago  di  Garda),  he  won  a  brilliant  victory 
over  them,  and  forced  many  of  their  mountain  strongholds. 
Shut  off  thus  from  Italy  they  turned  their  armies  towards 
Helvetic  Gaul,  but  were  met  by  Tiberius  and  again  defeated 
between  Bale  and  the  Lake  of  Constance.  These  two  defeats 
seem  practically  to  have  annihilated  these  tribes,  and  they  gave 
no  further  trouble.  It  was  after  this  that  Noricum  was 
1  Such  as  the  Brenni  and  Genauni  of  Hor.,  Od.  iv.  14,  10  ;  cp.  iv.  4, 18. 



annexed,  and  Rhaetia  and  Vindelicia  conquered,  and  presently 
formed  into  the  province  Rhaetia. 

Still  Augustus  had  to  stay  on  another  year  in  Gaul.  Risings 
had  to  be  suppressed  among  the  Ligurians  of  the  Maritime 
At  the  end  of  Alps,  and  in  Pannonia  ;  while  Agrippa,  who  had 
B'%tumstoStUS  returned  from  Palestine  accompanied  or  followed 
Rome-  by  Herod,  went  to  Sinope,  on  the  Pontus,  to  put 
down  a  disturbance  that  had  arisen  owing  to  a  disputed  claim 
to  the  crown  of  the  Cimmerian  Bosporus,  which  an  usurper 
named  Scribonius  had  seized.  At  the  end  of  b.c.  14^  01  the 
beginning  of  b.c.  13^  Augustus  returned  to  Rome  with 
Tiberius,  who  entered  then  upon  his  first  consulship,  and  there 
they  were  also  joined  by  Agrippa.  Whether  the  temple  of 
Ianus  was  now  closed  for  the  third  time  is  not  certain.  But 
there  are  some  good  reasons  for  supposing  that  it  was.  In  two 
passages,  Horace,  writing  in  B.c.  13,  speaks  of  it  as  though  it 
were  a  recent  occurrence  ;  Dio,  in  speaking  of  the  return  of 
Augustus,  says  that  he  came  back  after  “  having  settled  all  the 
affairs  of  the  Gauls,  Germanies  and  Spains”;  there  was 
certainly  a  lull  in  the  German  trouble,  where  Drusus  had  been 
left  in  command  ;  and  lastly  an  inscription  recording  the 
extension  of  the  great  road  to  Gades  in  Southern  Spain,  has  the 
date  of  this  year,  and  records  the  closing  of  Ianus  in  honour  of 
Augustus.  None  of  these  are  in  themselves  absolute  proofs,  but 
taken  together  they  form  a  strong  presumption.1 
At  any  rate,  Augustus  returned  to  Rome  with 
the  feeling  that  he  had  secured  peace.  Though  he,  as  usual, 
avoided  meeting  a  complimentary  procession  by  entering  the 
city  after  nightfall,  yet  he  came  with  laurelled  fasces.  The 
next  morning,  after  greeting  a  crowd  of  people  on  the  Capitol, 
he  caused  the  laurels  to  be  taken  off  and  solemnly  laid  on  the 

1  Mon.  Ancyr.,  13  ;  Horace,  Epist.  2,  1,  255  ;  Odes,  4,  15,  9  ;  Dio,  54,  25. 
For  the  inscription,  see  Clinton,  Fast.  Hell.,  b.c.  14.  The  tenth  tribunician 
year  is  from  June  27th,  B.c.  14,  to  26th  June,  b.c.  13.  The  ara  pads  was 
founded  in  this  year  (4th  July),  dedicated  30th  January,  B.c.  9. 



knees  of  Jupiter,  and  the  first  business  he  transacted  in  the 
Senate  was  the  settlement  of  the  claims  of  his  soldiers.  But 
the  peace  did  not  last  long.  Augustus  himself  spent  the  next 
three  years  in  Italy  busied  with  the  census,  the  lectio  senatus, 
legislation,  and  various  ceremonies.  Lepidus  died  in  the  early 
part  of  this  year,  and  he  was  at  once  declared  Pontifex 
Maximus,  though  the  inauguratio  did  not  take  place  till  the 
following  February. 

However,  before  the  year  was  ended,  news  came  of  disturb¬ 
ances  in  Pannonia,  and  Agrippa — once  more  associated  in  the 
tribunician  power — was  sent  thither.  He  had  no 
Death  of  Agrippa,  fighting,  for  the  rising  wasabandoned  at  his  approach. 

It  was  his  last  journey.  Next  spring  he  was  taken 
ill  in  one  of  his  Campanian  villas.  Augustus  threw  all  business 
aside  and  hastened  to  his  house,  but  arrived  too  late.  Never 
had  ruler  a  more  faithful  or  abler  friend  and  servant.  At  every 
crisis  of  his  life  Agrippa  had  been  by  his  side,  and  wherever  danger 
was  most  threatening  he  had  taken  the  post  of  difficulty  and 
honour.  If  he  gained  wealth  in  his  master’s  service,  he  was 
always  ready  to  spend  it  in  support  of  his  master’s  aims.  In 
the  interests  of  the  dynasty  he  had  sunk  all  private  wishes  and 
ambitions.  About  Agrippa  the  passion  for  prui  ient  scandal, 
characteristic  of  the  age  and  people,  for  once  is  silent,  and  not 
a  single  line  or  inuendo  survives  to  impeach  his  private  or 
public  life.  Augustus  shewed  both  his  respect  and  deep  feeling. 
He  accompanied  the  body  to  Rome,  pronounced  the  funeral 
oration  himself,  and  deposited  the  ashes  in  the  new  mausoleum 
which  he  had  erected  for  his  own  family. 

The  news  of  Agrippa’s  death  seems  to  have  encouraged  the 
Pannonians  once  more  to  strike  for  freedom.  Tiberius  accord¬ 
ingly  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  in  the  com- 

Tibenus  mand.  He  laid  waste  wide  portions  of  their 

in  Pannonia  inflicted  much  slaughter  upon  the 

inhabitants,  and  seems  quickly  to  have  reduced  them  to 
obedience,  though  only  for  a  time. 

1 84 


Meanwhile  Drusus  was  not  idle.  The  Sugambri  and  their 
allies  crossed  the  Rhine  into  the  district  called  Lower  Germany, 
a  part  of  Belgium  (now  North  Brabant),  where 

Germania,  they  would  find  tribes  nearly  allied  to  themselves, 
and  willing  to  shake  off  the  Roman  yoke. 
Drusus  had  been  engaged  in  the  consecration  of  an  altar  to 
Augustus  at  Lugdunum,  where  he  had  invited  the  attendance 
of  leading  Gauls  from  all  these  provinces.  He  hurried  back 
to  the  Rhine  and  drove  the  invaders  over  the  river,  and  then 
throwing  a  bridge  across  it  (somewhere  below  Cologne),  he 
attacked  the  Usipites  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Lupia,  and 
then  marched  up  the  Rhine  to  attack  the  Sugambri.  But 
there  was  a  fleet  of  ships  supporting  him  in  the  Rhine.  He 
cut  a  canal  from  the  River  to  Lake  Flevo  ( Zuyder  Zee),  so  that 
this  fleet  might  sail  up  the  coast  to  the  mouths  of  the  three 
rivers — the  Amisia,  Visurgis,  and  Albis  ( Ems ,  TVeser ,  Elbe). 
He  proposed  to  make  the  Elbe  the  limit  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
instead  of  the  Rhine  ;  but  in  this  first  year  only  reduced  the 
coast  as  far  as  the  Visurgis.  The  next  year  (b.c.  ii),  he 
advanced  by  land  to  the  same  river,  only  farther  inland,  and 
occupied  the  country  of  the  Cherusci  (Westphalia),  and  though 
on  their  way  home  his  men  were  nearly  caught  in  an  ambush, 
they  got  back  safely  to  the  banks  of  the  Lupia,  and  several 
forts  were  established  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  The 
next  year  (b.c.  io)  he  was  engaged  with  the  Chatti  (Hessen), 
who  endeavoured  to  regain  the  territories  from  which  he  had 
driven  them  in  the  previous  year.1  In  b.c.  9,  being  now 
consul,  he  pushed  as  far  as  the  Elbe,  where  he  erected  a  trophy 
to  mark  the  extreme  limit  of  the  Roman  advance,  through  the 
land  of  the  Chatti  and  Trevi.  But  on  his  return  march  he 
fell  and  broke  his  leg,  and  there  being  no  skilled  physician  with 

1  But  he  does  not  seem  to  have  had  any  fighting  this  year,  and  in  fact 
the  Senate  voted  to  close  the  Ianus  Quirinus,  though  that  was  prevented 
by  an  inroad  of  the  Daci  into  Pannonia,  with  which  Tiberius  was  sent  to 
deal.  Dio,  54,  36. 



the  army,  he  died  after  thirty  days’  suffering.  Besides  these 
marches  into  Germany,  he  had,  during  his  command,  esta¬ 
blished  a  line  of  fortresses  on  the  Lower  Rhine,  to  the  number 
of  fifty,  as  far  up  the  stream  as  Argentoratum  (Strassburg). 

On  hearing  of  his  brother’s  accident,  Tiberius,  who  was  at 
Ticinum,  hurried  to  his  side,  was  with  him  when  he  died,  and 
accompanied  the  corpse  on  foot  back  to  Rome, 
in  Germany  where  he  delivered  a  funeral  oration,  and  Augustus, 
who  returned  from  Lugdunum  at  this  time, 
another.  The  ashes  were  placed  in  the  Mausoleum  of 
Augustus.  Tiberius  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  on  the 
Rhine,  and  in  B.c.  8  crossed  the  river  to  attack  the  Sugambri. 
But  as  the  other  tribes  made  their  submission,  the  Sugambri 
were  induced  to  send  some  of  their  leading  men  to  negotiate 
also.  Augustus  then  took  a  step  which  requires,  at  any  rate, 
some  explanation.  He  seized  these  legates  and  kept  them  in 
confinement  in  various  towns  as  hostages.  It  had  the  imme¬ 
diate  effect,  however,  of  keeping  the  Sugambri  quiet,  large 
numbers  of  them  were  settled  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine, 
and  Tiberius  was  able  to  come  home  for  his  triumph  in  B.c.  7, 
with  which  the  name  of  Drusus  was  also  associated. 

No  wars  of  any  consequence  disturbed  the  peace  of  the 
Empire  for  nearly  nine  years.  Tiberius  retired  to  Rhodes  in 
b.c.  6,  and  his  successors  in  the  command  of  the  army  of  the 
Rhine  had  the  task  of  maintaining  and  strengthening  the 
conquests  of  Drusus.  The  two  districts  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  river,  Germania  Inferior  and  Superior,  though  for  some 
purposes  they  belonged  to  Gallia  Belgica,  yet  as  military 
districts  were  distinct,  and  they  included  some  fortresses  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine.  The  country  between  the 
Rhine  and  the  Elbe  was  in  an  ambiguous  position.  It  was 
not  a  province,  and  yet  the  commanders  on  the  Rhine 
occupied  as  much  of  it  as  they  could  from  time  to  time 

But  in  a.d.  4  Tiberius,  now  returned  from  Rhodes,  and 


1 86 

adopted  son  ot  Augustus,  took  over  the  command  on  the 

Rhine,  and  immediately  began  a  great  forward 
Tiberius  again  movement  like  that  of  his  brother  Drusus.  He 

in  Germany  and 

Ulyricum,  too  advanced  to  the  Weser  and  reduced  the 

A.D.  4-7. 

Cherusci  who  were  in  revolt ;  and  after  march¬ 
ing  to  the  Lippe  again,  advanced  to  the  Elbe  (a.d.  5),  reducing 
the  Chauci  and  Longobardi,  this  time  with  the  support  of  a 
fleet  that  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Elbe.  Some  others  thought 
it  safer  to  send  envoys  and  make  terms  of  friendship  with 
Rome.  Next  year  (a.d.  6)  he  was  to  attack  the  Marcomanni 
under  a  powerful  leader  named  Marobudus.  The  attack  was 
to  be  made  from  two  sides.  C.  Sextius  Saturninus,  an  able  and 
experienced  officer,  was  to  lead  one  army  from  the  Rhine, 
through  the  territory  of  the  Chatti  (near  Cologne),  while 
Tiberius  himself  led  another  from  Noricum  across  the  Danube 
The  two  were  to  converge  upon  the  district  now  occupied  by 
the  Marcomanni  answering  to  the  modern  Bohemia.  Tiberius 
was  accompanied  by  the  governor  of  Pannonia  (Valerius 
Messalinus),  and  a  large  part  of  the  troops  stationed  there. 
But  the  expedition  was  prevented  by  a  sudden  rising  in 
Pannonia  and  Dalmatia.  The  inhabitants  of  these  countries 
had  not  become  reconciled  to  Roman  rule  ;  they  felt  the 
burden  of  the  tribute,  and  the  opportunity  afforded  by  the 
withdrawal  of  so  many  troops  was  eagerly  seized.  Tiberius 
was  forced  to  offer  terms  to  Marobudus,  which  he  accepted, 
and  hurry  back  to  Pannonia,  while  Saturninus  returned  to 
the  Rhine  for  fear  of  an  outbreak  there.  The  rising  in 
Pannonia  and  Dalmatia  was  with  difficulty  suppressed  after  a 
weary  struggle  lasting  between  three  and  four  years.  Many 
legions  had  to  be  drafted  into  the  country  from  other  provinces 
as  well  as  large  auxiliary  forces.  Germanicus  was  summoned 
to  assist  with  a  new  army,  and  Augustus  himself  came  to 
Ariminum  to  be  near  at  hand.  Suetonius  affirms  that  it 
was  the  most  serious  struggle  in  which  the  Romans  had  been 
engaged  since  the  Punic  wars.  In  B.c.  9  Tiberius  indeed 


returned  to  Rome  to  claim  his  triumph,  but  had  to  go  back  to 

put  a  last  touch  to  the  war. 

Meanwhile  the  army  of  the  Rhine  had  been  under  the 
command  of  P.  Quintilius  Varus.  Velleius  gives  an  unfavour¬ 
able  account  of  him.  He  was  more  a  courtier 
The  fall  of  than  a  soldier,  and  in  his  government  of  Syria 

Varus,  a.d.  9.  .  .  .  ,,  rx 

had  shown  himself  greedy  of  money.  He 
entered  a  rich  province  a  poor  man,  and  left  a  poor  province 
a  rich  one.”  From  the  time  of  his  accession  to  the  command 

in  b.c.  7  he  seems  to  have  regarded  the  country  between  the 
Rhine  and  Elbe  as  completely  reduced  to  the  form  of  a  Roman 
province,  and  proceeded  to  levy  tribute  with  the  same  strictness 
as  he  had  been  used  to  do  in  Syria.  But  the  German  tribes 
did  not  regard  themselves  as  Roman  subjects.  The  Romans 
were  only  masters  of  so  much  as  their  camps  could  control. 
While  Varus  was  living  in  fancied  security  in  his  summer  camp 
on  the  Weser,  busied  only  with  the  usual  legal  administration 
of  a  provincial  governor,  four  great  German  peoples,  the 
Cherusci,  Chatti,  Marsi,  and  Bructeri,  were  secretly  com¬ 
bining  under  the  lead  of  the  Cheruscan  chief,  Aiminius,  to 
strike  a  blow  for  liberty.  As  the  autumn  of  a.d.  9  approached 
Varus  prepared  to  return  to  the  regular  winter  quarters  on 
the  Rhine  (Castra  Vetera).  Arminius,  who  had  served  in  the 
Roman  army,  and  had  been  rewarded  by  the  citizenship  and 
the  rank  of  eques,  had  ingratiated  himself  with  Varus,  and 
was  fully  acquainted  with  his  plans,  and  though  Varus  had 
been  warned  of  his  treachery  he  seems  to  have  taken  no  heed. 
In  order  to  bring  him  through  the  difficult  country  where  the 
ambush  was  to  await  him,  a  rising  of  a  tribe  off  his  direct 
road  to  the  Lower  Rhine  was  planned.  He  fell  into  the  trap, 
and  turning  aside  to  chastise  the  rebellious  tribe,  was  caught 
in  a  difficult  pass,  somewhere  between  the  sources  of  the  Lippe 
and  Ems,  and  he  and  nearly  the  whole  of  his  army  perished. 
For  three  days  the  army  struggled  through  a  thick  and  almost 
pathless  forest,  encumbered  by  a  heavy  baggage  train,  and  a 

1 88 


number  of  women  and  children,  attacked  and  slaughtered 
at  nearly  every  step  by  the  Germans  who  were  concealed  in 
the  woods,  and  continually  made  descents  upon  them.  A 
miserable  remnant  was  saved  by  the  exertions  of  L.  Asprenas, 
a  legate  of  Varus,  who  had  come  to  the  rescue.  Varus  and 
some  of  his  chief  officers  appear  to  have  committed  suicide. 
The  loss  of  three  legions  and  a  large  body  of  auxiliaries  greatly 
affected  the  Emperor,  now  a  man  of  over  seventy.  For  many 
months  he  wore  signs  of  mourning,  and  we  are  told  that  at 
times  in  his  restless  anxiety  he  beat  his  head  upon  the  door, 
crying,  “  Varus,  give  me  back  my  legions  !  ”  Perhaps  this  is 
the  picturesque  imagination  of  anecdote  mongers.  Though 
alarmed  for  the  possible  consequences  both  at  home  and  in  the 
provinces,  he  acted  with  spirit  and  energy.  He  ordered  the 
urban  pickets  to  be  carefully  posted,  suspended  all  changes  in 
provincial  governments,  and  held  a  levy  of  citizen  soldiers, 
enforcing  by  threats  and  punishment  the  duty  of  giving  in  the 
names.  For  some  time  past  service  in  the  army  had  been 
regarded  as  a  profession  sufficiently  attractive  to  draw  volun¬ 
teers,  without  having  recourse  to  the  legal  right  of  conscrip¬ 
tion.  But  a  sudden  emergency  like  this  seems  to  have  found 
men  apathetic  or  disinclined,  and  he  had  to  resort  to  the  old 
methods.  He  thought  it  necessary  also  to  get  rid  for  a  time 
of  Gauls  or  Germans  who  were  serving  in  the  city  cohorts  or 
residing  in  Rome.  Tiberius,  on  the  news  of  the  disaster, 
hurried  from  his  Pannonian  quarters  to  Rome,  and  was 
appointed  to  the  Rhine  command,  to  which  he  went  early  in 
a.d.  io.  The  danger  most  to  be  feared  was  that  the  vic¬ 
torious  Germans  would  at  once  cross  the  Rhine.  But  this 
had  been  averted  partly  because  the  Marcomanni  had  declined 
to  join  the  insurrection,  even  when  Arminius  sent  the  head  of 
Varus  to  their  chief,  Marobudus,  and  partly  by  the  fact  that 
the  rebellious  Germans  themselves  wasted  time  in  blockading 
Aliso,  the  fort  erected  by  Drusus  on  the  Lippe,  which  was 
obstinately  defended  by  its  garrison  under  Lucius  Csedicius. 



It  proved  to  be  the  Ladysmith  of  the  German  war,  for  the 
Germans,  fearing  to  leave  it  on  their  rear,  missed  the  oppor¬ 
tunity  of  attacking  the  camps  on  the  Rhine  before  they  could 
be  reinforced.  The  brave  garrison,  when  their  provisions  were 
exhausted,  escaped  on  a  dark  night  and  reached  Castra  Vetera  in 
safety.  Still,  the  result  of  the  rising  was  to  free  Germany  beyond 
the  Rhine.  When  Tiberius  arrived  to  take  the  command  in 
a.d.  10,  he  spent  the  first  year  in  strengthening  the  forts  along 
that  river  ;  and  though  in  a.d.  1 1  he  moved  his  summer  camp 
beyond  it,  he  never  went  far,  or  apparently  engaged  in  any 
warlike  operations  then  or  in  a.d.  12.  In  the  next  year  he 
returned  to  Rome  and  was  succeeded  in  the  command  by  his 
nephew,  Germanicus.  The  forward  movements  of  this  young 
prince  belong  to  the  next  reign,  but  Tiberius  no  doubt  learnt 
now  what  a  few  years  later  induced  him  to  recall  Germanicus 
and  be  content  with  the  frontier  of  the  Rhine. 

The  life  of  Augustus  was  now  near  its  close,  and  there  are 
no  more  military  enterprises  to  record.  He  had  never  com¬ 
manded  in  the  field  since  the  Cantabrian  war 

Administrative  11111  .  , 

reforms.  of  b.c.  2=5  :  but  he  had  taken  part  in  the 
The  post.  J  ,  ... 

most  important  wars  by  moving  to  within 
such  a  distance  of  the  seat  of  war  as  to  hear  news  quickly 
and  to  superintend  the  despatch  of  provisions  and  reinforce¬ 
ments.  He  was  probably  more  usefully  employed  in  this  way, 
and  was  enabled  to  see,  by  personal  observation,  the  needs  of 
the  provinces  and  the  best  methods  of  remedying  abuses  and 
promoting  prosperity.  In  the  course  of  his  reign  he  is  said  to 
have  visited  every  province  except  Sardinia  and  Africa,  and 
hardly  any  is  without  some  trace  of  his  activity  and  liberality 
in  the  way  of  roads,  bridges,  or  public  buildings.  He  was 
anxious  that  all,  however  distant,  should  feel  in  touch  with  the 
central  authority  at  Rome.  Among  other  means  to  promote 
this  was  the  establishment  or  improvement  of  an  imperial  post 
which  should  reach  the  most  distant  dependencies. 

We  must  not  think  of  this  as  being  like  the  modern  postal 



service — meant  for  the  general  use  of  the  public.  It  was 
purely  official.  Just  as  the  main  purpose  of  the  great  roads  was 
to  facilitate  the  rapid  movement  of  armies  and  officials,  so  the 
post  was  a  contrivance  to  expedite  official  despatches,  to  convey 
the  Emperor’s  orders  to  remotest  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  to 
carry  back  news  and  warnings  to  the  government  at  home. 
Along  the  great  roads  in  Italy  and  the  provinces  there  had  long 
been  posting  houses  where  relays  of  horses,  mules,  or  carriages 
could  be  obtained,  but  there  was  never  what  we  should  call  a 
postal  service  for  the  transmission  of  private  letters.  Rich  men 
kept  slaves  for  this  purpose  ( tabellarii ),  the  magistrates  had  official 
messengers  ( statores ),  and  the  companies  of  publicani  had  their 
regular  service  of  carriers.  Private  people  could,  as  a  favour, 
get  their  letters  occasionally  conveyed  by  some  of  these  ;  and 
it  was  considered  a  proper  act  of  politeness  at  Rome  when 
despatching  a  slave  with  letters  to  distant  places,  to  send  round 
to  one’s  friends  to  know  whether  they  wished  to  send  any  by 
him.  Again,  governors  of  provinces  under  the  republic  had 
arranged  with  certain  scribes  in  Rome  to  copy  out  the  diurna 
acta  and  transmit  them  by  slaves  or  paid  messengers.  But  for 
official  purposes  Augustus  arranged  a  number  of  stations  along 
the  great  roads  with  men,  horses,  and  carriages,  to  convey  to 
and  from  Rome  all  the  news  that  it  was  needful  for  the 
government  to  know  or  all  orders  that  emanated  from  the 
Emperor.1  Private  persons  would  have  no  right  to  use  these 
public  servants  or  conveyances  ;  but  no  doubt  the  organisation 
for  the  public  service  facilitated  the  transmission  of  private 
correspondence  also. 

This  actual  and  material  tightening  of  the  bond  which  united 
distant  parts  of  the  Empire  with  the  central  government  went 
side  by  side  with  the  moral  effect  of  the  change  in  the  position 
of  the  governors.  No  longer  permitted  to  make  what  profit 
they  could  from  excessive  exactions,  or  percentages  allowed 

1  Especially  in  camps,  in  which  there  seem  to  have  been  a  regular 
service  of  tabellarii  castrenses.  (Wilmann’s  Exempla  1357-) 



by  usage  though  not  by  law,  they  all  received  a  fixed  salary,  as 
did  the  lesser  officials  ;  and  though  extortion  was  still  occasionally 
heard  of,  the  provinces  knew  that  they  had  a  rapid  means  of 
appealing  to  the  Emperor  and  a  fair  certainty  of  redress. 

Another  change  that  made  at  first  for  unity,  though  it  after¬ 
wards  had  the  contrary  effect,  concerned  the  army.  In 
the  time  of  the  republic  there  was  in  theory  no 

The  army  under  .  , , 

one  commander-  one  standing  army.  1  here  were  many  armies,  all 
of  which  took  the  military  oath  to  their  respective 
commanders.  Now  the  military  oath  was  taken  by  all  to  one 
man — the  Emperor.  The  commanders  of  legions  were  his 
legati.  He  regulated  the  pay,  the  years  of  service,  the  retiring 
allowance  for  all  alike.  Each  of  the  republican  imperators 
had  a  praetorian  guard,  generally  consisting  of  auxiliary  troops. 
Now  there  was  one  praetorian  guard,  naturally  stationed  at 
Rome,  and  though  distinguished  from  the  rest  by  increased  pay 
and  easier  years  of  service,  it,  as  well  as  the  cohortes  vigilum , 
was  under  the  same  command.  This  applies  also  to  the  fleet 
which  was  organised  under  Augustus  chiefly  to  protect  the  coast 
and  clear  the  sea  of  pirates  :  the  two  principal  stations  being  at 
Misenum  on  the  west,  and  Ravenna  on  the  east  coast,  with  a 
third  maintained  for  a  time  at  Forum  Iulii  (Frejus).  The 
men  serving  in  these  ships  occupied  the  same  position  as  citizen 
soldiers  or  auxiliaries,  and  like  them  took  the  oath  to  one  man 
— the  Emperor.  But  the  very  completeness  of  the  organisation, 
it  is  right  to  notice  here,  eventually  made  for  disruption. 
Certain  legions  became  constantly  attached  to  certain  provinces, 
the  auxiliaries  serving  with  them  being  as  a  rule  recruited  from 
the  same  provinces.  The  several  branches  of  the  army  thus 
came  to  feel  an  esprit  de  corps ,  and  to  regard  themselves  as 
a  separate  entity  with  separate  interests  and  claims.  Con¬ 
sequently,  when  in  after-times  the  central  authority  was  in 
dispute  or  in  process  of  change,  the  legions  in  the  different 
provinces  spoke  and  thought  of  themselves  as  separate  “armies, 
capable  of  taking  an  independent  line  and  having  a  determining 



voice  in  deciding  who  should  be  their  Imperator.  In  those 
troublous  times  the  provinces  which  had  no  military  establish¬ 
ment,  or  only  a  weak  one,  ceased  to  count  for  much,  and  had 
to  follow  the  strongest  army  near  them.1  For  the  present  such 
difficulties  were  not  foreseen.  Augustus  was  a  strict  dis¬ 
ciplinarian,  and  little  was  heard  as  yet  of  any  serious  insub¬ 
ordination.  When  it  did  occur  it  was  promptly  punished. 
He  disbanded  the  10th  legion  for  misconduct,  and  exercised  at 
times  the  full  vigour  of  military  punishment  for  desertion  of 
posts  or  lesser  offences,  and  was  careful  in  addressing  his  troops 
not  to  lower  his  dignity  by  affectation  of  equality.  He  called 
them  “  Soldiers  !  ”  not  “  Fellow-soldiers  !  ”  At  the  same  time 
he  kept  up  the  traditional  exclusiveness  of  the  legions,  and  seldom 
employed  freedmen,  except  as  a  kind  of  special  constable  in  the 
city,  and  twice  in  times  of  great  distress,  the  Illyrian  and  Ger¬ 
man  wars  :  even  then  they  were  formed  in  separate  cohorts, 
and  armed  in  some  way  less  complete  than  the  legionaries. 

The  same  conservative  attachment  to  the  ancient  supe¬ 
riority  of  Rome  made  him  chary  of  granting  the  citizenship 
either  to  individuals,  or  to  masses  of  soldiers,  or  to  states. 
This  was  one  of  the  points  in  which  his  policy  was  opposite 
to  that  of  Iulius.  The  latter  by  his  large  grants  of  citizenship 
to  soldiers,  professional  men  and  communities,  had  helped  to  raise 
the  number  of  citizens  from  about450,00O  inB.c.  70  to  4,063,000 
(the  number  in  the  Census  of  b.c.  28).  During  the  forty-five 
years  that  remained  to  Augustus  the  number  had  only  gone  up 
to  4,937,000  (the  Census  of  a.d.  13).  This  is  probably  little 
more  than  can  be  accounted  for  by  the  growth  of  population  ; 
so  that  extensions  of  the  franchise  must  have  been  insignificant. 
His  idea  was  an  empire,  one  in  its  military  obligations  and  in 

1  The  armed  provinces  were  those  on  the  frontier.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  life  of  Augustus,  the  preponderance  of  the  military  force  on  the  Rhine 
and  Danube  is  the  noteworthy  fact.  The  Gauls  and  “  Germany  ”  had 
eight,  legions,  Spain  three,  Africa  two,  Egypt  two,  Syria  four,  Pannonia 
two,  Moesia  two,  Dalmatia  two.  But  those  on  the  Rhine  were  more 
concentrated.  (Tac.,  Ann.  4,  5d 


its  subjection  to  one  supreme  head,  and  yet  not  divorced  from 
the  original  city  state.  Rome  was  to  be  the  imperial  city,  the 
seat  of  government  ;  the  Populus  Romanus  was  to  be  the 
inhabitants  of  Rome  extended  to  the  limits  of  Italy.  There 
was  to  be  a  sharp  line  of  division  between  the  ruling  and  the 
ruled.  It  was  one  of  those  compromises  that  are  without  the 
elements  of  permanence.  And  yet  it  established  a  sentiment 
that  has  lasted,  and  is  a  reason  that  even  to  this  day  the 
centre  of  spiritual  life  to  a  large  part  of  Europe  is  on  the  banks 
of  the  Tiber.  In  material  matters  the  extension  of  the  citizen¬ 
ship  meant  the  gradual  shifting  of  the  centre  of  power,  and 
when  early  in  the  third  century  Caracalla,  for  purposes  or 
taxation,  extended  the  citizenship  to  the  whole  Empire,  though 
the  Roman  name  and  its  historical  prestige  remained,  Rome 
itself  became  only  one  of  a  number  of  cities  in  a  widely  spread 
empire,  and  politically  by  no  means  the  most  important. 
Such  a  conception  was  far  from  the  mind  of  Augustus.  It 
would  have  seemed  to  him  to  be  more  worthy  of  his  rival 
Antony,  who  was  for  setting  up  a  new  Rome  in  Alexandria. 



0  tutela  prccsens 
Italics  dominceque  Romes. 

After  the  settlement  of  the  constitution  in  b.c.  23  Augustus 
was  only  absent  from  Italy  three  times,  from  B.c.  22  to  B.c.  19 
in  Sicily  and  the  East,  from  B.c.  16  to  B.c.  13  in 
PoptowardsIing  Gaul  and  Spain,  and  b.c.  9-10  in  Gaul.  At  the 
Augustus.  outbreak  of  the  Pannonian  and  Dalmatian  wars 
a.d.  6-9  he  stayed  for  some  time  at  Ariminum.  For  the  rest 
of  the  time  he  lived  at  Rome,  with  the  usual  visits  to  his 
country  houses,  made  by  land  or  yacht.  His  return  to  the 
city  after  any  prolonged  absence  was  celebrated  with  every 
sign  of  rejoicing,  with  sacrifices,  music,  and  a  general  holiday. 
On  his  return  from  Gaul  in  b.c.  13  an  altar  was  dedicated  to 
Fortuna  redux J  Nor  was  this  mere  adulation.  The  people 
had  come  to  look  upon  him  as  the  best  guarantee  of  peace  and 
security.  The  troubles  of  the  days  preceding  the  civil  wars, 
the  street  fighting  and  massacres,  the  horrors  of  the  civil  war 
itself,  were  not  forgotten  :  but  his  own  part  in  them  was 
ignored  or  forgiven  ;  it  was  only  remembered  that  he  had  put 
an  end  to  them  ;  that  he  had  restored  the  ruinous  city  in 
unexampled  splendour  ;  that  it  was  owing  to  his  liberality,  or 
that  of  his  friends  acting  under  his  influence,  that  at  Rome 
1  C.I.L.  x.  8375  ;  Mon.  Aticyr.  n. 



there  were  luxurious  baths,  plentiful  water,  abundant  food, 
streets  free  from  robbers,  help  ready  in  case  of  fire,  and  cheerful 
festivals  nearly  always  in  progress.  It  was  thanks  to  him  that 
the  roads  in  Italy  were  not  beset  by  brigands,  that  the  corn- 
ships  from  Egypt  crowded  the  harbour  of  Puteoli  unmolested 
by  pirates  on  their  course,1  that  not  only  the  dreaded  Parthian, 
but  princes  from  the  ends  of  the  earth  were  sending  embassies 
desiring  the  friendship  of  Rome.  At  the  least  sign  of  the  old 
disorders  they  clamoured  for  his  return  and  besought  him  to 
become  Dictator,  director  of  the  corn  trade,  perpetual  guardian 
of  morals,  anything,  convinced  that  under  his  absolute  rule 
there  would  be  peace,  plenty,  and  security.  Horace  exactly 
represents  this  feeling  when  he  addresses  Augustus  in  his 
absence  in  Gaul  :  “  Oh  scion  of  the  gracious  gods,  oh  best 
guardian  or  the  race  of  Romulus  .  .  .  return  !  Your  country 
calls  for  you  with  vows  and  prayer  .  .  .  for  when  you  are 
here  the  ox  plods  up  and  down  the  fields  in  safety ;  Ceres  and 
bounteous  blessing  cheer  our  farms  ;  our  sailors  speed  o’er  seas 
that  know  no  fear  of  pirates  ;  credit  is  unimpaired  ;  no  foul 
adulteries  stain  the  home  ;  punishment  follows  hard  on 
crime.  .  .  .  Who  fears  Parthian,  Scythian,  German,  or 
Spaniard  with  Caesar  safe  ?  Each  man  closes  a  day  of  peace 
on  his  native  hills,  trains  his  vines  to  the  widowed  trees,  and 
home  returning,  light  of  heart,  quaffs  his  wine  and  ends  the 
feast  with  blessings  on  thee  as  a  god  indeed.” 2 

These  feelings  found  expression  in  a  form  which  in  our  day 

The  worship  aPt  to  aPPear>  according  to  our  temperament, 

of  Augustus,  ridiculous  or  profane.  In  plain  terms  this  was  to 
treat  Augustus  as  divine,  a  god  on  earth.  The  various  expres- 

1  Suet.,  Aug.  98  :  “  As  he  chanced  to  be  cruising  in  his  yacht  round  the 
bay  of  Puteoli,  the  passengers  and  crew  of  an  Alexandrine  ship,  which 
had  just  come  to  land,  came  with  white  robes,  with  garlands  on  their 
heads  and  burning  censers  in  their  hands,  loudly  blessing  and  praising 
him,  and  saying  that  they  owed  it  to  him  that  they  were  alive,  that  they 
sailed  the  sea,  that  they  were  enjoying  their  liberty  and  property.” 

2  Horace,  Odes  iv.  5. 



sions  of  Horace 1  may  perhaps  be  put  down  to  poetical 
exaggeration  or  conventional  compliment,  though  there  is  a 
real  meaning  at  their  back  ;  but  though  Augustus  refused  to 
allow  temples  and  altars  to  himself  in  Rome  and  Italy,  2 3  and 
even  ordered  certain  silver  statuettes  to  be  melted  down,  the 
evidence  of  inscriptions  makes  it  certain  that  the  cult  began  in 
his  lifetime  in  several  places,  as  at  Pompeii,  Puteoli,  Cumae  in 
Campania,  and  in  other  parts  of  Italy.3  In  Rome  itself,  when 
Augustus  reorganised  the  vici,  the  old  worship  of  the  Lares 
Compitales  at  some  consecrated  spot  in  each  vicus  or  K  parish  ” 
was  restored,  but  they  were  commonly  spoken  of  as  Lares 
Augusti ,  and  the  Genius  Augusti  was  associated  with  them.  It 
is  this  fact  that,  to  a  certain  extent,  explains  and  renders  less 
irrational  an  attitude  of  mind  which  we  are  apt  to  dismiss 
as  merely  absurd.  Each  man  had  a  Genius — a  deity  to  whom 
he  was  a  particular  care.  We  speak  of  a  man’s  “  mission,” 
implying  by  the  word  itself  some  external  and  directing  power, 
probably  divine.  The  step  is  not  a  long  one  which  identifies 
the  man  and  his  genius,  especially  when  his  mission  seems  to 
be  to  bring  us  peace  and  prosperity.  “  Oh  Melibaeus,  ’twas  a 
god  that  wrought  this  ease  for  us  !  ”  exclaims  the  countryman 
in  V ergil,  who  had  got  back  his  lands.  This  confusion  between 
the  inspirer  and  the  inspired,  between  the  mission  and  the  man, 
was  everywhere  apparent.  Among  the  statues  in  the  temples, 
and  in  the  sacred  hymns  and  other  acts  of  worship,  the  figure 
or  the  name  of  Augustus  was  associated  with  those  of  the  gods 
in  a  way  that  admitted,  indeed,  of  a  distinction  being  drawn  be¬ 
tween  a  memorial  to  an  almost  divine  man  and  an  act  of  devotion 

1  See,  among  others,  Ep.  ii.  1-16  ;  Odes  3,  5,  2  ;  4,  5,  32. 

2  Suet.,  Aug.  52  ;  Dio,  51,  20. 

3  The  Latin  inscriptions  bearing  on  this  point  have  been  collected  in  a 
convenient  form  by  Mr.  Rushforth,  Latin  Historical  Inscriptions ,  pp.  51-61. 
Other  places  in  Italy  thus  shewn  to  have  adopted  the  cult  in  some  form  or 
other  during  the  lifetime  of  Augustus  are  Asisium,  Beneventum,  Fanum 
Fortunae,  Pisa,  Tibur,  Verona,  possibly  Ancona,  and  Forum  Clodii,  and 
some  unnamed  place  in  Latium. 

Altab  dedicated  to  the  Lakes  of  Augustus  in  B.C.  2  by  a  Magistek  V  ici. 

Photographed  from  the  Original  in  the  Vffizi  Gallery,  Florence. 

■>  Jace  page,  196. 


to  a  god,  but  often  obscured  that  distinction  for  ordinary  folk. 
When  we  dedicate  a  church  to  a  saint,  or  “  to  the  glory  of 
God  and  in  memory  of  So-and-so,”  the  distinction  is  of  course 
clear,  but  the  confusion  which  has  from  time  to  time  resulted 
is  also  notorious.  Thus  in  the  Cuman  Calendar  of  a  sacred 
year,  in  which  the  anniversaries  of  striking  events  in  the  career 
of  Augustus  are  marked  for  some  act  of  worship,  sometimes 
the  supplicatio  is  bluntly  stated  as  Augusta ;  sometimes  in 
honour  of  some  abstract  idea  as  imperio  August i,  Fortunes  reduci , 
Victories  Augustes  ;  at  others  to  a  god — Iovi  sempiterno ,  Vestes , 
Marti  Ultori ,  Veneri.  In  fact,  the  supplicatio  always  had  a 
double  reference,  it  was  an  act  of  prayer  or  thanksgiving  to 
a  god,  but  it  was  also  an  honour  to  a  successful  man.  The 
two  ideas  properly  distinct  easily  coalesced.  A  supplicatio 
in  honour  of  Augustus,  without  much  violence,  became  a 
supplicatio  to  him. 

Of  the  still  more  formal  cult  which  arose  after  his  death 
with  a  temple  regularly  dedicated  to  him  by  Livia  on  the 
Palatine,  and  a  new  college  of  Augustales  to  keep  up  the 
worship  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  an  explanation  somewhat 
analogous  may  be  given.  He  was  declared  divus  by  the  Senate, 
he  was  the  late  Emperor  of  blessed  memory,  a  sainted  soul,  the 
very  spirit  or  genius  of  eternal  Rome.  The  traditions  in  early 
Roman  history  of  the  god-born  and  deified  founder,  the  hero- 
worship  of  Greece,  the  veil  which  concealed  (as  it  still  conceals) 
the  state  of  the  departed,  combined  with  the  tolerant  spirit  of 
polytheism  to  make  it  almost  as  easy  for  the  men  of  that  time 
to  admit  a  new  deity  into  the  Olympian  hierarchy,  as  for 
mediaeval  Europe  to  admit  a  new  saint  into  the  Calendar. 

Augustus,  as  we  said,  had  the  good  sense  and  modesty  to  put 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  this  worship  in  Rome  and  Italy.  It 
was  another  matter  in  the  provinces.  The  divine,  or  semi¬ 
divine,  honours  paid  him  there  were  closely  bound  up  with 
loyalty  to  Rome  and  a  belief  in  her  eternal  mission.  He 
therefore  allowed  temples  and  altars  to  be  built,  but  always  on 

1 98 


the  understanding  that  the  name  of  Rome  should  be  associated 
with  his  own.  Such  a  method  of  expressing  devotion  to  Rome 
and  reverence  for  her  magistrates  had  not  been  unknown  in 
earlier  times.  In  the  second  century  B.c.  a  colossal  statue 
of  Rome  had  been  set  up  by  the  Rhodians  in  a  temple  of 
Athena  ;  the  people  of  Chalcis  had  erected  a  temple  in  honour 
of  Flamininus ;  and  Cicero  implies  that  in  his  time  it  was  not 
an  uncommon  thing  to  do  in  the  Asiatic  provinces.  At 
Smyrna  a  temple  to  Rome  had  been  erected  in  b.c.  195 
and  even  before  these  the  communities  in  Asia  and  Greece  had 
been  accustomed  to  honour  the  Ptolemies  in  a  similar  manner. 
The  new  cult  therefore  had  nothing  strange  to  the  feelings  and 
habits  of  the  time.  It  began  early  in  his  career  of  success — 
not  later  at  most  than  B.c.  36,  after  the  defeat  of  Sextus 
Pompeius  2 — and  it  spread  rapidly.  We  hear  of  temples  “to 
Rome  and  Augustus,”  or  altars,  at  Cyme,  Ancyra,  Pergamus, 
Nicomedia,  Alexandria,  Paneas,  Sparta,  and  elsewhere  in  the 
East.  Connected  with  them  were  yearly  festivals  and  games, 
as  at  Athens,  Ancyra,  and  in  Cilicia. 3  Nor  was  it  in  the  East 
only  that  this  worship  began  in  the  lifetime  of  Augustus.  We 
hear  of  temples  or  altars  in  Spain,  Mcesia,  Pannonia,  Narbonne ; 
and  the  altar  at  Lugdunum  (Lyon),  consecrated  by  Drusus  in 

B. c.  12,  was  deliberately  intended  to  supersede  the  Druidical 
religion  which  was  national  and  separatist. 

For  forming  an  estimate  of  Augustus  himself  it  is  of  great 
interest  to  decide,  if  possible,  how  far  he  was 

Augustus  to  deluded,  how  far  he  was  acting  from  deliberate 
in  countenancing  these  things.  When 
some  people  of  Tarraco  reported  to  him,  as  an  omen  of  his 

1  Plut Flamin.  16;  Cicero,  ad  Q.  Ft.  1,  1,  9  ;  ad  Att.  5,  21  ;  Tac., 
Ann.  4,  56.  Polyb.  31,  15. 

2  Appian,  b.  c.  5,  132,  “  and  the  cities  began  placing  his  image  side  by 
side  with  those  of  their  gods.” 

2  Information  as  to  these  is  mostly  to  be  found  in  Greek  inscriptions, 

C. I.G.  3,524,  3,604,  3,831,  4,039.  See  also  Dio,  51,  10  ;  Strabo,  27,  1,  9; 
Joseph.,  Antiq.  15,  10,  3  ;  Livy,  Ef.  137  ;  Pausan.,  iii.  25. 


victorious  career,  that  a  palm  had  grown  on  the  mound  of 
his  altar  in  that  city,  he  replied  with  half-grave,  half-playful 
irony,  “  That  shews  how  often  you  use  it !  ” 1  But  there 
is  no  note  of  disapproval  or  abnegation  in  the  answer.  He 
accepts  it  as  a  natural  fact  that  there  should  be  such  an  altar, 
as  a  modern  sovereign  might  accept  the  compliment  of  a 
statue.  Can  we  explain  it,  except  as  a  case  of  conscious  fraud 
or  blinding  vanity  ?  I  believe  we  may.  We  must  notice  first 
that  Augustus  had  been  zealous  in  the  apotheosis  of  Iulius,  had 
urged  Antony  to  become  his  flamen,  had  built  a  temple  to  him 
in  Rome,  and  encouraged  the  building  of  temples  and  altars 
elsewhere.  Now  this  apotheosis  and  worship  of  Iulius  had 
begun  before  his  death,2  as  Augustus  knew  perfectly  well. 
But  in  spite  of  the  manifestly  party  spirit  of  the  packed  Senate 
that  voted  the  divine  honours  to  Iulius,  he  gave  no  sign  of 
revulsion  or  incredulity.  On  the  contrary,  he  professed  himself 
the  heir  not  only  of  his  wealth  and  honours,  but  also  of  his 
religious  obligations  and  political  purposes.  It  is  clear,  again, 
that  Augustus  believed  in  the  gods,  that  is,  in  some  immortal 
being  or  beings  who  governed  and  controlled  the  world.  The 
restorer  of  a  hundred  temples,  of  sacred  writings  and  ancient 
religious  rites,  the  pious  fulfiller  of  vows  made  in  the  hour  of 
danger  or  escape,  may  have  had  crude  or  uncertain  beliefs, 
have  held  views  philosophical  or  superstitious,  wise  or  foolish, 
but  he  could  hardly  have  been  an  atheist. 

He  was  too  busy  a  man  to  be  much  troubled  with  philosophic 
doubts,  and  perhaps — obvious  as  it  may  be — the  answer  of 
Napoleon  would  have  represented  his  view :  who  after 
listening  for  a  time  to  certain  atheistic  arguments,  said, 

1  Quintilian,  vi.  377. 

=  For  this  and  his  statue  in  the  temple  of  Quirinus,  with  legend  of  Deo 
invicto ,  the  vote  of  the  Senate  giving  him  a  temple,  flamen,  and  other 
divine  honours,  see  Dio, 43,  45  ;  44i  6 ;  Cicero,  2  Phil.  §  no;  ad  Att.  13, 44 ; 
Sueton.,  Cces.  76.  It  was  worse  than  the  case  of  Augustus,  more  insincere 
and  less  spontaneous.  The  Senate  was  filled  with  the  pioteges  of  Iulius 
at  the  time. 



pointing  to  the  starry  heavens,  “All  very  well,  gentlemen, 
but  who  made  all  that  ?  ”  Given  a  belief  in  oneself  and  in 
Providence,  the  next  step  is  to  believe  that  Providence  is  on 
our  side,  as  Cromwell  saw  the  hand  of  God  even  in  his  most 
questionable  achievements.  If  we  can  translate  this  into  the 
language  of  an  age  accustomed  to  hear  at  any  rate  with 
acquiescence  of  heroic  men,  sons  of  the  gods  and  destined  to 
be  enrolled  among  their  peaceful  ranks,  of  the  genius  which 
attended  each  man  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave,  of  the  care 
of  the  gods  for  the  welfare  of  the  state  in  its  darkest  hours, 
manifested  by  omens,  warnings,  and  even  material  appearances : 
if  again  we  consider  how  much  it  adds  to  the  strength  of  a 
belief  to  find  it  shared  by  others  and  to  see  that  it  makes  for 
the  moral  good  of  the  world,  we  may  come  faintly  to  conceive 
a  frame  of  mind  in  Augustus  on  this  subject  which  need  not — 
in  view  of  his  age  and  its  sentiments — be  set  down  either 
as  wholly  irrational  or  wholly  hypocritical.  “The  Roman 
Empire,”  he  might  say  to  himself,  “  is  all  that  really  matters 
in  the  world.  I  am  divinely  appointed  to  restore  and  defend 
it.  I  have  in  fact  secured  its  peace  and  prosperity.  If  the 
people  call  me  god,  it  is  their  way  of  honouring  the  Genius 
that  directs  me,  the  Providence  that  has  selected  me  to  be 
their  benefactor  and  saviour.  If  they  believe  in  that,  they 
must  also  believe  in  the  sanctity  and  eternal  authority  of  Rome 
and  the  Empire.  Religion  and  loyalty  are  but  different  words 
for  the  same  virtue.”  In  his  eyes  the  state  was  divinely 
appointed,  even  in  itself  divine,  and  in  so  far  as  he  represented 
the  state  he  was  a  divinity  to  its  subjects.  Stability  was  its 
first  requisite.  “  My  highest  ambition,”  he  said  in  an  edict, 
“  is  to  be  called  the  author  of  an  ideally  good  constitution, 
and  to  carry  with  me  to  the  grave  a  hope  that  the  foundations 
I  have  laid  will  remain  unmoved.”  Goodness,  and  loyalty  to 
the  state,  had  become  convertible  terms  to  him.  Once  as  he 
was  looking  at  a  villa  formerly  belonging  to  Cato,  one  of  his 
comnanions,  thinking:  to  please  him  bv  denouncing  an  anti- 


Caesarean,  spoke  of  the  “obstinate  wrong-headedness  of 
Cato.”  But  he  answered  gravely  “any  one  who  is  opposed 
to  revolution  is  a  good  man  as  well  as  a  good  citizen.”  At 
another  time  he  came  upon  one  of  his  grandsons  reading  a 
book  of  Cicero.  The  boy,  thinking  he  was  on  forbidden 
ground,  tried  to  conceal  the  book  ;  but  Augustus  took  it  into 
his  hand,  read  in  it  a  short  time,  and  handed  it  back  with  the 
remark,  “  A  true  scholar,  my  boy,  and  a  patriot.”  Perhaps  he 
thought  with  remorse  of  his  own  part  in  the  great  man’s 
death,  perhaps  of  the  time  when  he  believed  him  to  have  been 
false  to  himself,  but  “  patriot  ” — “  a  lover  of  his  country  ” — 
made  up  for  all.1 

It  is  clear,  again,  that  it  was  not  personal  vanity  or  a  desire 
for  adulation  that  actuated  Augustus.  He  disliked  fulsome 
compliments  or  overstrained  titles  of  respect,  and 
"^Augustus °£  laughed  at  cringing  attitudes,  as  when  he  said  of 
some  obsequious  petitioner  that  “  he  held  out  his 
billet  and  then  snatched  it  away  again  like  a  man  giving  a 
penny  to  an  elephant.”  He  specially  objected  to  be  called 
dominus ,  a  word  properly  applying  to  a  master  of  slaves,  and 
forbade  the  word  to  be  used  even  in  jest  in  his  own  family. 
He  wished  to  be  regarded  as  a  citizen  among  citizens.  He 
took  care  to  shew  interest  (unlike  Iulius)  in  the  games  and 
shows  that  were  liked  by  the  people,  and  disapproved  of  special 
marks  of  respect  being  paid  to  his  young  grandsons  by  the 
people  rising  and  cheering  when  they  entered  the  circus. 
He  went  through  the  streets  on  foot  even  when  Consul,  or 
rode  with  the  curtains  of  his  sedan  drawn  back,  that  he  might 
not  seem  to  avoid  the  looks  or  approach  of  the  crowd  ;  he 
admitted  all  kinds  of  people  without  distinction  of  rank  to  his 
morning  levees  ;  forbade  the  Senators  to  rise  when  he  entered 
or  left  the  house  ;  visited  friends  without  state,  and  was  careful 
to  attend  family  festivities  such  as  betrothal  parties.  At 
elections  he  went  round  with  his  candidates  and  canvassed  for 
1  Macrob.,  Sat.  2,  4,  18  ;  Plut.,  Cic.  49  ;  Suet.,  Aug.  28. 



votes,  and  appeared  for  his  clients  in  the  courts  (though  anxious 
not  to  allow  his  presence  to  exercise  an  unfair  influence)  and 
shewed  no  annoyance  at  being  cross-questioned  and  refuted. 
In  the  Senate  he  allowed  great  freedom  of  speech  without 
resentment.  He  was  interrupted  while  speaking  by  cries  of 
“We  don’t  understand,”  “I  would  contradict  you  if  it  were 
of  any  use.”  On  one  occasion,  when  he  was  leaving  the 
house  with  some  signs  of  anger  after  a  tiresome  debate,  he 
was  followed  by  cries,  “  Senators  should  be  allowed'  to  speak 
freely  on  public  affairs,”  something  like  the  shouts  of 
“  Privilege  ”  that  greeted  Charles  I.  on  a  famous  occasion. 
When  he  mildly  remonstrated  with  Antistius  Labeo  for 
nominating  Lepidus  (whom  he  particularly  disliked  and  treated 
with  great  contumely)  to  the  Senate,  Antistius  retorted  rudely, 
“  Every  one  is  entitled  to  his  own  opinion.”  He  was  tolerant 
of  such  language  and  wrote  a  soothing  note  to  Tiberius,  who 
expressed  himself  vehemently  about  some  occurrence  of  the 
sort  :  “  My  dear  Tiberius,  don’t  give  way  to  youthful  excite¬ 
ment,  or  be  so  very  indignant  at  some  one  being  found  to 
speak  harm  of  me.  It  is  quite  enough  if  we  can  prevent  their 
doing  us  any  harm.”  In  matters  more  personal  or  private  he 
could  stand  a  telling  or  rough  retort.  When  holding  a 
review  of  the  equites  he  brought  up  a  number  of  charges 
against  a  certain  eques,  who  rebutted  them  one  after  the 
other  and  ended  with  the  contemptuous  remark:  “Next 
time,  sir,  you  cause  inquiries  to  be  made  about  a  respectable 
man,  you  had  better  intrust  the  business  to  respectable  people.” 
Seeing  another  eques  eating  in  the  circus  he  sent  a  message  to 
him,  “  When  I  want  to  lunch,  I  go  home.”  “Yes,”  was  the 
answer,  “  but  you  are  not  afraid  of  losing  your  place.” 
Another  eques  was  rebuked  by  him  for  squandering  his 
patrimony,  and  deigned  no  further  remark  than,  “  Oh  well, 
I  was  under  the  impression  that  it  was  my  own  property.” 
He  once  paid  a  Senator’s  debts,  and  got  no  more  thanks  than 
a  note  with  the  words,  “  Not  a  farthing  for  myself !  ”  A 



young  man  was  once  noticed  at  Court  with  an  extraordinary 
likeness  to  himself.  Augustus  ordered  him  to  be  introduced 
and  said:  “Young  gentleman,  was  your  mother  ever  at 
Rome?”  “No,”  he  replied,  “but  my  father  was.”  In  this 
case  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  Emperor  richly 
deserved  the  retort.  The  point,  however,  in  all  these  stories 
is  that  he  was  content  to  give  and  take  and  be  a  man  among 
men.  There  would  be  no  longer  any  ground  for  Pollio’s 
remark,  when  Augustus  wrote  some  satirical  epigrams  upon 
that  incarnation  of  all  the  talents  :  “  I  say  nothing.  It  is 
not  easy  to  write  against  a  man  who  can  write  one’s  name 
in  a  proscription  list.”  There  are  other  anecdotes  which  still 
farther  illustrate  this  human  side  of  Augustus.  A  veteran 
begged  him  to  appear  for  him  in  court,  and  Augustus  named  one 
of  his  friends  to  undertake  the  case.  The  veteran  cried  out, 
“  But  when  you  were  in  danger  at  Actium,  Caesar,  I  did  not 
get  a  substitute  ;  I  fought  for  you  myself!  ”  With  a  blush 
Augustus  consented  to  appear.  The  troubles  and  tragedies  of 
life  interested  him.  On  hearing  of  one  of  Herod’s  family 
executions,  he  remarked,  “I  had  rather  be  Herod’s  pig  than 
his  son  !  ”  And  when  a  man  supposed  to  be  rich  was  found 
on  his  death  to  be  overwhelmed  with  debt,  he  sent  to  purchase 
his  pillow  at  the  auction,  which  had  enabled  him  to  sleep  when 
he  owed  such  enormous  sums.  He  could  bear  to  have  the 
laugh  turned  against  himself.  The  story  of  the  man  with 
the  two  ravens,  one  taught  to  greet  himself  and  the  other 
Antony,  has  been  already  referred  to  (p.  119).  Another  is  of 
a  similar  kind.  A  poor  Greek  poet  was  in  the  habit  of 
waylaying  him  as  he  left  his  house  for  the  forum  with  compli¬ 
mentary  epigrams  to  thrust  into  his  hand.  Augustus  took  no 
notice  for  sometime,  but  one  day  seeing  the  inevitable  tablet 
held  out  he  took  it  and  hastily  scribbled  a  Greek  epigram  of 
his  own  upon  it.  The  poet  by  voice  and  look  affected  to  be 
overpowered  with  admiration,  and  running  up  to  the  Empeior  s 
sedan  handed  him  a  few  pence,  crying,  «  By  heaven  above 



you,  Augustus,  if  I  had  had  more  I  would  have  given  it  you  !  ” 
Everybody  laughed  and  Augustus  ordered  his  steward  to  give 
him  a  substantial  sum  of  money. 

It  is  curious  that  though  Augustus  was  unmoved  by  rough 
retorts  or  offensive  speeches  he  shewed  considerable  sensitive¬ 
ness  to  attacks  which  took  the  form  of  lampoons  and  epigrams. 
He  went  so  far  on  some  occasions  as  to  refute  them  in  an 
edict.  But  he  used  the  “  edict  ”  as  a  means  of  communica¬ 
tion  with  the  citizens  and  provinces  on  all  sorts  of  subjects, 
such  as  for  explaining  his  purpose  in  putting  up  the  bust  of 
distinguished  men,  or  to  draw  attention  to  what  he  thought 
useful  in  ancient  writers.  But  he  shrank  not  only  from 
offensive  poems,  but  from  being  the  subject  of  any  poetry 
or  history  composed  by  incompetent  people.  Before  all 
things  he  was  not  to  be  made  to  look  ridiculous  by  witty 
attacks  or  clumsy  praise.  The  prize  poem  or  declamation 
was  an  abomination  to  him,  and  the  praetors  were  charged 
to  prevent  the  public  use  of  his  name  in  such  compositions. 
Connected  with  this  sensitive  refinement  of  taste  may  be 
mentioned  the  simplicity  of  his  manners  and  way  of  life. 

The  Palace  of  Augustus,  though  in  a  group  of  great  splen¬ 
dour,  was  not  in  itself  on  a  scale  approaching  the  huge  con¬ 
structions  of  later  Emperors.  He  appears  at  first 
^of6 Augustus?8  to  have  occupied  a  modest  house  close  to  the 
forum,  which  had  once  belonged  to  the  orator 
Licinius  Calvus,  who  died  B.c.  47.  He  then  purchased  a  site 
on  the  Palatine  on  which  to  erect  a  new  house  ;  but  in  B.c.  36, 
after  the  final  defeat  of  Sextus  Pompeius,  the  Senate  voted 
him  the  house  of  Hortensius.  In  a  chamber  of  this  house  he 
slept  summer  and  winter  for  the  rest  of  his  life,  though 
occasionally  when  unwell  he  would  pass  the  night  in  the 
house  of  Maecenas  on  the  Esquiline  which  was  regarded  as  a 
healthier  situation.  On  receiving  this  house  from  the  Senate, 
he  devoted  the  site  already  purchased  to  the  temple  of  Apollo 
and  its  libraries,  which  with  its  peristyle  was  filled  with  the 



most  precious  specimens  of  Greek  art,  and  in  which  under  the 
statue  of  Apollo  by  Scopas  the  Sibylline  books  were  preserved 
in  gilded  caskets.  In  B.  c.  12,  upon  becoming  Pontifex  Maxi¬ 
mus,  he  built  a  small  temple  of  Vesta  between  these  buildings 
and  his  house,  to  keep  up  the  tradition  of  the  Pontiff  residing 
near  the  shrine  of  Vesta  in  the  forum,  while  he  handed  over 
the  official  residence  of  the  Pontiff  to  the  Vestal  Virgins  them¬ 
selves.  The  house  of  Hortensius  was  afterwards  partly  destroyed 
by  fire  and  rebuilt  with  greater  magnificence,  the  neighbouring 
house  once  owned  by  Catiline  being  taken  in  ;  but  even  then 
it  was  on  a  moderate  scale  compared  with  the  later  palaces. 
Its  entrance,  however,  was  conspicuously  marked  by  the  laurels, 
the  civic  crown,  and  gilded  shields  which  were  placed  there  by 
vote  of  the  Senate  since  b.c.  27.  Besides  this  town-house, 
which  has  furnished  the  name  for  a  royal  residence  to  this  day, 
he  had  of  course  various  villas  in  different  parts  of  Italy.  But 
they  were  not  numerous  in  comparison  with  the  number  we 
know  to  have  been  owned  by  nobles  at  the  end  of  the 
republic.  There  was  one  at  the  ninth  milestone  on  the 
Flaminian  Way  called  ad  gallinas ,  in  the  gardens  of  which  was 
the  bay  tree,  from  the  leaves  of  which  Augustus  had  his 
garland  made  when  celebrating  his  triumphs  ;  as  it  became  the 
traditional  habit  of  succeeding  Emperors  to  do  also.  The 
others  near  Rome  were  selected  for  their  coolness  and  healthy 
position — Lanuvium  twenty  miles  from  the  city  on  a  lofty 
spur  of  the  Alban  Mountains,  “cold  Praeneste”  twenty-five 
miles,  and  “sloping  Tibur”  about  twenty  miles  away.  These, 
however,  were  suburban  residences  and  gave  no  escape  from 
society  or  business.  They  were  full  of  Roman  villas,1  and  in 
the  temple  of  Hercules  at  Tibur  he  frequently  sat  to  administer 
justice.  When  he  could  get  a  real  holiday  he  preferred  a 
yachting  voyage  among  the  islands  on  the  Campanian  coast. 

1  See  Horace,  Odes  iii.  4,  22  :  vester,  Camenas,  vester  in  arduos  |  tollor 
Sabinos,  seu  mihi  frigidum  |  Praeneste  seu  Tibur  supinum  |  seu  liquids 
pacuere  Baiae. 

20  6 


For  one  of  them  [JE naria)  he  took  in  exchange  from  the 
municipality  of  Naples  the  beautiful  Capreae,  destined  for 
greater  notoriety  under  his  successor.  He  used  to  call  it  or 
some  small  island  in  the  bay  his  “  Castle  of  Idleness.”  1  His 
villas  were  on  a  modest  scale.  He  greatly  disapproved  of  the 
vast  country  palaces  which  were  becoming  the  fashion,  and 
forced  his  granddaughter  to  demolish  one  which  she  was 
building.2  Earlier  in  life  he  was  accused  of  extravagance  in  the 
matter  of  rich  furniture  and  antique  bronzes.  But  he  seems 
to  have  shaken  off  this  weakness  later  on.  The  furniture  of 
his  villas  was  extremely  simple,  and  there  were  no  costly 
pictures  and  statues  in  them,  but  the  gardens  were  carefully 
laid  out  with  terraces  and  shrubberies,  and  generally  adorned 
with  various  curiosities,  as  at  Capreae  with  the  huge  bones  of  a 

His  table  was  simple  and  the  dinners  never  long.  He  was 
careful  in  selecting  his  company,  but  knew  how  to  make 
graceful  concessions  as  to  the  rank  of  his  guests  when  occasion 
required  it.  He  drank  little  wine,  and  generally  not  of  the 
best  vintages  ;  but  he  exerted  himself  to  promote  conversation 
and  to  draw  out  the  silent  and  shy.  He  would  sometimes  come 
late  and  retire  early  without  breaking  up  the  party  ;  sometimes 
talked  instead  of  eating,  taking  his  own  simple  food  before  or 
after  the  meal.  Before  all  he  does  not  appear  to  have  adopted 
the  unsociable  habit,  often  mentioned  by  Cicero  and  especially 
characteristic  of  Iulius,  of  reading  and  answering  his  letters  at 
table.  The  dinner  was  generally  a  family  function  and  his 
young  grandsons  were  always  present  at  it.  Sometimes  con¬ 
versation  was  varied  by  reciters,  readers,  actors  or  professors  of 
philosophy.  But  at  the  Saturnalia  and  other  festivals  the 

1  Apragopolis.  In  Suetonius  (c.  97)  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  means 
Capreae  or  some  other  island.  Perhaps  it  is  Nests,  where  M.  Brutus  had  a 
villa  which  might  have  come  into  his  hands  as  confiscated  property  (Cic., 
ad  Att.  xvi.  1-4.) 

2  An  echo  of  his  master’s  feelings  on  this  point  is  as  usual  found  in 
Horace,  Od.  ii.  15, 



quiet  and  decorum  of  these  meals  gave  way  to  the  spirit  of  the 
hour.  The  table  was  better  furnished  and  the  Emperor  pre¬ 
sented  his  guests  with  all  kinds  of  gifts,  or  amused  himself  by 
holding  a  kind  of  blind  auction,  putting  together  lots  of  widely 
different  value  which  the  guests  bid  for  without  knowing  what 
they  were  purchasing.  On  such  occasions  gambling  with  dice 
was  permitted,  though  in  family  parties  the  Emperor  took  care 
to  lose  or  to  surrender  his  winnings,  and  sometimes  he  supplied 
each  member  of  the  party  with  a  sum  of  money  beforehand 
with  which  to  make  their  stakes.  But  games  of  chance  had  a 
fascination  for  him  at  all  times  of  his  life,  and  his  real  gambling 
was  not  confined  to  festival  days.  He  made  no  secret  of  it, 
and  we  hear  nothing  of  any  great  loss  or  gain.  Social  life  at 
Rome  began  early  in  the  day,  visitors  at  a  levee  would  arrive 
soon  after  daybreak,  and  a  magistrate  would  sometimes  have  to 
be  up  immediately  after  midnight,  to  take  omens  or  perform 
some  other  religious  rite.  But  as  Augustus  worked  late  at 
night,  and  was  not  a  good  sleeper,  early  rising  was  painful  to 
him,  and  resulted  in  his  falling  fast  asleep  in  his  sedan.  If  any 
of  these  night  duties  became  imperative  he  took  the  precaution 
of  sleeping  in  some  lodging  near  the  place.  But  his  normal 
habit  was  to  work  up  to  noon,  then  after  the  light  luncheon  or 
prandium,  often  consisting  of  bread  and  a  few  grapes,  to  sleep 
for  a  short  time  fully  dressed.  Having  finished  the  morning’s 
work  and  bath,  dinner  (cena)  would  come  between  3  and  4, 
though  busy  men  like  the  Emperor  often  pushed  it  on  to  6  or  7  ; 
after  dinner  he  went  to  his  study,  and  there  finished  off  what 
was  left  of  the  day’s  work,  his  memoranda  and  accounts, 
sitting  or  reclining  on  his  couch  far  into  the  night.  The 
amount  of  work  which  he  must  have  bestowed  upon  his  official 
business  is  shewn  by  the  state  of  readiness  and  completeness  in 
which  the  various  schedules  of  the  finances  of  the  Empire  and 
the  army,  and  the  book  of  political  maxims  were  found  at  his 
death.  In  early  youth  he  had  dabbled  in  literature,  and  com¬ 
posed  a  tragedy  in  the  Greek  fashion  called  “Ajax  ”  ;  but  coming 



in  later  years  to  estimate  its  value  more  truly  he  destroyed  it, 
and  when  some  friend  or  flatterer  inquired  for  it,  he  said, 
“  Ajax  has  fallen  on  his  own  sponge.” 1  He  composed  also 
memoirs  of  his  own  life,  but  they  were  interrupted  by  his 
serious  illness  after  the  Spanish  War  (b.c.  25-3),  and  never 
resumed.  They  were  used  by  Suetonius  and  other  writers,  as 
well  as  collections  of  his  letters,  edicts,  and  speeches,  but  have 
not  been  preserved.  Only  one  of  his  epigrams  has  survived,  of 
which  I  shall  speak  hereafter.  These  excursions  into  literature, 
never  very  serious,  seem  to  have  ceased  as  he  got  on  in  life. 
In  the  third  book  of  his  Odes  (written  between  B.c.  30-25), 
Horace  tells  the  Muses  that  “  they  afford  a  recreation  to  high 
Caesar  when  he  has  put  his  troops  into  winter  quarters  and 
seeks  a  rest  from  toil,”2 3  but  in  the  fourth  book  (b.c.  13-12)  it 
is  the  statesman,  the  conqueror,  and  reformer  that  he  addresses, 
not  the  man  of  letters.  The  Epistle  addressed  to  Augustus 
in  b.c.  12,  though  it  deals  with  literary  criticism  and  ex¬ 
plicitly  supports  the  Emperor’s  well-known  dislike  of  being 
the  theme  of  inferior  writers,  while  it  dwells  upon  his  numerous 
employments  and  warmly  compliments  him  on  his  successful 
achievements,  contains  no  word  or  hint  of  his  authorship. 3 
The  principate  was  a  most  laborious  profession,  absorbing  all 
his  energies  and  occupying  all  his  time,  and  though  he  might 
enjoy  the  company  of  literary  men,  despatches,  edicts,  and 
state  papers  would  now  be  the  limit  of  his  literary  ambi¬ 

The  heavy  work  of  his  lofty  position  was  performed  under 
painful  conditions  of  health.  Besides  at  least  four  serious 

1  Another  tragedy  “  Achilles  ”  is  mentioned  by  Suidas. 

2  Hor.,  Od.  3,  136.  Suetonius  (Aug.  85)  mentions  others,  “An  answer  to 
Brutus  about  Cato,”  evidently  a  youthful  essay  ;  “  Exhortations  to  Philo¬ 
sophy,”  no  doubt  youthful  too  ;  an  hexameter  poem  called  Sicilia.  When 
he  tried  to  read  them  in  later  life  to  a  family  audience  they  bored  him  so 
much  that  he  handed  the  rolls  over  to  Tiberius  to  finish.  Lastly,  a  short 
volume  of  Epigrams  which  he  used  to  compose  in  the  bath. 

3  Hor.,  Epist.  2,  1. 


illnesses 1  of  which  we  hear,  he  was  subject  to  periodical 
complaints,  generally  recurring  at  the  beginning  of  spring  and 
autumn.  Soon  after  b.c.  30  he  gave  up  the  martial  exercises 
of  the  Campus,  then  the  less  fatiguing  ball  games,  and  finally 
confined  himself  to  getting  out  of  his  sedan  to  take  short  runs 
or  walks.  As  he  grew  old  his  only  outdoor  amusements  (except 
yachting)  seem  to  have  been  fishing  and  playing  games  with 
little  children. 

In  the  last  years  of  his  life  he  gave  up  going  into  Roman 
society.  In  the  earlier  part  of  his  principate  he  dined  out 
freely,  and  not  always  in  select  company.  He  seems  to  have 
been  rather  inclined  to  the  vulgar  millionaire,  perhaps  because 
he  could  reckon  on  contributions  to  the  public  objects  which 
he  had  at  heart.  He  did  not  expect  splendid  entertainments, 
and  was  content  with  the  wine  of  the  district,  still  he  did  not 
like  being  treated  with  too  little  ceremony.  To  one  man 
who  gave  him  a  dinner  ostentatiously  plain  and  common,  he 
remarked  on  leaving — “I  did  not  know  that  I  was  such  an 
intimate  friend  of  yours.”  At  times,  too,  he  had  occasion  to 
assume  the  Emperor  with  some  of  these  nouveaux  riches ,  as  in 
the  celebrated  case  of  Vedius  Pollio.  This  man  had  a  stew- 
pond  of  lampreys,  which  he  fed  with  flesh.  When  he  was 
entertaining  Augustus  on  one  occasion  the  cup-bearer  dropped 
a  valuable  crystal  cup,  and  his  master  ordered  him  at  once  to 
be  thrown  to  the  lampreys.  Augustus  tried  to  beg  him  off, 
but  when  Pollio  refused,  he  ceased  to  entreat  ;  assuming 
imperial  airs  he  ordered  all  the  cups  of  the  same  sort  in  the 
house,  and  all  others  of  value,  to  be  brought  into  the  room  and 
broken.  Licinius,  the  grasping  procurator  of  Gaul,  was 
another  of  these  rich  vulgar  people,  with  whom  Augustus  was 
somewhat  too  intimate,  and  expected  in  return  for  that  honour 
large  contributions  to  his  works.  On  one  occasion  he  even 
took  the  liberty  of  altering  the  figure  in  the  promissory  note 

1  In  B.c.  46,  42,  25,  and  23.  From  that  time,  however,  though  generally 
delicate  he  seems  not  to  have  had  any  serious  attack. 




sent  by  him  so  as  to  double  the  sum.  Licinius  said  nothing, 
but  on  the  next  occasion  he  sent  a  note  thus  expressed  :  “  I 
promise  towards  the  expense  of  the  new  work — whatever  your 
Highness  pleases.” 

Wit  is  seldom  kind,  and  some  of  the  retorts  attributed  to 
him  are  not  always  exceptions  to  the  rule.  To  a  hump¬ 
backed  advocate  pleading  before  him,  and  often  repeating  the 
expression,  “If  you  think  I  am  wrong  in  any  way,  pray  set 
me  straight,”  he  said,  “  I  can  give  you  some  advice,  but  I 
can’t  set  you  straight To  an  officer  who  made  rather  too 
much  fuss  about  his  services,  and  kept  pointing  to  an  ugly 
scar  on  his  forehead,  he  said,  “When  you  run  away  you 
shouldn’t  look  behind  you.”  More  good-natured  are  the 
following.  To  a  young  prefect  who  was  being  sent  home 
from  camp  for  misbehaviour,  and  who  exclaimed,  “  How 
can  I  go  home  ?  What  am  I  to  say  to  my  father  ?  ”  he 
replied,  “  Tell  him  that  you  did  not  like  me.”  To  another 
who  was  being  cashiered,  and  pleaded  to  have  the  usual 
good-service  pension,  that  people  might  think  he  had  left 
the  service  in  the  usual  way,  he  said,  “  Well,  give  out  that 
you  have  received  the  money  ;  I  won’t  say  that  I  haven’t 
paid  it.” 

Though  affable  to  all,  and  neither  an  unkind  nor  un¬ 
reasonable  master  to  his  slaves,  or  patron  to  his  freedmen, 
he  was  enough  a  man  of  his  age  not  to  hesitate  to  inflict 
cruel  punishment  for  certain  offences.  A  secretary  who  had 
taken  a  bribe  to  disclose  some  confidential  paper,  he  ordered 
to  have  his  legs  broken.  A  favourite  freedman  was  forced  to 
commit  suicide  when  detected  in  intrigues  with  Roman 
married  ladies.  He  ordered  the  personal  servants  of  his 
grandson  Caius,  who  had  taken  advantage  of  his  illness 
and  death  to  enrich  themselves  in  the  province  of  Syria,  to 
be  thrown  into  the  sea  with  weights  attached  to  their  feet. 

To  those  who  had  been  his  friends  there  is  hardly  any 
instance  of  extreme  severity  after  the  end  of  the  civil  wars. 


It  is  possible  that  Murasna  died  before  trial,  though  his 
fellow-conspirator  was  put  to  death.  Cornelius  Gallus,  the 
first  prefectus  of  Egypt,  committed  suicide  rather  than 
confront  the  accusations  brought  against  him  and  the  evident 
animus  of  the  Senate  ;  but  Augustus  did  not  wish  it,  and 
exclaimed  with  tears  in  his  eyes  that  it  was  hard  that  he 
should  be  the  only  man  who  might  not  be  angry  with  his 
friends  without  the  matter  going  farther  than  he  intended. 
The  coldness  that  arose  between  him  and  his  ministers 
Agrippa  and  Maecenas  was  only  temporary  and  never  very 
grave.  He  deeply  deplored  their  loss  at  their  death.  We 
shall  have  to  discuss  his  conduct  to  his  daughter  and  grand¬ 
daughter  and  their  paramours  in  another  chapter.  But 
neither  in  regard  to  these  persons  nor  the  conspirators  against 
his  life  did  he  ever  act  in  a  way  that  his  contemporaries  would 
think  cruel. 

These  anecdotes  of  Augustus  do  not  suggest  a  very  heroic 
figure,  very  quick  wit,  or  great  warmth  of  heart.  They 
rather  indicate  what  I  conceive  to  be  the  truer  picture,  a  cool 
and  cautious  character,  not  unkindly  and  not  without  a  sense 
of  humour ;  but  at  the  same  time  as  inevitable  and  unmoved  < 
by  pity  or  remorse  as  nature  herself.  No  one  accuses  him 
of  having  neglected  or  hurried  any  task  that  it  was  his  duty 
to  perform.  But  neither  friend,  relation,  nor  minister  ever 
really  influenced  him.  He  issues  orders,  and  they  all  obey 
instinctively,  without  remonstrance,  and  generally  with 
success.  He  is  providence  to  them  all.  Everything  suc¬ 
ceeds  under  his  hands.  He  is  no  soldier,  though  he  knows 
one  when  he  sees  him,  but  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  seek 
his  friendship.  Till  the  last  decade  of  his  life  no  serious 
reverse  befel  his  armies ;  at  home  all  opposition  melted  away, 
as  the  difficulties  in  a  road  or  course  disappear  before  a  skilful 
driver  or  steerer.  He  is  not  godlike,  but  there  is  an  air  of 
calm  success  about  him  which  swayed  men’s  wills  and 
awakened  their  reverence. 



Quid  leges  sine  moribus 
vance  froficiunt  ? 

The  activity  of  Augustus  as  reformer  in  the  city  and  Italy, 
and  to  a  great  extent  in  the  provinces  also,  was  subsequent  to 
the  settlement  of  his  constitutional  position  in  b.c. 
rrformslnthe  23,  after  which  date  changes  in  it  were  generally 
Empire.  consequential,  and  in  matters  of  detail.  But  it 
began  long  before.  In  B.c.  36  he  had  taken  effective  measures 
to  suppress  the  brigandage  which  had  pushed  its  audacity 
nearly  up  to  the  very  gates  of  Rome.  In  b.c.  34-3  Agrippa, 
under  his  influence,  had  started  the  improvement  in  the 
water  supply  of  Rome  by  restoring  the  Aqua  Marcia  ;  had 
cleansed  and  enlarged  the  cloacae,  repaired  the  streets,  and 
begun  many  important  buildings.  In  b.c.  31  we  have 
evidence  that  Augustus  was  turning  his  attention  to  the 
details  of  administration  in  the  provinces,1  and  in  the  next 
year,  in  his  resettlement  of  Asia,  he  restored  to  Samos, 
Ephesus,  Pergamus,  and  the  Troad,  works  of  art  which 
Antony  had  taken  from  them  to  bestow  upon  Cleopatra.2 

1  The  lex  Iulia  et  Titia,  enabling  the  provincial  governor  to  assign 
guardians  to  such  persons  as  were  legally  bound  to  have  them,  was  passed 
between  the  1st  of  May  and  1st  of  October,  b.c.  31,  the  period  during 
which  M.  Titius  was  consul. 

2  Authorities  will  be  found  in  Mommsen,  res  gestce,  p.  96. 


To  face  page  212. 

Augustus  as  Senatok. 

Photographed  from  the  Statue  in  the  JJffizi  Gallery,  Florence. 


In  b.c.  28,  measures  of  relief  were  adopted  for  state  debtors, 
and  a  term  fixed  beyond  which  those  who  were  in  actual 
possession  of  properties  could  not  be  disturbed  by  legal  pro¬ 

The  first  need  of  the  country  was  security.  How 
difficult  this  had  long  been  to  maintain,  and  how  ill  the 
senatorial  government  at  the  end  of  the  Re- 
poike°patroisf  public  had  been  able  to  cope  with  the  evil  is 
shewn  by  the  fact  that  remnants  of  the  bands 
of  Spartacus  and  Catiline  were  in  b.c.  61  still  infesting  the 
district  of  Thurii.  In  spite  of  the  repressive  measures  of 
B.c.  36,  which  seem  to  have  been  successful  as  far  as  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  Rome  was  concerned,  at  the 
end  of  the  civil  war  armed  bands  still  openly  appeared  in 
various  parts  of  Italy,  seized  and  carried  off  travellers,  con¬ 
fined  them  in  the  slave-barracks,  or  ergastula ,  or  put  them 
to  ransom.  These  ergastula  were  originally  slave-prisons 
used  for  keeping  refractory  slaves,  who  worked  during  the 
day  in  chains,  and  were  shut  up  in  separate  cells  at  night, 
often  underground  or  only  lighted  by  windows  high  up 
and  out  of  reach  of  the  inmates.  In  some  parts  of  Italy 
— chiefly  the  north — they  were  not  known,  and  chained 
slaves  were  not  employed ;  but  in  other  parts  they  were 
numerous,  and  afforded  convenient  hiding-places.  The 
chief  abuse  connected  with  them  was  that  men  properly 
free  could  be  carried  off  and  concealed  in  them  as  though 
they  were  slaves,  while  they  afforded  a  leader  in  rebellion 
convenient  sources  from  which  to  draw  recruits  ;  the 
miserable  inmates  being  only  too  ready  to  join  any  one  who 
gave  them  a  hope  of  freedom  and  release  from  those  horrible 
dens.  Accordingly  a  review  of  the  ergastula  is  constantly 
heard  of,  till  they  were  finally  abolished  by  Hadrian.  Among 
the  measures  for  the  suppression  of  brigandage  now  taken 
was  a  visitation  of  these  places.  It  was  not  done  in  mercy 
to  the  slaves.  Augustus,  though  he  treated  his  own  servants 



with  kindness,  took  the  sternest  Roman  view  of  the  absolute 
power  of  a  master,  and  boasts  that  after  the  war  with  Sextus 
Pompeius  he  handed  over  30,000  slaves — who  had  been 
serving  with  the  enemy — to  their  masters  “  to  be  punished.”  1 
When  we  remember  what  the  “  punishment  ”  of  a  Roman 
slave  meant,  it  is  difficult  to  think  without  horror  of  the 
sum  total  of  human  misery  which  this  implies. 

A  more  effective  and  permanent  measure,  however,  was  to 
secure  the  roads  and  make  them  fit  for  rapid  military  move¬ 
ments.  A  system  of  road  commissions  ( curce 

The  great  ,  J  .  .  . 

roads  of  Italy  viarum)  was  started  in  B.c.  27,  commissioners 

secured.  * 

( curatores )  being  appointed  to  superintend  each 
of  the  great  roads  leading  from  Rome  to  various  parts  of 
Italy.  The  duty  at  first  was  usually  imposed  upon  men 
who  had  enjoyed  triumphs,  and  Augustus  himself,  after  his 
triple  triumph,  undertook  the  via  Flaminia ,  the  great  north 
road  from  Rome  to  Ariminum  on  the  Adriatic,  from  which 
place  other  roads  branched  off  through  the  valley  of  the  Po, 
and  to  the  Alpine  passes.  The  pavement  of  the  road  was 
relaid,  the  bridges  repaired,  and  the  completion  of  the  work 
was  commemorated  by  the  still  existing  arch  at  Rimini, 
with  its  partially  surviving  inscription.2  For  greater  safety, 
also,  military  pickets  were  stationed  at  convenient  points  along 
the  roads,  which  put  a  stop  to  brigandage. 

In  close  connection  with  the  roads  were  the  twenty-eight 
military  colonies  established  by  Augustus  in  Italy.  Of  these 
seven  were  along  the  line  of  the  Flaminia,  or  near  it  ;  one  of 
them  (Bononia)  was  the  point  where  the  main  roads  to  Rome 
converge.  Others  guarded  the  entrances  to  the  Alpine  passes, 
or  the  road  through  Venetia  to  Istria — which  Augustus  in¬ 
cluded  in  Italy — while  another  group  protected  the  main 

1  Mon.  Ancyr.,  25. 

2  C.  I.  L.  xi.  365;  Mott.  Ancyr.  20.  “In  my  seventh  consulship  I  remade 
the  Flaminian  road  from  the  city  to  Ariminum,  and  all  the  bridges  except 
the  Mulvian  and  Minucian.” 



roads  through  Campania.  Thus  these  colonies  were  not  only 
centres  of  loyalty  to  the  Empire,  but  served  to  keep  open  the 
great  routes.  The  object  of  the  division  of  Italy  into  eleven 
regions,  the  exact  date  of  which  is  not  known,  was  probably 
for  the  purpose  of  the  census,  and  the  taxation  which  was 
connected  with  it,  but  it  was  also  for  other  administrative 
purposes,  as  for  the  regulation  of  the  military  service  of  the 
young  men  in  each  of  them.1  The  regions  followed  the 
natural  divisions  of  the  country  and  of  nationalities,  but 
the  importance  of  the  roads  in  connection  with  them  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  before  long  they  became  known  in 
many  cases  by  the  name  of  the  chief  road  that  traversed  them, 
as  ^Emilia,  Flaminia,  and  others.  What  Augustus  was  doing 
for  Italy  his  legates  under  his  authority  were  doing  for  the 
most  important  provinces.  Great  roads — via  Augusta 
were  being  laid  everywhere.  We  have  evidence  of  them 
from  inscribed  tablets  in  Dalmatia,  Pisidia,  and  Cilicia, 
B^tica,  Northern  Spain,  Gallia  Narbonensis,  and  elsewhere.2 
These  works  went  on  throughout  his  reign,  but  in  b.c.  20 
he  commemorated  his  formal  appointment  as  head  commis¬ 
sioner  of  all  roads  by  placing  a  pillar  covered  with  gilded 
bronze  in  the  forum  near  the  temple  of  Saturn,  with  the 
distances  of  all  the  chief  places  along  the  great  roads  from  one 
of  the  thirty-seven  city  gates  from  which  these  roads  branch  out. 
The  base  of  this  milliarium  aureum  is  still  in  its  place. 

Another  source  of  mischief  were  the  collegia ,  or  guilds. 
Under  cover  of  promoting  the  interests  of  certain  trades  and 
professions  these  guilds  were  used,  or  were  believed 

The  collegia.  ^  bg  uge^  for  all  kinds  of  jpegai  purposes.  Some 

of  them  were  of  great  antiquity,  but  they  had  come  to  be  so  often 

1  See  Suet.,  Aug.  46.  The  regions  are  described  by  Pliny  alone,  N.H.  iii. 

46-128.  „  .  , 

2  The  inscription  on  the  road  to  Salonse  in  Dalmatia  is  dated  a.d.  19, 

but  it  must  have  been  begun  much  earlier.  For  the  other  roads  see 
Willmanns  832,  829,  830,  832  ;  Clinton’s  Fasti,  anno  b.c.  14  ;  Journal 
of  Hellenic  Studies,  xii.  part  i.  p.  109  sq.  C.  I.  L.  111.  6,974. 



misused  for  political  terrorism  (especially  the  collegia  opificum ) 
that  the  Senate  had  suppressed  many  of  them  in  b.c.  63.  But 
Clodius  shortly  afterwards  got  a  law  passed  authorising  their 
meetings,  and  he  employed  them  freely  for  promoting  his  own 
riotous  proceedings.  Iulius  Caesar  had  dissolved  all  except  the 
most  ancient  and  respectable,  but  during  the  civil  wars  they 
seem  to  have  revived.  Under  a  law  passed  in  b.c.  22  Augustus 
held  a  visitation  of  them.  Some  were  dissolved  and  some  re¬ 
formed,  and  a  licence  was  henceforth  required  from  Senate  and 
Emperor  for  their  meetings. 

In  the  city  itself  the  first  need  was  food.  It  depended  very 
largely  on  imported  corn.  Again  and  again  we  hear  of  dearth 
and  famine  prices  at  Rome.  The  people,  often, 

t'he  city  no  doubt,  rightly,  believed  that  this  dearness  of 
provisions  arose  from  artificial  causes.  When 
Sextus  Pompeius  and  his  confederates  were  scouring  the  seas 
and  pouncing  upon  corn-ships  the  cause  was  clear  enough, 
and  the  gratitude  to  Augustus  for  crushing  him  was  very 
natural.  But  even  when  there  was  no  such  evident  danger 
great  distress  was  often  caused  by  sudden  rise  of  prices.  The 
idea  had  always  been  in  such  times  to  appoint  some  powerful 
man  prafectus  annones ,  with  a  naval  force  enabling  him  to 
secure  that  the  corn  fleets  should  have  free  passage  to  Italy, 
should  be  able  to  unload  their  cargoes  without  difficulty, 
and  dispose  of  them  at  a  moderate  price.  A  well-known 
instance  of  this  was  the  appointment  of  Pompey  in  b.c.  57. 
But  in  less  troublous  times  a  separate  commissioner  was 
appointed  to  watch  the  several  places  or  corn  export,  Sicily^, 
Sardinia,  and  Africa.  These  were  not  posts  of  very  great 
dignity,  and  Brutus  and  Cassius  in  B.c.  44  looked  upon  their 
nomination  to  them  as  a  kind  of  insult.  But  besides  the 
dangers  of  the  sea  and  of  pirates  certain  merchants  had  hit 
upon  means — practised  long  before  at  Athens — of  artificially 
raising  the  price.  They  made  what  we  should  call  “a 
corner  ”  in  corn.  Either  they  bought  it  up  and  kept  it 



back  from  the  market,  or  they  contrived  various  ways  of 
delaying  the  ships  and  producing  a  panic  among  the  dealers. 
As  in  all  difficulties,  the  people  looked  to  Augustus  for  help, 
and  in  b.c.  22  begged  him  to  accept  the  office  of  prafectus 
annonce ,  “chief  commissioner  of  the  corn  market.”  While 
declining  the  dictatorship  offered  him  at  the  same  time  with 
passionate  vehemence,  he  accepted  this  commissionership ; 
and  the  law  which  he  caused  to  be  passed  now  or  some 
time  later  on  shews  how  necessary  some  State  interference 
was.  By  this  law  penalties  were  inflicted  on  any  one  “  who 
did  anything  to  hinder  the  corn  supply,  or  entered  into  any 
combination  with  the  object  of  raising  its  price  ;  or  who 
hindered  the  sailing  of  a  corn-ship,  or  did  anything  of  malice 
propense  whereby  its  voyage  was  delayed.” 1 

But  besides  a  free  and  unmolested  corn  market,  the  Roman 
populace  had  long  come  to  look  for  another  means  of  support 
— a  distribution  of  corn  either  altogether  free  or 
Dcorabfreeor°f  considerably  below  the  market  price.  Detached 
bel°vaiuearket  instances  of  this  practice  occur  in  the  earlier 
history  of  Rome,  the  corn  sometimes  coming  as 
a  present  from  some  foreign  sovereign,  sometimes  being  dis¬ 
tributed  by  private  liberality.  It  had  always  been  objected  to 
by  the  wiser  part  of  the  Senate,  and  had  laid  the  donors  open 
to  the  charge  of  trying  to  establish  a  tyranny.  It  was  reserved 
for  the  tribune  Gaius  Gracchus  to  make  it  into  a  system 
(b.c.  122).  Since  his  time  it  had  been  submitted  to  as  a 
matter  of  course  by  nearly  all  magistrates.  Sulla,  indeed, 
seems  to  have  suspended  it  for  a  time,  but  the  first  measure 
of  the  counter  revolution  that  followed  his  death  was  to 
re-establish  it.  Iulius  Caesar  had  restricted  it  to  citizens 
below  a  certain  census,  but  had  not  the  courage  to  abolish 
it.  It  was,  indeed,  a  kind  of  poor-law  relief,  but  of  the  worst 
possible  sort.  It  not  only  induced  a  number  of  idle  and  use- 

1  Digest,  47,  11,  6.  The  penalties  varied  from  a  fine  to  exclusion  from 
the  corn  trade,  relegatio,  and  condemnation  to  public  works. 



less  people  to  prefer  the  chances  of  city  life  to  labour  in  the 
country,  but  it  unnaturally  depressed  the  price  of  corn,  and 
therefore  discouraged  the  Italian  farmer,  already  nearly  ruined 
by  the  competition  of  foreign  corn  ;  it  exhausted  the  treasury, 
and,  after  all,  did  not  relieve  the  poor.  Livy  regards  it  as  one 
of  the  causes  which  denuded  Italy  of  free  cultivators,  and  left 
all  the  work  to  slaves.  Cicero  always  denounced  it  on  much 
the  same  grounds,  and  Appian  points  out  how  it  brought  the 
indigent,  careless,  and  idle  flocking  into  the  city.1  The 
system,  moreover,  was  open  to  gross  abuses,  slaves  being 
manumitted  that  they  might  take  their  share,  under  con¬ 
tract  to  transfer  it  to  their  late  masters.  Augustus  saw  that 
by  these  distributions  injustice  was  done  both  to  farmers  and 
merchants,  and  that  agriculture  in  Italy  was  being  depressed  by 
it.  He  says  in  his  memoirs2  that  he  had  at  one  time  almost 
resolved  to  put  a  stop  to  the  practice,  but  refrained  from  doing 
so  because  he  felt  sure  that  the  necessity  of  courting  the 
favour  of  the  populace  would  induce  his  successors  to  restore 
it.  However  unsound  this  reasoning  may  be,  it  would  no 
doubt  have  been  an  heroic  measure  for  one  in  his  position 
to  have  carried  out  the  half-formed  resolution.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  his  distributions  were  on  a  large  scale,  and  in  times  of 
distress  were  entirely  gratis.  Tessera ,  or  tickets,  entitling 

the  holders  to  a  certain  amount  of  corn  or  money,  were  dis¬ 
tributed  again  and  again.  The  value  of  the  corn  tickets  was 
generally  supplied  from  the  fiscus  or  his  private  revenue  ;  but 
that  after  all  was  only  a  question  of  accounts,  it  did  not  affect 
the  economical  or  moral  results  in  any  way. 

A  better  economical  measure  was  a  system  of  State  loans. 
Immediately  after  the  end  of  the  civil  war  the  transference  to  the 
Roman  treasury  of  the  enormous  wealth  in  money 

state  loans.  anj  jewejs  Qf  Ptolemies  at  Alexandria  caused 

the  price  of  money  to  go  down  and  the  money  value  of 

1  Cicero,  pro  Sest.  §  103  ;  ad  Att.  vi.  6  ;  Livy,  vi.  12  ;  Appian,  b.  c.  ii.  120. 
Dionys.  H.  xii.  24.  3  Quoted  by  Sueton.,  Aug.  42. 



landed  property  consequently  to  go  up.  For  a  time  at  least 
the  common  rate  of  interest  sank  from  12  to  4  per  cent. 
Augustus  took  advantage  of  this  state  of  things  to  relieve  land- 
owners  who  were  in  difficulties,  by  lending  them  money  free 
of  interest,  if  they  could  show  property  of  double  the  value 
as  security  for  repayment. 

There  were  other  reforms  equally  beneficial.  Among  the 
many  cura  (commissions)  which  he  established  was  one  for 
superintending;  public  works,  which  would  thus 

The  Tiber.  1  ,  ,  &  .  ’  ,  - 

not  depend  on  private  munificence  ;  another  or 
the  streets  ;  of  the  water  supply  ;  and,  above  all,  of  the  Tiber. 
Rome  was,  as  it  still  is,  extremely  subject  to  floods.  Quite 
recently  there  were  five  or  six  feet  of  water  in  the  Pantheon, 
and  in  b.c.  27  the  rise  of  the  Tiber  was  so  serious  that  the 
lower  parts  of  the  city  were  covered,  and  the  augurs  declared 
it  to  be  an  omen  of  the  universal  prevalence  of  the  power  of  the 
new  princeps.  In  B.c.  23  it  swept  away  the  pons  SubHcius.1- 
He  could  not  of  course  prevent  these  floods,  but  he  gave 
some  relief  by  dredging  and  widening  the  river-bed,  which 
was  choked  with  rubbish  and  narrowed  by  encroachments. 
The  commission  thus  established  remained  an  important  one 
for  many  generations,  but  in  B.c.  8  he  superintended  the 
business  himself. 

A  danger  at  Rome,  more  frequent  and  no  less  formidable  than 
flood,  was  fire.  So  frequent  were  fires  that  the  most  stringent 
laws  had  been  passed  against  arson,  which  it  seems 
Fire  brigades.  was  even  pUnishabIe  by  burning  alive.  In  B.c.  23 

Augustus  formed  a  kind  of  fire  brigade  of  public  slaves  under 
the  control  of  the  curule-aediles.  But  the  old  magistracies 
were  no  longer  objects  of  desire,  and  it  was  difficult  to  get 
men  of  energy  to  fill  them,  a  state  of  things  which  was  one 
of  the  chief  blots  in  the  new  imperial  system.  At  any  rate  in 
this  case  they  were  not  found  efficient,  and  in  the  later  years 
of  his  reign  (a.d.  6),  a  new  brigade  in  four  divisions  was 
1  Dio,  53,  20,  33  ;  Horace,  Odes  1,  2. 



formed  of  freedmen  with  an  equestrian  praefect,  who  turned 
out  to  be  so  effective  that  they  became  regularly  estab¬ 

Another  part  in  the  scheme  of  Augustus  for  the  recon¬ 
struction  of  society  was  to  revive  the  influence  of  the  Sacred 
Colleges  and  brotherhoods,  and  to  renew  the 
TBooksyande  ceremonies  with  which  they  were  connected. 
Sacred  Colleges,  Qng  method  of  doing  this  was  to  become  a 

member  of  them  all  himself,  much  as  the  king  of  England 
is  sovereign  of  all  the  Orders.  Thus  according  to  the  Monu- 
mentum  (ch.  7)  he  was  pontifex,  augur,  quindecemvir  for 
religious  rites,  septemvir  of  the  Epulones,  an  Arval  brother, 
a  fetial  and  a  sodalis  Titius.  Nor  was  he  only  an  honorary 
or  idle  member.  He  attended  their  meetings  and  joined  in 
their  business,  and  took  part  in  whatever  rites  they  were 
intended  to  perform.  Thus  his  membership  of  the  Arval 
brethren  is  recorded  in  the  still  existing  acta ;  as  a  fetial  he 
proclaimed  war  against  Cleopatra.  The  sodales  Titii ,  a  college 
of  priests  of  immemorial  antiquity,  had  almost  disappeared  until 
the  entrance  of  Augustus  into  their  college  revived  them  and 
their  ritual.  He  not  only  joined  these  colleges,  but  revived 
and  even  increased  their  endowments,1  and,  above  all,  those  of 
the  six  Vestal  Virgins,  to  whom  he  presented  the  regia,  once 
the  official  residence  of  the  Pontifex  Maximus,  and  an  estate 
at  Lanuvium.  The  restoration  of  the  College  of  Luperci, 
which  had  celebrated  on  the  15th  of  February  the  old  cere¬ 
mony  of  “  beating  the  bounds  ”  almost  from  the  foundation  of 
the  city,  was  more  or  less  a  political  matter.  It  had  gone  out 
of  fashion,  and  its  ceremonies  had  got  to  be  looked  upon  as 
undignified.  Iulius  Caesar  had  revived  and  re-endowed  them. 
The  Senate  for  that  very  reason  in  the  reaction  after  his  death 

1  The  Sacred  Colleges  (1)  were  exempt  from  military  service,  imposts 
and  public  services  of  all  kinds  ;  (2)  had  a  charge  on  the  agcr  publictts 
for  sacrifices,  feasts,  &c. ;  (3)  in  most  cases  had  estates  besides  ;  (4)  received 
special  grants  from  time  to  time  for  repairs  of  buildings. 


had  deprived  them  of  these  endowments,  which  Augustus  now 
restored.  We  have  already  noticed  his  renewal  of  the  augurium 
salutis ,  the  old  ceremonial  prayer  at  the  beginning  of  the  year 
that  could  only  be  offered  in  time  of  peace.  He  also  induced 
some  one  to  accept  the  office  of  fiamen  Dialis  in  b.c.  ii,  after 
it  had  been  vacant  since  B.c.  87,  because  the  restrictions  under 
which  its  holder  laboured  were  so  numerous  and  tiresome  that 
in  spite  of  its  dignity — its  seat  in  the  Senate  and  curule  chair 
and  lictor — no  one  would  accept  it.  He  took  pains  again  to 
restore  the  Sibylline  Books  to  their  old  place  of  importance. 
The  originals  were  lost  in  the  fire  of  b.c.  82,  and  a  com¬ 
mission  had  at  once  been  issued  to  collect  others  from  towns 
in  Greece  and  Greek  Italy.  But  some  of  them  were  getting 
illegible  from  age,  and  some  were  of  doubtful  authenticity, 
and  consequently  all  kinds  of  prophetic  verses  got  into  circu¬ 
lation,  giving  rise  at  times  to  undesirable  rumours  and  panics. 
Augustus  in  b.c.  18  ordered  them  to  be  re-copied  and  edited, 
and  the  authorised  edition  was  then  deposited  in  his  new 
temple  of  Apollo  on  the  Palatine,  and  continued  to  be  con¬ 
sulted  till  late  in  the  third  century.  After  an  attempt  by 
Iulian  to  revive  its  authority  it  was  finally  burnt  by  Stilicho 
about  a.d.  400. 

As  one  of  the  quindecemvirs  Augustus  had  charge  of  these 
books,  but  he  formally  took  the  official  headship  of  Roman 
religion  by  becoming  Pontifex  Maximus.  He  was 
elected  and  ordained  to  that  office  in  March  b.c. 

12.  The  people  had  wished  him  to  take  it  in 
b.c.  30,  but  he  would  not  violate  what  was  a  traditional  and 
sacred  rule  that  the  office  was  lifelong,  and  though  Lepidus 
was  degraded  from  the  triumvirate  in  b.c.  36,  he  was  still 
Pontifex  Maximus.  It  is  true  that  he  was  not  allowed  to  do 
any  of  the  duties,  or  only  those  of  the  most  formal  kind,  but 
still  he  had  the  office.  The  ground  for  asking  Augustus  to 
take  it  was  that  the  election  of  Lepidus  had  been  irregular  ; 
he  had  managed  to  get  put  in  during  the  confusion  following 





the  assassination  of  Caesar,  and  therefore  might  be  deposed. 
Augustus  however  takes  credit  for  his  scrupulous  observance 
of  a  religious  rule,  and  was  particularly  gratified  by  the  crowds 
of  people  who  came  up  to  vote  for  him,  a  sort  of  ecclesiastical 

coronation.1 2 

In  b.c.  17  he  gave  an  emphasis  to  some  of  these  religious 
revivals  by  celebrating  the  ludi  saculares ,  the  centenary  of 
the  citv,  in  virtue  of  some  verses  found  in  this 

saculares,  Sibvlline  volume.  We  need  not  trouble  ourselves 

May  31 — June  2. 

BC-  27‘  as  to  whether  his  calculation  of  the  year  was  a 
right  one  (the  sceculum  was  really  iio  years),  it  is  enough 
to  note  that  they  were  meant,  like  a  centenary  of  a  college  or 
university,  to  call  out  patriotic  and  loyal  feelings  which  should 
embrace  both  the  country  and  the  country  s  religion.  They 
are  made  interesting  to  us  by  the  fact  that  Horace  alwa)  s 
ready  to  further  his  master’s  purposes— was  selected  to  write 
the  Anthem  or  Ode  to  be  sung  by  a  chorus  of  twenty-seven 
boys  and  twenty-seven  girls.  An  inscription,  found  in  1871  in 
the  bed  of  the  Tiber,  gives  the  official  program  of  this  festival, 
and  ends  with  the  words  Carmen  composuit  Horatius  Flaccus.- 
The  poet  probably  had  before  him,  when  he  wrote  it,  the 
general  scheme  of  the  festival,  which  included  solemn  sacrifices 
and  prayer  to  Iuno,  Diana,  Iupiter,  and  Ilithyia.  Augustus 
and  Agrippa  took  the  leading  part  in  the  religious  functions 
as  members  of  quindicemviri — and  both  repeated  the  prayers, 
which  in  the  case  of  all  these  deities  invoked  a  blessing  on  the 
“  Populus  Romanus  Ouiritium.”  In  short,  everything  was  done 
to  mark  it  as  a  national  festival,  to  make  the  Romans  recall 
their  glorious  inheritance  and  unique  position,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  show  that  the  princeps  represented  that  greatness  before 
gods  and  men.  Whatever  else  Augustus  may  have  thought  of 
the  national  religion,  he  evidently  regarded  it  as  the  surest 

1  Mon.  Ancy.,  10  ;  Livy,  Ep.  117 ;  Veil.,  ii.  63  ;  App.,  b.  c.  v.  131 ;  Dio,  44, 
53.  All  these  authorities  speak  of  the  irregularity  of  the  election  of  Lepidus. 

2  Ephetneris  Epigraphica ,  viii.  2  ;  Lindsay’s  Latin  Inscriptions,  p.  102. 



bond  of  national  life,  and  the  inclusion  of  a  prayer  to  Ilithyia, 
goddess  of  childbirth,  joined  with  his  contemporaneous  at¬ 
tempt  to  encourage  marriage  and  the  production  of  children 
(which  the  obedient  Horace  echoes1),  shews  that  he  also 
connected  that  religion  with  morality.  The  restoration  ot 
religion,  in  fact,  in  his  mind,  goes  side  by  side  with  the  puri¬ 
fication  of  morals.  It  is  the  practical  statesman’s  view  of 
religion  as  a  necessary  police  force  and  perhaps  something 
more.  Napoleon  restored  the  Catholic  Church  in  France 
with  a  similar  sagacity,  and  the  people  blessed  him,  as  they 
did  Augustus,  for  giving  them  back  le  bon  Dieu. 

But  the  state  of  things  required  in  his  judgment,  not  only 
a  religious  revival,  but  more  stringent  laws.  Horace  again 
reflects  his  master’s  views  in  the  making,  before 
Theofrm°orraistl°n  they  find  expression  in  act.  The  sixth  ode  of 
the  first  book  (written  about  B.c.  25)  joins  to  the 
necessity  of  a  restoration  of  the  temples  and  a  return  to  religion 
a  warning  as  to  the  relaxation  of  morals,  tracing  the  progress  in 
vice  of  the  young  girl  and  wife,  with  the  shameful  connivance 
of  the  interested  husband,  and  exclaims  :  “  Not  from  such 
parents  as  these  sprang  the  youth  that  dyed  the  sea  with  Punic 
blood,  and  brake  the  might  of  Pyrrhus  and  great  Antiochus  and 
Hannibal,  scourge  of  God.”  Again  in  the  twenty-fourth  ode 
of  the  same  book,  also  written  about  b.c.  25,  he  warmly  urges  a 
return  to  the  old  morality,  and  promises  immortality  to  the 
statesman  who  shall  secure  it  :  “  If  there  be  one  who  would 
stay  unnatural  bloodshed  and  civic  fury,  if  there  be  one  who 
seeks  to  have  inscribed  on  his  statue  the  title  of  ‘Father  of 
the  Cities,’  let  him  pluck  up  heart  to  curb  licentiousness.  His 
shall  be  a  name  for  the  ages  !  ”  And  when  Augustus  has  acted 
on  the  resolution,  to  the  formation  of  which  the  poet  was  privy, 
he  tells  him  ten  years  later  that  by  his  presence  family  life  is 
cleansed  from  its  foul  stains,  that  he  has  curbed  the  licence  of 
the  age  and  recalled  the  old  morality.2  This  he  would  repre- 

1  Carmen  Scecul,  13.  2  Horace,  Odes  iv.  5,  21  ;  iv.  15,  9-12. 



sent  as  the  result  of  the  Emperor’s  legislation,  the  lex  marita 
of  the  secular  hymn. 

It  was  after  his  return  from  the  East  in  B.c.  19  that  Augustus 
first  received  censorial  powers  for  five  years.  Whether  this 
amounted  to  a  definite  office- — a  presfectura  moribus  or  regimen 
morum ,  as  Dio  and  Suetonius  assert — does  not  much  matter.  The 
experiment  of  appointing  censors  in  the  ordinary  way  had  been 
tried  in  b.c.  22  for  the  last  time  and  had  not  been  successful, 
and  the  censoria  potestas  now  given  to  Augustus  practically  put 
into  his  hands  that  control  over  the  conduct  of  private  citizens 
which  the  censors  had  exercised  by  their  power  of  inflicting 
“  ignominy  ”  upon  them.  The  ancient  censorial  stigma  had 
been  applied  to  irregularities  in  almost  every  department  of  life, 
but  it  depended  on  the  will  of  the  censors  themselves,  not  on 
laws.  Feeling  now  directly  responsible  for  the  morals  and 
general  habits  of  the  citizens  he  began  a  series  of  legislative 
measures  designed  to  suppress  extravagance  and  debauchery, 
and  to  encourage  marriage  and  family  life,  which  would  have 
permanent  validity.  He  believed  in  externals,  even  trivial 
ones,  as  indicating  a  growing  laxity  ;  making,  for  instance,  a 
point  of  men  appearing  in  the  forum  and  on  official  occasions 
in  the  old  Roman  toga.  The  lighter  and  more  comfortable 
lacerna  or  pallium  was  as  abominable  in  his  eyes  as  a  suit  of 
flannels  would  seem  to  a  martinet  of  to-day  in  the  Park  or  on 
parade.1  Before  all  things  the  Romans  were  to  be  national, 
in  dress  no  less  than  in  other  respects. 

But  the  failure  which  always  attends  such  regulations  was  no 

1  We  frequently  hear  in  earlier  times  of  the  scandal  caused  by  certain 
people  abandoning  the  heavy  and  not  very  comfortable  toga  for  lighter 
dress,  Greek  or  Gallic.  Those  who  care  to  trace  the  history  of  such  a 
matter  will  find  references  to  it  in  Cicero,  pro  Rab.  Post.  §  27  ;  2  Phil.  §  76  ; 
Livy,  29, 19  ;  Tac .,Ann.  ii.  59  ;  Hor.,  Ep.  1,  7,  65.  And  if  it  is  desired  to  see 
how  futile  such  orders  are  against  a  prevailing  fashion,  the  continued  dis¬ 
use  of  it  may  be  traced  in  Juvenal  1,  119  ;  3,  172  ;  Mart.  1,  49,  31  ;  12,  18, 
17  ;  Suet.,  Aug.  40  ;  and  as  late  as  Hadrian  we  find  that  the  order  needed 
renewal,  Spart.  Had.  22.  George  III.  insisting  that  Bishops  should  wear 
wigs  is  a  case  in  point. 



less  inevitable  in  regard  to  the  first  of  his  new  reforming 

Sumptuary  laws.  measures>  his  sumptuary  laws,  regulating  the  exact 
amount  that  it  was  legal  to  spend  on  a  cena  in 
ordinary  days,  on  festivals,  and  at  wedding  feasts,  or  the  repotia 
which  the  bridegroom  gave  on  the  afternoon  following  his 
marriage.  This  was  no  new  thing.  It  had  been  tried  at 
various  times  throughout  Roman  history.  Beginning  with 
a  very  ancient  law  regulating  the  amount  of  silver  plate  each 
man  might  legally  possess,  the  rent  he  might  pay  for  his  house, 
and  the  provisions  of  the  Twelve  Tables,  we  have  laws  in  the 
third  and  second  centuries  b.c.,  limiting  the  cost  of  dress  and 
jewels  for  women,  the  number  of  guests  that  might  be  enter¬ 
tained  at  banquets,  and  the  amount  that  might  be  spent  upon 
them.  Sulla  had  also  a  sumptuary  law,  among  his  other  acts, 
of  the  same  kind.  But  Iulius  Caesar  had  gone  farther  than 
any  one  in  b.c.  46.  He  had  not  only  regulated  the  cost  of 
furniture  and  jewels,  according  to  the  rank  of  the  owners,  and 
the  amounts  to  be  spent  upon  the  table,  but  he  had  sent  agents 
into  the  provision  markets,  who  seized  all  dainties  beyond  the 
legal  price,  and  even  entered  private  houses  and  removed  dishes 
from  the  table.  Of  course  such  measures  were  not  only 
annoying,  they  were  ineffective  also.  Directly  he  left  Rome 
the  rules  were  neglected.  Our  own  Statute  Book  has  many 
laws  of  the  same  kind,  which  rapidly  became  dead  letters. 
Nearly  the  one  and  only  permanent  effect  of  the  old 
sumptuary  laws  had  been  to  create  a  sentiment  against  large 
and  crowded  dinner  parties  as  vulgar.1  Nor  did  Augustus 
succeed  much  better.  Towards  the  end  of  his  reign  he 
issued  an  edict  extending  the  legal  amount  which  might 
be  spent  on  banquets,  hoping  to  secure  some  obedience 
to  the  law.  But  nothing  that  we  know  of  Roman  life 
afterwards  leads  us  to  think  that  this  form  of  paternal  govern¬ 
ment — though  quite  in  harmony  with  Roman  ideas — ever 

1  Cicero  (in  Pis.  §  67)  speaks  with  scorn  of  the  vulgar  rich  man  who 
had  five,  or  sometimes  more,  guests  on  each  couch. 




attained  its  object.  Human  nature  was  stronger  than  political 

Nor  were  the  laws,  carried  about  the  same  time,1  on 
marriage,  divorce,  and  kindred  subjects,  much  more  effective. 
The  iuiian  laws  Part  re-enacted  rules  which  had  always 
riuheryand  been  acknowledged  and  always  disobeyed,  and  so 
divorce.  far  as  ^id  not  punjsh  a  crime,  but  endeavoured 

to  enforce  marriage,  they  were  continually  resisted  or  effec¬ 
tually  evaded.  They  consisted  of  a  series  of  enactments — 
whether  we  regard  them  as  separate  laws  or  chapters  in  the 
same  law — for  restraining  adultery  and  libitinage,  for  regulating 
divorce,  and  for  encouraging  the  marriage  of  all  ranks.2  They 
were  passed  in  B.c.  18-17,  and  were  supplemented  by  a  law  of 
a.d.  9,  called  the  lex  Papia  Poppaa.  The  text  of  none  of 
them  survives,  and  we  have  to  trust  to  scattered  notices  in 
the  later  legal  writers.  They  may  be  roughly  classed  as 
restrictive,  penal,  and  beneficiary.  In  the  first  may  be  placed 
the  regulation  that  no  senator  or  member  of  a  senatorial  family 
might  marry  a  freed-woman,  courtesan,  actress,  or  the  daughter 
of  an  actor  ;  though  other  men  might  marry  a  freed-woman 
or  even  emancipate  a  slave  in  order  to  marry  her.  And  under 
the  same  head  came  the  regulations  as  to  divorce.  The  legal 
doctrine  appears  to  have  been  that  marriage  contracted  with 
the  old  religious  ceremony  called  confarreatio  was  indissoluble, 
except  in  the  case  of  the  wife’s  adultery,  on  whose  condemna¬ 
tion  to  death  the  execution  was  preceded  by  a  solemn  dissolution 
of  the  marriage  or  dijfareatio.  It  was  also  a  common  belief 
that  no  divorce  had  ever  taken  place  at  Rome  until  that  of 
Carvilius  in  b.c.  231.  Yet  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables 
(b.c.  450)  contained  provisions  as  to  divorce,  so  that  it  had 
certainly  been  known  before ;  and  perhaps  the  truth  was  that 

1  Though  in  making  regulations  on  these  subjects  Augustus  acted  on  his 
censorial  powers,  when  it  came  to  enacting  laws  he  would  propose  them 
to  the  tribes  in  virtue  of  his  tribunician  powers. 

2  De  adulteriis  coercendis ;  dcpudicitia;  de  maritandis  ordinibus. 



Carvilius  was  the  first  to  divorce  his  wife  without  any  plea  of 
adultery,  in  which  case  he  would  have  to  give  security  for  the 
repayment  of  her  dowry.  Since  that  time  the  religious  con- 
farreatio  had  become  extremely  rare.  Both  men  and  women 
avoided  an  indissoluble  tie.  The  fashion  was  to  be  married 
sine  manu ,  that  is,  without  the  woman  passing  into  the  manus 
or  power  of  her  husband.  She  still  remained  subject  to  the 
patria  potestas ,  or  to  that  of  her  guardian,  or  was  sui  iuris 
according  to  her  circumstances  at  the  time.  Such  marriages 
could  be  dissolved  by  either  party,  and  without  charge  of 
misconduct.  Public  opinion  seems  to  have  restrained  both 
men  and  women  for  some  time  from  taking  advantage  of  their 
freedom,  but  its  force  steadily  diminished,  till  towards  the  end 
of  the  republic  divorce  became  so  common  as  to  provoke  little 
remark.  It  was  an  arrangement — as  in  the  case  of  Augustus 
and  his  family — governed  almost  entirely  by  considerations  of 
convenience  or  advantage,  and  generally  left  all  parties  con¬ 
cerned  on  a  friendly  footing.  This  of  course  was  not  always 
the  case  when  the  divorce  was  the  result  of  misconduct, 
or  at  least  of  misconduct  on  the  wife’s  part,  nor  even 
if  it  resulted  from  incompatibility  of  temper  or  money 
disputes,  which  left  a  feeling  of  soreness  behind  them.  It 
was  a  system  — however  disastrous  to  family  life — too  deeply 
rooted  for  Augustus  to  attempt  to  change  it,  even  if  he 
had  wished  to  do  so.  His  law  seems  to  have  dealt  only 
with  certain  formalities  and  conditions  of  divorce — such  as 
the  necessity  of  having  witnesses,  and  in  case  of  a  charge 
of  misconduct  a  kind  of  family  council  or  court  of  inquiry 
— not  with  the  freedom  of  divorce  itself,  except  that  in  the 
case  of  a  freed-woman,  she  was  prevented  from  divorcing 
her  husband  or  marrying  again  without  his  consent.  That, 
however,  rested  on  the  idea  of  the  rights  of  a  patronus  rather 
than  on  the  sanctity  of  marriage.  Otherwise  the  law  chiefly 
dealt  with  questions  of  property,  restraining  the  husband  from 
alienating  his  wife’s  estate  without  her  consent,  and  re-enacting 



(with  what  modifications  we  do  not  know)  the  provisions  for 
the  repayment  of  dowry. 

The  penal  enactments  affected  (i)  those  guilty  of  adultery  or 
seduction  ( stuprum ),  and  (2)  those  who  remained  unmarried 
or  without  children.  In  adultery  both  parties  were 
adultery  or  r  punished  by  transportation  ( deportatio  in  insulam ) 
36  UC  10n  and  a  partial  confiscation  of  property.  A  husband’s 
unfaithfulness  incurred  no  penalty  except  that  he  lost  all  claim 
to  retain  any  part  of  the  wife’s  dowry,  even  for  the  benefit  of 
children.  But  the  old  barbarous  principle  of  the  injured 
husband’s  right  to  kill  both  wife  and  paramour,  if  detected  by 
himself,  was  retained,  though  under  certain  conditions.  If  he 
allowed  the  guilty  wife  to  remain  with  him,  he  was  bound  to 
release  the  man  ;  and  if  he  connived  at  the  adultery  for  gain,  he 
was  subject  to  a  fine.  Stuprum  was  formerly  defined  as  the 
forcible  detention  of  a  free  woman  for  immoral  purposes,  and 
could  be  punished  by  flogging  or  imprisonment.  Under  the 
lulian  law  it  was  extended  to  the  seduction  of  an  unmarried 
woman  or  a  widow  who  had  been  living  chastely. 

The  penalties  upon  those  who  remained  unmarried  between 
certain  ages  were  in  the  form  of  a  direct  tax  or  of  certain 
disabilities.  The  former,  under  the  name  of 
uxorium ,  was  of  great  antiquity,  and  had  been 
levied  by  the  censors  of  b.c.  404,  but  it  was  light 
and  intermittent  ;  the  lulian  law  revived  and  increased  it. 
The  disabilities  were  that  an  unmarried  man  between  the 
legal  ages  could  not  take  a  legacy  from  a  testator  not  related 
to  him  within  the  sixth  degree,  unless  he  married  within  a 
hundred  days  of  being  informed  of  the  legacy.  This  was 
extended  by  the  lex  Papia  Poppaa  (a.d.  9)  to  the  childless, 
who  could  only  take  half  any  legacy  from  a  testator  uncon¬ 
nected  with  them  within  the  sixth  degree.  One  child  saved 
a  man  from  coming  under  this  law,  three  children  a  freeborn 
woman,  four  a  freed-woman.  Again,  a  husband  and  wife  who 
were  childless  could  only  receive  a  tenth  of  a  legacy  left  by 

(2)  For 



one  to  the  other,  though,  if  there  were  children  by  another 
marriage,  a  tenth  was  added  for  each,  or  if  they  had  had 
children  who  had  died.  For  all  alike  there  were  numerous 
exemptions  founded  on  absence  from  home  on  public  service, 
age,  or  ill-health  ;  and  a  certain  time  of  grace  [vacatin')  was 
given  between  the  attainment  of  the  legal  age  and  the  actual 
marriage,  or  between  two  marriages,  or  after  a  divorce. 

The  beneficiary  clauses  of  the  law  were  those  which 
relieved  married  men  or  women  and  men  or  women  with 
children  from  these  disabilities,  and  gave  them 
parentsgeTh°e  exemption  from  certain  onerous  public  duties 
libJorum.  and  special  places  of  honour  in  the  theatres.  The 
fathers  of  three  children  at  Rome,  four  in  Italy, 
five  in  the  provinces,  had  also  certain  preferences  for  offices 
and  employments  and  other  honorary  distinctions,  such  as 
taking  precedence  of  a  colleague  in  the  consulship.  This  was 
not  a  new  idea,  for  it  had  in  one  shape  or  another  existed  in 
many  Greek  states,  and  in  B.c.  59  Iulius  Caesar  had  in  his 
agrarian  law  given  the  preference  to  fathers  of  three  children 
in  the  distribution  of  land. 

The  disabilities  imposed  on  the  unmarried  were  met  with 
vehement  resistance,  in  consequence  of  which  the  clause  was 
introduced  giving  the  three  years’  grace  between 
°P the'iaw. to  the  attainment  of  the  legal  age  and  the  actual 
marriage.  After  the  passing  of  the  Papia  Poppaea 
(a.d.  9)  the  Emperor  in  the  theatre  or  circus  was  received 
with  loud  shouts  from  the  equestrian  seats  demanding  its 
repeal.  He  is  said  to  have  sent  for  the  children  of  Germanicus 
and  held  them  up  as  an  example  for  all  to  follow  ;  and  he 
afterwards  summoned  two  meetings  of  the  equites,  one  of 
those  married,  and  the  other  of  the  single.  To  each  he 
delivered  a  speech,  which  Dio  reports  or  invents.  He  pointed 
with  dismay  to  the  fact  that  the  first  meeting  was  so  much 
less  numerous  than  the  second.  He  commended  the  married 
men  for  having  done  their  duty  to  the  State,  but  to  the 



unmarried  he  addressed  a  longer  and  more  vehement  appeal. 
He  argued  that  they  were  defeating  the  purpose  of  the  Creator, 
were  contributing  to  the  disappearance  of  the  Roman  race, 
which  was  being  replaced  by  foreigners  necessarily  admitted  to 
the  franchise  in  order  to  keep  up  the  numbers  of  the  citizens  ; 
that  he  had  only  followed  in  his  legislation  the  precedent  of 
ancient  laws  with  increased  penalties  and  rewards,  and  that 
while  he  acknowledged  that  marriage  was  not  without  its 
troubles,  yet  that  was  true  of  everything  else,  and  they  were 
compensated  by  other  advantages  and  the  consciousness  of 
duty  done.1 

But  though  the  Emperor  carried  his  point  at  the  time  and 
passed  a  law  which  remained  in  force  for  more  than  three 
centuries,  it  did  not  really  benefit  morality.  It  was  constantly 
evaded  by  colourable  marriages,  often  with  quite  young 
children.  “  Men  did  not  marry  to  have  heirs,  but  in  order 
to  become  heirs,”  it  was  said.  And  though  Augustus 
attempted  to  prevent  this  by  an  edict  enacting  that  no 
betrothal  was  to  count  which  was  not  followed  by  a  marriage 
within  two  years,  other  means  of  evading  the  law  were  found 
which  gave  rise  to  the  intrusion  of  spies  and  informers  who 
made  their  profit  by  thus  violating  the  secrets  of  the  family. 
Again,  the  granting  of  the  ius  trium  liberorum  became  gradually 
a  matter  of  form,  and  the  idea  of  the  superiority  of  the  married 
state  necessarily  disappeared  with  the  rise  of  certain  Christian 
ideals.  The  law  was  repealed  by  the  sons  of  Constantine. 

Though  a  line  is  often  drawn  between  a  man’s  public  and 
private  character,  it  still  remains  hard  to  reconcile  the  earnest¬ 
ness  of  Augustus  in  pressing  these  laws  and  his 
5hAugusttȣ  severity  in  punishing  offences  of  this  nature  with 
legislation!  the  reports  of  his  own  personal  habits.  I  have 
already  expressed  my  disbelief  in  the  stories  of  his 
youthful  immoralities.  Suetonius,  who  spares  no  emperor  the 
inevitable  chapter  summing  up  his  sins  of  the  flesh,  asserts  that 
1  Dio,  56,  2-10  ;  Suet.,  Aug.  34. 


not  even  his  friends  deny  the  intrigues  of  his  later  years,  but 
merely  urge  that  they  were  conducted  not  for  the  gratification 
of  his  passions,  but  for  motives  of  policy,  that  he  might  gain 
information  of  secret  plots.  He  mentions  no  names  and  gives 
no  evidence  ;  the  only  names  that  have  come  down  are  those 
mentioned  in  Antony’s  extraordinary  letter  justifying  his  own 
connection  with  Cleopatra.  Antony,  however,  could  only 
have  known  Roman  gossip  at  second  or  third  hand  in 
Alexandria,  and  the  whole  tone  of  the  letter  is  so  reckless 
and  violently  coarse  that  it  goes  for  very  little  by  way  of 
evidence.  Dio  indeed  mentions  the  wife  of  Maecenas.  But 
his  statements  do  not  hang  together  or  amount  to  very  much. 
In  one  place  he  tells  us  that  Augustus  was  annoyed  with 
Maecenas  because  the  latter  had  told  his  wife  something  as  to 
measures  being  taken  against  her  brother  Muraena.  At  another 
he  says  that  some  gossips  attributed  his  journey  to  Gaul  in 
B.c.  16  to  a  wish  to  enjoy  her  society  without  exciting  popular 
remark,  “for  he  was  so  much  in  love  with  her  that  he  once 
made  her  dispute  with  Livia  as  to  the  superiority  in  beauty.” 
Even  if  the  gossip  was  worth  anything,  this  hardly  looks  like  a 
secret  intrigue.  Nor  is  it  a  confirmation  of  it  that  IVIaecenas 
at  his  death  left  Augustus  his  heir.  However,  the  fact  may 
nevertheless  be  so.  Livia  is  said  elsewhere  by  Dio  to  have 
explained  her  lasting  influence  over  Augustus  by  the  fact  that 
she  was  always  careful  not  to  interfere  in  his  affairs,  and,  while 
remaining  strictly  chaste  herself,  always  pretended  not  to 
know  anything  of  his  amours.  If  Livia  did  say  this,  it  would 
of  course  be  a  sufficiently  strong  proof  of  the  allegations  against 
him.  But  such  reported  sayings  rest  ultimately  on  gossip  and 
tittle-tattle,  and  do  not  go  for  much.  The  story  told  by  Dio, 
and  amplified  by  Zonaras,  of  Athenodorus  of  Tarsus  getting 
himself  conveyed  into  his  chamber  in  the  covered  sedan 
intended  for  some  mistress,  and  springing  out  of  it  sword  in 
hand  and  then  appealing  to  Augustus  as  to  whether  he  did  not 
often  run  such  risks,  is  not  very  likely  in  itself,  and  at  any  rate 



must  refer  to  the  triumviral  days.  For  about  B.c.  30  Atheno- 
dorus  was  sent  back  to  govern  Tarsus.  The  one  epigram  by 
the  hand  of  Augustus,  which  has  been  preserved  by  Martial,1 
is  undeniably  outspoken  and  coarse,  but  it  is  the  coarseness  of 
disgust,  not  of  lubricity,  and  to  my  mind  is  evidence — so  far  as 
it  may  be  called  so — for  him  rather  than  against  him.  If, 
however,  all  that  Suetonius  and  Dio  allege  against  his  middle 
life  is  true,  we  must  still  remember  that  in  the  eyes  of  his 
contemporaries,  and  indeed  in  Roman  society  generally  from 
Cato  downwards,  such  indulgence  in  itself  was  not  reprehen¬ 
sible.  It  entirely  depended  on  circumstances,  and  whether 
other  obligations — such  as  friendship,  public  duty,  family 
honour — were  or  were  not  violated.  From  that  point  of  view 
the  only  crime  of  Augustus  would  be  in  the  case  of  Terentia, 
wife  of  Maecenas,  if  the  tale  is  true.  As  among  the  other 
emperors  whose  life  Suetonius  wrote,  with  the  exception  or 
Vespasian,  the  character  of  Augustus  stands  out  clear.  One 
age  cannot  judge  fairly  of  another,  and  it  is  not  seldom  that 
we  find  ourselves  at  as  great  a  loss  to  reconcile  theory  and 
practice,  as  to  account  for  lives  such  as  those  of  Augustus 
and  Horace  in  conjunction  with  the  legislation  of  the  former 
and  the  moral  sentiments  occasionally  expressed  by  the  latter. 

1  Martial,  Epigr.,  xi.  20. 



Edepol,  Senectus ,  si  nil  quidquam 
aliud  viti  apportes  tecum ,  cum 
advenis,  unutn  id  sat  est  quod  dm 
vivendo  multa  quce  non  volt  vidct. 

After  the  restoration  of  the  standards  and  prisoners  from  the 
Parthians  in  B.c.  20,  and  when  the  peaceful  settlement  of  the 
Eastern  provinces  and  subordinate  kingdoms  had 
ThB ^ m  been  carried  through  or  fairly  started,  Augustus 
appears  to  have  thought  that  the  greater  part  of 
his  life’s  work  had  been  accomplished.  The  frontiers  of  the 
Empire  had  been  settled  and  secured.  The  Eastern  provinces 
had  been  visited,  necessary  reforms  introduced,  and  great  works 
of  public  utility  set  on  foot.  He  wrote  word  to  the  Senate 
that  the  Empire  was  sufficiently  extensive,  and  that  he  had 
no  intention  of  adding  to  it  by  further  annexations.  He 
returned  to  Rome  the  following  year  (b.c.  19)  to  find  that 
the  renewed  trouble  in  Northern  Spain  had  been  settled,  or 
was  on  the  point  of  being  settled,  by  Agrippa.  He  proposed 
to  devote  himself  henceforth  to  internal  reforms  and  the 
superintendence  ot  the  peaceful  improvements  which  he 
contemplated  in  the  provinces.  He  no  doubt  had  in  mind 
the  necessity  of  a  personal  visitation  of  distant  parts  of  the 
Empire  from  time  to  time  ;  but  by  associating  the  able  and 
trustworthy  Agrippa  with  himself  in  the  tribunician  power 



(b.c.  i  8)  he  might  feel  that  he  would  always  have  a  support 
in  the  administration  at  home  or  abroad  on  which  he  could 
rely.  It  was  at  this  time,  therefore,  that  the  reforms  and 
restorations  were  accomplished  which  have  been  described  in 
the  last  chapter,  crowned  by  the  national  festival,  the  ludi 
secular «,  in  which  he  andAgrippa  stood  side  by  side  as  mouth¬ 
pieces  of  the  whole  people  before  the  gods. 

We  have  seen,  however,  how  these  peaceful  hopes  were 
disappointed.  Scarcely  were  the  secular  games  over  than  news 
came  of  the  serious  disturbances  in  Gaul,  Pannonia,  Dalmatia, 
and  Thrace,  which  led  to  his  three  years’  absence  from  Rome 
and  his  long  residence  in  Gaul  and  Spain.  He  had  only 
returned  to  Rome  from  this  absence  little  more  than  a  year 
when  he  lost  Agrippa,  who  died  in  March,  B.c.  12,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  fall  back  upon  the  support  of  Tiberius,  as  his  two 
grandsons  were  only  eight  and  five  years  old  respectively.  It 
was  in  b.c.  i  i  that  he  compelled  him  to  divorce  his  wife, 
Vipsania,  to  whom  he  was  devotedly  attached,  and  marry 
Iulia,  left  a  widow  by  Agrippa.  The  change  was  thoroughly 
distasteful  to  Tiberius.  He  loved  Vipsania,  and  he  had  good 
reason  to  suspect  Iulia  of  at  least  levity.  So  strong  were  his 
feelings  for  his  divorced  wife  that  means  had  to  be  taken 
to  prevent  the  two  meeting,  for  on  a  chance  rencontre  he  was 
observed  to  follow  her  with  straining  eyes  and  tears.  The 
arrangement,  indeed,  was  wholly  the  work  of  Augustus,  with 
a  view  to  a  possible  failure  in  the  succession  (which  did 
actually  occur),  for  by  this  time  he  had  evidently  imbibed  the 
idea  of  a  dynasty,  and  of  the  necessity  of  having  some  one 
connected  with  him  to  take  his  place,  who  would  be  regarded 
as  a  natural  successor  by  all  classes  of  citizens.  But  it  proved 
the  origin  of  a  sorrow  and  mortification  which  did  much  to 
overcloud  his  later  days. 

At  first,  we  are  told,  the  marriage  seemed  likely  to  be  a 
happy  one.  Iulia  accompanied  her  husband  on  his  campaigns 
in  Dalmatia  (b.c.  i  i-io),  or  at  any  rate  awaited  him  at  Aquileia, 

Julia,  Daughter  of  Augustus.  Livia,  Wipe  op  Augustus. 

From  the  Bust  in  the  TJffizl  Gallery,  Florence.  From  the  Bust  in  the  Uffizi  Gallery,  Florence. 

To  face  page  234.  Page  274 



where  a  child  was  born  and  died.  But  from  that  time 
forward  the  breach  between  them  was  always 
Iu'ob  a  d  Cx'439 :  widening.  Tiberius  seems  to  have  remembered 
certain  passages  that  had  passed  between  them 
while  she  was  still  the  wife  of  Agrippa,  and  she  regarded  him 
as  her  social  inferior,  and  wrote  a  violent  complaint  of  his  cha¬ 
racter  and  habits  to  Augustus — supposed  to  have  been  composed 
for  her  by  her  lover,  Sempronius  Gracchus,  who  paid  for  that 
service  by  his  life  in  the  first  year  of  the  next  reign  ;  and 
when  in  b.c.  6  Tiberius  retired  to  Rhodes,  his  motive  seems 
to  have  been  as  much  to  escape  her  company  as  to  avoid  the 
awkwardness  of  his  political  position.  Left  thus  to  her  own 
devices  in  the  midst  of  a  corrupt  society,  she  seems  soon  to 
have  outdone  all  former  excesses.  She  was  beautiful  except 
that  she  early  had  grey  hair — witty  and  wilful  :  so  wilful 
and  capricious  that  Augustus  used  to  say  that  he  had  two 
fanciful  daughters  whom  he  was  obliged  to  put  up  with  the 
state  and  Iulia.”  She  drew  round  her  all  the  rich  and  extra¬ 
vagant  youth.  At  the  amphitheatre,  on  one  occasion,  some 
one  pointed  out  the  contrast  between  the  respectable  elderly 
personages  who  surrounded  Livia  and  the  wild  youth  who 
formed  her  own  train.  “  Oh  !  they  will  grow  old  along  with 
me  !  ”  she  replied.  To  a  graver  friend,  who  suggested  that 
she  would  do  better  to  imitate  the  economical  habits  of  her 
father,  she  retorted  :  “  He  forgets  that  he  is  a  Caesar  ;  I 
remember  that  I  am  Caesar’s  daughter.”  Once  the  Emperor 
entered  the  room  while  she  was  at  her  toilet  and  noticed  that 
her  tire  women  had  been  plucking  out  her  grey  hairs.  He 
stayed  chatting  on  all  kinds  of  subjects,  and  insensibly  led  the 
conversation  to  the  subject  of  old  age.  “Which  would  you 
prefer  ?  ”  he  asked,  “  to  be  grey  or  bald  ?  ”  “  Oh,  grey,”  she 
replied.  “Then  I  wonder,”  said  he,  “that  you  let  these 
women  make  you  bald  so  soon.”  She  had  at  times  given  him 
some  unpleasant  doubts  as  to  her  conduct.  She  came  to  see 
him  once  dressed  in  a  meretricious  style,  which  she  knew 



would  vex  him.  Next  day  she  reappeared  dressed  with 
complete  decorum.  He  had  said  nothing  the  day  before,  but 
now  exclaimed, “  Isn’t  this  a  style  more  becoming  to  a  daughter 
of  Augustus  ?  ”  “  Oh,”  said  she,  “  I  dressed  to-day  for  my 

father  to  see,  yesterday  for  my  husband.” 

He  had  never  liked  her  mixing  in  general  society  as  a  girl. 
She  and  his  granddaughters,  who  lived  in  his  house,  were 
trained  to  spend  their  time  in  women’s  work,  spinning  wool, 
and  the  like,  and  to  have  no  secret  conversations  or  idle  talk  ; 
and  he  once  wrote  to  a  young  noble  who  had  called  on  her 
while  staying  at  Baiae  that  K  he  had  taken  a  great  liberty.” 
But  in  spite  of  such  seclusion  she  had  developed  a  considerable 
knowledge  of  and  taste  for  literature,  and  her  cheerful  good 
nature  made  her  popular  at  court  and  in  society.  Her  father 
watched  her  career  as  a  married  woman,  and  from  time  to  time 
gave  her  half-grave  and  half-playful  hints  as  to  her  extravagance 
in  dress  and  the  style  of  people  that  surrounded  her.  But  he 
does  not  seem  to  have  entertained  serious  suspicions.  Mean¬ 
while  she  is  said  by  our  authorities  not  only  to  have  been 
indulging  in  numerous  intrigues,  but  to  have  violated  all 
propriety  and  decency  by  joining  in  noisy  revelry  at  night  in 
the  streets  and  forum,  and  to  have  been  present  at  parties  where 
men  stayed  late  and  drank  deep.  The  crash  came  at  a  moment 
that  seemed  a  culminating  one  in  the  Emperor’s  career,  when 
a  scandal  must  have  been  peculiarly  trying. 

Since  the  beginning  of  b.c.  8  Augustus  had  been  at  home. 
In  that  year  a  fresh  period  of  his  various  powers  had  been  duly 
renewed  by  a  vote  of  the  Senate,  which  had  also 

patricz,  honoured  him  by  naming  the  month  Sextilis  after 
him  as  “August,”  and  he  had  had  the  gratification 
of  welcoming  Tiberius  home  from  Germany  victorious,  and 
witnessing  his  triumph.  His  young  grandson  Gaius  was 
designated  consul  in  b.c.  5  for  the  sixth  year  from  that  time, 
and  the  next  year  he  himself  took  that  office  after  an  interval 
of  eighteen  years,  that  he  might  add  dignity  to  the  ceremony 


of  Gaius  taking  the  toga  virilis.  Though  vexed  at  Tiberius’s 
retirement  to  Rhodes,  he  had  good  reason  to  hope  that  in  the 
two  young  Caesars  the  succession  was  well  provided  for.  In 
spite  of  some  uneasiness  on  the  German  frontier  and  among 
the  Parthians,  there  was  for  the  time  profound  peace.  At  the 
beginning  of  b.c.  2  he  was  again  consul,  in  order  to  introduce 
the  second  grandson  to  the  forum  ;  and  to  show  their  apprecia¬ 
tion  of  his  achievements,  and  their  affection  for  his  person,  the 
Senate  at  length  voted  to  give  him  the  title  of  “pater  patrice.” 
It  was  first  offered  him  by  a  popular  deputation  in  his  villa  at 
Antium.  He  made  some  difficulty  about  accepting  it  ;  but 
the  next  time  he  appeared  at  the  theatre  or  circus  he  was  met 
Dy  loud  shouts,  the  whole  people  addressing  him  by  that  title, 
and  at  the  following  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  the  5  th  of  F ebruary 
Valerius  Messala  was  put  up  to  address  him  formally  :  “  With 
prayers  for  your  person  and  your  house,  Cssar  Augustus  for 
in  offering  them  we  deem  ourselves  to  be  praying  for  the 
perpetual  felicity  of  the  Republic  and  the  piosperity  of  this 

city _ we,  the  Senate,  in  full  accord  with  the  Roman  people, 

unanimously  salute  you  as  Father  of  your  country.”  Augustus, 
rising  with  tears  in  his  eyes  and  voice,  could  just  answer  briefly, 
«  My  dearest  wishes  have  been  fulfilled,  Fathers  of  the  Senate, 
and  what  is  there  left  for  me  to  ask  of  the  immortal  gods 
except  that  I  may  retain  this  unanimous  feeling  of  yours  to  the 
last  day  of  my  lire  ?  ” 

Though  the  title  had  long  been  popularly  applied  to 
Augustus,  this  was  the  first  official  recognition  of  it.  It  had 
very  old  historical  precedent,  from  Romulus  to  Iulius  Caesar. 
It  was  meant  to  be  the  highest  compliment  which  could  be 
paid,  but  it  conferred  no  new  powers,  though  in  after-times 
some  of  the  Emperors  regarded  it  as  giving  them  a  kind  of 
paternal  authority.  Augustus  was  evidently  highly  gratified. 
The  shows  given  at  his  expense  this  year  were  of  unusual 
magnificence  :  gladiators,  wild  beast  hunts,  sham  sea-fights  on 
the&flooded  Transtiberine  fields,  had  all  roused  great  enthusiasm, 



and  a  special  festival  in  his  honour  had  been  held  at  Naples — 
in  the  Greek  fashion — as  an  expression  of  thanks  to  him  for 
assistance  rendered  in  the  distress  caused  by  a  recent  earthquake 
and  eruption  of  Vesuvius.  The  year  thus  opened  with  unusual 
cheerfulness,  and  though  now  past  sixty  he  might  feel  en¬ 
couraged  by  the  popular  enthusiasm  to  continue  his  work  with 
unabated  energy. 

Suddenly  the  disgrace  that  had  been  gathering  round  his 
house  was  revealed  to  him.  We  are  not  told  who  enlightened 
him  and  turned  the  suspicions  which  he  had  per- 
Detfuna.n  °f  sistently  put  away  into  certainty.  Of  course  the 
natural  suggestion  is  that  it  was  Livia,  between 
whom  and  Iulia,  as  mother  of  the  two  young  heirs  who  stood 
in  the  way  of  Livia’s  son  Tiberius,  there  was  no  cordial  feel¬ 
ing.  The  contrast  in  their  ways  of  life,  and  the  remarks 
caused  by  it,  no  doubt  reported  by  good-natured  friends, 
had  not  helped  to  make  these  relations  any  more  pleasant. 
But  whoever  was  the  informant,  Augustus  was  at  last 
thoroughly  roused,  and  thrown  into  the  greatest  state  of 
agitation.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  own  private  vices  in 
the  past,  the  decorum  of  the  palace  in  which  Livia  presided 
was  unimpeached  and  highly  valued  by  him.  The  pure 
atmosphere  of  the  Augustan  house — Horace  says — and  the 
paternal  care  of  the  Emperor  were  mainly  the  causes  of  the 
manly  characters  of  Tiberius  and  Drusus,  and  Horace  always 
echoes  what  Augustus  at  any  rate  wished  to  be  thought  true. 
To  have  the  secrets  of  the  family  thus  revealed  to  the  multitude, 
to  the  scorn  of  the  hostile  and  the  pity  of  the  well-disposed, 
was  no  doubt  galling.  He  shunned  society  for  some  time  and 
kept  away  from  Rome.  He  had  also  the  additional  annoyance 
of  reflecting  that  the  publicity  was  greatly  his  own  fault.  In 
the  heat  of  his  anger  he  wrote  to  the  Senate  and  put  the  affair, 
more  or  less,  in  its  hands.  In  cooler  moments  he  repented  of 
this,  and  exclaimed  that  “it  would  never  have  happened  if 
Agrippa  and  Maecenas  had  been  alive.”  Several  men  are  said  to 



have  suffered  death  on  the  charge,  though  we  only  know  of 
two  names,  Iulius  Antonius  and  Sempronius  Gracchus,  the 
former  of  whom  committed  suicide,  while  the  latter  was 
banished  to  an  island  on  the  African  coast.  Seneca,  who 
generally  makes  the  worst  of  Augustus,  says  that  he  spared 
their  lives  and  punished  them  by  banishment.  The  case  of 
Iulius  Antonius  was  particularly  bad.  He  was  the  son  of 
Antony  by  Fulvia,  had  been  brought  up  by  Octavia,  married 
to  her  daughter  Marcella,  and  by  her  influence  and  the  kind¬ 
ness  of  Augustus,  had  been  praetor  (b.c.  13)  and  consul 
(b.c.  10).  He  had  therefore  been  treated  as  a  member  of  the 
family,  and  a  highly  favoured  one.  Gracchus  is  said  to  have 
begun  his  intrigue  while  Iulia  was  the  wife  of  Agrippa,  and  to 
have  helped  to  irritate  her  against  her  husband  Tiberius.  But 
however  guilty  Iulia  may  have  been,  she  did  not  forfeit  the 
popular  affections.  Again  and  again  Augustus  was  assailed  by 
petitions  to  recall  her.  He  passionately  refused,  exclaiming  at 
last  to  a  more  than  usually  persistent  meeting,  that  he  w  would 
wish  them  all  daughters  and  wives  like  her.”  The  most  that  he 
could  be  persuaded  to  grant  was  that  at  the  end  of  five  years 
she  should  be  allowed  to  exchange  her  island  (Pandateria)  for 
Rhegium,  and  to  live  under  less  stringent  conditions  as  to  dress 
and  food,  and  the  servants  who  attended  her.  Her  mother, 
Scribonia,  accompanied  her  into  exile,  and  though  Tiberius, 
acting  under  the  authority  of  Augustus,  sent  from  Rhodes  a 
message  of  divorce,  he  made  a  formal  request  that  she  might 
be  allowed  to  retain  whatever  he  had  given  her.  The  sincerity 
of  such  an  intercession  was  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  on  the 
death  of  Augustus  he  immediately  deprived  her  of  all  allowances. 
She,  however,  only  survived  her  father  a  few  weeks.  All  this 
severity  is  perhaps  best  accounted  for  if  we  accept  the  statement 
of  Dio  and  Pliny,  that  she  was  charged  not  only  with  adultery, 
but  with  joining  in  some  plot  against  her  father  in  favour  of  her 
lover,  Iulius  Antonius.1  At  any  rate  it  is  difficult  not  to  feel 
1  Pliny,  N.  H.  7  §  149  ;  Dio,  54,  9. 



some  sympathy  with  a  woman,  married  and  re-married  without 
choice  on  her  part  or  any  question  of  affection,  for  nine  years 
the  wife  of  a  man  as  old  as  her  father,  and  then  transferred  to 
another,  whose  heart  was  fixed  elsewhere,  and  whom  his 
warmest  admirers  cannot  describe  as  one  likely  to  be  sympa¬ 
thetic  or  expansive,  one  in  fact  who  began  with  a  strong 
prejudice  against  her.  She  knew  also  that  her  own  mother, 
with  whom  she  seems  to  have  kept  up  affectionate  relations, 
had  been  turned  off  immediately  after  her  birth  for  no  assign¬ 
able  reason,  just  as  she  had  been  married  for  a  momentary 
political  object.  She  could  have  grown  up  with  no  very  deep 
reverence  for  her  father’s  morality  or  lofty  ideas  of  the  marriage 

From  this  time  forward  family  misfortunes  seemed  to  dog 
the  steps  of  Augustus  for  some  years  to  come.  The  next  blow 
Death  of  Gaius  was  the  death  of  the  two  young  sons  of  Iulia, 
anc^sarms  Gaius  and  Lucius,  whom  he  had  adopted,  had 

AD  z'4-  personally  educated  in  their  childhood,  and  was 
training  for  their  great  future.  When  the  elder  was  only  15 
(b.c.  5)  he  had  been  designated  consul  for  a.d.  i,  and  the 
Senate  had  voted  that  he  and  his  brother  might  at  that  age 
“  take  part  in  public  business,”  that  is,  might  be  employed  in 
any  capacity  the  Emperor  might  choose  directly  they  assumed 
the  toga  virilis.  Accordingly,  in  b.c.  i,  Gaius  was  sent  to  the 
East,  with  a  pretty  wide  commission  to  visit  the  Eastern 
provinces.  He  seems  to  have  travelled  considerable  distances, 
and  even  entered  Arabia.  Tiberius,  who  was  then  at  Rhodes, 
crossed  to  Samos  to  greet  him.  The  meeting,  however,  was 
not  a  happy  one.  M.  Lollius,  the  head  of  Gaius’s  staff,  seems 
to  have  influenced  the  young  prince  against  Tiberius,  and 
induced  him  to  send  home  a  report  to  the  Emperor  of  certain 
indications  that  he  was  contemplating  some  treasonable 
measures.  Augustus  candidly  informed  Tiberius  of  this,  and 
it  was  it  seems  partly  from  the  necessity  of  clearing  himself, 
that  at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  his  mother,  he,  two  years  later, 


sought  and  obtained  the  permission  of  Augustus  to  return  to 
Rome.  Meanwhile  there  had  been  wild  talk  among  the  staff 
of  Gaius,  one  of  them  expressing  his  readiness  to  sail  to  Rhodes 
and  bring  the  head  of  “  the  exile  ”  back.  He  does  not,  how¬ 
ever,  appear  to  have  forfeited  the  confidence  or  affection  of 
Augustus,  who  writes  to  him  on  the  23rd  September,  a.d.  i  : 
“  Good  day  to  you,  Gaius,  apple  of  my  eye,  whom  by  heaven 
I  continually  miss  when  away.  But  it  is  especially  on  days 
such  as  this  one  that  my  eyes  seek  for  my  Gaius  ;  and  wherever 
you  have  spent  it  I  hope  that  you  have  kept  my  sixty-fourth 
birthday  in  good  health  and  spirits.  For  you  see  I  have  safely 
passed  the  grand  climacteric,  which  for  all  old  men  is  their  63rd 
year.  Pray  heaven  that  whatever  time  remains  for  me  I  may 
spend  with  the  knowledge  that  you  and  your  brother  are  safe 
and  sound  and  the  republic  supremely  prosperous,  with  you 
playing  the  man  and  preparing  to  take  up  my  work.”  But 
these  hopes  were  doomed  to  be  disappointed,  as  we  have  seen, 
by  the  treacherous  wound  received  at  Artagera  in  Armenia  in 
a.d.  4.  Two  years  earlier  his  younger  brother,  Lucius,  had 
died  suddenly  and  somewhat  mysteriously  at  Marseilles  at  the 
beginning  of  a  progress  through  the  Western  provinces,  which 
was  to  form  part  of  his  political  education.  The  fact  that  his 
death  corresponded  nearly  with  the  return  of  Tiberius  from 
Rhodes  gave  rise  to  suspicions  that  it  had  been  caused  by  the 
machinations  of  Livia,  anxious  to  secure  the  succession  for  her 
son.  Even  the  death  of  Gaius,  though  so  far  away,  was  put 
down  to  the  same  malignant  influence  ;  for  it  was  argued  that 
his  wound  was  slight  and  had  not  been  expected  to  end  fatally. 
Tacitus  records  that  the  detractors  of  the  imperial  family  were 
accustomed  to  remark  that  “Livia  had  been  a  fatal  mother  to  the 
republic,  a  fatal  stepdame  to  the  family  of  the  Caesars.”  There 
is,  however,  no  scrap  of  evidence  to  connect  her  with  either 
event.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  young  men  had  shewn  much 
promise  ;  but  their  death  was  treated  as  a  matter  for  public 
mourning.  At  Pisae,  of  which  colony  they  were  “  patrons,” 

1 7 



there  still  exist  two  long  and  pompous  inscriptions  ( Cenotaphia ) 
recording  their  death,  speaking  of  the  successful  campaign  of 
Gaius  in  the  East,  ordering  mourning  “  in  view  of  the  magni¬ 
tude  of  so  great  and  unexpected  a  calamity,”  and  decreeing 
various  honours  to  the  memory  of  Lucius  “  princeps 
iuventutis,”  and  of  Gaius  “  princeps  designate.” 

These  losses  were  followed  by  the  adoption  of  Tiberius  by 
Augustus,  and  that  of  Germanicus  by  Tiberius.  The  former 
had  already  several  children,  so  that  the  sons  and 

The  succession.  ,  ,  ,  ...  r 

grandsons  and  great-grandsons — by  adoption — ot 
Augustus  in  a.d.  7,  as  recorded  on  the  arch  at  Pavia,  were 
Tiberius  ;  Germanicus  ;  Drusus,  son  of  Tiberius  ;  Nero  and 
Drusus,  sons  of  Germanicus,  and  Claudius,  his  brother.  All 
these  survived  Augustus.  But  Tiberius  and  Claudius  alone 
reigned,  Caligula  was  not  born  till  five  years  later  (a.d.  12). 

Augustus  thus  felt  that  the  succession  was  well  secured  ; 
but  the  last  decade  of  his  life  was  destined  in  some  ways 
to  be  the  most  troubled  of  all.  The  German 

Fresh  troubles.  . 

Theyounger  wars  began  again  in  a.d.  4,  and  culminated  in 
the  Varian  disaster  of  a.d.  9  ;  while  the  diffi¬ 
culties  and  alarm  were  increased  by  the  dangerous  risings  in 
Pannonia  and  Dalmatia  (a.d.  6-9),  during  which  Augustus 
remained  for  some  time  at  Ariminum,  to  be  within  moderate 
distance  of  the  seat  of  war.  A  renewed  outbreak  of  piracy 
also  compelled  him  to  take  over  the  management  of  Sardinia 
from  the  Senate  for  three  years  (a.d.  6-9).  This  was  partly 
the  cause,  perhaps,  of  the  distress  at  Rome  in  B.c.  6  from 
a  rise  in  the  price  of  corn,  intensified  by  various  disastrous 
fires.  The  unrest  thus  created  led  to  some  more  or  less 
dangerous  conspiracies,  such  as  that  of  Plautius  Rufus,  who 
was  accused  of  abetting  disturbances  and  spreading  seditious 
libels.  Others  were  connected  with  attempts  to  rescue  Iulia 
at  Rhegium  and  Agrippa  Postumus  in  Planasia,  an  island  near 
Elba.  We  also  hear  of  a  plot  of  one  Cornelius  Cinna,  who 
however  was  pardoned  and  allowed  to  be  consul  in  a.d.  4, 


Seneca  asserts  that  after  this  act  of  clemency  the  life  of  Augustus 
was  never  attempted  again  ;  and  Dio  has  recorded  a  conversa¬ 
tion  between  him  and  Livia  in  that  year,  in  which,  seeing  her 
husband  sleepless  and  torn  with  continued  anxieties,  she 
recommended  this  policy  of  leniency.  But  one  last  mortifica¬ 
tion  remained  for  him.  In  a.d.  9  his  granddaughter  Iulia  was 
discovered  to  have  followed  her  mother’s  example.  She 
was  married  to  .Tmilius  Paulus  Lepidus,  and  had  a  son  and 
a  daughter  Lepida,  once  betrothed  to  the  future  Emperor 
Claudius,  but  never  married  to  him.  Her  lover,  D.  Silanus, 
was  not  banished  to  any  definite  place,  but  was  obliged  to 
leave  Rome,  to  which  he  was  not  allowed  to  return  till  a.d.  20, 
and  then  under  disabilities  for  State  employment.  Iulia  herself 
was  banished  to  the  island  Tremesus  ( St .  Domenico ),  on  the 
coast  of  Apulia,  where  she  remained  till  her  death  in  a.d.  27, 
supported  by  an  allowance  from  Livia.  We  do  not  know 
enough  of  the  affair  to  judge  of  her  guilt ;  but  in  some 
mysterious  way  her  husband  was  involved  in  a  charge  of  treason 
about  this  time.  In  the  same  year  the  poet  Ovid  was  banished 
to  Tomi,  forty  miles  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Danube,  in  a 
district  exposed  to  constant  raids  of  the  Sarmatians  and  Dacians. 
It  has  always  been  supposed  that  this  severity  was  connected 
with  the  affair  of  Iulia,  and  that  either  he  was  one  of  her 
lovers,  or  was  privy  to  some  of  her  intrigues,  amatory  or 
political.  The  reason  assigned  in  the  edict  appears  to  have 
been  the  licentiousness  of  his  verse,  and  as  Augustus  was  just 
then  engaged  in  reinforcing  his  laws  against  various  forms  of 
immorality,  and  trying  to  encourage  marriage  as  against 
concubinage,  this  may  have  been  partly  the  reason.  Only  as 
his  most  licentious  poems  had  been  published  seven  years  before 
it  seems  a  little  late  in  the  day.  His  own  account  of  his 
misfortune — never  outspoken — goes  through  two  phases.  At 
first  he  seems  to  wish  to  attribute  it  all  to  his  amatory  poems. 
«  He  is  a  poet  destroyed  by  his  own  genius  :  his  verses  have 
been  his  undoing  :  they  deserved  punishment,  but  sure  not  so 



heavy  a  one.”  But  presently  he  began  to  own  that  there  was 
something  else:  “Not,”  he  says,  “  any  political  offence,  no 
plot  against  the  Emperor,  no  plan  of  violence  against  the 
state.  He  had  seen  something  he  should  not  have  seen.  He 
is  ruined  by  his  own  simplicity  and  want  of  prudence,  combined 
with  treachery  on  the  part  of  friends  and  slaves.  The  exact 
cause  he  dare  not  reveal,  and  yet  it  is  well  known  at  Rome.” 
Ovid  was  now  fifty-two  and  married  for  a  third  time  to  a  wife 
connected  distantly  with  the  imperial  family.  The  chances 
are  therefore  against  an  intrigue  with  Iulia.  There  is  one 
other  possible  explanation  ;  Ovid  was  at  Elba  when  he  got 
notice  of  the  edict,  staying  with  his  wife’s  connection,  Paulus 
Fabius  Maximus,  who  afterwards  incurred  the  suspicion  of 
Livia  as  favouring  Agrippa  Postumus,  confined  in  the  neigh¬ 
bouring  island  of  Planasia  since  b.c.  7.  We  know  from 
Suetonius  that  there  was  at  least  one  plot  to  remove  him,  and 
it  may  be  that  Ovid  knew  of  it  and  even  saw  some  of  the 

However  that  may  be,  the  other  explanation  is  also  possible : 
that  Augustus  meant  what  he  said,  and  regarded  Ovid’s  works 
as  unwholesome.  He  was  what  would  be  called  in  our  time  a 
“  decadent  ”  poet.  He  represents  the  worst  side  of  Roman 
society,  as  it  began  to  be  unfavourably  affected  by  that  absten¬ 
tion  from  practical  politics,  which  came  to  be  the  fashion  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  reign  of  Augustus.  He  had  himself  refused 
to  take  any  office  that  would  give  him  a  seat  in  the  Senate, 
and  seemed  to  think  that  to  be  the  natural  conduct  of  a  man 
of  taste  and  literature.  He  was  the  mouthpiece  of  the  gilded 
youth  who  sought  in  amorous  intrigue,  and  a  fastidious  dalliance 
with  the  Muses,  a  more  congenial  employment  than  the  per¬ 
formance  of  those  duties  to  the  state  which  no  longer  held 
out  promises  of  unlimited  wealth  or  power.  He  was  only 
cleverer  than  the  ruck  of  such  men,  and  Augustus  may 
possibly  have  selected  him  as  the  representative  of  a  tendency 
at  which  he  was  alarmed.  Ovid  was  precisely  the  sort  of  man 



to  create  the  tone  of  society  which  had  been  the  ruin  of  his 
daughter  and  granddaughter.  It  is  quite  possible  that  being 
intimate  with  such  circles  the  poet  may  have  known,  or  been 
supposed  to  know,  something  inconvenient  about  the  last 
scandal,  and,  at  any  rate,  he  would  be  on  the  side  of  Iulia  as 
against  her  grandfather.  At  the  time  of  his  exile  he  was 
engaged,  at  the  Emperor’s  suggestion  or  request,  on  the 
composition  of  the  poetical  Calendar  or  Fasti,  which  was 
incidentally  to  celebrate  the  chief  events  of  Roman  history, 
and  it  has  been  suggested  that  the  story  of  Claudia’s  vindication 
of  her  chastity  [Fast.  iv.  305  sqq.)  was  intended  as  a  veiled 
defence  of  the  elder  or  younger  Iulia.  Whatever  the  offence 
given,  neither  Augustus  nor  Tiberius  could  ever  be  induced 
to  allow  his  recall. 

The  poet’s  abject  language  in  praying  to  be  allowed  to 
return  illustrates  incidentally  the  absolute  supremacy  of  the 
Emperor,  and  the  attribution  to  him  of  divine  honours  and 
powers,  the  steady  progress  of  which  has  been  noted  in  a 
previous  chapter.  We  may  also  note  that  what  Paris  is  to  the 
Parisians,  Rome  is  to  Ovid.  Augustus  and  his  ministers  or 
friends  had  made  it  the  home  of  splendour  and  luxury.  The  poet 
fondly  dwells  on  all  its  beauties,  pleasures,  and  conveniences, 
and,  like  a  true  Parisian,  can  hardly  conceive  of  life  away  from 
it,  its  games,  its  theatres,  the  sports  on  the  Campus,  the  lounge 
in  the  forum,  or  the  wit  and  poetry  heard  at  the  tables  of  the 
great.  As  the  spring  comes  round  in  his  dreary,  treeless 
dwelling  on  the  Pontus,  he  thinks  of  the  flowers  and  vines  of 
Italy,  but,  above  all,  of  the  pleasures  of  the  city  in  April,  the 
month  of  festivals  :  “  It  is  holiday  with  you  now,  and  the  wordy 
war  of  the  wrangling  forum  is  giving  place  to  the  unbroken  round 
of  festivals.  The  horses  are  in  request,  and  the  light  foils  are 
in  play.  The  young  athletes,  their  shoulders  glistening  with  oil, 
are  bathing  wearied  limbs  in  baths  supplied  by  the  virgin 
stream.  The  stage  is  in  full  swing,  and  the  audiences  are 
clapping  their  favourite  actors,  and  the  three  theatres  are  echoing 



instead  of  the  three  forums.  Oh  four  times,  oh  beyond  all 
counting,  happy  he  who  may  enjoy  the  city  unforbidden  ! 

It  had  been  the  object  of  Augustus  to  make  the  city  splendid 
and  attractive,  and  to  keep  the  citizens  comfortable  and 
contented  and  proud  of  their  home.  He  had  doubtless 
succeeded  ;  but  it  was  sometimes  at  the  cost  of  a  lowered 
standard  of  public  duty  and  a  growing  devotion  to  personal 
ease  and  enjoyment. 



Let  the  sound  of  those  he  fought  for, 
A  nd  the  feet  o]  those  he  wrought  for, 
Echo  round  his  bones  for  evermore. 

The  public  and  private  troubles  mentioned  in  the  last  chapter 
did  not  break  the  spirit  or  paralyse  the  energies  of  the  aged 
Emperor,  or  prevent  him  from  taking  a  strenuous 
The  activities  part  in  the  administration  of  the  Empire.  The 
of  Augustus,  last  eight  years  of  his  life  were  full  of  stir  and 
movement,  though  our  meagre  authorities  give 
us  few  details.  He  actively  supported  the  campaigns  of 
Tiberius  and  Germanicus ;  he  was  introducing  reforms  in 
Gaul  ; 1  he  was  pushing  on  improvements  in  the  East,  and 
founding  a  series  of  colonies  in  Pisidia  as  a  defence  against 
the  predatory  mountain  tribes;  he  was  directing  a  census 
of  the  whole  Empire  ;  he  was  emending  his  marriage  laws  by 
the  farther  enactments  contained  in  the  lex  Papia  Poppxa, 
which  he  supported  by  energetic  speeches ;  he  was  elaborating 
a  great  financial  scheme  ;  he  was  personally  attending  to  the 
embankment  of  the  Tiber ;  he  was  reforming  the  city  police 

x  In  A.D.  u  the  people  of  Narbonne  founded  an  altar  to  him  m  gratitude 
for  some  reform  in  their  constitution  which  he  had  either  granted  or 
initiated.  (Wilmanns,  194.) 



and  fire  brigades;  and  when  the  Varian  disaster  occurred  we 
have  seen  with  what  energy  he  acted,  how  he  enforced  the 
law  of  military  service  and  despatched  reinforcements  to  the 
Rhine,  while  he  cleared  the  city  of  dangerous  elements  and 
provided  against  possible  movements  in  the  provinces.  Though 
now  seventy-two  years  old  he  shewed  no  sign  of  senility  in 
heart ;  and  as  it  was  said  that  at  every  stage  of  his  life  he  had 
the  beauty  appropriate  to  it,  so  in  spirit,  courage,  and  prudence 
he  seems  always  to  have  answered  to  any  strain  to  which  he 
was  submitted. 

To  understand  the  financial  changes  of  these  years  it  is 
necessary  to  recall  a  few  broad  facts  as  to  the  revenue  of  the 
Empire.  It  arose  from  (1)  Italy,  (2)  the  pro- 
measures  of  vinces.  In  Italy  the  sources  of  revenue  were  the 

Augustus.  custoins  ( portoria ),  the  rent  of  public  land,  the 
vicesima  or  5  per  cent,  on  the  value  of  manumitted  slaves. 
From  the  time  that  it  became  the  habit  to  pay  the  soldiers, 
a  tributum  or  property  tax  had  been  raised,  at  first  as  a  tem¬ 
porary  measure,  or  even  as  a  loan,  but  gradually  as  a  regular 
thing.  Since  the  Macedonian  wars,  however,  B.c.  167,  this 
tributum  had  not  been  levied  :  the  additional  wealth  acquired 
by  the  new  conquests  being  sufficient.  It  does  not  appear 
that  the  tributum  was  abolished  by  law,  and  indeed  for  a  short 
time  it  was  reimposed  by  the  Triumvirs,  though  only  as  an 
extraordinary  tax  ( temerarium ).  After  the  Social  war  of  B.c.  89 
the  Italians  became  full  citizens  and  shared  this  exemption. 

The  second  and  most  important  source  of  revenue  were  the 
provinces.  There  were  royalties  on  mines,  customs,  rent  of 
public  land,  and  other  sources  of  profit  to  the  government ;  but 
also  every  province  paid  a  stipendium — a  certain  sum  of  money 
— to  the  Roman  treasury.  The  manner  in  which  it  was  paid 
— whether  in  money  or  produce,  or  a  mixture  of  the  two — 
differed  in  different  provinces,  as  also  did  the  mode  of  its 
assessment  and  collection  ;  but  the  broad  fact  was  that  each 
province  had  to  furnish  a  sum  of  money,  and  that  owners 


of  property  in  a  province  were  liable  to  a  tributum  or 
tax. 1 

In  the  time  of  Augustus  there  was  no  great  change  made  in 
the  nature  or  incidence  of  this  taxation  ;  but  the  management 
of  the  treasury  itself  was  revolutionised.  In  the  first  place, 
the  cerarium  instead  of  being  under  the  care  of  the  yearly 
elected  quaestors,  who  issued  money  on  the  order  of  Senate 
or  magistrates,  was  put  under  prafecti  appointed  by  the 
Emperor,  and  though  the  Senate  still  had  a  nominal  control 
over  it,  it  was  really  under  his  power.  In  the  next  place,  a 
new  ararium  was  formed,  afterwards  called  the  fiscus ,  into 
which  was  paid  the  revenues  of  the  imperial  provinces.  This 
was  entirely  under  the  Emperor,  and  the  tendency  was  in  time 
to  have  every  extraordinary  revenue,  such  as  confiscations, 
lapsed  legacies  ( caduca ),  and  the  like,  paid  into  it.  Besides 
this  there  was  the  patrimonium  Ccesarum ,  the  private  property 
of  the  Emperor  in  virtue  of  his  office.  To  this  belonged  the 
whole  revenues  of  Egypt  and  the  T.  hracian  Chersonese,  and 
other  large  estates.  When  Augustus  talks  of  his  having 
supplemented  the  treasury  or  made  distributions  to  the  people, 
it  is  often  from  this  fund  that  he  drew,  though  he  had  besides 
large  personal  property  [res  familiaris ),  which  he  employed  at 
times  for  the  same  purpose. 

Of  course  from  the  revenue  of  the  provinces  had  to  be 
deducted  the  cost  of  their  administration  and  defence.  Pro¬ 
vinces,  therefore,  which  needed  large  forces  and  constant 
defence  from  surrounding  barbarians  did  not  pay.  Cicero, 
indeed,  asserts  that  in  his  time  none  of  the  provinces  except 
Asia  paid  for  their  expenses.  This  probably  is  an  exaggeration, 
but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  loss  on  some  had  to  be  put 
against  the  gain  on  others,  and  that  the  balance  of  the  yeaily 
budget  was  not  always  on  the  right  side,  as,  at  a  later  date,  we 
know  that  Vespasian  said  that  the  treasury  wanted  four  hundred 

1  Asia  and  Sicily  originally  did  not  pay  a  stipendium,  but  tithes  on 
produce.  This  system  was  abolished  by  Iulius  Caesar. 



million  sesterces  (about  £  3,000,000  sterling)  to  be  solvent.  The 
outbreak  of  the  German  wars  in  a.d.  4>  an^  the  large  foices 
which  it  had  long  been  necessary  to  keep  upon  the  Rhine  had 
caused,  if  not  a  deficit,  at  any  rate  the  near  prospect  of  one. 
It  was  just  such  a  crisis  as  in  old  times  would  have  justified 
the  levying  of  a  tributum  as  a  special  war  tax.  There  were, 
however,  two  reasons  against  Augustus  doing  this.  In  the 
first  place,  such  a  tributum  would  be  temporary,  and  he  wanted 
a  permanency  ;  and,  in  the  second  place,  the  citizens  had  come 
to  view  freedom  from  the  tributum  as  their  special  privilege, 
differentiating  Italy  from  the  subject  provinces,  and  marking 
them  out  as  a  governing  body.  True  to  his  policy  of  avoiding 
offensive  names,  while  at  the  same  time  getting  what  he 
wanted,  Augustus  decided  against  the  tributum.  What  he  did 
was  to  create  a  new  department,  an  army-pay  treasury  (aes 
militare ),  with  two  prsefects  of  praetorian  rank.  The  money 
in  this  treasury  was  to  be  devoted  to  the  pay  and  pensions  of 
the  soldiers.  He  started  it  with  a  gift  in  his  own  name  and 
that  of  Tiberius  of  170,000,000  sesterces  (about  £1,500,000), 
and  arranged  that  the  tax  which  he  had  contrived  soon  after 
the  end  of  the  civil  wars,  the  1  per  cent,  on  goods  sold  at 
auctions  or  by  contract,  should  be  paid  into  it.  But  this  was 
not  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  and  he  had  to  look  round  for 
other  means  of  raising  revenue.  He  did  therefore  what  a  late 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  did  for  us — he  imposed  death 
duties  :  5  per  cent,  on  all  legacies  except  those  from  the 

nearest  relatives.  This  avoided  the  offensiveness  of  depriving 
the  people  of  Italy  of  a  valued  privilege,  while  it  in  fact 
brought  them  financially  almost  in  a  line  with  the  provinces. 
For  those  who  paid  tributum  did  not  pay  vicesima ,  and  vice 
versa.  Still  the  tax  offended  a  powerful  class  and  met  with 
much  resistance.  The  practice  of  leaving  large  legacies  to 
friends,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  services  rendered,  was 
common  in  Italy,  and  the  tax  therefore  fell  heavily  upon  the 
rich.  In  a.d.  13a  determined  move  was  made  in  the  Senate 



to  obtain  its  abolition.  Augustus  sent  a  written  communica¬ 
tion  to  the  Senate,  pointing  out  that  the  money  was  necessary, 
but  asking  them  to  contrive  some  other  method  of  raising  it. 
The  Senators  declined  to  formulate  any  plan,  and  only  answered 
that  they  were  ready  to  submit  to  anything  else.  Thereupon 
Augustus  proposed  a  tributum  or  tax  on  land  and  houses. 
Confronted  with  this  alternative  the  Senate  at  once  withdrew 
from  opposition.  It  was  a  case  of  financial  necessity,  and  it 
must  not  be  supposed  that  Augustus  wished  to  lower  the  prestige 
of  Italy  or  the  value  of  the  citizenship.  That  was  one  of  the 
points  in  which  he  reversed  the  policy  of  Iulius,  who  had  been 
lavish  in  bestowing  the  citizenship,  and  seems  to  have  had 
visions  of  a  uniform  Empire  united  in  privilege  as  in  govern¬ 
ment.  Augustus,  on  the  other  hand,  was  even  ultra-conservative 
and  ultra-Roman  in  this  respect.  He  made  constant  difficulties 
about  granting  the  citizenship.  In  answer  to  Tiberius,  who 
begged  it  for  some  favourite  Greek,  he  insisted  upon  only 
granting  it  if  the  man  appeared  personally  and  convinced  him 
of  the  soundness  of  his  claim.  Even  Livia  met  with  a  refusal 
in  behalf  of  some  Gaul.  The  Emperor  offered  to  grant  the 
man  immunity  from  tribute,  saying  that  he  cared  less  about 
a  loss  to  his  treasury  than  for  vulgarising  the  citizenship. 

Though  Augustus  shewed  in  this  transaction  all  his  old  tact 
and  statesmanship  with  no  failure  either  in  determination  or 
power  of  finesse ,  yet  he  was  growing  visibly  feebler 
Declining  health  in  body.  He  gave  up  attending  social  functions  ; 

and  it  was  too  much  for  him  to  appear  any  longer 
at  meetings  of  the  Senate.  Accordingly,  instead  of  the  half-yearly 
committee  of  twenty-five  members  who  used  to  be  appointed 
to  prepare  measures  for  the  House,  a  sort  of  inner  cabinet  of 
twenty  members  appointed  for  a  year — with  any  members  of 
his  family  whom  he  chose— met  at  his  house  and  often  round 
the  couch  on  which  he  was  reclining,  and  their  decisions  were 
aiven  the  force  of  a  Senatus-consultum.  His  interest,  however, 
Tn  every  detail  was  as  keen  as  ever.  For  instance,  we  have  a 



letter  from  him  to  Livia,  written  at  the  end  of  a.d.  ii,  as  to 
the  advisability  of  allowing  Claudius  (the  future  Emperor)  to 
appear  in  Rome  during  the  ceremonies  connected  with  the 
consulship  of  his  brother  Germanicus.  Claudius  (now  twenty- 
one)  was  reported  to  be  deformed  and  half-witted,  and  his 
mother  Antonia  herself  described  him  as  scarcely  human 
( monstrum  hominis ).  The  letter  is  worth  reading,  partly 
because  it  is  the  only  complete  one  (at  any  rate,  of  any 
length)  which  we  possess,  and  partly  because  it  illustrates  the 
care  which  Augustus  took  to  keep  up  the  prestige  of  the 
imperial  family,  to  avoid,  above  all  things,  incurring  popular 
ridicule,  and  his  attention  to  minute  details  : — 

w  I  have  consulted  with  Tiberius,  as  you  desired  me  to  do, 
my  dear  Livia,  as  to  what  is  to  be  done  about  your  grandson 
(Claudius)  Tiberius.  We  entirely  agree  in  thinking  that  we 
must  settle  once  for  all  what  line  we  are  to  take  in  regard  to 
him.  For  if  he  is  sound  and,  to  use  a  common  expression,  has 
all  his  wits  about  him,  what  possible  reason  can  there  be  for  our 
doubting  that  he  ought  to  be  promoted  through  the  same  grades 
and  steps  as  his  brother  ?  But  if  we  find  that  he  is  deficient, 
and  so  deranged  in  mind  and  body  as  to  be  unfit  for  society,  we 
must  not  give  people  accustomed  to  scoff  and  sneer  at  such 
things  a  handle  for  casting  ridicule  both  on  him  and  on  us. 
The  fact  is  that  we  shall  always  be  in  a  state  of  agitation  if  we 
stop  to  consider  every  detail  as  it  occurs,  without  having  made 
up  our  minds  whether  to  think  him  capable  of  holding  offices 
or  not.  On  the  present  occasion,  however,  in  regard  to  the 
point  on  which  you  consult  me,  I  do  not  object  to  his  having 
charge  of  the  triclinium  of  the  priests  at  the  games  of  Mars  if 
he  will  submit  to  receive  instructions  from  his  relative,  the  son 
of  Silanus,  to  prevent  his  doing  anything  to  make  people  stare 
or  laugh.  We  agree  that  he  is  not  to  be  in  the  imperial  box 
at  the  Circus.  For  he  will  be  in  full  view  of  everybody  and 
be  conspicuous.  We  agree  that  he  is  not  to  go  to  the  Alban 
Mount  or  to  be  in  Rome  on  the  days  of  the  Latin  festival. 


For  if  he  is  good  enough  to  be  in  his  brother’s  train  to  the 
mountain,  why  should  he  not  be  honorary  city  prefect  ?  Those 
are  the  decisions  at  which  we  arrived,  my  dear  Livia,  and  we 
wish  them  to  be  settled  once  for  all  to  prevent  our  wavering 
between  hope  and  fear.  You  are  at  liberty,  if  you  choose,  to 
give  Antonia  this  part  of  my  letter  to  read.” 

Perhaps  the  voice  is  the  voice  of  Tiberius,  but  the  courtesy 
and  well-bred  style  are  all  Augustus’s.  By  this  time  the 
influence  of  Tiberius  was  well  established,  and 
C°T?bterius.m  Augustus  treats  him  as  a  successor  who  has  a 
right  to  be  consulted  on  all  family  matters  and 
important  State  affairs.  Since  his  return  from  Rhodes  Tiberius 
had  done  eminent  service  to  the  State  both  on  the  Rhine  and 
in  Illyricum.  In  appointing  Varus  to  Germany  Augustus  had 
made  a  mistake  which  he  seldom  committed.  He  had  nearly 
always  picked  good  men,  but  P.  Quintilius  Varus  had  not 
only  been  extortionate  in  his  former  province,  but  was  neither 
energetic  nor  prudent  ;  and  his  experience  among  the  unwar¬ 
like  inhabitants  of  Syria  was  not  a  good  preparation  for  dealing 
with  the  brave  and  warlike  Germans.  Tiberius  knew  him 
well,  having  been  his  colleague  in  the  consulship  of  B.c.  13, 
and  would  certainly  not  have  appointed  him.  It  was  to 
Tiberius  that  the  Emperor  then  turned  to  retrieve  the  disaster 
and  confront  the  almost  more  serious  dangers  in  Illyricum. 
And  if  he  found  him  trustworthy  in  the  field,  this  letter  shows 
how  much  confidence  he  felt  in  him  at  home.  It  was  a 
common  report  that  Augustus  knew  and  disliked  his  character. 
The  lackeys  of  the  palace  gave  out  that  he  had  on  one  occasion 
exclaimed,  “Unhappy  people  of  Rome  who  will  some  day  be 
the  victims  of  those  slow  grinders  !  ”  And  in  a  speech  to  the 
Senate  some  expressions  used  by  him  were  taken  to  convey  an 
apology  for  his  reserved  and  sullen  manners,  and  an  acknow¬ 
ledgment,  therefore,  of  his  mistrust  or  dislike.  But  it  is  abun¬ 
dantly  plain  that  in  these  last  years  he  not  only  trusted  his 
military  abilities,  but  felt  a  sincere  affection  for  himself.  In 



earlier  times,  before  the  retreat  to  Rhodes,  the  short  notes 
written  to  him  (parts  of  which  are  preserved  by  Suetonius1) 
are  playful  and  intimate  ;  and  though  he  was  vexed  at  his 
retirement  and  answered  a  suggestion  of  return  by  a  message 
bidding  him  “dismiss  all  concern  for  his  relatives,  whom  he 
had  abandoned  with  such  excessive  eagerness,  2  yet  the 
fragments  preserved  of  the  Emperor’s  letters  to  him  in  these 
later  times  breathe  not  only  admiration,  but  warm  affection. 
“Goodbye,  Tiberius,  most  delightful  of  men  !  Success  to  you 
in  the  field,  you  who  serve  the  Muses  as  well  as  me  !  Most 
delightful  of  men,  and,  as  I  hope  to  be  happy,  bravest  of  heroes 
and  steadiest  of  generals  !  ”  And  again  :  “  How  splendidly 
managed  are  your  summer  quarters  !  I  am  decidedly  of 
opinion  that,  in  the  face  of  so  many  untoward  circumstances 
and  such  demoralisation  of  the  troops,  no  one  could  have  borne 
himself  with  greater  prudence  than  you  are  doing  !  The 
officers  now  at  Rome  who  have  served  with  you  all  confess 
that  the  verse  might  have  been  written  for  you,  ‘  One  man  by 
vigilance  restored  the  State.’  ”  Once  more  :  “  Whenever  any¬ 
thing  occurs  that  calls  for  more  than  usually  earnest  thought 
or  that  stirs  my  spleen,  what  I  miss  most,  by  heaven,  is  my 
dear  Tiberius,  and  that  passage  of  Homer  always  occurs  to 
me — 

“  ‘  If  he  but  follow,  e’en  from  burning  fire 
We  both  shall  back  return,  so  wise  is  he  !  ’  ” 

And  in  the  midst  of  his  laborious  campaign  the  Emperor 
writes  to  him  anxiously  :  “  When  I  hear  or  read  that  you 
are  worn  out  by  the  protracted  nature  of  your  labours,  heaven 
confound  me  if  I  do  not  shudder  in  every  limb  ;  and  I  beseech 
you  to  spare  yourself,  lest  if  we  hear  of  your  being  ill  your 
mother  and  I  should  expire  and  the  Roman  people  run  the 
risk  of  losing  their  empire.  It  doesn’t  matter  a  bit  whether  I 
am  well  or  not  as  long  as  you  are  not  well.  I  pray  the  gods 
1  Suet.,  August.  76.  s  Suet.,  Tib.  n. 



to  preserve  you  to  us  and  to  suffer  you  to  be  well  now  and 
always,  unless  they  abhor  the  Roman  people.” 

These  letters  seem  sufficiently  to  refute  the  idle  stories  of 
the  gene  that  his  presence  was  to  Augustus,  of  his  being  a  wet 
blanket  to  cheerful  conversation,  and  a  makeshift  with  which 
the  Emperor  was  forced  to  put  up  in  default  of  better  heirs. 
Nor  did  Tiberius  fall  short  in  respect  and  loyal  service.  After 
his  adoption  in  a.d.  4,  he  immediately  accepted  the  position  of 
a  son  under  the  patria  potestas ,  abstained  from  manumissions 
and  other  acts  of  a  man  who  was  sui  iuris ,  and  apparently  trans¬ 
ferred  his  residence  to  the  palace,  and  seems  really  to  have  taken 
the  burden  from  shoulders  no  longer  strong  enough  to  bear  it. 

For  now  the  end  was  near,  portended  as  the  pious  or 
credulous  believed  by  many  omens.  There  was  an  eclipse  of 
the  sun,1  and  various  fiery  meteors  in  the  sky. 

Augustus^  On  one  of  his  statues  the  letter  C  of  Caesar  was 
NolaI  DUf4St  19,  melted  by  lightning,  and  the  augurs  prophesied, 
or  afterwards  invented  the  prediction,  that  he 
would  die  within  a  hundred  days  and  join  the  gods  cesai 
being  good  Etruscan  for  “  divinities.”  He  himself  seems  to 
have  been  made  somewhat  nervous  by  certain  accidents  that 
might  be  twisted  into  omens.  The  early  part  of  a.d.  14  was 
taken  up  with  the  usual  legal  business,  but  also  with  the 
Census,  which  he  held  this  year  in  virtue  of  his  consular  power 
and  with  Tiberius  as  his  colleague.  The  organisation  of  the 
city  into  vici  probably  made  the  actual  clerical  work  easy  and 
rapid,  but  when  that  was  over  came  the  ceremony  of  “  closing 
the  lustrum  ”  ( concler e  lustrum ),  and  the  offering  of  solemn 
sacrifice  and  prayer.  This  took  place  in  the  Campus  Martius, 
and  large  crowds  assembled  to  witness  it.  But  the  Emperor, 
uneasy  at  something  which  he  thought  ominous,  or  perhaps 
really  feeling  unwell,  would  not  read  the  solemn  vows,  which 

1  Dio,  56,  29.  But  there  does  not  appear  to  have  been  one  that  year. 
There  was’  a  partial  eclipse  of  the  moon  on  the  4th  of  April  and  a  total 
eclipse  on  the  27th  of  September. 



according  to  custom  had  been  written  out  and  were  now  put 
into  his  hands.  He  said  that  he  should  not  live  to  fulfil  them 
and  handed  them  over  to  Tiberius  to  read.  After  this  cere¬ 
mony  was  over,  Augustus  was  anxious  to  get  away  from  Rome 
and  take  his  usual  yachting  tour  along  the  Latin  and  Cam¬ 
panian  coast.  On  this  occasion  he  had  the  farther  object  of 
accompanying  Tiberius  as  far  as  Beneventum  on  the  Appian 
road,  on  his  way  to  Brundisium  and  Ulyricum,  where  some 
difficulties  resulting  from  the  recent  war  required  his  presence 
and  authority.  But  various  legal  causes  awaiting  decision 
detained  the  Emperor  in  the  city.  He  was  restive  and 
impatient  at  the  delay,  and  petulantly  exclaimed  that  if  they 
let  everything  stop  them  he  should  never  be  at  Rome  again. 
At  length,  however,  he  set  out,  accompanied  by  Livia  and 
Tiberius  and  a  numerous  court.  They  reached  the  coast  at 
Astura,  in  the  delta  of  a  river  of  the  same  name,  which  falls 
into  the  sea  at  the  southern  point  of  the  bay  of  Antium.  It 
was  a  quiet  place  though  there  were  seaside  villas  near,  and 
there  Cicero  had  spent  the  months  of  his  mourning  for  Tullia, 
finding  consolation  in  the  solitude  of  the  woods  which  skirt 
the  side  of  the  stream.  At  Astura  the  party  embarked,  but 
owing  to  the  state  of  the  wind  they  did  so  by  night.  A  chill 
then  caught  brought  on  diarrhoea,  and  laid  the  foundation  of 
his  fatal  illness.  Nevertheless  the  voyage  along  the  Cam¬ 
panian  coast  and  the  adjacent  islands  was  continued  till  they 
reached  Capreae.  It  was  on  this  voyage  that,  happening  to 
touch  at  Puteoli,  he  was  so  much  delighted  and  cheered  by  the 
thanks  offered  him  by  the  crew  of  an  Alexandrian  corn-ship 
for  his  safeguarding  of  the  seas.  At  Capreae  he  seems  to  have 
stayed  some  time,  amusing  himself  by  watching  the  young 
athletes  training  for  the  Greek  games  at  Naples — the  only 
town  in  Italy  except  Rhegium  which  at  this  time  retained  any 
traces  of  Hellenic  customs  and  life.  He  gave  parties,  also,  at 
which  he  asked  his  Roman  guests  to  dress  in  Greek  fashion 
and  speak  Greek,  and  the  Greeks  to  use  Roman  dress  and 


25  7 

speak  Latin.  There  was  the  usual  distribution  of  presents, 
and  on  one  occasion  he  gave  a  banquet  to  the  athletes  in  train¬ 
ing,  and  watched  them  after  dinner  pelting  each  other  with 
apples  and  other  parts  of  the  dessert.  It  was  a  custom,  more 
honoured  in  the  breach  than  in  the  observance,  with  which  he 
was  familiar.  He  once  entertained  a  certain  Curtius,  who 
prided  himself  on  his  taste  in  cookery,  and  who  thought  a  fat 
thrush  that  had  been  put  before  him  was  ill-done.  “  May  I 
despatch  it  ?  ”  he  said  to  the  Emperor.  “  Of  course,”  was  the 
reply  ;  upon  which  he  threw  it  out  of  the  window.  On  this 
occasion  the  aged  Emperor,  feeling,  we  may  suppose,  somewhat 
better  and  glad  to  be  away  from  the  cares  of  State,  enjoyed 
this  curious  horse-play.  He  was  also  particularly  cheerful 
during  these  days  at  Capreae,  pleasing  himself  with  inventing 
Greek  verses  and  then  defying  one  of  Tiberius’  favourite 
astrologers  to  name  the  play  from  which  they  came. 

Before  long,  however,  he  crossed  to  Naples,  with  his  illness 
still  upon  him,  but  with  alternate  rallies  and  relapses.  At 
Naples  he  had  to  sit  through  some  long  gymnastic  contests 
that  were  held  every  fifth  year  in  his  honour.  Such  a 
function  in  an  August  day  at  Naples  would  have  been 
trying  to  the  most  vigorous  and  healthy,  but  for  a  man  in  his 
seventy-sixth  year,  and  suffering  from  such  a  complaint,  it 
must  have  been  deadly.  He  preferred,  however,  not  to  disap¬ 
point  people  eager  to  shew  him  honour.  He  then  fulfilled  his 
purpose  of  accompanying  Tiberius  to  Beneventum,  and  having 
taken  leave  of  him  there  turned  back  towards  Naples.  But  he 
was  never  to  reach  it.  At  Nola,  about  eighteen  English  miles 
short  of  that  town,  his  illness  became  so  acute  that  he  was 
obliged  to  stop  at  the  villa  there  in  which  his  father  had  died 
seventy-two  years  before.  Messengers  were  hastily  sent  to 
recall  Tiberius.  With  him  the  dying  man  had  a  long  private 
conversation,  in  which  he  seems  to  have  impaited  to  him 
his  wishes  and  counsels  as  to  the  government  ;  and  perhaps  it 
was  now  that  he  pointed  out  the  three  nobles  who  were 




possible  candidates  for  the  succession— “  Marcus  Lepidus,  who 
was  fit  for  it,  but  would  not  care  to  take  it  ;  Asinius  Gallus, 
who  would  desire  it,  but  was  unfit  ;  and  L.  Arruntius,  who 
was  not  unfit  for  it  and  would  have  the  courage  to  seize  it  if 
opportunity  offered.”  But  this  conference  over  he  busied 
himself  with  no  other  affairs  of  State.  He  seemed  to  acquiesce 
in  the  fact  that  he  had  done  with  the  world,  its  vexations 
and  problems.  On  the  last  day  of  his  life,  the  19th  of  August 
(his  lucky  month  !)  the  only  question  which  he  continually 
repeated  was  whether  his  situation  was  causing  any  commotion 
out  of  doors.  Then  he  asked  for  a  mirror  and  directed  his 
attendants  to  arrange  his  hair  and  close  his  already  relaxing 
jaws,  that  he  might  not  shock  beholders  by  the  ghastliness  ot 
his  appearance.  Then  his  friends  were  admitted  to  say  good¬ 
bye.  With  a  pathetic  mixture  of  playfulness  and  sadness  he 
asked  them  whether  “  they  thought  that  he  had  played  life’s 
farce  fairly  well  ?  ”  quoting  a  common  tag  at  the  end  of 
plays  : — 

« if  aught  of  good  our  sport  had,  clap  your  hands, 

And  send  us,  gentles  all,  with  joy  away.” 

These  being  dismissed,  he  turned  to  Livia  and  asked  for  news 
of  one  of  her  granddaughters  who  was  ill  ;  but  even  as  he 
spoke  he  felt  the  end  was  come — “Livia,  don’t  forget  our 
wedded  life,  goodbye  !  ”  And  as  he  tried  to  kiss  her  lips  he 
fell  back  dead. 

It  was  a  rapid  and  painless  end,  for  which  he  had  so  often 
hoped,  an  euthanasia  that  he  used  to  pray  for,  for  himself  and 
his  friends.  Up  to  the  last  his  mind  had  been  clear,  with  only 
the  slightest  occasional  wandering.  And  so  after  long  years  of 
work  and  struggle,  of  mixed  evil  and  good,  of  stern  cruelties 
and  beneficent  exertion,  of  desperate  dangers  and  well-earned 
honours,  the  great  Emperor  as  he  lay  dying  looked  into  the 
eyes  which  he  had  loved  best  in  the  world. 


The  body  was  borne  to  Rome  by  the  municipal  magistrates 
of  the  several  towns  along  the  road,  the  cortege  always  moving 
by  night  because  of  the  heat,  and  the  bier  being  deposited,  in 
the  court-house  of  each  town  till  it  reached  Bovillae,  twelve 
miles  from  Rome.  There  a  procession  of  Roman  knights  took 
it  in  charge,  having  obtained  that  honour  from  the  consuls, 
conducted  it  to  Rome,  and  deposited  it  in  the  vestibule  of  his 
own  house  on  the  Palatine. 

With  not  unnatural  or  unpardonable  emotion  some  extrava¬ 
gant  proposals  were  made  in  the  Senate  as  to  funeral  honours 
and  general  mourning.  But  Tiberius  disliked  such  excesses, 
and  the  funeral  though  stately  was  simple.  The  bier  was 
carried  on  the  shoulders  of  Senators  to  the  Campus.  Twice 
the  cortege  stopped,  first  at  the  Rostra,  where  Drusus,  the  son 
of  Tiberius,  delivered  a  funeral  oration  ( laudatio ),  and  again  at 
the  front  of  the  temple  of  Iulius,  where  Tiberius  himself  read 
a  panegyric.  Drusus  had  dwelt  chiefly  on  his  private  virtues, 
Tiberius  confined  himself  to  his  public  work.  He  began  with 
a  reference  to  his  youthful  services  to  the  state  immediately 
after  the  death  of  Caesar  ;  his  success  in  putting  an  end  to  the 
civil  wars,  and  his  clemency  after  them.  He  spoke  of  the  skill 
with  which,  while  splendidly  rewarding  his  ministers,  he  yet 
prevented  them  from  gaining  a  power  detrimental  to  the 
state  ;  of  his  disinterested  and  constitutional  conduct  when, 
having  everything  in  his  hands,  he  yet  shared  the  power  with 
the  people  and  Senate  ;  of  his  unselfishness  in  the  division  of 
the  provinces  in  taking  the  difficult  ones  upon  himself ;  of  his 
equity  in  leaving  Senate  and  constitution  independent ;  of  his 
economy  and  liberality  ;  of  the  good  order  which  he  kept  and 
the  wholesome  laws  which  he  carried  ;  of  his  sympathy  with 
the  tastes  and  enjoyments  of  the  people ;  of  his  hatred  of 
flattery  and  tolerance  of  free  speech.  The  address  was  read 
and  had  been  carefully  composed.  There  is  not  much  fervour 
or  eloquence  in  it,  but  it  skilfully  put  the  points  which 
Augustus  would  himself  have  put,  and  indeed  had  put  in  that 



apologia  pro  vita  sua  which  we  know  from  the  inscription  at 

The  speeches  over,  the  cortege  moved  on  to  the  Campus 
Martius,  where  the  body  was  burnt  on  the  pyre  prepared  for  it, 
and  the  ashes  ceremoniously  collected  by  eminent  equites,  who 
according  to  custom  wore  only  their  tunics,  without  the  toga, 
ungirdled,  and  with  bare  feet.  The  urn  was  then  deposited 
in  the  Mausoleum  which  Augustus  had  himself  erected  in 
b.c.  28  on  the  Campus  close  to  the  curving  river-bank,  which 
had  already  received  the  ashes  of  his  nephew  Marcellus,  of  his 
sister  Octavia,  of  his  two  grandsons,  and  of  his  great  friend  and 
minister  Agrippa,  but  was  sternly  closed  by  his  will  to  his  erring 
daughter  and  granddaughter. 

Always  careful  and  businesslike,  he  left  his  testamentary 
dispositions  and  the  accounts  of  his  administration  in  perfect 
order.  His  will,  which  had  been  deposited  with 
other  documents  the  Vestal  Virgins  and  was  now  read  aloud  by 

left  by  him.  £)rusus  jn  Senate,  made  Tiberius  heir  to  two- 

thirds,  Livia  to  one-third  of  his  private  property.  In  case  of 
their  predeceasing  him  it  was  to  be  divided  between  Drusus 
(son  of  Tiberius),  Germanicus,  and  his  three  sons,  as  “  second 
heirs.”  There  were  liberal  legacies  to  citizens  and  soldiers 
and  to  various  friends.  The  property  thus  disposed  of  was 
the  res  familiaris :  the  Patrimonium  Casarum — Egypt,  the 
Thracian  Chersonese,  and  other  estates — went  to  his  successor 
in  the  principate.  The  will  contained  an  apology  for  the 
smallness  of  the  amount  thus  coming  to  his  heirs  (150,000,000 
sesterces  or  about  ,£1,200,000)  on  the  plea  that  he  had  devoted 
to  the  public  service  nearly  all  the  vast  legacies  which  had 
fallen  to  him.  By  the  will  Livia  was  also  adopted  into  the 
lulian  gens  and  was  to  take  his  name.  She  was  thenceforth 
therefore  known  as  Iulia  Augusta,  and  seems  to  have  assumed 
that  thereby  she  obtained  a  certain  share  in  the  imperial  pre¬ 
rogatives,  a  claim  which  led  to  much  friction  between  herself 
and  her  son. 


Besides  the  will,  and  a  roll  containing  directions  as  to  his 
funeral,  there  were  two  other  documents  drawn  up  by 
Augustus  with  great  care.  One  was  a  breviarium  totius 
imperii ,  an  exact  account  of  the  state  of  the  Empire,  the 
number  of  soldiers  under  colours,  the  amount  of  money  in  the 
treasury  or  the  fiscus^  the  arrears  due,  and  the  names  of  those 
freedmen  who  were  to  be  held  responsible.  As  a  kind  of 
appendix  to  this  were  some  maxims  of  state  which  he  wished 
to  impress  upon  his  successor  :  such  as,  not  to  extend  the 
citizenship  too  widely,  but  to  maintain  the  distinction  between 
Roman  and  subject  ;  to  select  able  men  for  administrative 
duties,  but  not  to  allow  them  to  become  too  powerful  or  think 
themselves  indispensable  ;  and  not  to  extend  the  frontiers  of 
the  Empire. 

A  third  roll  contained  a  statement  of  his  own  services  and 
achievements  ( index  rerum  a  se  gestarum).  Meant  to  be  pre¬ 
served  as  an  inscription,  it  is  in  what  we  might  call  the 
telegraphic  style,  a  series  of  brief  statements  of  facts  without 
note  or  comment  beyond  the  suggestiveness  of  a  word  here 
and  there  designedly  used.  Yet  it  is  essentially  a  defence  of 
his  life  and  policy— the  oldest  extant  autobiography.  He 
directed  it  to  be  engraved  on  bronze  columns  and  set  up  out¬ 
side  the  Mausoleum.  This  was  no  doubt  done,  but  the  bronze 
columns  have  long  ago  disappeared.*  Fortunately,  however, 
copies  of  the  inscription  were  engraved  elsewhere  (with  a 
Greek  translation)  in  temples  of  “  Rome  and  Augustus,”  as  at 
Apollonia  in  Pisidia  and  Ancyra  in  Galatia.  That  at  Ancyra 
{Angora)  exists  nearly  complete  to  this  day,  and  some  portions 
at  Apollonia.  No  life  of  Augustus  could  be  complete  without 

1  The  Mausolem  was  a  huge  mound  of  earth  covered  with  shrubs,  upon 
a  substructure  or  dome  cased  with  white  marble  and  surrounded  by  walks 
and  plantations,  and  surmounted  by  a  bronze  statue  of  Augustus.  On  the 
still-existing  foundation  there  is  now  what  is  called  the  Teatro  Correa. 
Besides  this  the  spot  on  which  his  body  was  burnt  was  also  enclosed  and 
planted.  Strab.,  iv.  53.  Middleton,  Remains  of  Ancient  Rome,  v  ol.  11.  p.288. 



this  document,  which  is  therefore  given  in  an  English  dress  at 
the  end  of  this  book. 

The  Senate  at  once  proceeded  to  decree  divine  honours  to 
him.  A  temple  was  to  be  built  at  Rome,  which  was  after¬ 
wards  consecrated  by  Livia  and  Tiberius.  Others  were 
erected  elsewhere,  and  the  house  at  Nola  in  which  he  died  was 
consecrated.  His  image  on  a  gilded  couch  was  placed  in  the 
temple  of  Mars,  and  festivals  (Augusta lia)  were  established 
with  a  college  of  Augustales  to  maintain  them  in  all  parts  of 
the  Empire,  as  well  as  an  annual  festival  on  the  Palatine  which 
continued  to  be  held  by  succeeding  Emperors. 

The  usual  foolish  rumours  followed  his  death.  Some  said 
that  Tiberius  did  not  reach  Nola  in  time  to  see  him  alive  ; 

that  he  had  died  some  time  before,  but  that  Livia 

the  death  of  closed  the  doors  and  concealed  the  truth.  Others 
even  said  that  his  death  had  been  hastened  by 
Livia  by  means  of  a  poisoned  fig  ;  and  professed  to  explain  it 
by  a  piece  of  secret  court  history.  Shortly  before  his  death, 
they  said,  Augustus  had  gone  attended  only  by  Fabius  Maximus 
on  a  secret  visit  to  Agrippa  Postumus  in  the  island  of  Planasia, 
to  which  he  had  been  confined  since  the  cancelling  of  his 
adoption  in  a.d.  5 ;  and  that  Livia  fearing  that  he  would  relent 
towards  him  and  name  him  as  successor,  determined  that  he 
should  not  live  to  do  so,  Fabius  Maximus  having  meanwhile 
died  suddenly  and  somewhat  mysteriously.  But  the  authentic 
accounts  of  his  last  illness  and  death  give  the  lie  to  such  an 
unnecessary  crime.  Unhappily  the  jealousy  of  the  unfortunate 
Agrippa  Postumus  was  a  fact  which  helped  to  spread  such 
stories,  but  it  was  a  jealousy  roused  by  the  knowledge  of  some 
secret  plots  to  carry  him  off  and  set  him  up  as  a  rival,  and  “the 
first  crime  of  the  new  reign  ” — his  assassination  by  his  guards 
— must,  we  fear,  lie  at  the  door  of  either  Tiberius  or  Livia. 
Another  report  was  that  the  soul  of  Augustus  flew  up  to  heaven 
in  the  shape  of  an  eagle  that  rose  from  his  pyre.  Nor  must 
the  ingenious  Senator — Numerius  Atticus — be  omitted,  who 


declared  on  oath  that  he  had  seen  the  soul  of  the  Emperor 
ascending,  and  was  said  to  have  received  a  present  of  25,00° 
denarii  (about  ,£  1,000)  from  Livia  in  acknowledgment  of  this 
loyal  clearness  of  vision. 

The  prudent  forethought  of  Augustus  in  regard  to  the 
succession  answered  its  purpose.  There  was  practically  no 
break  in  the  government.  Tiberius  was  possessed 
T government?3  of  tribunida  potestas ,  which  enabled  him  to 
summon  and  consult  the  Senate.  He  also,  in 
virtue  of  his  proconsular  imperium,  gave  the  watchwoid  to  the 
praetorian  guard,  and  despatched  orders  to  the  legions  in  seivice 
in  the  provinces.  There  was,  indeed,  some  question  as  to 
whether  this  imperium  legally  terminated  with  the  death  of 
the  princeps ,  but  the  matter  was  settled  by  all  classes  taking 
the  oath  ( sacramentum )  to  him,  and  all  the  powers  and  honouis 
(except  the  title  of  pater  patrice,  which  he  would  not  accept) 
were  shortly  afterwards  voted  to  him  in  the  Senate  and  con¬ 
firmed  by  a  lex.  His  professed  reluctance  to  accept  the  whole 
burden  only  brought  out  more  clearly  how  the  work  ot 
Augustus  had  made  the  rule  of  a  single  man  inevitable  .  I 
ask  you,  sir,  which  part  of  the  government  you  wish  to  have 
committed  to  you  ?  ”  said  Asinius  Gallus.  No  answer  was 
possible.  A  man  could  not  control  the  provinces  without 
command  of  the  army.  But  he  could  not  control  the  army  if 
another  man  controlled  the  exchequer.  He  could  not  keep 
order  in  Rome  and  Italy,  if  another  had  command  of  all  the 
legions  and  fleets  abroad,  and  could  at  any  moment  invade  the 
country  or  starve  it  out  by  stopping  the  corn-ships.  And  if  a 
man  had  the  full  control  of  the  purse  and  the  sword,  the  rest 
followed.  It  was  well  enough  for  the  officials  to  have  the  o 
titles  and  perform  some  of  the  old  work,  but  if  the  centra 
authority  were  once  removed  there  would  be  chaos.  The 
Senate  had  attempted  to  exercise  that  central  authority  and 
failed.  It  could  not  secure  the  loyalty  of  men  who,  exercising 
undisturbed  power  in  distant  lands,  soon  grew  impatient  o 



the  control  of  a  body  of  mixed  elements  and  divergent  views, 
which  they  often  conceived  to  be  under  the  influence  of 
cliques  inimical  to  themselves.  The  provinces  too  as  they 
became  more  Romanised  were  certain  to  claim  to  be  put  on  a 
more  equal  status  with  Italy :  they  could  only  be  held  together 
by  a  man  who  had  equal  authority  everywhere,  never  by  a 
local  town  council.  Augustus,  indeed,  did  not  realise  this 
development,  or  rather  he  feared  its  advent.  In  his  eyes  Rome 
ought  still  to  rule,  but  could  only  do  so  by  all  its  powers  being 
centred  in  one  man,  who  could  consult  the  interest  and  attract 
the  reverence  of  all  parts  of  the  Empire  alike.  The  success 
of  this  plan  depended,  of  course,  on  the  character  of  the  man, 
and  perhaps,  above  all,  on  his  abilities  as  a  financier  ;  but,  at  any 
rate,  it  was  impossible  to  return  to  a  system  of  divided  functions, 
and  constitutional  checks,  which  were  shewn  to  be  inoperative 
the  moment  a  magistrate  drew  the  sword  and  defied  them.  So 
far  the  work  of  Augustus  stood,  and  admitted  of  no  reaction. 
Republican  ideals  could  only  be  entertained  as  pious  opinions, 
not  more  practical  than  some  of  the  republican  virtues,  on  the 
belief  in  which  they  were  founded. 



Hie  vir  hie  est,  tibi  quem 
promitti  scepius  audis. 

When  a  great  piece  of  work  has  been  done  in  the  world  it  is 
not  difficult  to  find  fault  with  it.  A  man  seldom  if  ever  sees 
the  bearing  and  ultimate  results  of  his  own  actions, 

The  early  or  carries  out  all  that  he  intended  to  do.  Even 

career  and 
change  of 

when  he  seems  to  have  done  so,  time  reveals 
faults,  miscalculations,  failures.  At  an  age  when 
among  us  a  boy  is  just  leaving  school,  Augustus  found  himself 
the  heir  of  a  great  policy  and  a  great  name  amidst  the  ruins  ol 
a  constitution  and  the  disjecta  membra  of  a  great  Empire. 
A  comparatively  small  city  state  had  conquered  the  greater 
part  of  the  known  world,  and  proposed  to  govern  it  by  the 
machinery  which  had  sufficed  when  its  territory  was  insigni¬ 
ficant,  not  extending  at  any  rate  beyond  the  shores  of  Italy 
A  close  corporation,  greedy  and  licentious,  had  divided 
amongst  its  members  the  vast  profits  from  the  gradually  ex¬ 
tending  dominions.  The  central  authority  which  should  have 
restrained  the  rulers  of  distant  provinces  and  the  collection  of 
their  revenues  was  composed  to  a  great  extent  of  those  most 
deeply  interested  in  the  corruptions  which  it  was  their  duty  to 
judge  and  condemn.  Loyalty  to  this  central  authority  grew 



weaker  and  weaker,  party  spirit  grew  stronger  and  less 
scrupulous.  In  the  desperate  struggle  for  wealth  and  luxury 
men  stuck  at  nothing.  Bloodshed  bred  bloodshed,  violence 
provoked  violence,  till  good  citizens  and  honourable  men  (and 
there  were  always  such)  found  themselves  helpless  ;  and  the 
constitution  which  had  rested  on  the  loyalty  of  magistrates  and 
citizens  was  ready  to  fall  at  the  first  touch  of  resolute  dis¬ 
obedience.  Then  a  great  man  appeared.  Iulius  Caesar  had 
not  been  free  from  the  vices  or  corruption  of  his  contem¬ 
poraries  ;  but  party  connections  at  home  led  him  to  sympathise 
with  the  people,  and  the  ten  years  of  war  and  government  in 
Gaul,  during  which  his  enemies  at  home  were  constantly 
threatening  and  thwarting  him,  had  convinced  him  that  the 
existing  constitution  was  doomed.  He  was  resolved  to  attempt 
its  reconstruction,  even  at  the  risk  of  civil  war.  But  civil  war 
is  a  sea  of  unknown  extent.  Conqueror  though  he  was  in  all 
its  battles,  it  left  him  only  a  few  months  to  elaborate  reforms. 
In  those  he  did  some  great  things  ;  but  his  revival  of  the 
Sullan  Dictatorship  was  too  crude  a  return  to  monarchy,  while 
the  exigencies  of  civil  war  forced  him  to  employ  inferior  agents. 
The  aristocratic  clique  saw  themselves  about  to  lose  their 
cherished  privilege  of  tyranny  and  extortion,  and  they  killed 

When  Octavian  came  home  to  take  up  his  inheritance,  he 
would  naturally  have  joined  Antony,  and  taken  immediate 
vengeance  on  the  guilty  clique.  But  he  found  him  intent 
upon  the  consolidation  of  his  own  position,  and  not  inclined  to 
admit  his  claim  to  the  inheritance  or  to  any  share  of  power. 
He  therefore  outwardly  joined  the  leaders  of  the  party  which 
he  detested  in  order  to  get  rid  of  Antony  and  forestall  his  bid 
for  autocracy.  The  vissicitudes  of  the  struggle  which  followed, 
ending  in  the  triumvirate  and  the  division  of  the  Roman 
world,  infected  him  with  the  poison  of  civil  strife — the  cruelty 
which  treats  honourable  enemies  as  outlaws,  and  regards 
personal  triumph  as  the  only  end  of  political  exertion.  This 


period  in  his  career  and  in  the  development  of  his  character 
ends  with  the  victory  over  Sextus  Pompeius,  in  b.c.  36,  and 
the  additional  security  gained  by  the  successes  of  Agrippa  in 
Gaul  during  the  two  preceding  years.  From  that  time  he 
began  to  regard  himself  as  the  champion  of  law  and  order,  as 
the  defender  of  Italy,  and  the  guarantee  of  peace  in  the 
Western  Provinces. 

Then  came  a  great  danger — the  danger  of  a  separation  of 
East  and  West.  Under  the  influence  of  his  passion  for 
Cleopatra,  Antony  was  building  up  a  new  empire  of  sub¬ 
ordinate  kings,  it  is  true,  but  subordinate  to  Alexandria  not 
Rome  :  and  Alexandria  was  being  adorned  with  the  spoils  of 
Asiatic  temples  to  make  it  a  worthy  capital  of  the  Eastern 
world.  How  far  this  was  really  to  involve  a  diminution  of  the 
Roman  Empire  was  probably  not  clear  to  Antony  himself. 
The  old  provinces  were  not  formally  separated,  but  they  were 
pared  and  diminished  to  round  off  the  new  kingdoms  for  his 
and  Cleopatra’s  children.  At  Rome  the  danger  was  looked 
upon  as  a  real  one  ;  and  once  more  Augustus  felt  that  if  he 
was  to  have  a  free  hand  in  the  renovation  of  the  Empiie  which 
he  contemplated,  Antony  must  disappear.  No  doubt  every 
artifice  was  employed  to  discredit  his  opponent,  and  to  con¬ 
vince  the  Roman  people  that  their  dominion  in  the  East  was 
slipping  from  them.  But,  however  Machiavellian  his  tactics, 
there  was  a  solid  basis  of  fact  beneath  them  ;  a  real  danger  or 
separation  had  existed.  The  victory  of  Actium  settled  that 
question  ;  and  when  the  few  severities  which  followed  it  were 
over,  we  are  happily  called  thenceforth  to  contemplate  the 
legislator  and  reformer,  the  administrator  of,  on  the  whole,  a 
peaceful  Empire.  There  were  no  more  civil  wars,  and  no 
serious  conspiracies.  With  rare  exceptions  perhaps  only  the 
Arabian  expedition— the  wars  in  which  Augustus  was  hence¬ 
forth  engaged  were  the  necessary  consequences  of  a  long 
frontier.  War  was  often  prevented  by  diplomacy,  and  such 
wars  as  were  undertaken  were  always  successful,  with  the 



exception  of  those  with  the  Germans,  and  even  in  their  case 
immediate  danger  was  averted. 

The  moral  problem  presented  by  the  change  from  ruthless 
cruelty  to  wise  and  persistent  clemency  has  exercised  the 
minds  of  philosophers  and  historians  ever  since.  “  It  was  not 
clemency,”  says  Seneca,  “  but  a  surfeit  of  cruelty.”  But  this 
explains  nothing.  If  Augustus  had  ever  been  cruel  for 
cruelty’s  sake,  the  increased  opportunities  of  exercising  it 
would  have  whetted  his  appetite  for  blood  as  it  did  in  some  of 
his  successors.  It  was  circumstances  that  had  changed,  not 
altogether  the  man.  Still,  no  doubt,  success  softened  (it  does 
not  always)  Augustus’s  character.  His  ministers  were  humane 
men  and  in  favour  of  milder  methods  ;  his  wife  was  a  high- 
minded  woman,  and  always  ready  to  succour  distress,  as  she 
shewed  during  the  proscriptions,  and  afterwards  in  her  son’s 
reign.  He  had  among  his  immediate  friends  philosophers  and 
men  of  letters,  whose  influence,  so  far  as  it  went,  was 
humanising.  And  lastly  such  opposition  as  still  existed  was  no 
longer  of  irreconciliables  who  had  known  “liberty”;  a  new 
generation  had  grown  up  which  on  the  whole  acquiesced  in 
the  peace  and  security  of  a  benevolent  despotism.  It  was  a 
new  era,  and  Augustus  became  a  new  man.  Full  of  honours 
and  possessed  with  irresistible  powers,  feeling  the  responsibility 
heavily,  and  often  in  vain  desiring  rest,  he  had  no  farther 
personal  object  to  gain  beyond  the  credit  of  having  served  his 
country  and  saved  the  Empire.  The  apologia  of  the  index 
rerum ,  brief  and  bald  as  it  is,  was  intended  to  shew  that  he  had 
done  this. 

In  estimating  the  value  of  his  work  we  are  met  with  this 
difficulty  at  the  very  threshold  of  the  inquiry,  that  his  object 
was  to  avoid  quick  and  conspicuous  changes. 

Th1swork°f  Instead  of  discussing  some  heroic  measure  we 
have  to  examine  a  multitude  of  details.  In  every 
department  of  political  and  social  life  we  trace  his  hand. 
Working  day  and  night,  he  was  scheming  to  alter  what  he 


thought  bad,  and  to  introduce  what  he  thought  good.  The 
reconstruction  and  embellishment  of  the  city,  the  restoration 
of  religion,  the  rehabilitation  of  marriage,  measures  necessary 
for  the  security  of  Rome  and  Italy,  for  the  better  government 
and  material  prosperity  of  the  provinces,  for  the  solvency  of 
the  exchequer,  and  for  the  protection  of  commerce — all  these 
continually  occupied  his  time  and  his  thoughts.  Of  this 
steady  industry  this  or  that  result  may  be  open  to  criticism, 
but,  on  the  whole,  it  seems  certain  that  it  increased  the  good 
order  and  prosperity  of  the  Empire,  and  therefore  added  to  the 
comfort  and  happiness  of  innumerable  lives. 

But  of  course  the  upshot  of  it  all  was  the  establishment  of 
a  monarchy  ;  and  it  still  remains  to  be  considered  how  far  its 
benefits  were  counterbalanced  by  evils  arising 

disadvantages 'of  from  the  loss  of  freedom.  It  might  be  argued 
the  autocracy.  that  tyrants  a}wayS  appeal  to  their  right  use  of 

power  howeyer  irregularly  obtained,  but  that  the  plea  is  beside 
the  question.  Freedom  is  the  only  guarantee  of  the  continuance 
of  good  government.  The  beneficent  tyrant  may  any  day  be 
succeeded  by  a  bad  one.  The  policy  of  Augustus  had  led  the 
people  on  step  by  step  to  forfeit  this  freedom,  and  lose  even  the 
taste  for  it,  lulled  to  sleep  by  the  charms  of  safety  and  luxury. 
When  the  glamour  had  faded  from  some  eyes,  it  was  too  late. 
The  generation  which  had  known  freedom  had  disappeared  ; 
the  experience  necessary  for  working  the  old  machinery  no 
longer  existed.  The  few  who  still  remembered  with  regret 
the  old  constitution,  under  which  they  had  hoped  to  take  an 
independent  share  of  political  activity,  had  nothing  left  to  them 
but  sullen  submission. 

In  the  provinces,  indeed,  this  consideration  did  not  apply.  The 
despotism  there  added  to  the  sum  of  happiness  and  took  nothing 
away.  They  had  lost  their  independence  long 
In  the  provinces.  They  were  already  under  a  master,  a  master 

who  was  changed  at  short  intervals,  whom  it  was  very  difficult 
to  bring  to  an  account  if  he  were  oppressive,  in  whose  selec- 



tion  they  had  had  absolutely  no  share,  and  whose  character 
they  had  no  means  of  calculating  beforehand.  They  might 
one  year  be  enjoying  all  the  benefits  of  an  able  and  dis¬ 
interested  ruler,  the  next  they  might  find  themselves  in  the 
power  of  a  tyrannical  extortioner,  selfish,  cynical,  cruel.  The 
old  republican  names  and  ideals  were  nothing  to  them  ;  or 
rather  they  suggested  organised  oppression  and  a  conspiracy  to 
refuse  redress.  The  change  to  one  master,  who  had  every¬ 
thing  to  gain  by  their  prosperity,  and  was  at  the  same  time 
master  of  their  old  oppressors,  must  have  seemed  in  every 
respect  a  blessing.  If  there  was  any  drawback  it  was  that 
nationality  and  the  desire  for  self-government  were  killed  by 
kindness.  In  all  difficulties  and  disasters  they  looked  to  the 
Emperor  for  aid  and  seldom  looked  in  vain.  In  the  East 
especially  this  was  probably  not  wholesome  ;  yet  the  immediate 
effects  in  producing  prosperity  and  comfort  were  marked 
enough  to  put  aside  for  the  present  all  such  scruples. 

But  for  the  governing  nation  itself,  while  some  of  the 
benefits  were  no  less  manifest,  the  mischievous  results  were 

more  easy  to  point  out.  Material  prosperity  was 

In  Italy.  ,  .  .  .  r  J 

much  increased.  1  he  city  was  made  a  pleasant 
and  attractive  place  of  residence.  Italy  was  partially  re¬ 
peopled  with  an  industrious  class.  Commerce  was  encouraged 
and  protected,  literature  and  the  fine  arts  were  fostered,  and 
the  Palace  on  the  whole  set  a  good  example  of  simplicity  of 
living.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  rule  of  a  single  person 
stifled  political  life.  By  the  system  of  cures  or  special  com¬ 
missions  all  administrative  work  was  transferred  to  nominees  of 
the  Emperor,  who  were  often  his  intimate  friends,  or  even  his 
freedmen,  bound  to  him  by  the  closest  ties  of  subordination. 
The  old  magistracies  became  unattractive,  not  only  because 
they  no  longer  led  as  a  matter  of  course  to  profitable  employ¬ 
ment  abroad,  but  because  their  holders  had  little  of  interest  to 
do.  The  Senate,  though  treated  with  respect  and  retaining 
some  importance  as  a  high  court  of  justice,  was  practically  no 


longer  a  governing  body.  It  was  wholly  at  the  beck  of  the 
Emperor,  and  such  work  of  consequence  as  it  still  performed 
was  often  transacted  by  small  committees,  the  main  body 
merely  assenting.  In  spite,  therefore,  of  the  dignity  of  the 
Senator’s  position,  it  ceased  to  attract  the  best  men.  The 
higher  classes  turned  away  from  a  political  career,  and  gave 
themselves  up  more  and  more  to  luxurious  idleness.  The  rise 
of  the  freedman — practically  the  rule  of  favourites — was  clearly 
foreshadowed,  though  owing  to  the  industry  of  Augustus,  and 
his  genius  for  detail,  it  did  not  become  prominent  in  his  time. 
As  the  upper  classes  were  thus  to  a  certain  extent  demoralised 
by  the  Principate,  so  the  city  proletariate  was  pampered  and 
made  still  more  effete.  The  city  was  made  only  too  attractive 
to  them,  and  they  were  to  be  kept  in  good  humour  by  an 
endless  series  of  games  and  shows.  There  was  a  good  deal  of 
truth  in  the  retort  of  the  player  Pylades,  when  reproved  by 
Augustus  for  his  feud  with  Bathyllus,  that  it  was  for  the 
Emperor’s  advantage  that  the  people  should  have  their  attention 
fixed  on  the  playhouse  rather  than  on  politics.  But  they  soon 
began  not  only  to  regard  these  amusements  as  their  right :  they 
expected  also  to  be  fed  at  the  cost  of  the  government,  whether 
by  direct  gifts  of  money,  or  by  the  distribution  of  cheap  or 
even  gratuitous  corn.  Nor  can  it  be  said  that  the  amusements 
provided  for  them  were  of  an  elevating  nature.  Augustus 
boasts  in  the  Index  (c.  20),  that  he  gave  seven  shows  of 
gladiators  in  his  own  name  or  that  of  his  sons,  in  which  about 
10,000  men  in  all  had  fought ;  1  and  besides  other  games 
twenty-six  venationes  of  African  beasts,  i.e .,  mostly  elephants, 
in  which  about  3,500  were  killed.  The  mob  of  Rome 
needed  little  brutalising,  but  they  got  it  in  abundance. 

With  such  drawbacks,  however,  it  still  must  be  owned  that 
the  administration  of  Augustus  largely  increased  the  sum  of 

1  It  ought,  however,  to  be  said  to  his  credit  that  he  forbade  the  exhibition 
of  gladiators  sine  missione,  i.e.,  without  the  right  of  being  allowed  to  depart 
safe  from  the  arena  when  defeated  if  the  people  so  willed  it. 



human  happiness  by  the  mitigation  of  oppression  in  the  pro¬ 
vinces,  and  by  the  suppression  of  disorder  in  Rome  and  Italy. 
The  finances  were  placed  on  a  sound  footing,  property  was 
rendered  secure,  and  men  felt  everywhere  that  they  might 
pursue  their  business  with  every  chance  of  enjoying  the  fruits 
of  their  labours.  This  was  something  after  a  century  of 
revolution  more  or  less  acute,  and  twenty  years  of  downright 
civil  war.  It  is  worth  while  to  attempt  to  picture  to  ourselves 
the  man  who  was  the  author  of  these  good  and  bad  results. 

Augustus  was  a  short  man  (just  under  five  feet  seven 
inches),  but  so  well  proportioned  that  the  defect  in  height 
was  not  noticed  unless  he  was  standing  by  much 

The  personal  -  ,  , 

appearance  and  -taller  men.  He  was  remarkably  handsome  at 

character  of  *  m 

Augustus.  all  periods  of  his  life,  with  an  expression  of 
calm  dignity,  whether  silent  or  speaking,  which  involuntarily 
inspired  respect.  His  eyes  were  grey,  and  so  bright  and 
keen  that  it  was  not  easy  to  meet  their  gaze.  If  he  had 
a  personal  vanity  it  was  in  regard  to  them.  He  liked  to 
think  that  they  dazzled  those  on  whom  he  looked,  and  he 
was  pleased  at  the  answer  of  the  Roman  eques,  who,  when 
asked  why  he  turned  away,  replied,  “  Because  I  could  not  bear 
the  lightning  of  your  eyes.”  Vergil  gratified  this  vanity  ot 
his  patron  when  in  the  description  of  the  battle  of  Actium 
(/£«.,  viii.  650)  he  pictures  him, 

Stans  celsa  in  puppi ;  geminas  cui  tempora flammas 

Led  a  vomunt. 

And  the  Emperor  Iulian,  in  “  The  Banquet  of  the  Emperors,” 
laughs  not  unkindly  at  the  same  weakness  when  he  introduces 
him,  “  changing  colour  like  a  chameleon,  and  wishing  that 
the  beams  darting  from  his  eyes  should  be  like  those  of  the 
mighty  sun.”  The  busts,  statues,  and  coins  of  Augustus  fully 
confirm  this  statement  as  to  his  beauty  ;  and  in  the  triumphal 
statue  found  in  Livia5s  villa  at  Prima  Porta,  the  artist  has 
succeeded  in  suggesting  the  brightness  and  keenness  of  his 


eyes.  He  was  usually  clean  shaven,  but  from  his  uncle’s  death 
to  B.c.  38,  according  to  Dio  (48,  34),  he  grew  his  beard  as  a 
sign  of  mourning  ;  though  coins  showed  him  with  a  slight 
whisker  till  about  b.c.  36.  These  portraits  are  full  of  life  and 
character.  The  clear-cut  features,  the  firm  mouth  and  chin, 
the  steady  eyes,  the  carelessly  ordered  hair,  the  lines  on  fore¬ 
head  and  cheeks,  suggest  a  man  who  had  suffered  and  laboured, 
who  was  yet  self-controlled,  calm,  and  clear-headed.  It  is  a 
face  not  without  some  tenderness,  but  capable  of  firing  up  into 
hot  indignation  and  even  cruelty.  There  is  an  air  of  suffering 
but  of  determined  victory  over  pain  ;  altogether  a  face  of  a 
man  who  had  done  a  great  work  and  risen  to  a  high  place  in 
the  world  and  knew  it  ;  who  had  confidence,  lastly,  in  his  star. 
On  taking  leave  of  Gaius  Caesar,  it  is  said,  he  wished  him  a  the 
integrity  of  Pompey,  the  courage  of  Alexander,  and  his  own 
good  fortune.”  On  some  of  his  coins  beneath  the  head 
crowned  with  the  crown  of  twelve  rays,  is  the  Iulian  star,  first 
observed  at  the  funeral  of  Iulius  Caesar,  and  which  he  adopted 
as  the  sign  of  his  own  high  fortunes  :  on  others  the  Sphinx, 
which  he  at  first  adopted  as  his  signet— emblem  perhaps  of 
a  purpose  unbetrayed.  Augustus  was  accomplished  in  the 
subjects  recognised  in  the  education  of  his  time,  though  he 
neither  wrote  nor  spoke  Greek  with  ease.  He  had  studied 
and  practised  rhetoric,  and  had  a  good  and  correct  taste  in 
style,  avoiding  the  use  of  far-fetched  or  obsolete  words  and 
expressions,  or  affected  conceits.  He  ridiculed  Antony  for  his 
«  Asiatic  ”  style  of  oratory,  full  of  flowers  of  speech  and  flam¬ 
boyant  sentences  ;  and  writing  to  his  granddaughter, 
Agrippina,  while  praising  her  abilities  he  warns  her  against 
pedantic  expressions  whether  in  conversation  or  writing.  With¬ 
out  being  an  orator,  he  spoke  clearly  and  to  the  point,  assisted 
by  a  pleasant  voice,  which  he  took  pains  to  preserve  and  improve. 
In  the  Senate,  the  camp,  and  private  conferences,  he  preferred 
to  read  his  speeches,  though  he  could  also  speak  well  on  the  spur 
of  the  moment  In  domestic  life,  though  somewhat  strict,  he 




was  generally  simple  and  charming.  He  lived  much  with  wife 
and  children,  associating  himself  with  their  employments,  and 
even  joining  in  the  games  of  the  latter.  He  personally  super¬ 
intended  the  education  of  his  adopted  sons,  taught  them  his  own 
method  of  shorthand,  and  'interested  himself  in  their  reading. 
He  had  old-fashioned  ideas  about  the  proper  employment  of 
the  women  in  his  family.  They  were  expected  to  busy  them¬ 
selves  in  weaving  for  the  use  of  the  household,  to  visit  and 
receive  visits  only  with  his  approval,  and  not  to  converse  on 
subjects  that  could  not  with  propriety  be  entered  on  the 
day’s  journal.  Though  his  daughter  and  granddaughters  were 
well  educated,  and  had  a  taste  for  literature,  it  may  well  be 
that  a  home  thus  conducted  was  so  dull  as  partly  to  account 
for  their  aberrations  in  the  fuller  liberty  of  married  life. 

His  attachments  were  warm  and  constant,  and  he  was  not 
illiberal  to  his  friends  or  disinclined  to  give  them  his  full  con¬ 
fidence.  But  he  was  always  his  own  master.  No  friend  or 
freedman  gained  control  over  him  or  rose  to  the  odious  position 
of  “  favourite.”  He  allowed  and  even  liked  freedom  of  speech, 
but  it  was  always  without  loss  of  dignity.  He  was  not  a  man 
with  whom  liberties  were  taken  even  by  the  most  intimate. 
He  was  quick  tempered,  but  knew  it,  and  was  ready  to  admit 
of  caution  and  advice,  as  in  the  well-known  story  of  Maecenas, 
watching  him  in  court  about  to  condemn  a  number  of  prisoners 
(probably  in  the  civil  war  times),  and  throwing  across  to  him  a 
note  with  the  words,  Surge  tandem  carnifex  !  “  Tis  time  to 

rise,  hangman  !  ”  Or  when  he  received  with  complaisance 
the  advice  of  Athenodorus  (hero  of  the  covered  sedan)  that 
when  he  was  angry  he  should  say  over  the  letters  of  the 
alphabet  before  coming  to  a  decision. 

In  later  times  he  was  always  looked  back  upon  by  his 
successors  as  the  true  founder  of  the  Empire,  and 
HiSUvtews°man  t*ie  best  model  for  their  guidance  ;  yet  it  is 
doubtful  how  far  he  had  wide  and  far-reaching 
views.  He  was  a  statesman  who  dealt  with  facts  as  he  found 


them  and  did  the  best  he  could.  He  was  deeply  impressed 
with  the  difficulty  of  his  task.  Commenting  on  the  fact  of 
Alexander  the  Great  having  accomplished  his  conquests  by 
the  age  of  32,  and  then  feeling  at  a  loss  what  to  do  for  the 
rest  of  his  life,  he  remarked  that  he  “was  surprised  that 
Alexander  did  not  regard  the  right  ordering  of  the  empire 
he  possessed  a  heavier  task  than  winning  it.”  But  in  one 
important  respect  at  least  he  was  wrong  in  his  idea  of  what  he 
had  done.  He  never  conceived  of  an  empire  filled  with  citizens 
enjoying  equal  rights,  or  in  which  Rome  could  possibly  occupy 
a  secondary  place.  He  was  ultra-Roman  in  his  views  ;  and 
worked  and  schemed  to  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the 
Eternal  City.  That  supremacy  may  indeed  be  said  to  have 
remained  to  this  day  in  the  region  of  spiritual  affairs.  But  it 
was  destined  to  disappear  politically,  except  in  name,  before 
many  generations  had  passed  away,  and  as  a  logical  consequence 
of  much  that  he  had  himself  done.  A  new  Rome  and  a  new 
Empire — though  always  resting  on  the  old  title  and  theory — 
were  to  arise,  in  which  Italy  would  be  a  province  like  the  rest, 
and  old  Rome  but  the  shadow  of  a  mighty  name. 

Among  those  who  exercised  a  permanent  influence  on 
Augustus,  the  first  place  must  be  given  to  Livia  (b.c.  54- 
a.d.  29).  The  writers  on  Augustus  comment 
The  court  circle.  ^  tke  rornantic  revolution  of  her  fortunes.  After 

the  affair  of  Perusia  she  fled  with  her  husband,  Nero,  and  her 
little  son,  Tiberius,  from  Augustus,  who  was  to  be  her 
husband,  and  was  to  be  succeeded  by  her  son.  Her  divorce 
and  prompt  marriage  to  Augustus,  while  within  a  few  months 
of  being  again  a  mother,  is  not  only  a  thing  revolting  to  our 
ideas,  it  was  strictly  against  Roman  principles  and  habits,  and 
required  all  her  new  husband’s  commanding  influence  to  be 
admitted  as  legal.  Yet  Suetonius  says,  and  says  truly,  that  he 
continued  “to  love  and  honour  her  exclusively  to  the  end” 
( dilexit  et  probavit  unice  et  p  er s  ever  ant  er).  The  same  writer 
gives  an  account  of  the  Emperor’s  intrigues  with  other 

2  y6 


women.  To  our  ideas  the  two  statements  are  contradictory, 
but  Suetonius  would  not  have  thought  so.  Conjugal  love  was 
not  amor;  the  latter  was  thought  even  inconsistent  with,  or 
at  least  undesirable  in,  conjugal  affection.  He  means  that 
throughout  his  life  Augustus  continued  to  regard  her  with 
affection,  to  respect  her  character,  and  give  weight  to  her 
opinion.  For  my  own  part,  I  believe  that  something  more 
might  be  said,  and  that  much  of  what  has  come  down  to 
us  as  to  the  conduct  of  the  Emperor  may  be  dismissed  as 
malignant  gossip.  But  however  that  may  be,  the  influence 
of  Livia  over  him  seems  never  to  have  failed,  and  it  was 
exercised  on  the  side  of  clemency  and  generosity.  She  set  an 
excellent  example  of  pure  and  dignified  conduct  to  Roman 
society,  and,  though  abstaining  from  interference  generally  in 
political  matters,  was  ready  to  give  advice  when  called  upon. 
She  seems  usually  to  have  accompanied  him,  when  possible,  on 
his  foreign  progresses  or  residences  away  from  Rome.  When 
Herod  visited  Augustus  at  Aquileia  in  b.c.  14,  she  appears  to 
have  shared  her  husband’s  liking  for  that  strange  medley  of 
magnificence  and  cruelty,  and  sent  him  costly  gifts  for  the 
festivity  which  accompanied  the  completion  of  the  new  city 
of  Caesarea  Sebaste  in  B.c.  13.  The  usual  allegation  against 
her  is  that  she  worked  for  the  succession  of  her  sons,  Tiberius 
and  Drusus,  as  against  the  Iulian  family,  represented  by  the 
son  of  Octavia  and  the  children  of  Iulia.  To  secure  this 
object  she  was  accused  in  popular  rumour  of  compassing  the 
deaths  successively  of  Marcellus,  of  Gaius  and  Lucius  Caesar, 
of  Agrippa  Postumus,  and,  finally,  of  having  even  hastened  the 
end  of  Augustus  himself.  This  last  is  not  mentioned  by 
Suetonius,  and  is  only  related  by  Dio  as  a  report,  for  which  he 
gives  no  evidence,  and  which  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
believed.  Tacitus  records  the  criticism  of  her  as  a  gravis 
noverca  to  the  family  of  the  Caesars,  and  seems  to  accept  her 
guilt  in  regard  to  Gaius  and  Iulius  [Ann.  4,  71).  But  he  is 
also  constrained  to  admit  that  she  exercised  a  humanising 


2  77 

influence  over  Tiberius,  that  his  victims  constantly  found 
refuge  and  protection  in  her  palace,  and  that  she  was  benevolent 
and  charitable  to  the  poor — maintaining  a  large  number  of 
orphan  boys  and  girls  by  her  bounty.  The  most  suspicious 
case  against  her  is  the  execution  of  Agrippa  Postumus 
immediately  after  the  death  of  Augustus — cc  the  first  crime 
of  the  new  reign.”  It  will  never  be  known  whether  the 
order  for  that  cruel  deed  issued  from  her  or  her  crafty  son. 
The  death  of  Marcellus  was  in  no  way  suspicious,  as  it 
occurred  in  a  season  of  exceptional  unhealthiness,  when  large 
numbers  were  dying  at  Rome  of  malarial  fever.  As  to  the 
deaths  of  Gaius  and  Lucius,  no  suspicion  seems  to  have 
occurred  to  Augustus,  and  he  was  keenly  anxious  for  their 
survival.  The  poisoned  fig  supposed  to  have  been  given  to 
himself  is  a  familiar  feature  in  the  stories  of  great  men’s  death 
of  every  age  in  Italy.  Tacitus  in  the  famous  summing  up  of 
her  character,  while  acknowledging  the  purity  of  her  domestic 
conduct,  yet  declares  that  her  social  manners  were  more  free 
than  was  considered  becoming  among  women  of  an  earlier 
time  ;  that  as  a  mother  she  was  extravagantly  fond,  as  a  wife 
too  complaisant  ;  and  that  her  character  was  a  combination 
of  her  husband’s  adroitness  and  her  son’s  insincerity.  He  by 
no  means  intends  to  draw  a  pleasing  portrait.  He  seldom  does. 
But  what  we  may  take  for  true  is  that  she  was  beautiful,  loyal 
to  her  husband,  open-handed  and  generous  to  the  distressed, 
merciful  and  kind  to  the  unfortunate.  To  those  who  think 
such  qualities  likely  to  belong  to  a  poisoner  and  murderess,  her 
condemnation  must  be  left.  It  is  curious  that  neither  Vergil, 
Horace,  nor  Propertius  mention  or  allude  to  Livia ;  nor  does 
Ovid  do  so  until  after  the  death  of  Augustus— for  the  comolatio 
ad  Liviam  on  the  death  of  Drusus  is  not  his.  On  some  of  the 
inscriptions  of  a  later  period  in  the  reign  her  name  appears 
among  the  imperial  family  as  wife  of  the  Princeps.  That  was 
itself  an  innovation,  and  it  seems  as  if  the  poets  abstained  from 
mentioning  her  under  orders.  It  was  improper  for  a  matron 



of  high  rank  to  be  made  public  property  in  this  way.  Horace, 
for  instance,  only  once  alludes  to  the  wife  of  Maecenas,  and 
then  under  a  feigned  name. 

Of  those  who  influenced  the  earlier  policy  of  Augustus,  and 
supported  him  in  the  first  twenty  years  of  the  Principate,  the 
first  place  must  be  given  to  Agrippa  and  Maecenas. 

M.  V ipsanius  Agrippa  (b.c.  63-13),  differed  widely  from 
Maecenas,  but  was  like  him  in  constant  attachment  and  fidelity 
to  Augustus.  He  was  with  him  in  Apollonia,  and  on  the 
news  of  the  murder  of  Iulius  advised  an  appeal  to  the  army. 
Even  before  this  he  had  accompanied  him  to  Spain  when  he 
went  to  join  his  uncle  in  b.c.  45,  and  ever  afterwards  served 
him  with  unswerving  fidelity  and  conspicuous  success.  In  the 
war  with  Sextus  Pompeius,  at  Perusia,  in  Gaul,  Spain  and 
Illyria,  in  the  organisation  of  the  East,  and  on  the  Bosporus, 
it  was  his  energy  and  ability  that  decided  the  contest  in  favour 
of  his  master,  or  secured  the  settlement  that  he  desired.  He 
was  the  organiser  of  the  Roman  navy,  and  though  his  great 
work  at  the  Lucrine  lake  proved  to  be  only  temporary,  the 
squadrons  that  guarded  the  seas  at  Misenum,  Ravenna  and 
Forum  Iulii  were  the  result  of  his  activity  and  foresight.  His 
acts  of  splendid  liberality  in  Rome  have  been  already  noticed. 
He  shewed  the  same  magnificence  in  Gaul  and  elsewhere,  and 
seems  also  to  have  largely  assisted  in  the  great  survey  of  the 
empire  instituted  by  Augustus.  Not  only  did  he  support  all 
the  plans  and  ideas  of  his  master,  he  was  ready  to  take  any 
position  and  make  any  personal  sacrifice  to  further  his  views. 
After  his  first  marriage  to  Pomponia,  by  whom  he  was  the  father 
of  Vipsania,  he  was  married  to  Marcella,  the  Emperor’s  niece. 
To  support  his  master’s  plans  for  the  succession  he  submitted 
to  divorce  her  and  marry  Iulia,  after  having  previously  made 
way  for  the  rise  of  Marcellus  by  accepting  a  command  in  the 
East.  The  Emperor  shewed  his  confidence  in  him  on  every 
occasion.  In  b.c.  23  when  he  thought  himself  dying  he 
placed  his  seal  in  his  hands,  in  b.c,  18  he  cqused  him  to  be 


admitted  to  share  his  tribunician  power  for  five  years,  which 
was  renewed  again  in  b.c.  i  3  j  so  that  though  his  two  sons  were 
adopted  by  Augustus,  the  succession  would  almost  certainly 
have  fallen  to  him  had  the  Emperor  died  in  their  minority. 
This  elevation  however  did  not  give  him  rest :  the  last  years 
of  his  life  were  spent  in  the  East,  on  the  Bosporus  and  in 
Pannonia,  from  which  last  he  only  returned  to  die.  This 
faithful  service  had  been  rendered  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
he  had  advised  against  the  acceptance  of  the  principate.  He 
had  urged  the  financial  difficulties,  the  irreconcilable  nature 
of  the  opposition,  the  impossibility  of  drawing  back,  and 
Octavian’s  own  weak  health.  But  when  his  master  pre¬ 
ferred  the  advice  of  Maecenas,  he  took  his  part  in  the  under¬ 
taking  without  faltering  and  with  splendid  loyalty.  Though 
Augustus  owed  much  of  his  success  to  his  own  cautious  states¬ 
manship,  he  owed  even  more  to  the  man  who  failed  in  nothing 
that  he  undertook,  and  would  claim  no  honour  for  himself  in 
return.  The  Emperor  delivered  the  funeral  oration  over  this 
loyal  servant,  and  deposited  his  ashes  in  the  Mausoleum  which 

he  had  built  for  his  own  family. 

C.  Cilnius  Maecenas  (circ.  b.c.  65-B.c.  8),  was  probably  a 
few  years  older  than  Augustus,  but  near  enough  to  his  age  to 
have  been  one  of  his  companions  at  Apollonia.  His  influence 
was  maintained  till  about  b.c.  16.  It  is  most  conspicuous 
from  the  time  immediately  following  the  Perusian  war.  He 
negotiated  the  marriage  with  Scribonia,  the  peace  of  Brundi- 
sium  with  Antony  (b.c.  40),  and  the  subsequent  reconciliation 
of  B.c.  38.  In  the  war  against  Sextus  Pompeius  (b.c.  38-36)5 
he  was  partly  with  Augustus,  but  partly  at  Rome,  with  full 
powers  to  act  for  him  and  even  to  alter  his  despatches  and 
letters  as  seemed  necessary,  having  the  triumvir’s  private  seal 
entrusted  to  him  for  that  purpose.  This  was  possible  from 
the  fact  of  such  letters  being  written  by  amanuenses  and  being 
therefore  only  recognisable  by  the  seal.  Thus  Cicero  often 
commissions  Atticus  to  write  formal  letters  to  his  frien  s  for 



him.  This  position — it  was  no  definite  office,  or  perhaps 
was  more  like  being  legatus  to  Octavian  than  anything  else — 
he  seems  to  have  retained  till  after  the  battle  of  Actium,  at 
which  he  probably  was  not  present,  though  that  has  been  dis¬ 
puted.  He  detected  the  conspiracy  of  the  younger  Lepidus, 
and  sent  him  to  Octavian  to  be  judged.  In  B.c.  29,  on 
Octavian’s  return  from  the  East,  he  recommended  the  estab¬ 
lishment  of  a  despotism,  as  a  republic  was  no  longer  possible. 
The  speech  preserved  by  Dio  (52,  14-40)  may  very  well  be 
genuine,  in  view  of  the  habit  of  the  day,  and  of  Augustus 
himself,  of  reading  addresses  even  in  comparatively  private 
conferences  on  matters  of  importance.1  Even  if  it  is  not  the 
genuine  speech,  it  correctly  represents  many  of  the  principles 
on  which  Augustus  did  act,  and  as  to  which  he  doubtless  con¬ 
sulted  Maecenas.  It  counsels  him  to  keep  in  his  hands  legisla¬ 
tion,  foreign  affairs,  elections,  executive  appointments  and  the 
courts  of  law,  and  to  hear  cases  of  appeal  himself :  exactly  what 
Augustus  did  under  various  disguises.  It  argues  that  it  was 
necessary  both  for  his  own  safety  and  that  of  the  state  that  he 
should  remain  in  power,  the  glory  being  well  worth  the  risk. 
Other  recommendations  are  a  reform  of  Senate  and  equites, 
the  maintenance  of  the  old  republican  magistrates  for  home 
service,  the  establishment  of  a  prafectus  urbi>  the  exercise  by 
himself  of  censorial  functions,  the  subordination  of  provincial 
governors  to  the  Emperor,  and  their  payment  by  a  fixed  salary, 
with  the  appointment  of  procurators  to  superintend  the  finances 
of  the  provinces.  A  system  of  education  for  the  equites  is  also 
suggested,  which  does  not  seem  to  have  been  carried  out ;  but 
many  of  the  financial  proposals  were  adopted,  as  well  as  the 
idea  of  keeping  the  people  amused  by  games  and  shows.  The 
advice  to  abolish  the  comitia  Augustus  could  not  follow  con¬ 
sistently  with  his  policy  of  compromise.  They  remained  and 
were  the  causes  of  more  than  one  trouble  and  disturbance,  but 
their  freedom  of  election  was  gradually  but  surely  destroyed, 

1  See  note  on  p.  147, 



and  one  of  the  first  measures  of  Tiberius  was  to  abolish  them 
as  no  longer  a  reality.  The  reform  of  the  Senate  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  carried  out.  As  for  the  judicia,  the  Senate  became 
a  high  court  for  cases  of  treason  ( maiestas\  before  which  alone 
Senators  could  be  tried ;  the  decurice  iudicum  were  reformed,  and 
Augustus  himself  performed  the  functions  of  a  court  of  appeal 
in  various  ways,  sometimes  by  his  tribunician  power  of  “  inter¬ 
ceding  ”  against  the  sentences  of  magistrates  or  Senate,  and 
sometimes  by  hearing  cases  from  the  provinces  of  citizens  who 
disputed  the  competence  of  provincial  courts  and  claimed  to 
be  heard  at  Rome.  Maecenas  holding  no  office  never  became 
a  Senator ;  but  he  represented  the  Emperor  in  his  absence, 
unless  Agrippa  was  appointed  to  do  so  instead.  In  this 
capacity  he  really  exercised  a  greater  power  than  any  definite 
office  would  have  given  him,  and  the  whole  business  of  the 
Empire  passed  through  his  hands.1 

But  it  was  not  only  as  the  ostensible  representative  of 
the  Emperor  that  he  worked  for  his  support.  In  the  com¬ 
parative  retirement  of  his  palace  on  the  Esquiline  he  con¬ 
tributed  to  that  object  by  gathering  round  him  the  best 
intellects  and  first  men  of  letters  of  the  day,  whom  he 
induced  to  devote  their  talents  not  only  to  glorify  the 
Emperor  personally,  but  to  popularise  his  policy  and  magnify 
his  service  to  the  state.  How  far  this  may  have  been 
effectual  by  making  it  the  fashion  to  accept  and  admire 
the  principate  may  perhaps  be  questioned,  but  that  he  should 
have  secured  such  writers  as  Vergil,  Horace,  and  Propertius  on 
his  side  says  much  for  his  insight  and  literary  taste.  One  of 
the  weaknesses  of  the  position  of  Iulius  had  been  that  he  had  the 
literary  class  mostly  against  him.  The  present  reputation  and 
future  fame  of  Augustus  were  to  be  better  safeguarded.  Per¬ 
sonally  Maecenas  was  luxurious  and  effeminate,  always  a  valetu¬ 
dinarian,  and  in  his  later  years  afflicted  with  almost  constant 
insomnia.  This  accounts  well  enough  for  the  retirement  from 

1  Horace,  Od.  iii.  8. 



public  business  during  the  last  eight  years  of  his  life  without 
those  other  causes  of  the  Emperor’s  displeasure  which  have 
been  already  discussed.  His  wife  was  a  beauty,  much  younger 
than  himself,  wilful  and  wayward ;  and  if  it  is  true  that  she 
intrigued  with  Augustus,  it  seems  also  true  that  her  husband 
repaid  her  in  kind.  There  were  frequent  quarrels  and  recon¬ 
ciliations,  so  that  Seneca  says  that  he  married  her  “  a  thousand 
times  ;  ”  and  once  at  any  rate  the  family  trouble  found  its  way 
into  the  law  courts,  where,  however,  the  bona  fides  of  the 
divorce  which  she  was  alleged  to  have  made  was  questioned.1 
In  spite  of  some  coldness  between  them  in  later  years,  and  the 
physical  infirmities  which  removed  him  from  public  business, 
Augustus  sincerely  mourned  his  loss,  as  of  a  counsellor  who 
never  betrayed  his  confidence  or  spoke  idle  words.  He  had 
no  real  successor.  From  the  time  of  his  death  the  Emperor 
seems  more  and  more  to  have  become  his  own  prime  minister, 
or  to  have  looked  to  his  own  family  for  assistance  as  well  as 
for  a  successor.  Tacitus  (*Ann.  3,  30)  says  that  his  place  was 
taken  by  Sallustius  Crispus,  great-nephew  of  the  historian  ;  but 
Augustus  does  not  seem  to  have  thought  highly  of  his  ability, 
and  the  part  he  took  in  affairs  was  not  prominent  enough  to  have 
secured  mention  by  either  Suetonius  or  Dio.  Maecenas  wrote 
himself  both  in  prose  and  verse,  but  in  an  affected  and  obscure 
style,  which  Augustus  playfully  ridiculed.  The  stoic  Seneca  is 
particularly  severe  on  a  poem  in  which  he  declares  that  he  clings 
to  life  in  spite  of  all  physical  sufferings  however  painful  : — 

“Though  racked  with  gout  in  hand  and  foot, 

Though  cancer  deep  should  strike  its  root, 

Though  palsy  shake  my  feeble  thighs, 

Though  hideous  hump  on  shoulders  rise, 

From  flaccid  gum  teeth  drop  away  ; 

Yet  all  is  well  if  life  but  stay. 

Give  me  but  life,  and  e’en  the  pain 
Of  sharpest  cross  shall  count  as  gain.” 

1  Seneca,  Epp.  114  ;  Digest.  24,  I,  64. 



The  chief  writers  of  the  Maecenas  circle,  who  either  became 
intimate  with  Augustus  himself,  or  were  induced  by  Mscenas 
to  join  in  the  chorus  of  praise,  were  Vergil,  Varius, 
AXs^tTd  Horace,  Propertius.  Of  the  epics  of  L.  Varius 
Rufus  ( circ .  B.C.  64-14)  on  Iulius  Caesar  and 
Augustus,  we  have  only  a  few  fragments.  The  historian,  Livy, 
(b.c.  59-A.D.  16)  was  also  on  friendly  terms  with  Augustus, 
and  seems  to  have  had  some  hand  in  teaching  Claudius,  son  of 
Drusus,  the  future  emperor.  But  his  great  work — from  the 
foundation  of  Rome  to  the  death  of  Drusus  (b.c.  9)  was  after¬ 
wards  regarded  as  being  too  republican,  and  even  Augustus 
used  laughingly  to  call  him  the  Pompeian.  It  was  the  poets 
who  made  Augustus  and  his  policy  the  subject  of  their  praises, 
and  who  employed  their  genius  to  support  his  views. 

The  first  to  do  this  was  P.  Vergilius  Maro  (b.c.  70-17). 
The  earliest  of  his  writings,  the  Eclogues ,  composed  between 
b.c.  42-37,  do  not  show  any  close  connection 
with  Augustus.  The  first  indeed  celebrates  the 
restoration  of  his  farm  after  a  personal  interview  with  Octavian, 
on  the  suggestion  of  Pollio  and  Mscenas,  and  the  poet  declares 
that  never  will  there  fade  from  his  heart  the  gracious  look  of 
the  young  prince.  But  the  chief  object  of  praise  in  the 
Eclogues ,  so  far  as  there  is  one,  is  Pollio,  who  had  been  left  in 
charge  of  the  distribution  of  lands  by  the  Triumvirs  in  b.c.  42. 
In  the  Georgies ,  however,  finished  after  b.c.  30,  we  find  that 
he  has  fallen  in  with  the  new  regime.  They  are  dedicated  to 
the  minister  Maecenas,  they  celebrate  Augustus’s  triple  triumph 
of  B.c.  29,  and  they  were  composed  partly,  at  any  rate,  at  the 
wish  of  Maecenas,  who  with  Augustus  was  anxious  to  make 
country  life  and  pursuits  seem  desirable.  No  doubt  the  theme 
itself  was  congenial  to  Vergil,  who  preferred  a  country  life  at 
Nola,  or  near  Tarentum,  to  the  bustle  of  Rome  ;  but  it  also 
happened  to  chime  in  with  the  views  of  Augustus,  who  all  his 
life  believed  in  the  influence  of  literature  and  wished  to  have 
the  poets  on  his  side.  Accordingly,  soon  after  his  return  from 



the  East  in  B.c.  29  he  seems  to  have  suggested  to  Vergil  to 
compose  a  poem  that  would  inspire  men  with  a  feeling  of 
national  pride  and  an  enthusiasm  for  the  greatness  of  Rome’s 
mission.  The  plan  and  form  were  no  doubt  wholly  Vergil’s, 
but  the  spirit  and  purpose,  like  those  of  Horace  s  more  patriotic 
odes  of  about  the  same  time,  were  those  which  the  Emperor 
desired.  He  was  not  satisfied  with  mere  suggestion,  he  was 
eager  for  the  appearance  of  the  poem.  While  in  Gaul  and 
Spain  from  B.c.  27-24  he  frequently  wrote  to  the  poet  urging 
the  completion  of  the  work.  A  part  of  one  of  Vergil  s  answers 
has  been  preserved  : 

« As  to  my  /Eneas,  upon  my  honour  if  I  had  anything 
written  worth  your  listening  to,  I  would  gladly  send  it.  But 
the  subject  thus  begun  is  so  vast,  that  I  almost  think  I  must 
have  been  beside  myself  when  I  undertook  a  work  of  this 
magnitude  ;  especially  considering  that  -as  you  are  aware  I 
am  also  devoting  part  of  my  time  to  different  and  much  more 
important  studies.” 

The  JEneid  was  thus  undertaken  at  the  solicitation  of 
Augustus.  The  legend  on  which  it  turns— perhaps  a  late  one 

_ of  the  landing  of  /Eneas  in  Italy  and  the  foundation  of 

Rome  by  his  descendant,  is  with  great  skill  interwoven  with  a 
fanciful  descent  of  the  gens  Iuha  from  his  son  lulus,  to  magnify 
Rome  and  her  divine  mission,  and  at  the  same  time  to  point  to 
Augustus  as  the  man  of  destiny,  and  as  representing  in  his  own 
person  and  career  the  majesty  of  the  Roman  people.  In  such 
a  poem  detailed  allusions  cannot  be  expected  as  in  the  occasional 
odes  of  Horace.  Yet,  besides  the  fine  passage  in  the  eighth 
book  describing  the  victory  of  Actium  and  the  discomfiture  of 
Cleopatra,  and  that  in  the  sixth  announcing  the  victorious 
career  of  Augustus,  we  have,  more  or  less,  direct  references  to 
the  restoration  of  religious  worship  in  the  vici ,  to  the  retuin  of 
the  standards  by  the  Parthians,  and  the  death  of  the  young 
Marcellus.  In  form,  the  JEneid  follows  the  model  of  Homer, 
the  supreme  epic.  But  in  substance  it  is  original,  in  that  it 



does  not  take  for  its  theme  one  of  the  old  myths — as  the 
Alexandrine  poets  always  did — but  while  teeming  with  all 
kinds  of  mythological  allusions  it  finds  its  chief  inspiration  in 
the  greatness  of  Rome,  measured  by  the  elemental  strife 
preceding  the  accomplishment  of  the  divine  purpose  :  tantce 
molis  erat  Romanam  condere  gentem — “So  vast  the  task  to 
found  the  Roman  race,”  is  the  key-note  of  the  whole.  It  is 
original  as  the  epic  of  Milton  was  original  who,  with  details 
borrowed  from  every  quarter,  took  for  his  theme  the  foundation 
of  a  world  and  the  strife  in  heaven  that  preceded  it.  Vergil’s 
epic  is  Roman  history  on  the  highest  plane,  and  has  crystallised 
for  ever  a  view  of  that  history  which  has  done  more  than  arms 
and  laws  to  commend  it  to  the  imagination  of  mankind. 
Augustus  had  a  true  intuition  when  he  forebade  the  poet’s 
executors  to  obey  his  will  and  burn  the  rolls  containing  this 
great  national  epic. 

Q.  Horatius  Flaccus  (b.c.  65-B.c.  8)  is  not  perhaps  so  great 
a  poet  as  Vergil,  but  he  possessed  the  charm  which  keeps  such 
work  as  his  alive.  His  connection  with  Augustus 
is  a  remarkable  phenomenon  in  literary  history. 
Having  fought  on  the  side  of  his  enemies  at  Philippi,  and  having 
shared  in  the  amnesty  granted  to  the  bulk  of  the  troops,  he 
returned  home  to  find  his  paternal  property  confiscated. 
Poverty  drove  him  to  poetry,  poetry  gained  him  the  friendship 
of  Varius  and  Vergil,  who  introduced  him  to  Maecenas,  who 
saw  his  merit,  relieved  him  from  the  uncongenial  employment 
of  a  clerk,  and  eventually  introduced  him  to  Augustus.  The 
Emperor,  in  his  turn,  was  not  long  in  recognising  his  charm. 
He  writes  to  Maecenas  : 

“ In  old  times  I  was  vigorous  enough  to  write  my  friends’ 
letters  for  them.  Nowadays  being  overwhelmed  with  business 
and  weak  in  health,  I  am  very  anxious  to  entice  Horace  away 
from  you.  He  shall  therefore  quit  your  table  of  parasites  and 
come  to  my  table  of  kings  and  assist  me  in  writing  letters.” 

The  refusal  of  Horace — prudent  no  doubt  in  view  of  his 



tastes  and  habits — did  not  lose  him  the  Emperor  s  favour.  He 
twice  received  substantial  marks  of  it,  and  some  extracts  oi 
letters  to  him  from  Augustus  have  been  preserved  which 
exhibit  the  latter  in  his  most  gracious  mood  : 

“  Consider  yourself  a  privileged  person  in  my  house,  as  though 
an  habitual  guest  at  my  table.  You  will  be  quite  within  your 
rights  and  will  always  be  sure  of  a  welcome  ;  for  it  is  my  wish 
that  our  intimacy  should  be  on  that  footing  if  your  state  or 
health  permits  it.” 

And  again  : 

“  What  a  warm  recollection  I  retain  or  you,  you  will  be 
able  to  learn  from  Septimius  among  others,  as  I  happened  to 
be  talking  about  you  in  his  presence  the  other  day.  For  you 
need  not  suppose,  because  you  were  so  high  and  mighty  as  to 
reject  my  friendship,  that  I  am  on  the  high  horse  too  to  pay 
you  back.” 

Augustus,  in  fact,  had  a  great  opinion  of  Horace,  and 
predicted  his  immortality.  He  selected  him  to  write  the 
ode  for  the  secular  games,  pressed  him  later  in  life  to 
immortalise  the  achievements  of  Tiberius  and  Drusus,  and 
was  desirous  of  his  own  name  appearing  as  the  recipient  of 
one  of  his  Satires  or  Epistles. 

“  I  am  quite  angry,  let  me  tell  you,  that  you  don’t  give  me 
the  preference  as  a  person  to  address  in  your  writings  of  that 
kind.  Are  you  afraid  that  an  appearance  of  intimacy  with  me 
will  damage  your  reputation  with  posterity  ?  ” 

Horace  made  the  Emperor  a  return  in  full  for  such  con¬ 
descension.  How  far  the  genius  of  a  poet  is  warmed  or 
chilled  by  patronage  it  is  not  easy  to  decide.  So  far  as  he  is 
tempted  away  from  his  natural  bent,  or  confined  in  the  free 
expression  of  thought,  he  suffers  :  so  far  as  he  is  saved  from 
sordid  cares,  he  is  a  gainer.  Horace,  in  early  youth,  sym¬ 
pathised  with  the  republican  party  in  whose  ranks  he  had 
served,  and  probably  in  later  life  still  felt  a  theoretical 
preference  for  it,  and  could  speak  of  the  nobile  letum  and  atrox 


animus  of  Cato  with  a  true  note  of  admiration.  But  he  was 
a  man  of  his  time.  The  policy  of  Octavian  had  made  the 
supremacy  of  Augustus  inevitable,  and  it  at  least  secured  peace 
and  safety.  The  patronage  and  liberality  of  Maecenas  assuredly 
helped  to  turn  the  scale,  but  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  the  poet  was  convinced,  though,  perhaps,  without  enthu¬ 
siasm,  that  the  new  regime  was  one  to  be  supported  by 
reasonable  men.  The  kindness  of  the  Emperor  naturally 
enhanced  the  effect  of  his  commanding  personality,  but  it 
would  be  difficult  for  a  poet  so  placed  to  write  with  greater 
dignity  and  less  fulsomeness  than  Horace  does  in  the  first 
epistle  of  the  second  book,  addressed  to  Augustus  at  his  own 
request.  But  it  is  in  the  Odes  that  we  must  trace  the  unbroken 
sympathy  with  the  career  and  policy  of  Augustus.  If  they 
are  closely  examined,  with  an  eye  to  chronological  arrangement, 
the  ingenuity  with  which  these  imitations  of  Greek  models  are 
framed  to  support  and  recommend  the  purposes  or  celebrate 
the  successes  of  the  Emperor,  will  stand  revealed  in  a  striking 
manner.  The  Epodes  and  the  first  three  books  of  the  Odes 
were  apparently  written  between  B.c.  35  and  b.c.  25.  Dropped 
in  among  a  number  of  poems  of  fancy,  or  passion,  or  mere 
literary  tours  de  force ,  are  compositions  that  follow  not  only  the 
actual  achievements  of  Augustus,  but  his  ideals,  his  intentions, 
and  his  aspirations,  from  the  years  just  before  Actium  to  his 
return  from  Spain  in  b.c.  25.  We  begin  with  the  Second 
Epode,  which  refers  with  regret  to  the  abandoned  intention 
of  invading  Britain  in  B.c.  35,  and  expresses  his  alarm  at  the 
prospect  of  a  renewed  civil  war.  In  the  Sixteenth  Epode  this 
terror  has  become  a  reality  ;  the  civil  war  has  begun,  and  the 
poet,  foreseeing  the  downfall  of  the  state,  turns  longing  eyes 
to  the  peace  and  calm  of  the  fabled  islands  of  the  West. 
From  Italy  and  all  its  horrors  they  must  at  any  rate  depart. 
In  the  Ninth  Epode  the  relief  has  come  ;  the  shameful 
servitude  of  a  Roman  imperator  and  Roman  soldiers  to  a 
foreign  queen  is  over ;  Antony  and  Cleopatra  are  in  full  flight 



(b.c.  31).  In  another  year  it  is  known  that  Antony  has  fallen 
by  his  own  hand,  and  that  Cleopatra  has  saved  herself  the 
indignity  cf  the  triumphal  procession  by  the  adder  s  aid 
(Od.  i.  39).  The  discharge  of  the  legions  follows,  and  their 
settlement  in  Italian  and  Sicilian  lands  (2  Sat.,  6,  54).  In 
the  other  odes  of  the  first  book  the  devotion  to  Augustus 
proceeds  apace.  The  Iulian  star  is  in  the  ascendant  (1,2,  20) ; 
Augustus  is  pater  and  princeps ,  anticipating  the  future  titles 
(1,  2,  20)  ;  he  is  again  contemplating  the  invasion  of  Britain 
C1)  35>  29)  5  t'ie  Arabian  expedition  is  being  planned  with  all 
its  futile  hopes  of  wealth  (1,  29  ;  I,  35)-  In  the  second  book 
of  the  Odes ,  beginning  with  reflections  on  the  evils  of  civil 
war  (2,  1),  the  poet  notices  one  after  the  other  the  triumphs  of 
Augustus  or  his  generals  in  B.c.  27-24.  The  Cantabrian  war 
(2,  6,  2  ;  2,  11,  1)  ;  the  triumphal  arch  at  Susa  (2,  9,  19)  ; 
the  success  of  his  diplomacy  in  Scythia,  Armenia,  and  Parthia 
(ib.)  In  the  third  book  the  embassy  of  British  chiefs  is 
treated  as  though  the  island  were  annexed  (3,  5>  2)  5  t^le 
Cantabrians  are  regarded  as  conquered  after  the  expedition  of 
Augustus  (3,  8,  22  ;  3,  14).  Then  succeeds  a  period  of 
statesmanship  and  reform.  The  Emperor’s  Roman  policy,  and 
his  determination  to  keep  Rome  the  centre  of  goveinment,  are 
warmly  supported  (3,  3)  ;  the  moral  evils,  the  extravagance 
and  debauchery  of  the  age  must  be  cured,  and  Horace  proceeds 
to  support  the  abortive  legislation  of  b.c.  27,  and  to  foreshadow 
the  censorial  acts,  and  the  legislation  of  B.c.  18.  There  is  a 
protest  against  the  magnificence  and  extent  of  country  houses 
(2,  15)  ;  against  the  effeminacy  of  youth  (iii.  2)  ;  against  the 
immorality  of  women  and  the  licentiousness  that  led  to  civil 
strife  (3,  24).  The  Carmen  saculare  speaks  of  the  legislation 
as  effected,  and  foretells  its  success  (20)  ;  while  in  the  fourth 
book  he  asserts  that,  at  any  rate  while  Augustus  is  with  them, 
that  success  has  been  secured  (4,  5),  and  that  he  has  not  only 
given  them  peace,  but  a  great  moral  reform  (4,  15).  The 
policy  of  the  Emperor  in  regard  to  the  bugbear  of  the  East, 


the  Parthian  power,  is  also  followed  step  by  step.  They  are 
the  dangerous  enemy  whose  subjection  will  make  Augustus 
divine  (3,  5,  1-4),  and  whose  threatened  invasions  keep  his 
ministers  in  constant  anxiety  (3,  29,  27).  This  is  before 
B.c.  20  ;  but  in  B.c.  19  they  have  made  submission  and 
restored  the  standards  and  prisoners  (Epist.  i.  18,  56),  and 
this  is  one  of  the  triumphs  of  Augustus  that  requires  a  master 
hand  to  record  ( Epist .  ii.  I,  255)  ;  it  is  the  glory  of  the 
Augustan  age  ( Od .  4,  15,  6),  and  as  long  as  Augustus  is 
safe,  no  one  will  fear  them  more  (4,  5,  25).  Finally,  at  the 
Emperor’s  request,  he  celebrated  the  victories  of  Drusus  and 
Tiberius  over  the  Vindelici  and  Rhaeti  (4,  4  and  14),  and 
especially  the  defeat  of  the  Sugambri  who  had  routed  Lollius 
(4,  2,  34  ;  4,  14,  51),  with  a  compliment  to  Augustus  himself 
for  having  gone  to  Gaul  to  support  Tiberius  and  Drusus  with 
reinforcements  and  advice  (4,  14,  33),  and  for  having  at  length 
closed  the  door  of  Ianus  (4,  15*  9)*  The  lyrical  career  of 
Horace,  therefore,  corresponds  remarkably  with  the  activities 
of  Augustus.  His  genius  presented  those  activities  to  his 
fellow  citizens  (and  Horace’s  verses  were  soon  read  in  schools) 
exactly  in  the  light  in  which  the  Emperor  wished  them  to  be 
viewed.  If  we  lay  aside  some  expressions  of  overstrained  com¬ 
pliment,  which  favoured  the  growing  fashion  of  paying  the 
Emperor  divine  honours,  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  language 
is  fulsome  or  degrading  to  the  poet.  The  “  parasitic  table  of 
Maecenas  may,  as  M.  Beule  asserts,  have  been  a  misfortune 
to  the  poets,  and  attenuated  their  vein  of  inspiration  :  but  a 
man  must  have  something  in  practical  life  on  which  to  pin  his 
faith  ;  and  Horace  might  have  done  worse  than  devote  his 
genius  to  promote  loyalty  to  the  great  statesman  who  had 
saved  Roman  society  and  given  peace  and  prosperity  to  an 
empire.  Just  as  Vergil,  if  he  had  followed  his  own  impulse, 
might  have  perhaps  produced  a  fine  poem  on  the  Epicurean 
cosmogony,  but  not  one  that  lives  and  breathes  with  the  noble 
glow  of  patriotism. 




Sextus  Propertius  ( circ .  B.c.  45 —circ.  B.c.  15)  was  another 
of  the  Maecenas  circle  of  poets  who  did  something  to  glorify 
Augustus.  He  is  not  (but  that  is  a  personal 
Propertius.  opinion)  on  anything  like  the  same  level  as  either 

Vergil  or  Horace  as  an  artist.  He  is  said  to  have  died  young, 
perhaps  at  thirty  years  of  age,  and  there  is  no  evidence  of 
personal  intimacy  with  Augustus,  but  there  is  some  indication 
of  his  having  been  on  bad  terms  with  Horace.  His  elegies 
also  are  nearly  all  poems  of  passion.  Politics  and  emperors  are 
mere  episodes,  and  were  introduced  in  deference  to  Maecenas. 
Still  many  points  in  the  career  of  Augustus  are  referred  to  in 
the  same  spirit  as  that  of  Horace.  The  siege  of  Perusia 
described  in  tones  of  horror,  which  would  scarcely  have  been 
acceptable — precedes  his  conversion  (1,  21),  and  the  failure  of 
the  marriage  law  of  b.c.  27  is  only  referred  to  with  relief 
(2,  7,  1 ).  In  more  complimentary  terms  he  speaks  of  the 
victory  of  Actium  (3,  7)  44-)j  an<^  ^e  downfall  of  Antony 
and  Cleopatra  (4,  8,  56  ;  4,  10,  32,  sqq.  ;  4,  7,  56)  5  anc^  t^ie 
end  of  the  civil  wars  is  attributed  to  Augustus  (ilia  qua  vicit 
condidit  arma  manu ,  3,  8,  41)'  Then  came  the  intended 
invasion  of  Britain  (3,  23,  5)  j  the  Arabian  expedition  and 
the  Indian  envoys  (3,  1,  15  ;  4,  3,  1)  ;  the  opening  and 
description  of  the  Palatine  Library— the  best  extant  (3,  29)  ; 
the  raids  of  the  Sugambri  and  their  suppression  (5,  6,  77)  ; 
while  he  has  the  Parthians  frequently  on  his  lips,  though  rather 
as  predicting  what  is  to  be  done  with  them  than  as  recording 
the  return  of  the  standards.1  In  the  fifth  book  there  are  signs 
of  a  beginning  of  a  Fasti  like  that  of  Ovid  as  a  record  of  events 
in  Roman  history  ;  and  it  is  possible  that  this  was  in  obedience 
to  a  wish  of  Augustus,  who,  on  his  death,  transferred  the  task 
to  Ovid.  Thus  his  voice  also  was  secured,  in  part  at  least,  in 
support  of  the  imperial  rlgime. 

Publius  Ovidius  Naso  (b.c.  43-A.D.  18)  belongs  to  the  last 
part  of  the  reign.  He  had  only  seen  Vergil,  and  though  he 
1  2, 17, 13  ;  3, 1, 13  ;  3,  23,  5 ;  4>  3  ;  4.  4, 48  ;  4, 11.  3  ;  5. 6.  79-84- 



had  heard  Horace  recite,  he  does  not  profess  to  have  known 
Q  w  him.  He  was  quite  young  when  Augustus  was 
winning  his  position  and  reforming  the  constitu¬ 
tion,  and  there  are  no  signs  of  his  coming  forward  as  a  court 
poet  till  Maecenas  and  his  circle  had  disappeared,  and  if  he  had 
attracted  the  attention  of  Augustus  at  all,  it  was  probably  not 
altogether  in  a  favourable  manner.  His  earliest  poems — the 
A  mores  and  Heroidum  Epistula — do  not  touch  on  public 
affairs  ;  they  are  poems  of  passion — the  former  personal,  the 
latter  dramatic.  In  the  Ars  Amatoria  (about  B.c.  2-a.d.  2)  for 
the  first  time  we  detect  the  court  poet  from  a  complimentary 
allusion  to  the  approaching  mission  of  Gaius  Caesar  to  Syria 
and  Armenia,  with  his  title  of  princeps  iuventutis  and  that  of 
Augustus  as  pater  patriay  as  also  to  the  naumachia  or  repre¬ 
sentation  of  the  battle  of  Salamis  given  by  Augustus  in  the 
flooded  nemus  Casarum  in  B.c.  2  ( A .  A.y  1,  17 1—2).  The 
Metamorphoses  had  been  composed  before  his  exile  in  a.d.  9, 
but  after  the  death  of  Augustus  he  apparently  introduced  the 
Epilogue  (xv.  745  sq .)  containing  an  eulogy  on  Tiberius,  and 
on  the  now  finished  career  of  Augustus.  It  is  the  Fasti — the 
Calendar  of  events  in  Roman  history — that  probably  was  under¬ 
taken  in  obedience  to  a  wish  of  the  Emperor,  and  in  which 
accordingly  we  find  points  in  his  career  touched  upon.  It  was 
dedicated  to  Germanicus,  and  contains  an  allusion  to  his  own 
exile,  and  was  therefore,  partly  at  least,  composed  between 
b.c.  2  and  a.d.  10.  His  allusions  to  Augustus  are  not  those 
of  an  intimate  acquaintance,  but  of  an  admiring  subject — real 
or  feigned.  He  mentions  the  battle  of  Mutina  (iv.  627) ;  the 
bestowal  of  the  title  Augustus  (i.  589) ;  the  recovery  of  the 
standards  from  the  Parthians  as  a  triumph  of  the  Emperor 
(vi.  467).  He  alludes  to  Augustus  becoming  Pontifex  Maximus 
(iii.  415)  ;  to  the  laurels  on  his  palace  front  (iv.  957) ;  to  the 
demolition  of  the  house  of  Vedius  Pollio  as  connected  with  the 
reforms  and  the  laws  of  b.c.  18  (vi.  637);  to  the  division  of  the 
city  into  vici,  and  the  worship  of  the  Lares  Augusti  (v.  145) ;  to 



the  Forum  Augusti  and  the  temple  of  Mars  dedicated  in  b.c  2. 
(v.  551,  sqq.).  Ovid  afterwards  protested  that  his  books  had 
been  read  with  pleasure  by  Augustus,  and  assumed  to  have  some 
knowledge  of  the  private  chambers  of  the  palace  (Trist.,  1, 
5,  2  ;  2,  520),  but  there  is  nothing  in  the  allusions  to  matters 
which  he  knew  that  Augustus  wished  to  have  recorded  that 
has  the  air  of  close  or  intimate  relations.  They  are  the  con¬ 
ventional  expressions  of  the  outside,  and  perhaps  humble, 
panegyrist,  not  those  of  a  friend  and  supporter,  like  Horace. 
The  abject  expressions  in  the  Tristia  and  the  letters  from 
Pontus  need  not  be  taken  into  account.  They  are  merely 
bids  for  a  recall,  and  they  often  express  in  the  crudest  form  the 
growing  fashion  of  worshipping  the  Emperor  or  his  genius. 
Perhaps  the  most  subtle  of  these  appeals  is  that  in  which  he 
explains  why  he  had  spent  his  youth  in  writing  frivolous 
poetry  instead  of  celebrating  the  glories  of  the  Emperor — he 
was  not  a  good  enough  poet,  and  would  have  dishonoured  a 
subject  above  his  reach  (Tr.,  ii.  335-34°)-  This  was  using  a 
weapon  forged  by  the  Emperor  himself,  who  had  always  let 
it  be  known  that  he  disliked  being  the  subject  of  inferior 
artists.  The  melancholy  and  feebleness  of  these  later  poems 
of  Ovid  seem  to  bear  a  sort  of  analogy  with  the  cloud  that 
descended  on  the  later  years  of  Augustus.  Vergil  and  Horace 
have  the  freshness  of  the  morning  or  the  vigour  of  noon, 
Ovid  the  gathering  sadness  of  the  evening. 


i.  When  I  was  nineteen  I  collected  an  army  on  my  own  account  and 
at  my  own  expense,  by  the  help  of  which  I  restored  the  republic 
to  liberty,  which  had  been  enslaved  by  the  tyranny  of  a  faction  ;  for 
which  services  the  Senate,  in  complimentary  decrees,  added  my 
name  to  the  roll  of  their  House  in  the  consulship  of  Gaius  Pansa 
and  Aulus  Hirtius  [b.c.  43],  giving  me  at  the  same  time  consular 
precedence  in  voting  ;  and  gave  me  imperium.  It  ordered  me  as 
pro-prretor  “  to  see  along  with  the  consuls  that  the  republic  suffered 
no  damage.”  Moreover,  in  the  same  year,  both  consuls  having 
fallen,  the  people  elected  me  consul  and  a  triumvir  for  revising  the 

2.  Those  who  killed  my  father  I  drove  into  exile,  after  a  legal 
trial,  in  punishment  of  their  crime,  and  afterwards  when  these  same 
men  rose  in  arms  against  the  republic  I  conquered  them  twice  in 
a  pitched  battle. 

3  I  had  to  undertake  wars  by  land  and  sea,  civil  and  foreign,  all 
over  the  world,  and  when  victorious  I  spared  surviving  citizens. 
Those  foreign  nations,  who  could  safely  be  pardoned,  I  preferred  to 
preserve  rather  than  exterminate.  About  500,000  Roman  citizens 
took  the  military  oath  to  me.  Of  these  I  settled  out  in  colonies  or 
sent  back  to  their  own  towns,  after  their  terms  of  service  were  over, 
considerably  more  than  300,000  ;  and  to  them  all  I  assigned  lands 
purchased  by  myself  or  money  in  lieu  of  lands.  I  captured  600 
ships,  not  counting  those  below  the  rating  of  triremes. 

4.  I  twice  celebrated  an  ovation,  three  times  curule  triumphs,  and 
was  twenty-one  times  greeted  as  imperator.  Though  the  Senate 
afterwards  voted  me  several  triumphs  I  declined  them.  I  frequently 
also  deposited  laurels  in  the  Capitol  after  performing  the  vows  which 
I  had  taken  in  each  war.  For  successful  operations  performed  by 
myself  or  by  my  legates  under  my  auspices  by  land  and  sea,  the 

3  293 



Senate  fifty-three  times  decreed  a  supplication  to  the  immortal  gods. 
The  number  of  days  during  which,  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of 
the  Senate,  supplication  was  offered  amounted  to  890.  In  my 
triumphs  there  were  led  before  my  chariot  nine  kings  or  sons  of 
kings.  I  had  been  consul  thirteen  times  at  the  writing  of  this,  and 
am  in  the  course  of  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  my  tribunician  power 

[a-d.  13-H]  • 

5.  The  Dictatorship  offered  me  in  my  presence  and  absence  by 
the  Senate  and  people  in  the  consulship  of  Marcus  Marcellus  and 
Lucius  Arruntius  [b.c.  22]  I  declined  to  accept.  I  did  not  refuse 
at  a  time  of  very  great  scarcity  of  corn  the  commissionership  of  corn 
supply,  which  I  administered  in  such  a  way  that  within  a  few  days 
I  freed  the  whole  people  from  fear  and  danger.  The  consulship — 
either  yearly  or  for  life — then  offered  to  me  I  declined  to  accept. 

6.  In  the  consulship  of  M.  Vinicius  and  O.  Lucretius  [b.c.  19], 
of  P.  and  Cn.  Lentulus  [b.c.  18],  and  of  Paullus  Fabius  Maximus  and 
Q.  Tubero  [b.c.  ii],  when  the  Senate  and  people  of  Rome  un¬ 
animously  agreed  that  I  should  be  elected  overseer  of  the  laws 
and  morals,  with  unlimited  powers  and  without  a  colleague,  I 
refused  every  office  offered  me  which  was  contrary  to  the  customs 
of  our  ancestors.  But  what  the  Senate  at  that  time  wished  me  to 
manage,  I  carried  out  in  virtue  of  my  tribunician  power,  and  in 
this  office  I  five  times  received  at  my  own  request  a  colleague 
from  the  Senate. 

7.  I  was  one  of  the  triumvirate  for  the  re-establishment  of  the 
constitution  for  ten  consecutive  years.  I  have  been  princeps  senatus 
up  to  the  day  on  which  I  write  this  for  forty  years.  I  am  Pontifex 
Maximus,  Augur,  one  of  the  fifteen  commissioners  for  religion,  one  of 
the  seven  for  sacred  feasts,  an  Arval  brother,  a  sodalis  Titius,  a  fetial. 

8.  In  my  fifth  consulship  [b.c.  29]  I  increased  the  number  of  the 
patricians  by  order  of  people  and  Senate.  I  three  times  made  up 
the  roll  of  the  Senate,  and  in  my  sixth  consulship  [b.c.  28]  I  took  a 
census  of  the  people  with  M.  Agrippa  as  my  colleague.  I  performed 
the  lustrum  after  an  interval  of  forty-one  years  ;  in  which  the  number 
of  Roman  citizens  entered  on  the  census  roll  was  4,063,000.  A  second 
time  with  consular  imperium  I  took  the  census  by  myself  in  the 
consulship  of  Gaius  Censorinus  and  Gaius  Asinius  [b.c.  8],  in  which 
the  number  of  Roman  citizens  entered  on  the  roll  was  4,223,000.  I 
took  a  third  census  with  consular  imperium,  my  son  Tiberius  Caesar 
acting  as  my  colleague,  in  the  consulship  of  Sextus  Pompeius  and 
Sextus  Appuleius  [a.d.  14],  in  which  the  number  of  Roman  citizens 
entered  on  the  census  roll  was  4,937,000.  By  new  laws  passed  I 
recalled  numerous  customs  of  our  ancestors  that  were  falling  into 


desuetude  in  our  time,  and  myself  set  precedents  in  many  particulars 
for  the  imitation  of  posterity. 

9  The  Senate  decreed  that  vows  should  be  offered  for  my  health 
by  consuls  and  priests  every  fifth  year.  In  fulfilment  of  these  vows 
the  four  chief  colleges  of  priests  or  the  consuls  often  gave  games  in 
my  lifetime.  Also  individually  and  by  townships  the  people  at  large 
always  offered  sacrifices  at  all  the  temples  for  my  health. 

10.  By  a  decree  of  the  Senate  my  name  was  included  in  the  ritua 
of  the  Salii ;  and  it  was  ordained  by  a  law  that  my  person  should  e 
sacred  and  that  I  should  have  the  tribunician  power  for  the  term  ot 
my  natural  life.  I  refused  to  become  Pontifex  Maximus  in  succes¬ 
sion  to  my  colleague  during  his  life,  though  the  people  offered  me 
that  sacred  office  formerly  held  by  my  father.  Some  years  later  I 
accepted  that  sacred  office  on  the  death  of  the  man  who  had  availed 
himself  of  the  civil  disturbance  to  secure  it ;  such  a  multitude 
flocking  to  my  election  from  all  parts  of  Italy  as  is  never  recorded 
to  have  come  to  Rome  before,  in  the  consulship  of  P.  Sulpicius  and 
C.  Valgius  [6  March,  b.c.  12]. 

n  The  Senate  consecrated  an  altar  to  Fortuna  Redux,  near  ti 
temple  of  Honour  and  Virtue,  by  the  Porta  Capena  for  my  return  on 
which  it  ordered  the  Vestal  Virgins  to  offer  a  yearly  sacrifice  on  the 
day  on  which  in  the  consulship  of  Q.  Lucretius  and  M  Vmucius 
[b.c.  19]  I  returned  to  the  city  from  Syria,  and  gave  that  day  the 

name  Augustalia  from  my  cognomen  [15  Dec.]. 

12  By  a  decree  of  the  Senate  at  the  same  time  part  of  the  praetors 
and  tribunes  of  the  plebs,  along  with  the  consul  Q.  Lucretius  and 
leading  nobles,  were  despatched  into  Campania  to  meet  me-an 
honoufthat  up  to  this  time  has  been  decreed  to  no  one  e  se.  V/  hen 
I  returned  to  Rome  from  Spam  and  Gaul  after  successful  operations 
L  those  provinces,  in  the  consulship  of  Tiberius  Nero  and  Publius 

Ouintilius  [b  c.  13],  the  Senate  voted  that  an  altar  to  Pax  Augus  a 
Quintilius  L  3h  return  on  the  Campus  Martius,  upon 

Sl°"hi“d"gist]atesand  priests  and  Vestal  Virgins  to 
*Z  awCt  SSi  which  cue  ancestors  ordered  to 

to  have  been"only  twice  shut  before  my  birth  since  the  foundation 
of  the  city,  the  Senate  three  limes  voted  its  closure  during  my 

prrC;ons  Gains  and  Lucius  Ciesar,  whom  fortune  snatched 
Y  y.  .h  :r  eariy  manhood,  in  compliment  to  me,  the  Senate 
anTRo^n  ^  donated  co’nsuis  m  their  hfteenth  year  with  a 



proviso  that  they  should  enter  on  that  office  after  an  interval  of  five 
years.  From  the  day  of  their  assuming  the  toga  virilis  the  Senate 
decreed  that  they  should  take  part  in  public  business.  Moreover, 
the  Roman  equites  in  a  body  gave  each  of  them  the  title  of  Princeps 
Iuventutis,  and  presented  them  with  silver  shields  and  spears. 

15.  To  the  Roman  plebs  I  paid  300  sesterces  per  head  in  virtue 
of  my  father’s  will ;  and  in  my  own  name  I  gave  400  apiece  in  my 
fifth  consulship  [b.c.  29]  from  the  sale  of  spoils  of  war ;  and  a  second 
time  in  my  tenth  consulship  [b.c.  24]  out  of  my  own  private  property 
I  paid  a  bounty  of  400  sesterces  per  man,  and  in  my  eleventh  consul¬ 
ship  [b.c.  23]  I  measured  out  twelve  distributions  of  corn,  having 
purchased  the  grain  from  my  own  resources.  In  the  twelfth  year 
of  my  tribunician  power  [b.c.  ii],  I  for  the  third  time  gave  a  bounty 
of  400  sesterces  a  head.  These  largesses  of  mine  affected  never  less 
than  50,200  persons.  In  the  eighteenth  year  of  my  tribunician 
power  and  my  twelfth  consulship  [b.c.  5]  I  gave  320,000  of  the  urban 
plebs  sixty  denarii  a  head.  In  the  colonies  of  my  soldiers,  in  my 
fifth  consulship  [b.c.  29]  I  gave  from  the  sale  of  spoils  of  war  1,000 
sesterces  a  head  ;  and  among  such  settlers  the  number  who  received 
that  triumphal  largess  amounted  to  about  120,000  men.  In  my 
thirteenth  consulship  [b.c.  2]  I  gave  60  denarii  apiece  to  the  plebeians 
then  in  receipt  of  public  corn ;  they  amounted  to  somewhat  more 
than  200,000  persons. 

16.  The  money  for  the  lands,  which  in  my  fourth  consulship 
[b.c.  30],  and  afterwards  in  the  consulship  of  M.  Crassus  and  Cn. 
Lentulus  the  augur  [b.c.  14],  I  assigned  to  the  soldiers,  I  paid  to  the 
municipal  towns.  The  amount  was  about  600,000,000  sesterces, 
which  I  paid  for  lands  in  Italy,  and  about  260,000,000  which  I 
disbursed  for  lands  in  the  provinces. 

I  was  the  first  and  only  one  within  the  memory  of  my  own  genera¬ 
tion  to  do  this  of  all  who  settled  colonies  in  Italy  and  the  provinces. 
And  afterwards  in  the  consulship  of  Tib.  Nero  and  Cn.  Piso  [b.c.  7], 
and  again  in  the  consulship  of  C.  Antistius  and  D.  Laslius  [b.c.  6], 
and  of  C.  Calvisius  and  L.  Pasienus  [b.c.  4],  and  of  L.  Lentulus  and 
M.  Messalla  [b.c.  3],  and  of  L.  Caninius  and  Q.  Fabricius  [b.c.  2],  to 
the  soldiers,  whom  after  their  terms  of  service  I  sent  back  to  their 
own  towns,  I  paid  good  service  allowances  in  ready  money ;  on  which 
I  expended  400,000,000  sesterces  as  an  act  of  grace. 

17.  I  four  times  subsidised  the  cerarium  from  my  own  money,  the 
sums  which  I  thus  paid  over  to  the  commissioners  of  the  treasury 
amounting  to  150,000,000  sesterces.  And  in  the  consulship  of  M. 
Lepidus  and  L.  Arruntius  [a.d.  6],  to  the  military  treasury,  which  was 
established  on  my  initiative  for  the  payment  of  their  good  service 


allowance,  to  the  soldiers  who  had  served  twenty  years  or  more,  I 
contributed  from  my  own  patrimony  170,000,000  sesterces.1 

18.  From  and  after  the  year  of  the  consulship  of  Gnaeus  and 
Publius  Lentulus  [b.c.  18],  whenever  the  payment  of  the  revenues 
were  in  arrear,  I  paid  into  the  treasury  from  my  own  patrimony  the 
taxes,  whether  due  in  corn  or  money,  sometimes  of  100,000  persons, 
sometimes  of  more. 

19.  I  built  the  curia  and  Chalcidicum  adjoining  it,  and  the  temples 
of  Apollo  on  the  Palatine  with  its  colonnades,  the  temple  of  the 
divine  Iulius,  the  Lupercal,  the  colonnade  at  the  Flaminian  circus, 
which  I  allowed  to  be  called  Octavia,  from  the  name  of  the  builder 
of  the  earlier  one  on  the  same  site,  the  state  box  at  the  Circus 
Maximus,  the  temples  of  Jupiter  Feretrius  and  of  Jupiter  Tonans 
on  the  Capitol,  the  temple  of  Quirinus,  the  temples  of  Minerva  and 
of  Juno  the  Queen,  and  of  Jupiter  Liberalis  on  the  Aventine,  the 
temple  of  the  Lares  at  the  head  of  the  via  Sacra,  the  temple  of  the 
divine  Penates  in  the  Velia,  the  temple  of  Youth,  the  temple  of  the 
Mater  Magna  on  the  Palatine. 

20.  The  Capitolium  and  the  Pompeian  theatre— both  very  costly 
works— I  restored  without  any  inscription  of  my  own  name.  Water- 
conduits  in  many  places  that  were  decaying  from  age  I  repaired  ; 
and  I  doubled  the  aqueduct  called  the  Aqua  Marcia,  by  turning  a 
new  spring  into  its  channel. 

The  Forum  Iuliumand  the  basilica,  which  was  between  the  temple 
of  Castor  and  the  temple  of  Saturn,  works  begun  and  far  advanced 
by  my  father,  I  completed;  and  when  the  same  basilica  was 
destroyed  by  fire,  I  began  its  reconstruction  on  an  extended  plan,  to 
be  inscribed  with  the  names  of  my  sons,  and  in  case  I  do  not  live  to 
complete  it  I  have  ordered  it  to  be  completed  by  my  heii  s. 

In  my  sixth  consulship  [b.c.  28],  I  repaired  eighty-two  temples  of 
the  gods  in  the  city  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  Senate,  none 
being  omitted  which  at  that  time  stood  in  need  of  repair.  In  my 
seventh  consulship  [b.c.  27]  I  constructed  the  Flaminian  road  from 
the  city  to  Ariminum,  and  all  the  bridges  except  the  Mulvian  an 

21.  On  ground  belonging  to  myself  I  built  a  temple  to  Mais  Ultoi 
and  the  Forum  Augustum,  with  money  arising  from  sale  of  war  spoils. 
I  built  a  theatre  adjoining  the  temple  of  Apollo,  on  ground  for  the 
most  part  purchased  from  private  owners,  to  be  under  the  name  ot 

1  For  purposes  of  comparison  of  these  sums  with  our  money,  i, coo 
sesterces  may  be  taken  as  equivalent  to  about  £8  ios.,  and  a  denarius  as 

about iod. 



my  son-in-law  Marcus  Marcellus.  Offerings  from  money  raised  by 
sale  of  war-spoil  I  consecrated  in  the  temple  of  Apollo,  and  in  the 
temple  of  Vesta,  and  in  the  temple  of  Mars  Ultor,  which  cost  me  about 
100,000,000  sesterces.  Thirty-five  thousand  pounds  of  gold,1  crown 
money  contributed  by  the  municipia  and  colonies  of  Italy  for  my 
triumphs,  I  refunded  in  my  fifth  consulship  [b.c.  29],  and  subse¬ 
quently,  as  often  as  I  was  greeted  Imperator,  I  refused  to  receive 
crown  money,  though  the  municipia  and  colonies  had  decreed  it 
with  as  much  warmth  as  before. 

22.  I  three  times  gave  a  show  of  gladiators  in  my  own  name,  and 
five  times  in  the  name  of  my  sons  and  grandsons ;  in  which  shows 
about  10,000  men  contended.  I  twice  gave  the  people  a  show  of 
athletes  collected  from  all  parts  of  the  world  in  my  own  name,  and  a 
third  time  in  the  name  of  my  grandson.  I  gave  games  in  my  own 
name  four  times,  as  representing  other  magistrates  twenty-three 
times.  In  behalf  of  the  quindecimviri,  and  as  master  of  the  college, 
with  M.  Agrippa  as  colleague,  I  gave  the  Secular  games  in  the 
consulship  of  C.  Furnius  and  C.  Silanus  [b.c.  17].  In  my  thirteenth 
consulship  [b.c.  2],  I  gave  for  the  first  time  the  games  of  Mars  which, 
since  that  time,  the  consuls  have  given  in  successive  years.  I  gave 
the  people  wild-beast  hunts,  of  African  animals,  in  my  own  name  and 
that  of  my  sons  and  grandsons,  in  the  circus  and  forum,  and  the 
amphitheatres  twenty-six  times,  in  which  about  3,500  animals  were 

23.  I  gave  the  people  the  spectacle  of  a  naval  battle  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Tiber,  in  the  spot  where  now  is  the  grove  of  the  Caesars, 
the  ground  having  been  hollowed  out  to  a  length  of  1,800  feet,  and 
a  breadth  of  1,200  feet,  in  which  thirty  beaked  ships,  triremes  or 
biremes,  and  a  still  larger  number  of  smaller  vessels  contended.  In 
these  fleets,  besides  the  rowers,  there  fought  about  three  thousand 

24.  In  the  temples  of  all  the  states  of  the  province  of  Asia,  I 
replaced  the  ornaments  after  my  victory,  which  he  with  whom  I  had 
fought  had  taken  into  his  private  possession  from  the  spoliation  of 
the  temples.  There  were  about  eighty  silver  statues  of  me,  some  on 
foot,  some  equestrian,  some  in  chariots,  in  various  parts  of  the  city. 
These  I  removed,  and  from  the  money  thus  obtained  I  placed 
golden  offerings  in  the  temple  of  Apollo  in  my  own  name  and  in 
that  of  those  who  had  honoured  me  by  the  statues. 

25.  I  cleared  the  sea  of  pirates.  In  that  war  I  captured  about 
30,000  slaves,  who  had  run  away  from  their  masters,  and  had  borne 

1  A  pound  of  gold  worth  about  £45. 


arms  against  the  republic,  and  handed  them  back  to  their  owners  to 
be  punished.  The  whole  of  Italy  took  the  oath  to  me  spontaneously, 
and  demanded  that  I  should  be  the  leader  in  the  war  in  which  I 
won  the  victory  off  Actium.  The  provinces  of  the  Gauls,  the  Spains, 
Africa,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  took  the  same  oath.  Among  those  who 
fought  under  my  standards  were  more  than  seven  hundred  Senators, 
eighty-three  of  whom  had  been,  or  have  since  been,  consuls  up 
to  the  time  of  my  writing  this,  170  members  of  the  sacred 

26.  I  extended  the  frontiers  of  all  the  provinces  of  the  Roman 
people,  which  were  bordered  by  tribes  that  had  not  submitted  to 
our  Empire.  The  provinces  of  the  Gauls,  and  Spains  and  Germany, 
bounded  by  the  Ocean  from  Gades  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  Elbe,  I 
reduced  to  a  peaceful  state.  The  Alps,  from  the  district  near  the 
Adriatic  to  the  Tuscan  sea,  I  forced  to  remain  peaceful  without 
waging  unprovoked  war  with  any  tribe.  My  fleet  sailed  through  the 
Ocean  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rhine  towards  the  rising  sun,  up  to  the 
territories  of  the  Cimbri,  to  which  point  no  Roman  had  penetrated, 
up  to  that  time,  either  by  land  or  sea.  The  Cimbri,  and  Charydes, 
and  Semnones  and  other  peoples  of  the  Germans,  belonging  to  the 
same  tract  of  country,  sent  ambassadors  to  ask  for  the  friendship  of 
myself  and  the  Roman  people.  By  my  command  and  under  my 
auspices,  two  armies  were  marched  into  ALthiopia  and  Arabia,  called 
Felix,  nearly  simultaneously,  and  large  hostile  forces  of  both  these 
nations  were  cut  to  pieces  in  battle,  and  a  large  number  of  towns 
were  captured.  Ethiopia  was  penetrated  as  far  as  the  town  Nabata, 
next  to  Meroe.  Into  Arabia  the  army  advanced  into  the  territories  of 
the  Sabasi  as  far  as  the  town  Mariba. 

27.  I  added  Egypt  to  the  Empire  of  the  Roman  people.  When 
I  might  have  made  the  Greater  Armenia  a  province  after  the  assas¬ 
sination  of  its  king  Artaxes,  I  preferred,  on  the  precedent  of  our 
ancestors,  to  hand  over  that  kingdom  to  Tigranes,  son  of  King 
Artavasdes,  grandson  of  King  Tigranes,  by  the  hands  of  Tiberius 
Nero,  who  was  then  my  stepson.  The  same  nation  being  afterwards 
in  a  state  of  revolt  and  rebellion,  I  handed  over  to  the  government 
of  King  Ariobarzanes,  son  of  Artabazus,  king  of  the  Medes,  after  it 
had  been  reduced  by  my  son  Gaius  ;  and  after  his  death  to  his  son 
Artavasdes,  upon  whose  assassination  I  sent  Tigranes,  a  member  of 
the  royal  family  of  the  Armenians,  into  that  kingdom.  I  recovered 
all  the  provinces  on  the  other  side  of  the  Adriatic  towards  the  East 
and  Cyrenae,  which  were  by  this  time  for  the  most  part  held  by 
various  kings,  and  before  them  Sicily  and  Sardinia  which  had  been 
overrun  by  an  army  of  slaves. 



28.  I  settled  colonies  of  soldiers  in  Africa,  Sicily,  Macedonia,  both 
the  Spains,  Achaia,  Asia,  Syria,  Gallia  Narbonensis,  Pisidia.  Italy 
has  twenty-eight  colonies  established  under  my  auspices,  which 
have  in  my  lifetime  become  very  densely  inhabited  and  places  of 
great  resort. 

29.  A  large  number  of  military  standards,  which  had  been  lost 
under  other  commanders,  I  recovered,  after  defeating  the  enemy, 
from  Spain  and  Gaul  and  the  Dalmatians.  I  compelled  the  Parthians 
to  restore  the  spoils  and  standards  of  three  Roman  armies,  and  to 
seek  as  suppliants  the  friendship  of  the  Roman  people.  These 
standards  I  laid  up  in  the  inner  shrine  belonging  to  the  temple  of 
Mars  Ultor. 

30.  The  tribes  of  the  Pannonii,  which  before  I  was  princeps  an 
army  of  the  Roman  people  never  reached,  having  been  subdued  by 
Tiberius  Nero,  who  was  then  my  stepson  and  legate  [b.c.  ii],  I 
added  to  the  Empire  of  the  Roman  people,  and  I  extended  the 
frontier  of  Illyricum  to  the  bank  of  the  river  Danube.  And  when  an 
army  of  the  Daci  crossed  to  the  south  of  that  river  it  was  conquered 
and  put  to  flight  under  my  auspices ;  and  subsequently  my  army, 
being  led  across  the  Danube,  forced  the  tribes  of  the  Daci  to  submit 
to  the  orders  of  the  Roman  people. 

31.  To  me  there  were  often  sent  embassies  of  kings  from  India, 
who  had  never  before  been  seen  in  the  camp  of  any  Roman  general. 
By  embassadors  the  Bastarnse  and  the  Scythians  and  the  kings  of 
the  Sarmatians,  who  live  on  both  sides  of  the  river  Don,  and  the 
king  of  the  Albani  and  of  the  Hiberi  and  of  the  Medes,  sought  our 

32.  Kings  of  the  Parthians — Tiridates,  and  afterwards  Phrates, 
son  of  King  Phrates — fled  to  me  for  refuge  ;  of  the  Medes  Arta- 
vasdes  ;  of  the  Adiabeni  Artaxares  ;  of  the  Britons  Dumnobellaunus 
and  Tim  .  .  ; 1  of  the  Marcomanni  and  Suebi  .  .  .  .l  Phrates,  king 
of  the  Parthians,  son  of  Orodes,  sent  all  his  sons  and  grandsons  to 
me  in  Italy,  not  because  he  had  been  overcome  in  war,  but  seeking 
our  friendship  by  means  of  his  own  sons  as  pledges.  And  a  very 
large  number  of  other  nations  experienced  the  good  faith  of  the 
Roman  people  while  I  was  princeps,  with  whom  before  that  time 
there  had  been  no  diplomatic  or  friendly  intercourse. 

33.  The  nations  of  the  Parthians  and  the  chief  men  of  the  Medes 
by  means  of  embassies  sought  and  accepted  from  me  kings  of  those 
peoples — the  Parthians  Vonones,  son  of  King  Phrates,  grandson  of 

1  These  names  and  some  other  words  are  obliterated  in  the  inscription, 
both  Latin  and  Greek. 


King  Orodes ;  the  Medes  Ariobarzanes,  son  of  King  Artavasdes, 
grandson  of  King  Ariobarzanes. 

34.  In  my  sixth  and  seventh  consulships  [b.c.  28,  27],  when  I  had 
extinguished  the  flames  of  civil  war,  having  by  universal  consent 
become  possessed  of  the  sole  direction  of  affairs,  I  transferred  the 
republic  from  my  power  to  the  will  of  the  Senate  and  people  of 
Rome.  For  which  good  service  on  my  part  I  was  by  decree  of  the 
Senate  called  by  the  name  of  Augustus,  and  the  door-posts  of  my 
house  were  covered  with  laurels  in  the  name  of  the  state,  and  a  civic 
crown  was  fixed  up  over  my  door,  and  a  golden  shield  was  placed 
in  the  Curia  Iulia,  which  it  was  declared  by  its  inscription  the  Senate 
and  people  of  Rome  gave  me  in  recognition  of  valour,  clemency, 
justice,  piety.  After  that  time  I  took  precedence  of  all  in  rank,  but 
of  power  I  had  nothing  more  than  those  who  were  my  colleagues 

in  the  several  magistracies.  r  1 

r, r.  While  I  was  administering  my  thirteenth  consulship  [b.c.  2j, 
the  Senate  and  equestrian  order  and  the  Roman  people  with  one 
consent  greeted  me  as  Father  of  my  Country,  and  decreed  that  it 
should  be  inscribed  in  the  vestibule  of  my  house,  and  in  the  Senate 
house,  and  in  the  Forum  Augustum,  and  under  the  chariot  whic 
was  there  placed  in  my  honour  in  accordance  with  a  senatonal 


When  I  wrote  this  I  was  in  my  seventy-sixth  year  [a.d.  13-14]- 




Abydos,  80 

Achaean  League,  the,  27 
Achaia,  27,  28  ;  colonies  in,  133 
Acilius,  M.,  23 

Actium,  86,  123-24,  290  ;  colony 
at,  175 

jtd.  capita  bubula ,  I 
Adgallinas,  205 

Aigina  separated  from  Athens,  176 
ALlius  Gallus,  155,  174 
AEmilius  Lepidus,  M.,  as  praetor 
(b.c.  49)  holds  election  for  dic¬ 
tator,  8  ;  appointed  to  Hispania 
Citerior,  23  ;  visits  Sextus  Pom- 
peius,  42  ;  in  Transalpine  Gaul, 

59  ;  loins  Antony,  64  ;  becomes 
one  of  the  triumvirate,  70,  71  ; 
announces  the  close  of  the  pro¬ 
scriptions,  74  ;  suspected  of 
intriguing  withSextusPompeius, 

82,  87  ;  his  inferior  position, 

88  ;  in  Africa,  99  ;  comes  to 
Sicily,  104;  claims  to  govern 
Sicily,  105  ;  deposed  from  the 
triumvirate,  106  ;  his  office  of 
Pontifex  Maximus,  107,  112, 
160  ;  his  death,  160  ;  see  also 
202,  221,  222 


AEmilius  Lepidus,  M.  (son  of  the 
triumvir),  his  conspiracy,  123  ; 
his  brother,  258 

Aimilius  Paullus  Lepidus,  L., 
(brother  of  the  triumvir),  pro¬ 
scribed,  72 

JErarium,  the,  148,  249,  296 
AEthiopia,  174,  299 
Afranius,  23 

Africa,  province  of,  24-26,  99  ; 
see  also  9,  11,  65,  71,  171  j 
colonies  in,  133  ;  New  Africa, 

*5>  ”3 

Agrippa,  see  “  Vipsanius  ” 

Agrippa,  Postumus,  167,  168,  277 
Agrippina,  167 

Ahenobarbus,  see  “  Domitius  ” 
Aix,  134 
Alaudae,  the,  47 
Alba  Fucensis,  49,  51,  S3 
Albis  (R.  Elbe),  184,  186,  187 
Alexandria,  11,  116,  117,  120, 
121,  125,  127,  198 
Allienus,  Aul.,  23,  31,  80 
Alps,  provinces  of  the,  17,  172 
Amanus,  Mount,  30 
Amatius  (the  pseudo-Marius),  1 3 
Amisia  (R.  Ems),  184 
Amnesty  to  the  Assassins,  38 



Amphipolis,  83 

Amyntas,  king  of  Galatia,  30,  173  ; 

and  of  Pisidia,  102,  108 
Ancyra,  171  ;  temple  of  Augustus 
and  Rome  at,  176,  198,  261 
Jtnnonee  prcefectus ,  216,  217 
Antiochus,kingofCommagene,i  16 
Antistius  Vetus,  C.,  31,  1 13,  1545 

Antonius  Musa  (physician),  158, 

Antonius,  C.  (brother  of  Marcus), 
defeated  in  Illyricum,  22  ;  in 
Macedonia,  27,  48,  49  ;  praetor 
(b.c.  44),  38,  40 

Antonius,  Julius  (son  of  Marcus), 

Antonius,  L.  (brother  of  Marcus), 
26  ;  Trib.  PI.  (b.c.  44),  38,  41 ; 
triumphs  as  consul  (b.c.  41),  89  ; 
his  quarrel  with  Augustus,  91, 
93-5  ;  besieged  in  Perusia,  95-6 
Antony  (M.  Antonius), depreciates 
Augustus,  3  ;  as  Tribune  (b.c. 
50)  vetoes  the  recall  of  Iulius 
Caesar,  7  ;  Consul  (b.c.  44),  18  ; 
his  speech  at  Caesar’s  funeral, 
36  ;  opposes  the  claims  of 
Octavian,  38-9  ;  takes  the 
money  in  the  temple  of  Ops, 
39-40  ;  his  use  of  Caesar’s 
papers  and  his  intrigues  with 
the  veterans,  42  ;  accuses 
Octavian  of  plotting  his  assassi¬ 
nation,  44-5  ;  suppresses  a 
mutiny  at  Brundisium,  48  ;  his 
speech  at  Tibur,  49  ;  goes  to 

Ariminum,  50  ;  commissioners 
sent  to,  54 ;  his  letter  to 
Hirtius  and  Octavian,  55  ;  his 
approval  of  the  murder  of  Tre- 
bonius,  29  ;  his  siege  of  Mutina, 
56;  defeated  at  Forum  Gallorum, 
57-8  ;  his  great  march  to  Vada, 
59;  declared  a  hostis,  59-60; 
agrees  with  Lepidus  and  Octa¬ 
vian  to  form  the  triumvirate, 
68-70  ;  his  hold  on  Pompey’s 
property,  82  ;  his  campaign  at 
Philippi,  82-6  ;  goes  to  the 
East,  87  ;  his  infatuation  for 
Cleopatra,  91,  116,  117  ;  joins 
Sextus  Pompeius  in  invading 
Italy,  98  ;  makes  terms  with 
Augustus  and  marries  Octavia, 
99,  100  ;  his  legate  puts  Sextus 
Pompeius  to  death,  108  ;  his 
failures  in  the  East,  116;  his 
final  quarrel  with  Augustus, 
1 1 8-2 1  ;  divorces  Octavia,  1 20  ; 
his  defeat  at  Actium,  122-25  5 
his  final  struggle  in  Egypt,  126 ; 
his  death  at  Alexandria,  127; 
estimate  of,  130;  his  letter  to 
Augustus,  231 

Antyllus  (son  of  Antony),  1  27, 129 
Apamea  (in  Syria),  30,  31 
Apollo,  temple  and  libraries  of, 
1 1  5,  1  56,  204,  205 
Apollonia  (in  Epirus),  1  5,  34,  278  ; 
(in  Cyrene),  32  ;  (in  Pisidia), 

Apragopolis,  206 
Aqua  Marcia,  212,  297 



Aqu$  Statiellas,  59 
Aquileia,  234 
Aquitania,  20 

Arabia,  deserts  of,  17,  30  ;  expedi¬ 
tions  into,  155,  156,  174 
Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia, 

Argentoratum  (Strassburg),  185 
Ariminum,  7,  48,  71 
Ariobarzanes,  king  of  Cappadocia, 

Armenia,  118,  177;  king  of,  116, 
125,  1 67 

Arminius,  chief  of  the  Cherusci, 
187,  188 

Army,  unity  of  the,  191 
Arsinoe  (in  Cyrene),  32 
Artagera,  167 
Artavasdes,  173,  174 
Artaxes,  173,  174,  177 
Arvales,  220 

Asia,  province  of,  9,  28,  88  ;  Asia 
recepta ,  174 

Asinius  Gallus,  258,  263 
Asinius  Pollio,  C.,  in  Baetica,  23  ; 
joins  Antony,  59,  69  ;  superin¬ 
tends  assignment  of  lands,  90, 
283;  awaits  Antony  after  Peru- 
sia,  97  ;  assists  at  the  treaty  of 
Brundisium,  99  ;  triumphs  over 
the  Parthini,  102 
Asprenas,  L.,  188 
Astura,  256 

Astures  in  Spain,  the,  153,  1 54» 

At  the  Oxheads,  1 
Athenodorus  of  Tarsus,  15,  231 

Athens,  27,  101  ;  not  favoured  by 
Augustus,  175 

Atia,  mother  of  Augustus,  2,  3,  15, 
36,  37  ;  death  of,  78 
Atius  Balbus,  M.,  2 
Nugurium  salutis ,  142 
Augusta  Emerita,  1  54 
Augustus  (Gaius  lulius  Caesar 
Octavianus)  birth  of  (b.c.  63), 
1-2  ;  his  cognomen  of  Thuri- 
nus,  3  ;  in  the  household  of 
his  stepfather,  3,  9  ;  takes  the 
toga  virilis  and  made  a  pontifex, 
10  ;  not  adopted  in  Caesar’s  life¬ 
time,  11  ;  shares  Caesar’s  triumph, 
1 2  ;  in  charge  of  a  theatre,  12; 
goes  to  Spain,  12  ;  and  to  Car¬ 
thage,  13  ;  appointed  magister 
equitum  and  made  a  patrician, 
14  ;  at  Apollonia,  15  ;  his 
resolve  to  avenge  Caesar,  16, 
34  ;  returns  from  Apollonia, 
35-7  ;  adopted  by  Caesar’s 
will,  37  ;  pays  Caesar’s  legacies 
and  celebrates  his  games,  38, 
40  ;  his  dealings  with  the 
Ciceronians,  41  ;  his  alleged 
plot  against  Antony,  44,  45  ; 
enrols  veterans,  46  ;  tampers 
with  Antony’s  legions,  48  ; 
joined  by  the  legio  Martia  and 
Ouarta  and  granted  praetorian 
rank,  50-52  ;  his  campaign  at 
Mutina,  56-9  ;  slighted  by 
the  Senate,  60  ;  refuses  to 
pursue  Antony,  61  ;  demands 
and  obtains  the  consulate,  64- 




8  ;  enters  the  triumvirate  and 
is  betrothed  to  Clodia,  70-71  ; 
his  share  of  responsibility  for 
the  proscriptions,  76  ;  in  the 
campaign  of  Philippi,  83-6  ; 
his  assignment  of  lands  to 
veterans  and  troubles  with 
L.  Antonius  and  Fulvia,  90-92  ; 
his  campaign  of  Perusia,  94—7  ; 
marries  Scribonia,  98  ;  his 
quarrels  and  reconciliations 
with  Antony,  99-102  ;  his 
dangers  in  the  Sicilian  war, 
102—9  ;  deposes  Lepidus, 
106-7;  honours  voted  to  after 
the  defeat  of  Sextus  Pompeius, 
hi,  112;  his  campaigns  in 
Illyricum,  1 14  ;  his  house  on  the 
Palatine,  1 1 5  ;  his  letters  to  and 
from  Antony,  120 ;  proclaims 
war  as  Fetial  against  Cleopatra, 
1 21  ;  at  the  battle  of  Actium, 
124;  winters  at  Samos  and 
Athens  (b.c.  31-30),  125,  126  ; 
his  interviews  with  Cleopatra, 
128,  129;  honours  voted  to 
after  Actium,  135;  his  consti¬ 
tutional  reforms,  137-47  ; 
shares  the  provinces  with  the 
Senate,  147-48  ;  the  title 
Augustus,  149,  301  ;  goes  to 
Gaul  (b.c.  2 7),  151-53;  and 
to  Spain,  154  ;  his  benefactions, 
296  ;  his  illness  ot  b.c.  23  and 
recovery,  157,  158  ;  adopts 

Gaius  and  Lucius,  166  ;  his 
adoption  of  Tiberius,  168-69; 

his  maxim  as  to  the  extension 
of  the  Empire,  171,  261  ;  his 
settlement  of  the  East,  172-79  ; 
favours  Sparta  rather  than 
Athens,  176  ;  in  Gaul,  180- 
82  ;  activity  after  the  fall  of 
Varus,  188  ;  his  military  dis¬ 
cipline,  192  ;  his  absences  from 
Italy,  194  ;  the  worship  of, 
195-201  ;  his  tolerant  character, 
201-4  5  his  health,  208-9  ; 
his  residences,  204-6  ;  his 
way  of  life,  206—11  ;  his 
reforms  and  legislation,  212- 
32  ;  his  connection  with  the 
sacred  colleges,  220  ;  his  legisla¬ 
tion  on  marriage  and  divorce, 
226-32  ;  saluted  as  pater patr'ue, 
236-37  ;  financial  measures, 
250;  last  journey  and  death, 
255-58  ;  his  funeral,  252-60  ; 
will  and  other  documents  left  by 
him,  260-62  ;  summary  of  his 
career,  265-72  ;  physical  ap¬ 
pearance  and  habits,  272-74  ; 
buildings  and  other  public 
works,  156,  297-98 
Aurelius,  20 
Aurelius  Cotta,  M.,  24 
Autocracy,  advantages  and  dis¬ 
advantages  of,  269-71 
Avernus,  Lake,  103 


Bsetica,  23,  215 
Balbus,  see  “Cornelius  ” 



Basilica  Iulia,  156 
Bassus,  Q.  Caecilius,  18,  30,  31,  80 
Bassus,  Ventidius,  57,  59,  61,  70, 
97,  116,  139  n. 

Belgae,  the,  21 

Belgica,  province  of,  20,  180 
Benacus  Lacus,  181 
Beneventum,  7 1,  256,  257 
Berenice,  32 
Bessi,  the,  2,  17,  180 
Beyroot  (Berutum),  1 34 
Bithynia  and  Pontus,  province  of, 
28,  31,  80 
Boeotia,  27 
Bononia,  56,  57,  58 
Brigandage,  113,  213 
Britain,  151-52,  300 
Brundisium,  8,  35,  48,  57,  82  ; 
treaty  of,  99-100  ;  mutiny  of 
veterans  at,  125 
Brutus,  see  “  Iunius  ” 


Cadiz,  12 

Caecilius  Caldus,  C.,  29 
Caelius  Metellus,  L.,  47 
Caecilius  Metellus,  L.,  Tr.  PI. 
(b.c.),  8 

Caecilius  Metellus  Creticus,  £>.,  32 
Caecilius  Metellus,  £>.,  father-in- 
law  of  Pompey,  4,  30 
Caecina  of  Volaterrae,  47 
Caesar,  Gaius,  166,  167  ;  death 
of,  240-42 

Caesar,  Lucius,  166,  168  ;  death 
of,  241 

Caesar,  see  “Julius,”  “Augustus” 
Caesar-Augusta,  154 
Cffisarion,  1 18,  120,  129,  173 
Calabria,  35 
Calpe  (Gibraltar),  1 3 
Calpurnius  Piso,  L.,  father-in- 
law  of  Caesar,  44,  54 
Calvisius  Sabinus,  C.,  25,  103 
Campania,  46 
Candace,  174 

Cantabri,  war  with,  153,  154,  179 
Capreae  (Capri),  206,  256 
Capua,  8,  48,  71,  iiz 
Caracalla,  193 

Carthage,  colony  at,  13,  133 
Cassius,  C.,  19  n.  ;  in  Asia  and 
Syria,  29-31  ;  has  to  quit  Rome 
after  Caesar’s  murder,  41 ;  offered 
the  cura  annonce ,  42  ;  nomi¬ 
nated  to  Cyrene,  32,  43  ; 
publishes  edicts  with  Brutus 
against  Antony,  44  ;  Bis  nomi¬ 
nation  to  Syria  renewed  by 
Senate,  55  ;  to  be  attacked  by 
Antony,  71  ;  his  war  with  the 
triumvirs,  79 — 8 3  ;  his  death,  84 
Cassius,  Q.,  Tr.  PI.  [b.c.,  49],  7  5 
his  failure  in  Spain,  23 
Carrhae,  battle  of,  30 
Carthage,  colony  at,  25 
Casinius,  M.,  24 
Castra  Vetera,  187,  188 
Catiline,  conspiracy  of,  1,  3,213 
Censoria  potestas,  137,  224,  294 
Census,  the,  137,  255 
Chatti,  the,  184,  186,  187 
Chauci,  the,  186 



Cherusci,  the,  187 
Cicero  (M.  Tullius),  1,  2,  14,  24  ; 
30  ;  meets  Octavian,  37  ;  his 
view  of  Octavian  and  the  situ¬ 
ation,  39,  45-6,  50-1  ;  his 
epigram,  52,  60  ;  his  corre¬ 
spondence  with  Octavian,  53  ; 
his  hostility  to  the  party  of 
Antony,  54,  56,  58-65  ;  his 
submission  to  Octavian,  67  ; 
proscribed,  72 ;  Augustus’s 
opinion  of,  201 

Cilicia,  province  of,  25,  29,  30, 

Cimber,  L.,  19 
Cinna,  L.,  41 

Citizenship,  reluctance  of  Augus¬ 
tus  to  extend  the,  251 
Claterna,  skirmish  at,  55-6 
Claudius,  son  of  Drusus  (after¬ 
wards  emperor),  243 
Claudius  Marcellus,  C.  (Cos.  b.c. 

5°)>  45,  99 

Claudius  Marcellus,  M.  (Cos.  b.c. 

50,  6 

Claudius  Marcellus,  M.,  son  of 
Octavia,  hopes  to  succeed 
Augustus,  157,  1 6 1  ;  Vergil’s 
lines  on  his  death,  162—63 
Claudius  Nero,  Tib.  (husband  of 
of  Livia),  97,  no,  1 1 1 
Claudius  Nero,  Tib.  (son  of  Livia, 
afterwards  emperor),  97,  157, 
163,  165  ;  forced  to  divorce 
Vipsania  and  marry  lulia,  165  ; 
adopted  by  Augustus,  168,  186; 
his  character,  169  ;  crowns  the 

king  of  Armenia,  177  ;  his 
campaigns  in  the  Eastern  Alps, 
1 81  ;  in  Pannonia,  183  ;  suc¬ 
ceeds  Drusus  on  the  Rhine, 
185  ;  retires  to  Rhodes,  167, 
185  ;  succeeds  again  to  the 
command  on  the  Rhine  and 
thence  goes  to  Dalmatia,  186  ; 
returns  to  the  Rhine  on  the 
fall  of  Varus,  188  ;  letter  of 
Augustus  to,  202  ;  marries  lulia, 
234 ;  divorces  lulia,  239  ; 
Augustus’s  feelings  towards, 
169-70,  253-55  ;  his  suc¬ 

cesses,  263  ;  his  speech  at  the 
funeral  of  Augustus,  259 
Cleopatra,  30,  33  ;  prevented 

from  sending  aid  to  Antony 
against  Brutus  and  Cassius,  80  ; 
her  meeting  with  Antony  on 
the  Cydnus,  91  ;  her  influence 
on  Antony,  118-21  ;  at 
Actium,  123-24  ;  her  nego¬ 
tiations  with  Octavian  and 
death,  126-29.  See  also  172, 
173.  *76,  212,  231 
Clodia,  betrothed  to  Augustus, 
71  ;  repudiated,  98 
Clodius,  P.,  4 
M.  Cocceius  Nerva,  99 
Ccele-Syria,  30 
Collegia,  the,  215,  216 
Colonies  of  Augustus  in  Italy,  133 
Commagene,  116 
Comum,  colony  of,  6 
Confarreatio ,  226 
Constitutio  principle,  159 



Consular ia  omamenta ,  52 
Corcyra,  21,  122 
Cordova,  134 
Corfinium,  8 

Corinth,  27  ;  colony  at,  133 
Corn,  supply  and  price  of,  216, 
217  ;  free  distribution  of,  217, 
218,  296 

Cornelius  Balbus,  L.,  37  ;  theatre 
of,  156 

Cornelius  Dolabella,  P.,  18  ;  (Cos. 
b.c.  44)  shares  the  money  in  the 
temple  of  Ops,  39  ;  receives  a 
legion  from  Macedonia,  43  » 
puts  Trebonius  to  death,  55  ; 
his  proceedings  in  Syria,  28,  29, 
31  ;  kills  himself  at  Laodicea,  80 
Cornelius  Lentulus  Spinther,  P., 
29,  80 

Cornificius,  Q.,  25,  105 
Cornutus,  M.  (Praet.  b.c.  43), 

Cosa,  103 

Cotys  of  Thrace,  180 
Crassus,  see  “  Licinius  ” 

Crete,  32,  1 13,  172 
Crispus,  see  “  Marcius  ” 

Croatia,  114 
Cumae,  196 
Cura  annonte,  42 
Curio,  C.,  6,  7,  9 
Cyme,  198 

Cyprus,  separated  from  Egypt, 

Cyrene,  province  of,  32,  33,  118, 

173  .  •  < 
Cyzicus,  deprived  of  liberty,  ijo 


Daci,  the,  14,  1 14 
Dalmatia,  roads  in,  215 
Dalmatians,  the,  17,  21,  22,  179, 

Danube,  14  ;  provinces  of  the,  17, 
172,  186 

Dentheletae,  the,  180 
Dertona,  59,  61 

Dictatorship  refused  by  Augustus, 
217,  294  ;  of  Sulla,  2 66 
Didius,  O.,  126 
Dlffareatio ,  226 
Divorce,  226—228 
Dolabella,  see  “Cornelius” 
Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  L.,  8,  10, 

Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  Cn.,  80, 
81,  84,  99,  100,  118 
Druidical  religion,  the,  198 
Drusus  (son  of  Livia),  in,  165  ; 
marries  Antonia,  167  ,  his  cam¬ 
paigns  in  the  Eastern  Alps,  1 8 1  ; 
his  German  campaigns,  184; 
his  death,  185  ;  see  also  167 
Drusus  (son  of  Tiberius),  167, 
242  ;  speaks  at  the  funeral  of 
Augustus,  259 
Dyrrachium,  21 


East  and  West,  separation  of, 
8 6-7,  1  o  1 ,  267 

Egypt,  9,  17,  24,  31-2,  125,  1 3 1, 

I32>  *74 

Elephantine,  174 



Empire,  the  state  of,  17-32  ; 
divisions  of  between  the  trium¬ 
virs,  1st,  71,  2nd,  86-7,  3rd, 
Ephesus,  212 
Epirus,  8,  9 

Equites,  review  of,  160  ;  property 
of,  141 

Eretria  separated  from  Athens,  1 76 
Er gas  tula,  213 
Euphrates,  the,  17,  30,  99 


Fannius  Caspio,  conspirator,  164 
Fetials,  the,  220 
Finances  of  the  Empire,  248 
Fire  brigades,  219,  220 
Fiscus,  the,  39,  132,  141,  218, 

Flamen  Dialis,  220  ;  flamen  of 
Iulius,  199 

Flevo  Lake  (Zuyder  Zee),  184 
Floods  in  Rome,  219 
Fortuna  redux,  194,  197,  295 
Forum  Augustum  and  forum 
Iulium,  156 
Forum  Cornelii,  56 
Forum  Gallorum,  battles  at,  53, 
58,  61 

Forum  Iulii  (Frejus),  191 
Fuficius  Fango,  C.,  26 
Fufius  Calenus,  O.,  2 7,  97 
Fufius  Geminus,  114 
Fulvia  (wife  of  Antony),  26,  75, 


Gabinius,  A.  (Cos.  b.c.  58),  3,  26, 
3°)  1 H 

Galatia,  province  of,  171 
Germania  inferior  and  superior, 
172,  185 

Germanicus,  son  of  Drusus,  167, 
229,  242 

Germans,  the,  17,  181-82,  184- 
85,  186-89,  242 

Gaul,  4,  8,  17  ;  the  provinces  of, 
19-21  ;  Cisalpine  Gaul,  43,  44, 
71,  133  ;  Transalpine  Gaul,  71  ; 
Narbonensis,  20,  23,  215  ; 

colonies  in,  133  ;  Augustus  in, 

Genius  of  a  man,  the,  196 
Getae,  the,  14,  17,  18 
Gracchus,  C.,  217 
Greece,  province  of,  27  ;  declining 
state  of,  175 
Grenoble,  64 
Gythium,  176 


Hadrian,  3 

Hercules,  temple  of,  205 

Herod,  101,  173,  182,  203 

Herophilus,  1 3 

Hirtius,  Aul.  (Cos.B.c.43 ), governor 
of  Transalpine  Gaul,  20,  21  ;  to 
go  to  Asia,  29  ;  in  the  campaign 
of  Mutina,  55-58  ;  his  death, 


Horace  (O.  Horatius  Flaccus)  his 
Hew  of  Antony’s  subservience 
to  Cleopatra,  1 1 7  ;  records 
Caesar’s  Cantabrian  campaign, 
154;  on  the  Arabian  expedi¬ 
tion,  155  ;  on  the  recovery  of 
the  standards,  178  ;  on  the 
absence  of  Augustus,  195  ;  on 
the  literary  tastes  of  Augustus, 
208  ;  his  ode  for  the  secular 
games,  222  ;  his  connection 
with  Augustus  and  his  support 
of  his  popularity,  285-89 
Hortensia,  76 

Hortensius,  Q.,  27  ;  house  of,  204 


Iapydes,  114 
Iberia  (Georgia),  126 
Idumaea,  107 

Illyricum,  17  ;  province  of,  21, 
22,  26,  33,  1 14  ;  colonies  in, 


Imperator,  46 
Imperium,  159,  160 
Indian  envoys,  179,  300 
Isauria,  17 1 
Issa,  21 
Istria,  214 

Italy,  brigandage  in,  1 1 3  ;  colonies 
of  Augustus  in,  133  ;  privileges 
of,  250 
Ituraea,  173 

Ianus,  closing  of,  142?  1 79>  I^2’ 

Iuba,  25,  171 


Iulia,  aunt  of  Iulius  Caesar,  14. 
Sister  of  Iulius  Caesar,  2,  10. 
Daughter  of  Iulius  Caesar,  6. 
Mother  of  Antony,  6.  Daughter 
of  Augustus,  99  ;  married  to 
Marcellus,  16 1  ;  married  to 
Agrippa,  164  ;  married  to 
Tiberius,  231-36,  238-40. 

Granddaughter  of  Augustus,  243 

Iudasa,  1 16,  173 

Iulius  Caesar,  C.  (the  Dictator), 
2-9,  11,  13,  18  ;  assassination 
of,  1  S,  34,  39  ;  his  contemplated 
expedition  against  the  Getae  and 
Parthians,  14,  18  ;  his  enfran¬ 
chisement  of  the  Transpadani, 
19  ;  in  Cilicia,  29  ;  his  funeral 
and  will,  35,  36  ;  her oum  of  at 
Alexandria,  1 29  ;  his  settlements 
of  veterans,  133  ;  apotheosis  of, 
199  ;  sumptuary  laws  of,  225 

Iulius  Caesar,  L.  (relative  of  the 
Dictator),  7,  72  ;  Sextus  Iulius, 
30,  80 

Iunius  Brutus,  Dec.,  18,  19,  20  ; 
in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  43,  4^  » 
edict,  51  ;  Antony  proposes  to 
succeed  him,  54  ;  hard  pressed 
for  food  in  Mutina,  56  ;  delays 
the  pursuit  of  Antony,  59  ;  his 
difficulties,  61,  62  ;  his  last 
despairing  letter  to  Cicero,  64  ; 
his  death,  69 

Iunius  Brutus,  M.,  to  be  consul 
(b.c.  41),  18  ;  governor  of  Cis¬ 
alpine  Gaul,  19  ;  nominated  to 
Crete,  32  ;  prastor  (b.c.  44), 



41-4  ;  in  Macedonia,  28,  54- 
6,  79  ;  plan  for  recalling  him 
to  Rome,  62,  64  ;  to  be  attacked 
by  Antony,  71  ;  his  administra¬ 
tion  in  Asia  and  campaign  at 
Philippi,  79-81,  83-5  ;  his 
death,  85 

Jupiter  Tonans,  156 
I  us  italicum ,  133  ;  ius  relationis , 
ius  consular e,  158;  ius  trium 
liber  or  um,  229-30 


Labienus,  116 
Lance  ( Sallanco ),  154 
Land,  assignations  of,  91,  92,  112, 
”3.  *32,  133 
Laodicea,  30,  31,80 
Lares  compitales,  196 
Latinitas,  133 
Latin  games,  the,  9,  10 
Legati  pro  prce  tore,  147 
Legio  Martia,  35,  50,  57,  58,  60, 
67  ;  Ouarta,  35,  50,  66,  67  ; 
reduction  in  number  of  legions, 
132  ;  commanders  of,  191  ; 
numbers  of  in  the  provinces, 
192  n. 

Lentulus,  see  “  Cornelius  ” 

Lesbos,  Agrippa  in,  163 
Leucopetra,  104 

Lex  curiata  for  adoption,  37,  68  ; 

lex  Tapia  Toppaa ,  226-29 
Libya,  1 1 8 

Licinius  procurator  at  Lugdunum, 
180,  1 8 1 ,  209,  210 

Licinius  Crassus,  M.,  6,  30 
Licinius  Murasna,  A.,  his  con¬ 
spiracy,  164 
Lilybasum,  1 1 
Limyra,  167 

Livia,  daughter  of  Drusus,  167 
Livia,  wife  of  Augustus,  97,  no  ; 
accused  of  making  away  with 
Marcellus,  163  ;  and  of  Lucius 
and  Gaius,  201  ;  in  Sparta,  176  ; 
her  facility  as  a  wife,  231  ;  her 
connection  with  Iulia,  238  ; 
farewell  of  Augustus  to,  258  ; 
becomes  Iulia  Augusta,  260  ; 
her  character,  275-78 
Livy,  historian,  283 
Loans,  state,  218,  219 
Longobardi,  the,  186 
Lucca,  4 

Lucrine  Lake,  103 
Ludi  saculares ,  222,  223 
Lugdunum,  founding  of,  20 ; 

Augustus  at,  180  ;  altar  at,  198 
Luperci,  the,  220-21 
Lupia  (R.  Lippe),  186 
Luphe,  35 

Lustrum ,  137,  255,  294 
Lycia,  80,  167 


Macedonia,  2,  14,  17  ;  province 
of,  26,  27,  29,  43  ;  the  legions 
in,  14,  34,  46  ;  colonies  in,  133 
Maecenas  (C.  Cilnius)  with  Oc¬ 
tavius  at  Apollonia,  15  ;  nego¬ 
tiates  marriage  with  Scribonia, 
98  ;  represents  Augustus  at 



Beneventum,  99,  and  at  Taren- 
tum,  103  ;  in  charge  of  Rome 
(b.c.  31),  123  ;  his  loss  of 

favour,  1 64  ;  his  character  and 
services,  279-82 
Manus ,  227 

Marcella,  d.  of  Octavia  and  wife 
of  Agrippa,  164 
Marcellus,  see  “  Claudius  ” 

Marcius  Philippus,  L.  (stepfather 
of  Augustus),  3,  4,  9,  36,  45, 

Marcius  Crispus,  Q.,  31,  79 
Marcomanni,  the,  186,  187 
Marius,  C.,  13,  14 
Marobudus,  chief  of  the  Mar¬ 
comanni,  186,  188 
Marriage,  laws  of,  226-30 
Mars  Ultor,  156,  197;  two 

temples  of,  178 
Marseilles,  siege  of,  9 
Matius,  C.,  38  ;  Mauretania,  17 1 
Mausoleum  of  Augustus,  156,  261 
Media,  173,  177 
Merida,  133,  154 
Mesopotamia,  14,  18 
Metellus,  see  “Caecilius” 
Menodorus,  freedman  of  Sext. 

Pompeius,  100,  10 1 
Miletus,  108 
Milliarium  aureum ,  2 1 5 
Milo,  4 

Minucius,  Q.,  73 
Misenum,  treaty  of,  24,  100 
Mcesia,  17,  171  ;  temple  in,  198 
Monumentum  Xncyranum,  261— 
62,  293-301 

Morals,  reform  in,  223-32 
Munatius  Plancus,  L.  (Cos.  b.c. 
42),  18,  20,  62,  63,  76,  97, 
120  ;  builds  temple  of  Saturn, 

Munda,  13,  23 
Muraena,  see  u  Licinius  ” 

Murcus,  see  “  Statius  ” 

Mutina,  campaign  of,  25,  29,  52, 

Mylae,  battles  off,  104,  106 

Nabata,  174 

Naples,  37,  256,  257 

Narbo,  152,  153  ;  temple  at,  198 

Narbonensis,  see  “  Gaul  ” 

Naumachia ,  291,  298 

Neapolis  (port  of  Philippi),  80 

Nemausus  (Nismes),  180 

Nicolas  of  Damascus,  45 

Nicomedia,  198 

Nigidius,  P.,  2 

Nile,  the,  30 

Nola,  2,  257,  262 

Norbanus,  C.,  81,  83,  115 

Noricum,  172,  181,  186 

Nuceria,  71 

Numidia,  25,  26,  87  ;  see 

“  Africa  ” 


Octavia  (sister  of  Augustus),  45, 
75  ;  married  to  Antony,  100, 
101  ;  reconciles  Antony  and 



Augustus,  103,  104  ;  her  fidelity 
to  Antony,  118  ;  divorced  by 
Antony,  120  ;  her  retirement 
from  society,  162  ;  brings  up 
Iulius  Antonius,  239 
Oct  avia  gens ,  the,  1 
Octavius,  Octavian,  see  “Augus¬ 
tus  ” 

Octavius  (father  of  Augustus),  1—3 
Octavius,  Rufus,  C.,  1,  2 
Octavius,  M.,  22 

Ops,  money  in  the  temple  of,  39, 
4°.  54 

Orcini  Sena  tores,  139 
Ovations  of  Augustus,  III 
Ovid  on  the  recovery  of  the 
standards,  178  ;  his  banishment, 
243-46  ;  his  relations  with 
Augustus,  291-93 


Pacorus,  1 16 
Pamphylia,  17 1 
Paneas,  198 

Pannonians,  the,  114,  172,  179, 
183,  186 

Pannonia,  altar  in,  198 
Pansa,  see  “  Vibius  ” 

Pantheon,  the,  1 56 
Parthians,  rumours  of  war  with,  6  ; 
Caesar’s  contemplated  expedi¬ 
tion  against,  14,  18  ;  threaten 
Syria,  30  ;  Antony’s  wars  with, 
43,  104,  1 16  ;  invade  Armenia, 
167  ;  their  submission  to 

Augustus  and  return  of  the 
standards,  173-79,  233>  3°° 

P  ater  patr'ue ,  237,  301 
Patras,  27,  134  ;  colony  at,  175 
Patricians  recruited,  14,  137 
Patrimonium  Cass  arum,  249 
Pax  Augusta,  altar  to,  182,  295 
Pedius,  Q-,  36 
Peducaeus,  Sext.,  24 
Peloponnese,  27 
Pergamus,  212 

Perusia,  siege  of,  95-7  ;  Perusing 
arce,  the,  96,  97 
Pharnaces  of  Pontus,  9 
Pharsalia,  battle  of,  9,  19,  22,  25, 
28,  30 
Pharus,  21 

Philippi,  battles  of,  22,  26,  28,  31, 
32,  76,  80-86 

Philippics  of  Cicero,  the,  46 
Philippus,  see  “  Marcius  ” 
Phoenicia,  30 

Phraates  IV.,  King  of  Parthia, 
167,  173  (Phrates,  300) 

Phrygia,  30,  171 

Picenum,  8 

Pinarius,  L.,  36 

Penestas,  an  Illyrian  tribe,  21 

Pergamus,  198 

Piracy,  195,  298 

Pisidia,  colonies  in,  176,  215 

Plancus,  see  “  Munatius  ” 

Plennius,  106 

Plutarch  acquits  Augustus  of 
plotting  against  Antony’s  life, 
45  ;  his  account  of  Cleopatra’s 
death,  129 



Po,  the  river,  70,  214 
Polemon  of  Cilicia,  102 
Pollio,  see  Asinius 
Pompeii,  196 

Pompeius  Magnus,  Cn.,  position 
of,  4-9  ;  his  government  of 
.  Spain,  23  ;  organises  Syria  30, 
Crete  32  ;  his  defeat  at  Pharsalia 
and  death  in  Egypt,  9 
Pompeius,  Cn.  (son  of  Magnus), 
12,  23 

Pompeius,  Sext.  (younger  son  of 
Magnus)  survives  Munda,  17  ; 
occupies  Sardinia,  24  ;  visited 
by  Lepidus  in  Spain,  42  ;  holds 
Sicily  and  Sardinia,  71,  81,  82  ; 
rescues  many  of  the  proscribed, 
74  ;  receives  Achaia  from 
Antony,  82  ;  war  with,  87  ; 
negotiations  with,  98,  99  ; 

renewed  war  with,  100-106  ; 
death  of,  108 

Pompeius  Bithynicus,  24,  82 
Pontifex  Maximus,  office  of, 
107,  1 12,  160,  221-22,  295 
Pontus,  28,  29 

Populus  Romanies,  extension  of  the 
meaning  of,  193 

Porticus  Octaviae,  115,  1x6  ; 

Li  vise,  156 

Postal  service,  the,  189,  190 
Portus  Iulius,  103 
Postumius,  38 
Potentia,  6 

Prefect  us  urbi,  prxfectus  annona, 


Praeneste,  205 

Princeps  senatus,  142,  166,  294 
“  Princeps  ”  as  a  title  of  the 
Emperor,  149-50  ;  powers  of, 
159.  Princeps  iuventutis ,  166, 

Propertius  on  the  Arabian  expedi¬ 
tion,  155  ;  on  the  recovery  of 
the  standards,  178  ;  on  the 
achievements  of  Augustus 
generally,  290 
Proconsulare  imperium,  148 
Proculeius,  C,  127 
Proscriptions,  the,  72-5 
Provinces,  the,  17—34;  Caesars 
law  as  to  the,  18  ;  division  of 
between  Augustus  and  Senate, 
147-48  ;  finances  of,  249 
Ptolemais,  32 

Ptolemy  Apion  of  Cyrene,  18,  32 
Ptolemy  Auletes,  30,  31 
Puteoli,  196 


Quintilius  Varus,  P.,  fall  of,  187- 



Ravenna,  4,  7 
Red  Sea,  the,  30 
Regium  Lepidi,  56 
Res  familiar  is,  249,  260 
Rhaeti,  the,  165,  172,  181 
Rhaetia,  province  of,  182 
Rhegium,  71,  82,  103 

3i  6 


Rhine,  provinces  of  the,  17,  172  ; 
crossed  by  Agrippa,  103  ; 
armies  of,  250  ;  frontier  of  the 
empire,  172  ;  crossed  by  Ger¬ 
many,  180 
Rhodes,  80,  167 

Rome,  streets  in,  1 1 3  ;  improve¬ 
ments  in,  1 1 5,  134,  135,  156  ; 
party  feeling  in,  1 1 9  ;  its  at¬ 
tractions,  245-6  ;  supremacy 

of,  193.  275 

Romulus,  149 


Salassi,  the,  1 1 3 
Salons,  21,  22 
Saltus  Castulonensis,  22 
Salvidienus  Rufus,  Q.,  15,  82 
Salvius,  73 

Saenius,  L.  (Cos.  b.c.  30),  137 
Sallustius  Crispus,  282 
Samaria,  102 
Samos,  28,  122 
Samosata,  116 

Sardinia,  9,  33,  71  ;  province  of, 

Sardis,  80 

Saxa,  Decidius,  81,  83,  116 
Saragossa,  134,  154 
Scodra,  99 
Scopas,  205 
Scordisci,  the,  180 
Scribonia  (wife  of  Augustus),  98, 
no,  239 

Scribonius,  usurper  in  the  Bos¬ 
porus,  182 

Secular  games,  the,  222,  298 
Senate,  meeting  of  on  1st  of  June 
(b.c.  44),  42  ;  grants  military 
rank  to  Octavian,  5 1  ;  lectiones 
and  reforms  of  by  Augustus, 
138-42  ;  decline  of,  270-1 
Senators,  number  of,  140  ; 

property  qualification  of,  144 
Senatus  consultum  ultimum ,  7,  5  3 
Sertorius,  18 

Sextius  Saturninus,  C.,  186 
Sextius,  T.,  25 

Sibylline  books,  the,  205,  221 
Sicily,  Curio’s  success  in,  9  ; 
province  of,  23,  24,  33,  82  ; 
war  in,  104-106  ;  colonies  in, 
133,  174.  175 

Sidon  deprived  of  liberty,  1 76 
Silius  Nerva,  P.,  179 
Smyrna,  80 
Sodales  Titii,  the,  220 
Sosius,  C.,  campaign  in  Judaea, 
1 1 6,  1 18 

Spain,  Pompey’s  rule  of,  4,  5,  8  ; 
Caesar  in,  8,  9,  13;  provinces 
of,  22,  23,  29,  87  ;  colonies  in, 
133,  134  ;  temple  in  to  Augus¬ 
tus,  198 

Sparta,  27,  176,  198 

Spartacus,  3,  213 

T.  Statilius  Taurus,  104,  1 1 5  ; 

builds  an  amphitheatre,  156 
C.  Statius  Murcus,  31,  79,  81,  84 
Stilicho,  221 
Suetonius,  3,  24 
Sugambri,  180 
Sulla,  18 



Sulpicius  Rufus,  Serv.,  28,  54 
Sublicius  pons ,  219 
Succession,  the,  160,  170,  242, 

Sumptuary  laws,  225 
Supplicatio,  meaning  of,  197 
Synnada,  diocese  of,  30 
Syria,  18  ;  province  of,  30,  31, 
43,  118,  173,  177 


Tarentum,  103 
Tarraco,  13,  154 
Tarsus,  29 

Tauromenium,  104,  105 

Temples,  repair  of,  134,  156,297 

Tencteri,  180 

Terentius  Varro,  48 

Teuta,  Queen,  21 

Thapsus,  11,23 

Thasos,  81 

Thessaly,  9,  27 

Thracian  tribes,  2 

Thurii,  3,  213 

Thurinus,  3 

Thyrsus  (freedman  of  Antony), 

Tibur,  49,  205 
Tillius  Cimber,  L.,  28 
Tiridates,  173,  177 
Titius  T.  (Tr.  PL  b.c.  43),  72, 
108,  1 1 7,  120 
Titus,  Emperor,  117 
Toga,  the  disuse  of  the,  224 
Trcbonius,  C.,  19,  23,  28,  55 

Tribunicia  potestas ,  112,  1 3 5  37 » 

1 58-60 

Triumphs  of  Iulius  Caesar,  II  ; 

of  Augustus,  137 
Triumvirate,  the  first,  4-  The 
second,  25,  70,  72,  118  ; 
powers  of,  143  »  acta 

abolished,  144 
Turullius,  P.,  126 
Tyre,  deprived  of  liberty,  176 
Tyndaris,  104 


Usipites,  the,  180,  184 

Vada  Sabatia,  59,  61 
Valerius  Messalla,  M.,  104,  105 
Valerius,  P.,  22 
Valerius  Orca,  O.,  24 
Valerius  Messalinus,  186 
Varius  Rufus,  L.,  283 
Varus,  see  Quintilius 
Vedius  Pollio,  his  cruelty  re¬ 
buked,  209  ;  his  house  de¬ 
molished,  29! 

Velitrae,  1,  2 

Velleius  Paterculus  excuses  Au¬ 
gustus  for  the  proscriptions,  76 
Venationes,  271,  298 
Venetia,  214 
Venusia,  71 

Vergil,  2  ;  on  the  confiscations, 
90  ;  on  the  death  of  Marcellus, 
162,  163  ;  on  the  recovery  of 
the  standards,  x  79  »  ^eat:^ 



179  ;  his  connection  with 
Augustus  and  his  work,  283-85 
Vesta,  temple  of,  67  ;  new  temple 
of,  in  Palatine,  205 
Vestal  Virgins,  the,  67,  78,  135, 

Veterans,  the,  42,  44,  46,  90,  91, 
132,  133,  174 

Via  JEmilia ,  48,  59,  70  ;  Egnatia , 
14,  15,  83  ;  Flaminia,  214,  297  ; 
V aleria ,  49  ;  aleria  (in  Sicily), 
105  ;  Sebaste  (in  Pisidia),  176; 

^Augusta  in  the  provinces, 

Vibo,  71 

Vicesima ,  the  5  p.  c.  legacy  duty, 
250,  251 
Vindelici,  181 

Vipsania,  wife  of  Tiberius,  165, 
167,  234 

Vipsanius  Agrippa,  M.,  11,  15; 
makes  the  portus  lulius ,  and 

organises  a  navy  against  Sext. 
Pompeius,  1 03-105  ;  improves 
the  water  supply  of  Rome,  1 1 5  ; 
his  activity  before  and  at 
Actium,  123,  I24(Cos.b.c.  28); 
holds  the  Census'  with  Au¬ 
gustus,  137  ;  his  great  build¬ 
ings,  156  ;  receives  his  Seal 
from  Augustus  when  supposed 
to  be  dying,  157  ;  appointed 
to  Syria,  161  ;  marries  lulius, 

164  ;  in  Gaul  and  Spain 
(b.c.  21-19),  1 65,  179  ;  asso¬ 
ciated  in  tribunician  power, 

165  ;  on  the  Bosporus,  182  ; 
his  death,  183,  234;  his  cha¬ 
racter  and  career,  278-79 

Visurgis  (R.  Weser),  184,  186,  187 


Zela,  9 

Cf)e  (Sresfjam  Press, 



BE  9’8S 




Augustus  :  the  life  and  times 
937. 06  Sch? 

3  1TE7  □  0127b4cl  1 



Sch7  Shuckburgh,  E.  S. 

Augustus,  the  life  and 
times  of  the  founder  of 


- - 


ns:  9  '85