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DOimiON ELECTION. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1886. 



HoL Edward Blake's Speeches. 



No. 9 (First Series). 

(Wingham)— Blake's Tribute to Mackenzie. 

(Staynfr)— Blake's Tribute to Sir Richard Cartwrlght. 

(Brantford)— Blake's Tribute to Paterson— Duty of Young 
Men. ^ 



NOTE.— See Inside Cover for List of Mr. BTakeV peoches in flrat 

Series. Apply to W. T. R. Preston, Reform Club, Toronto, 

for Copies of these Speeclies. 



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LIST OF SPEECHES IN THIS SERIES. 



No. I.— 



No. 2.- 
No. 3.- 
No. 4.- 

No. 5. —I 



No. 6.—. 



No. 7,—. 



No. 8.— 



No. 9.— 



No. 10. 

No. II 
No. 13. 



Na 13. 

No. 14. 



(lx>NDON) : General Review of Situation. Riel Question. 
(Owen Sound) : North- West Maladministration. Riel. 
(Beayerton) : Independence of Parliament The Boodle Brigade. 
(Chesley) : Public Finances — Taxation and Deficits — Farmers- 
(SiMcoE) : Federal a4id Provincial Rights— Ontario — Nova Scotia. 
(Guelph)— Elections near.— Tory Dodges-Nova Scotia. 
(OwKN Sound) : Principles of Liberalism— Duty of the Leader. 
(Welland) — Policy of the Party — Functions of an Opposition. 
(Oakwood) — Sir J. Macdonald on Functions of an Opposition. 
Extracts— (G\iv,hVH) : Home Rule for Ireland. 

(Berlin): Firebrand Tory attempts to excite Germans. 
(Galt & Okangeville) ; Indian Starvation Policy. 
(Pembroke) : Maladministration felt at Cut Knife Hill. 
Extracts— {Ks-HDMA.) : Business Methods required in Public Affair.«^ 
— Degradation of Parliament— A few Boodlt;rs. 
(Hampton) : Civil Service Reform. 
(Galt) : Burden of Public Debt 
(Orangeville) : Burden of Public Debt. 
(Belleville): Burden of PubUc Debt — The Interest on Debt 
(Oakwood) : Burden of Public Debt— Our Public £xpen< 
diture. 
(Newcastle) : Canadian Pacific Railroad Matters. 
(LisTowEL): Canadian Pacific Railroad Matters— The last Sacri* 

fice of $10,000,000— Collapse of Tory " Boom " Policy. 
(St. Thomas) : North- West Lands. 
(HuNTSviLLE) : R.R. F'olicy— Sir John's Subsidies to " Guinea- Pig " 

Directors — Assisted Immigration and Railway Frauds. 
(Parry Sound) : Railway Policy of Liberals. 
(Obangevillb) : Railway Policy of Liberala 
(Brantford) : The Kansas Slander. 
(LisTowEL) : The Sea of Mountains. 
(WiKOHAM) : Blake's Tribute to Mackenzie. 
(Stayner): Blake's Tribute to Sir Richard Cartwright 
(Bbantfoud) : Blake's Tribute to Paterson— Duty of Young Men. 
— (Welland) : Liberal Party, Creeds and Classes. 

(Orillia) : Leaders and Newspapers— The " Mail " Crusade. 
— (Aylmer) : Prohibition and Politics. 
—(Toronto) : Interests of Labour— The Tariff. 
(Welland) : To Knights of Labour. 
(Belleville): Legislation for Labour. 
(Deseromto) : Workingmen and Parties. 
(Hamilton): Workingmen and Parties. 
—(Hamilton) : Provincial Issues— The Religious Cry— Liberals And 

Catholics. 
— (Li.ndsay) : North- West Affairs — Neglect, Delay and Misman- 
agement— Race and Creed Cries. 



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The Calumniators of Mr. Mackenzie. 



HOW THEY VILIFIED HIM. 



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They accused him of Dishonesty. Now they laud him for 
Purity. But Gerrymandered his Constituency. 



•THANK GOD, MR. MACKENZIE'S REPUTATION DOES NOT DEPEND ON THE 
COMMENDATIONS OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD. ' 



Hon. Edward Blake in his speech at Wingham, after some pre- 
liminary remarks, said : — 

We public men, who from time to time have occupied the 
leading positions in the Liberal party, while we are indebted to 
our friends and supporters for generous expression of sympathy 
and conddence such as have been accorded mo to-day, have not, 
I think, as a rule, while still entrusted with the discharge 
of the foremost duty, received from our political opponents that 
measure of fair play and just consideration which we had the 
right to expect. I dare say there are here in this meeting, seeing 
that the riding is very equally divided — I hope there are here, a 
good many Conservatives ; I always like to see them at mj'^ meet- 
ings. My anxiety, in truth, is rather greater to get within reach 
of those on the other side than to reach my .vn friends. If a man 
believes he is speaking the truth, if he thinks he has a message to 
give, he ought to wish to reach the ears of those opposed to him, 
and through their ears to reach their minds and hearts. (Loud 
cheers.) To them 1 speak, and say that the public life of our 
country has been injured by the system of 

FALME AND CALUMNIOUS ATTACK 

which has been adopted towards the Liberal leaders. A friend 
of mine at the opening of the London Young Liberal Club laat 
night, said there was a time at which the Liberal leaders always 
received a tribute of respect from the Tory leaders, and that was 
when they were no longer in the forefront of the fight ; but just 
so long as they were conducting the piarty thiey had been and 



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262 

■would be oxposed to unjust and unfounded attack, (Cheers.) 
Will you allow me to take the 

PROMINENT AND STRIKING EXAMPLE 

of our respected friend, Mr. Mackenzie. You have not forgotten 
the storm of abuse and calumny which was hurled against Mr. 
Mackenzie for the many years during which he was our leader. 
Net merely was he charged with incapacity ; he was charged with 
dishonesty, corruption, disgraceful conduct utterly unworthy of a 
r>ublic man. Let me give you some examples. Not examples 
from newspapers, not examples from the rank and file, examples 
from the lips of a man of no less prominence than the leader of 
the Conservative party himself, the present Prime Minister of 
Canada. You recollect the election of 1872, when Mr. Mackenzie 
occupied the double position of Treasurer of Ontario in the Reform 
Government, of which I was First Minister, and of leader of the 
Liberal party in the Canadian Parliament. At Lindsay Sir John 
said, during that election : — 

*' He did not doubt that large sums had been raised as a corruption fund 
among persons interested in timber licenses* under the Ontario Government, 
or by other such means. Already a case had been made out against them 
which would demand legislation of the most stringent kind * * * 
These matters would undoubtedly come before Parliament at its next session. 

There is a distinct, positive, direct charge against Mr. Macken- 
zie and his colleagues in the Government of Ontario of a corrupt 
use for election purposes of the public domain, and a pledge that 
the matter would be brought before Parliament at the next ses- 
sion. Next session came ; many other sessions have followed it 

SIR JOHN HAS BEEN CHALLENGED 

to bring forward his proof ; but I need not tell ycu he has never 
redeemed his pledge. 

In Toronto in the same year he said : 

" Mr. Mackenzie had gone down to Nova Scotia and piiade a corrupt bargain 
with Mr. Annand by wmch he was to aid in getting $8 1,000 for the Provincial 
Building at Halifax, on condition that the Government of Nova Scotia was 
to act against the Government of the Dominion." 

There is another charge of corruption. At Kingston, for which 
city Sir John Macdonald was then standing, the report of the 
nomination proceedings is thus : — ,i „ 

" Mr. Britton followed, and during his speech Sir John, who appeared to 
be much excited, walked over to Mr. Oarruthers and accused him of som* 
discreditable oil speculation, which Mr. Oarruthers denied. Sir John then 
repeated the accusation and intimated that he could prove that Mr. Car- 
ruthers was implicated in an oil swindle in company with the Hon. A. Mac- 
kenzie. 

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263 

"Mr. Carruthera denied the charge in forcible language. 
** Sir John gave him a back-handed slap in the face, and attempted to take 
him by the throat before Mr. Carruthers could retaliate. " 

Shortly afterwards at Sarnia, in Mr. Mackenzie's own riding, 
these gentlemen met, and Mr. Mackenzie speaking before Sir John 
is thus reported : — 

*' He was going to call Sir John Macdonald his friend ai formerly, but 
until the hon. gentleman retracted a cdrtain exproBsion he had used on the 
hustings at Kingston he would not do so. i 

" Sir J. M. — I certainly will not retract it. 

" Mr. M. said he de6ed the hon. gentleman to prove it, and until he did 
so or withdrew it he would treat him as a slanderer. 

"Sir J. M. — Everybody knows it in this part of the country." 

So you see Sir John declined to retract and equally declined 

THE IMPOSSIBLE TASK OF PROOF. 

Shortly afterwards Sir John Macdonald spoke thus : — 

*' He (Mr. Mackenzie) had been tried in that capacity (i.e. as a Minister) 
and he (Sir John) had no hesitation in saying that the Government to which 
Mr. Mackenzie belonged was more false, more faithless and more corrupt 
than any Government that ever existed in Canada. (Great cheering.) 

" Some years since a Bill had been introduced in Parliament by Mr. Mac- 
kenzie, who had been the exponent and touter of a ring to rob the Indians, 
by which a number of old claims by tavern-keepers and others against the 
poor Indians had been revived and made valid. That Bill had nearly passed 
mto law, but the truth had been declared by Mr. Morris, now the Chief 
Justice of Manitoba. He (Sir John) had the authority of Mr. Morris, who 
was a man of honour, for stating that Mr. Mackenzie walked across the floor 
of the House, and shaking his fist in Mr. Morris' face, had said he would 
never forgive him for it, 

'* Mr. Mackenzie (from the back of the platform) — That is a lie. 

" Sir John Macdonald said he had not got through yet. That man, who 
was the leader of the Opposition, and who ought to have some respect for 
himself, had been the chairman of the Printing Committee and the touter 
and paid servant of Messrs. Hunter, Rose &• Co, It was Mr, T, R, Fergu- 
son who had caught him and exposed him. Then, coming down a little fur- 
ther, Mr, Mackenzie had come out as the touter of a petroleum ring in order 
to raise the price of oil. The secret of the bargain between him and the oil 
kings he (Sir John) did not know, but this be did know, that he had urged 
upon Sir John Rose, at that time Finance Minister, the imposition of an ex- 
cise duty upon petroleum, and he had sold himself deliberately for that price. 
(Cheers and counter cheers. ) He (Sir John) went on to charge the Govern- 
ment of the Province with using its powers corruptly by granting silver lands 
in Western Canada in return for assistance at these elections. This would be 
proved before a committee of the House during the next session of Parlia- 
ment. (Cheers.) If it were the case, then he would ask whether Mr, Mac- 
kenzie was a proper man to represent the constituency of Lambton ? ( Loud 
cries of no and yes,) 

Well, I felt bound, when charges of this nature were being hurled 
against my friend and colleague from one end of the country to 
the other, to express my opinions, and in South Bruce I did so. I 
prefer to quote rather than to summarize my words. This is what I 
said : — 



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264 



• • "I have been connected for five years in the House of Commons, 
and for the last year in the Local Legislature as well, with my friend Mr. 
Alexander Mackenzie — (hear, hear) — who has throughout taken a leading 
part in Opposition in the House of Commons up to this time, and has a«» 
Bumed office with me in the Local Legislature. Mr. Mackenzie has been more 
intimately thrown together with me for the last five years than, perhaps, 
with any other public man. Our intercourse has been most constant, cor- 
dial, and unrestrained ; and there is nothing in my public life to which I 
can refer as having given me pain — and there are many circumstances which 
have given me pain — which does not sink into insignificance at the pain 
which I have felt at the unjust observations and gross attacks which have 
been made upon my friend on recent occasions. I have this to say, that when 
I was called upon to form a Government, I felt it necessary in the interests 
of the country that my hands should be strengthened by my friend taking 
ofiUce with me, and the greatest difficulty that I found in the formation of 
that Government was to persuade Mr. Mackenzie to assume the position 
he now so worthily fills, of Treasurer of Ontario, Not that he was unwilling 
— he had always been willing — to make any sacrifice in his power for the 
sake of his country, and of that party with which he felt the great inter- 
ests of the country were identified, but that his own views of his public duty 
led him to hesitate. He ofiered his support to the Government outside the 
Cabinet, but he desired that I would not ask him to take office, and it was 
with the utmost reluctance that he had at length consented. I have found him 
''' .e truest and most faithful of friends and colleagues. Efforts have been 
made by the adversary to weaken his position in the Legislature at Ottawa, 
and observations have gone abroad with reference to my relations with him, 
which have given great pain to me. It has been said that I am desirous 
of withdrawing from the Local Legislature, in order to obtain a leading 
position in the' Commons. My only desire is to go there to assist my friend 
Mr. Mackenzie, as his faithful supporter in the future, as I trust I have been 
in the past. I have no ambition to be any other thing than a private mem- 
ber of Parliament. I believe in party government. I am a party man, and 
belong to a party to which I intend to stick as long as it carries out its 
principles. My personal desire has always been to act in the ranks, and 
along with the ranks of that party, and in no other or more prominent 
capacity ; and in that position I shall find myself if returned to the House 
of Commons on a future occasion ; and 1 have told my friends that whether 
on the left hand or on the right hand of the Speaker, my place must be in 
the ranks. I hi^vo to say to you and to my countrymen generally, that of 
all the public men whom I have met — and I have observed, I hope, not 
unfairly but closely, the men of both sides — I know no man of equal dili- 
gence, of equal self-sacrifice, of greater integrity, of a nicer sense of public 
and private virtue, no man more sternly devoted to the cause which he in 
his conscience believed to be right, and more willingly and incessantly lend- 
ing his ever effort to the success of that cause, than my friend Mr. Mackenzie, 
whom we are all proud to acknowledge as one of the most prominent public men 
in the Dominion of Canada, and for whose good and great qualities my own 
admiration ha? been intensified by time. " 

* # * * ♦ ♦ # 

In the fall of the same yer I dealt with the general subject 

thus : — 

** I have been subjected, like my friends, to a sort of political warfare of 
the most unwarranted description. I have seen by tfie press that Sir John 
Macdonald has stooped to say, ' Why, look at my Government, were ever 
such charges made against my Government as are made against these men 1 ' 

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The more shame to him 1 It is the boast of the Liberal party that thev do 
not make charses which they cannot substantiate. It is to the shame of Sir 
John Macdonald that foundationless charges, which, if true, would have been 
enough to damn the fair fame of any public man, should have been made 
against my colleagues and myself, not one of which has hurt us in the slight- 
est degree. A general policy of slander, such as has been adopted by Sir 
John Macdonald and his organs, must be repudiated by the respectable people 
of this country, if they expect respectable men to remain in publiclife." 

Not long after, we attained power, and Mr. Mackenzie became 
Prime Minister, and 

THE STORM OF CALUMNY 

was raging still. The old tales were repeated and new ones in- 
vented. There was the Goderich Harbour affair, with respect to 
which Sir John Macdonald, having during the recess made violent 
charges, in Parliament used uhese words : — 

... " The Prime Minister was informed by Mr. Stirton that Mr. Tolton 
was a good, competent, and wealthy man, and that his sureties were men of 
wealth. The hon. gentleman possessed that information, but he did not con- 
vey it to Mr. Page, who was wandering in ignorance all the time." 

..." The difficulty experienced by Mr. Page with regard to Mr. Tolton 
would have been at onoe removed if the hon. the Premier had handed over 
a telegram he had received from Mr. Stirton. Why were those circumstances 
withheld from Mr. Page 1 It was difficult to understand why Mr. Moore 
should be favoured. The letter written by the hon. the Minister of Justice 
was highly creditable to him — it was a letter which Mr. Moore had a right 
to ask from him. Mr. Moore supported the hon. the Minister of Justice, 
as a candidate for North Bruce, in 1 867. He was, therefore, a friend of the 
hon. gentleman, and had a right to reoeive a letter stating all the hon. gen- 
tleman could honestly state. The hon. the Minister of Justice was not in 
any way personally responsible for the loss of those $29,000 to the country. 
^ . . "The hon. the Minister of Public Works was justly chargeable with 
having given a contractor $29,000 more than the sum for which another com- 
petent man would have executed the work. He submitted the case to the 
House as it appeared from the papers submitted, and he held that no hon. 
member could honestly say that under the circumstances Mr. Tolton should 
not have received the contract. . . . With regard to the statement he 
(Sir John Macdonald) had made that the Department had acted with undue 
favour towards some of his own friends, there was one instance ; it had been 
shown that Mr. Moore was a political friend, and that no doubt $29,000 had 
been lost to the country, and before the session closed he would feel it his duty 
to submit to the House other cases of a similar character. The House and 
the country could come to no other conclusion than that $29,000 of the pub- 
lic money had been thrown away. 

You recollect the charge with reference to the steel rails — the 
charge that Mr. Mackenzie had made a bargain, not merely bad, but 
with corrupt motives, to favour a relative ; you recollect the charges 
of favouritism and wrong with regard to the Fort William town site 
and the Neebing Hotel, and others which it would be tedious to 
-detail. This — this was the course pursued Wiiile Mr. Mackenzie 

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was our leader ; but now that, unhappily for his party and unhap- 
pily for the country, our friend is ratner laid asioe by illness ; now 
that the conditi(ni of his general health and the feebleness of his 
voice prevents him from taking as prominent and effective a part 
in the conduct of public affaii-s as in former days, now, forsooth, 
they acknowledge that these charges were false and calumnious. 
Sir John Macdonald, for example, at London the other day, de- 
clared that Mr. Mackenzie was, and is an honest man, and that he 
acted to the best of his judgment. So say they all now ! 

THANK GOD, MR. MACKENZIE'S REPUTATION DOES NOT DEPEND ON 
THE COMMENDATIONS OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD. 

He is gratified, no doubt, at those avowals, and doubtless he also 
understands, as you do, and despises, as you do, the motive which 
prompts his former slanderers to-day. The motive is palpable, 
and it is as mean as it is palpable. I have had to answer once 
or twice the charges or insinuations against me which gener- 
ally accompany these encomiums and retractions. 

I will read you the answer I gave Sir John Macdonald in 
Parliament in 1881, and which I repeat to-day : — 

" I have borne in silence, from an anxiety not to trouble the House 
with personal observations, from a feeling that a man who takes a leading 
part must endure in silence a great many aspersions, the insinuations which 
from time to time have been made by the hon. gentleman's followers on that 
topic. But a sensible man — to compare great things with very small ones — 
who, passing through the village streets, tinds himself assailed by a pack of 
village dogs, will not, of course, turn round and heed their barking at his 
heels. While he takes that attitude towards the pack, if the master of the 
pack assails him he may be well entitled to answer his challenge. 

" Sir, I have to say with regard to the hon. gentleman's statement that I 
supplanted the hon. member for Lambton in the office of leader of the 
Liberal party which I now occupy, that that statement could not within his 
knowledge be true, and that it posseses in itself not one particle of founda- 
tion. I am not about to enter into lengthy details, but my views with 
respect to positions of leadership or of place and power are tolerably well 
known to all who are good enough to interest themselves in my public career, 
and are best known to those who know me best ; and they know well that I 
have never invited any position of that kind ; that on the contrary, I have 
always shunned it ; that I assumed this position with the utmost reluctance, 
and, if I had the wishing-cap of Fortunatus for one moment, the wish I 
would use it to accomplish would be that the path of honour and duty might 
lead me to retire from this position. But, sir, while that is so, and while the 
only thing that abates my desire to see hon. gentlemen opposite defeated, is 
the reflection that their defeat would involve my accession to office, I will 
use it, so long as I am entrusted with a position of influence such as I now 
occupy, with a desire to effect some share of good for the country in which 
I live. It is but the hope that I may to some extent increase the happiness 
and advance the prosperity of my countrymen that nerves me to my task. " 

I wish, however, that these fair words of our opponents were 
accompanied by a little measure of fair deeds. Whatever they 

, (9) 

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say, they do not act in t'he .samo way. They fiivst ^gerrymandered \' 'V . 
the riding of East York, the chosen constituency of Mr. Mackenzie. 'i\' ^ 
They failed to win. Then they Morganized that gerrymandered ,» 
riding under the infamous Franchise Act. And now they are try- ,. 
ing to Boultbeefy the riding ! They are seeking not merely to / •' 
defeat Mr. Mackenzie, but to defeat him by Alfred Boultbee! But 
for this they must have the consent of the electors, and in that ' "i • 
gerrymandered and Morganized constituency T have every reason ^ , 
to believe there is left an 

AMPLE RESEKVE OF PUBLIC SIMUIT 

to assure us a victory. I rejoice to see that our friend has 
accepted the nomination, and I read the other day, as I am sure 
you did, with emotion the brief but patriotic speech he made to 
the Convention. The circumstances were moving. They ' 
reminded me of the lines the poet puts in the mouth of an old 
hero and statesman, speaking to his comrades in his declining . 
years : 

Thouvh much is taken much abides ; and though 

We are not now that strength which in old da/s 

Moved earth and heaven, that which we are we are ; \ 

One equal temper of heroic hearts, 

Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will, . ' ^ \ tj 

To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield ! ' ' ^ .. H 

(Loud cheers.) I am sure we all wish for him a grand success 
in his contest against the irbitrary, unconstitutional and im- 
proper course of the Conseivative party, directed to his defeat. 
I am glad to observe by a western paper that the new departure 
of the Mail is to include a declaration in favour of Mr. Mac- 
kenzie. (Laughter.) It would be a disgrace to East York and 
to Canada if Alfred Boultbee should he elected over the head of 
such a man. (Cheers.) I have heard from various quarters in 
the riding, and I believe it to be true, that man}- Conservatives 
have declared their intention of voting for our friend. He will 
be elected ; his country will have the benefit of the important 4;^ i 

services he can yet ^ive without impairing further the strength 
^ which he has already overtaxed in his country's cause. (Cheers.) 
I have thought it well to give you this little history of the con- 
duct of the Conservative party towards a leader of the Liberal 
party, and I would ask you Conservatives who may be hero 
whether you legard this as worthy conduct? 1 ask you Re- 
formers who may be here to remember, in other cases and under 
other circumstances, when you heai- charges hurled at those whom 
at tlie moment you have placed in the forefront of the battle, to 
remember these instances I have brought before you. Remember 
that for these many long yeai-s the leaders of the Liberal party 



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for 'the time being have been met with cahimnies, which, in this 
case as in others, have after a long interval been acknowledged to 
be foundationless. Remember this, and call for proof and un- 
questionable proof before you allow your al' glance to be in the 
least shaken by the false accusers who have acted in such an 
unworthy way, and who have so lately confessed their shame. 
(Oheers.) 



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Thv; k^.^iiieiit Services of 8ir Richard €ai*twright. 



At Staynei- Mr. Blake said : — 

I did not know thfit you had a prophet in Stayner. (Laughter.). 
Sir John Macclonald said before the election of 1882 that there 
was nothing so uncertain as an election except a horse race. (Re- 
newed laughter.) But your chairman seems to know quite well 
what the result of the election is going to be. He is wiser than 
I am, though I believe he is right. But this much is clear — the 
result of the election will depend largely upon the degree of exer- 
tion put forward by those not merely in the lead, but in the rank 
and tile of the Li^ iral party. You have the fate of the election 
largely in your own hands, and you and I must keep that in mind 
from this time until the elections are over. We have 

A PLAIN DUTY TO DISCHARGE — 

to do our best to win, in the hope and belief, strengthened and 
encouraged by the signs of the times, that our course being just 
and righteous it will be crowned with victory ; and thus believ- 
ing, if we do our best we shall, even at the worst, have nothing 
for which to blame ourselves ; but, I repeat, we stand to win. 
(Cheers.) The chairman has alluded in terms of deserved praise 
to my able colleagues. We have in the ranks of our party many' 
strong men, who are doing their very best, co-operating strenu- 
ously with their unworthy leader in the effort to set matters in 
their true light before the electorate, and to guide Canada to a 
brighter career than that which has been her fortune lately. We 
have upon the platform some of these able men. We have else- 
'■ where numbers who, at a considerable sacrifice of time, ease, and 
money, are devoting themselves to the public cause. (Applause.) 
I shall no* name these men, their names are familiar in your 



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moutbs as household words. I will refer to only one of them 
particularly, an especial aversion of the Conservative party, 

SIR RICHARD CARTWRIGHT — . y 

(loud cheers) — with regard to whom they seem to have some par- 
ticular grievance, because, years ago, when the Reform party were 
in a minority in Parliament, with little prospect of its early con- 
version into a majority, he, from motives of conviction most hon- 
ourable to himself, left the Tory ranks, came over to us, and assisted 
in the accomplishment of the triumph, which, a few years later, 
we realized. The Tories feel that his example is a dangerous one, 
and ever since he has been the subject of violent attack, upon all 
possible occasions. The favourite story just now is that he is be- 
ing deserted by his friends, the Reformers, who will not offer him 
a constituency. (Laughter.) Sir R. Cartwright is not a man to 
whom a seat in Parliament, however honourable, is essential. He 
has in the course of his public duty made many sacrifices of pri- 
vate, personal and family interests. He has work to do in the 
world, whether he be in Parliament or not. He has more than 
once suggested to me a temporary retirement as convenient to 
him personally, but I have strongly opposed any such plan. I 
hope and trust that the Reformers of Ontario will consider it 
their duty and privilege to provide him with a seat, and a safe 
seat, too ; in one of the hives, as they are called ; not because he is 
not one of our strongest combatants, but just because he is one 
whose services I want throughout the constituencies during the 
stress of the general election, so that instead of fighting the battle 
in some one riding, he may fight at large all along the line, as I 
do myself on these occasions. (Cheers.) I have this only to say — 

DO NOT BELIEVE THE STORIES 

you read of there being any lack of accord between the Reform- 
ers and Sir Richard Cartwright. He has done great service to 
the Liberal cause, and he is capable of doing more. He has great 
claims upon us. (Loud applause.) We are not ungrateful. We 
recognize those services and those claims — (cheers) — and we know 
that what he has done in the past will be more than equalled by 
his performance in the future. , 

An election is going on to-day for the county of Haldimand. 
The date of this election, as compared with that of Chambly, em- 
phasizes what I must call the 

INDECENT OF THE CONDUCT OF THE GOVERNMENT 

in this regard. Many months ago, early last session, all our hearts 






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were filled with sadness by the death of Mr. Thompson, who had 
represented Haldimand for many years. The writ was moved 
and the Speaker's warrant ordered. It duly issued. But the 
law devolves the duty upon the Government of naming the re 
turning officer and the date of election. That duty they did not 
discharge, and the writ therefore could not be issued. Dr. Lan- 
derkin asked the Government why the instructions had not been 
given. They asked for time, once and again. After a week's 
pressure Sir John Macdonald gave the answer. He said that a 
large number of persons had been lately accorded the right of 
franchise, that the rolls were being made up and would shortly 
be completed, that there was no pressing necessity for an election, 
as the member could not be returned before the end of the session, 
and that it would be an injustice, an insult to the new electorate 
who were not yet in a position to vote, the rolls not having been 
made up, to press on the election. He therefore proposed to de- 
lay the writ, and said that if his opinion were challenged, he 
would ask the House to agree to 

SUSPEND THE ISSUE OF THE WRIT. 

r 

I felt that there was reason for that view, though it was incon- 
venient, and perhaps a strain on the constitution. True, the new 
electors were mainly Indians, wards of Sir John Macdonald, but 
yet I did not like the idea of the new electors, whatever their 
views might be, being deprived of the right to vote, I therefore 
did not resist the view that the election should stand, and the 
House thus adopted the principle of the Government without dis- 
sent. But some months later the Government appointed the 

^ MEMBER FOR CHAMBLT 

to an office which had practically been vacant for many months, 
if not for years, and they immediately issued the writ for Cham,- 
hly. The new lists were just about completed ; the new elector- 
ate was just about to acquire its title ; the circumstances were the 
same as in Haldimand, only more glaring, because tne issue of the 
writ in Chambly was hurried on, while in Haldimand, where a 
vacancy had existed for months, it was delayed. I ask Conserva- 
tives — because I appeal*to Conservatives as well as to Reformers, 
believing that among them are men willing to consider these 
things on the principles of fair play and even-handed justice — 
what consistency is there in this ? I ask whether this is even- 
handed justice and fair play ; whether it is consistent with the 
declamtion made in the case of Haldimand ; the pledge made in 
the case of Haldimand ; the principle laid down in the case of 



(9) 



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Haldimand ; the line of action agreed to in the case of Haldi- 
mand ; that the Government should use their power — for they 
are supremo when Parliament is not in session — to sppng an 
election in another county on the old lists, postponing the election 
in Haldimand for the new lists, just because they knew that the 
added vote would be unfavourable to them in one case, and would 
be in their favour in the other ? (pheers.) 

IS THAT FAIR PLAY ? 

Is it not clear that the Government which is appointed in this 
respect to act for all the people, not for one party, but for both, is 
prostituting its power, and degrading its trust to base party pur- 
poses ? (Cheers.) The election in Haldimand is going on to-day, 
and a great factor in the election is the vote of the Indians. You 
are aware that the Reformers objected to the Franchise Bill very 
strongly, and amongst other things, because it conferred the vote 
upon the unemancipated Indians. Our position on that question 
has been grossly mis-stated. We, as Reformers and liberals couid 
not but be anxious that all worthy, capable, and really free citizens 
should have the franchise. That is a fundamental principle of ours. 
Nor could we be otherwise than sympathetic with the Indian, the 
original possessor of the soil, and anxious for his elevation and 
advancement. Our main objection is this — that the Indian is not 
yet emancipated, that the laws are such as leave him in a state of 
of tutelage, that he is not, as you voters are, a free man, but that 
he is largely under the control of the Government of the day, 
through the medium of the Chief Superintendent, who in this case 
is the First Minister himself ; and we contend that so long as tlie 
GovemTuent keep him in such an inferior position^ so long it is 
not fitting for him or for the community that he should have nom- 
inally, what in many cases lie will not have really, the rights that 
belong to the ordinary citizen; so long it is not proper to give him 
what you call the Franchise, but what is not really in his case a 
fra/nchise. 

WHAT DOES FRANCHISE MEAN ? 

It means freedom, the right to give a free and independent vote. 
'JV) enjoy that right you must be a free and independent man, you 
must bo truly a citizen, and so long as you are under tutelage, and 
a ward of the Government, the franchise is no boon to you. It is 
something you may be able to sell, something you may be able to 
barter away, something you may exchange for the hope of the 
favour of your guardian and protector and controller, but it is not 
a real boon to you ; it neither elevates you nor profits the communi- 
ty at large. The Chief Superintendent is to the Indians their 





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guide and guardian, the dispenser of bounty from the general funds 
in case there be sickness or distress. He may give them money or 
goods ii»he finds they need them. He controls their lands and the 
titles under which they hold them, and changes in title require 
his consent. How free would you consider yourself if there were 
an officer of the Government whom you were obliged to consult 
before you could mortgage youi; property or sell it ? (Cheers.) 

THE superintendent-general's CONSENT 

is required to validate an Indian's will, which would be valid were 
he a white. He has control of the guardianship of their children 
His consent in necessary to their enfranchisement. For it is recog- 
nized by the law that the Indian is not now enfranchised, and 
there is |>rovision in the Indian Advancement Act by which he 
may be enfranchised and placed in sometliing like the position of 
a white citizen. After long and careful probation, after the Sup- 
erintendent-General consents, and after a time of three years' trial, 
if alter all that he is found worthy, he may acquire some, but some 
only, of those rights which you and I have now. The Superinten- 
dent-General's assent to the by-laws of their Council is necessary 
to their validity ; he 

DISQUALIFIES AND REMOVES 

their councillors. If he thinks a councillor, though elected, is 
not fit to occupy that position, he turns him out. What would 
you think of your degree of freedom if, after you had elected a 
township councillor, a member of the Government should have 
the power to say, " I don't think this man a good councillor, he is 
not fit to occupy the position, I turn him out " ? (Cheers and 
laughter.) The Superintendent-General is the man who does all 
this and much more for the Indians ; they call him in many parts 
their " father." (Loud laughter.) And they consider him the re- 
presentative of their " great Mother," the Queen. Of course we 
know that in truth that representative is the Governor-rieneral, 
who is above and beyond parties, but these people are told by 
some of their guides, that they are to regard Sir John as their 
" father," their groat chief, and the representative of the " great 
Mother." Many of them cannot read, and for these tlie ballot is 
no protecti(m at all, because they must be assisteil in marking 
their ballot, and it must be known how tlu^y vote. And just re- 
member the Indian agent, who is the legal repiesentative of the 
Superintendent-General, through whose mouth he speaks, by whom 
he communicates his will, who is the embodiment of hisauthority, 
who is at the elbow of the Indian all the year round ; and con- 
sider the influences under which the dependent and illiterate In- 

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dian will vote. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) In the report 
of Sir John Macdonald, made two or three years ago, he declared 
that he had issued circulars to all his otHcei's to ascertain whether 
the Indians were fit for sotrie rudimentary form of municipal 
government as a training for the full status of free men. He did 
not lay the replies before us, but he gave us a summary in a few 
lines of his report. He declared emphatically that 

THEY WERE NOT FIT 

for even the most rudimentary form of self-government. And 
these men whom he so declared unfit for the first step toward 
freedom, he now makes, not independent voters, but largely his 
voters by the law. (Great cheering.) And this further declara- 
tion he made in his report — that there is but one way of elevat- 
ing the young Indians — and that is to undertake their entire 
training, and to separate them from their parents and their homes. 
The home and parental influence, he thinks, are fatal to advance- 
ment ; but if they can be taken away from their parents and homes, 
and kept in the schools they will probably progress. This is not 
my doctrine, mind you. No doubt the Tory papers will say it is 
I who said these things. This is a ' ,. 

STATEMENT MADE BY SIR JOHN MACDONALD 

in his report, and I call upon you to judge how far those can be 
qualified to exercise the franchise, the best hope of whose children 
is, according to the First Minister, that they should be taken from 
the home and influence of the parent ? (Loud and prolonged 
cheering.) I do not say that all the Indians are unfit by their 
conduct to be voters. / believe there are Indians tvho are fairly 
advanced in education, intelligent, industrious, provident, pro- 
gressive, and discharging the duties of parentage creditably. But 
almost all ore unemancipated, and of the condition of the bulk 1 
have only tLe Superintendent-General's report to judge from, and 
I have told you what he says. It was only last night that, speak- 
ing at a missionary meeting in Toronto, Sir John Macdonald, re- 
ferring to the British Columbia Indians, inflicted upon those of 
the East a great slur. He declared, that the British Columbia In- 
diana ivere of a superior strain, because they had in than an ad- 
mixture of Mongolian biood. Thus they were superior to the In- 
dians of the Territories and of the Eastern Provinces. But we 
have declared by an Act of Parliament that the Mongolian is not 
fit to vote, that, in fact, he is not tit to live in Canada at all. 
(Loud laughter.) The Mongolian is good enough forsooth to im- 
prove the strain of the British Columbia Indian blood, but the 



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Eastern Indians, whose blood is not so improved, are made voters, 
while neither the Mongolians nor the British Columbia Indians, 
whose blood they have improved, are deemed tit to vote. (Loud 
and prolonged laughter and applause.) Under these circumstances, 
then, so far as the Indian is concerned, the polling in Haldimand 
is proceeding. But many of the Indians are 

NOT UNOBSERVANT FOLLOWERS 

of those affairs which affect their own race, and their own blood, 
and, besides, the Indians have seen the general demeanour and atti- 
tude of local Liberals, and of the Liberal party in regard to their 
concerns. The Indian doubts the boon offered to him by the 
Government, and he does not relish the management of the North- 
West, and it has been found that the Indian vote fs vot as safe, even 
in Haldimand, as the Government expected it luoukl he. We all ex- 
pect the Government will poll a large majority of the Indian vote. 
Under existing circumstances the Indians would be more than 
human if they did not largely so vote. I cannot greatly blame the 
Indians, under those circumstances, for giving the Government a 
large majority of their votes. But they will not poll them all. 
(Loud cheers.) The Government supporters must have come to 
the conclusion that they were not going to poll them all — they 
must have found that all was not going as they expected — for the 
great father, chief, and councillor, the guide and guardian, the 
great authority of the Indiano, 

THE SUPERINTENDENT-GENERAL HIMSELF, 

just two days before the election goes — not into Haldimand, 
indeed, that would be, perhaps, a little too indecent — but goes to 
the borders of the county into the Indian reserve in the county of 
Brant, adjoining the Haldimand reserve, to hold a great pow-wow. 
(Derisive cheers and laughter.) That it had something to do 
with the Haldimand election I will show you upon good authori- 
ty. I have here the newspaper report in the Mail of September 
4th, headed " Sir John among the Indians," and stating that " the 
Indians in Haldimand are greatly pleased at Sir John's forth- 
coming visit to the Six Nations." On September 6th the visit 
was paid. Sir John Macdonald went out in company with Mr. 
Robert Henry, ex-Mayor of Brantford, a leading Conservative 
light in that city, Mr. J. J. Hawkins, who is called " ex-M.P.P.," 
a well-known Conservative just now, and Mr. Thomas Elliott, 
who is described as President of the North Brant Conservative 
Association. So you see the political character of the gathering ; 
that it was as a politician the [Superintendent-General went, if 






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276 

we are to " judee a man by the co^apany he keeps." (Laughter.) 
The report of the World says : — 

"Sir John, the chiefs, and the leading warriors, and bucks of the tribe 
afterwards entered the Cooncil House, where a three hours' conference was 
held with closed doors. No whites wore admitted." 

NO WHITES WERE ADMITTED 

—except Sir John. (Great laughter.) You see that the affair 
was carried out in just such a way as to most impress the minds 
of these people with his power, and to combine that power which 
the law gives him as the head of the Indian Department, to be 
used in the general interest, with his power and position as the 
leader of a great party. And all this was accentuated by the 
time at which he came and by the holding of a secret conference 
with these people, during which he tried to influence their 
feelinga (Cheers.) If I had wanted further proof of the im- 
propriety of giving the vote to the Indian, while he is a dependent 
of the Chief Superintendent, I care not whether the officer who 
guides him be Reform or Conservative, I could not have asked 
for more than this proceeding just before polling day. This 
election is a desperate struggle, and the result will be to the last 
moment uncertain. I am willing to believe that it was not 
without some qualms of conscience, some feelings of reluctance, 
that the Chief Superintendent so timed his visit as to make it 
plain he was seeking the votes of his wards — of those wards 
whom he declared three years ago not fit to enter even the most 
rudimentary form of self-government — that the Chief Superin- 
tendent 'did what his own officers are by law forbidden to do as 
improper practices vitiating the election. It shows you, as other 
things do, the desperate character of the struggle in which, 
holding the Indian vote of 125 as against a majoritj' of 12(> 
gained by the Liberal candidate at the last election, together 
with other influences, to somg of which I shall allude, the 
Government hopes to snatch a victory, I hope differently. I 
believe against all odds we shall win. (Loud and prolonged 
applause.) But I call on you Reformers to remember that a 
defeat of the Opposition in a bye-election held under present 
circumstances is no index of the result of a general election. The 
Government has enormous advantages over the Opposition. They 
can pour in unlimited forces, as they have done ; they can ply 
every method of gaining votes, as thoy have done ; they can 
point to the complexion of the Parliament; they can promise 
favours. But 

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AT THE GENERAL ELECTIONS 

all will be different. Sir John Macdonald cannot be on every 
reserve; the Great Chief cannot be everywhere to direct the 
votes of his " children " in a general election. (Great cheering.) 
We shall meet in other ways then on more even ground. It is 
only under special circumstances that the efforts they have put 
forth in Haldiraand can be repeated, and therefore I say that, 
believing as I do, that the main tide and current of popular 
opinion is setting all our way, we are not to be discouraged if 
there should happen some eddy or backflow in an elbow of the 
river. No ! we are to go straight onward, knowing that if we 
fight an even battle to-day under such circumstances as attend 
this contest, our ultimate victory in the struggle is assured. 
(Loud and prolonged applause.) I agree with your chairman as 
to the time of the elections. 



WHEN THE FRANCHISE ACT WAS PROPOSED I STATED THAT AN 
ELECTION SHOULD FOLLOW THE COMPLETION OF THE LISTS. 



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At the opening of last session I expressed my wish for *an early 
appeal to the people ; and the other day in the east I explained 
tnat when a large addition had been made to the electorate, it 
was essential that at the earliest moment that an appeal to the 
people should take place so that the new electorate might have 
the opportunity to speak. I cared not whether they were for or 
against my views. 1 he constitutional rule is that the Parliament, 
which has been elected by a constituency which has been con- 
demned as too narrow, has fuijiUed its functions as soon as the 
incoming and enlarged electorate is in a position to vote, and 
should be forthwith dismissed. But the Tories don't say so. 
They are not going upon that general principle. They reserve to 
themselves the power of acting as they may determine to be best 
in their party interest. They think they control absolutely the 
prerogative which was given for the public benefit and not for 
their own ; and they will use it for their own advantage. " We 
won't say," they virtually tell us, "that we think that on the 
general and public grounds you state there ought to be an 
election." Because if they did they would be compelled to act on 
a view which might be very inconvenient (Laughter.) If they 
think the time is not suitable for them as a party they will hold 
the election over until next year, but if they think their chances 
are good now, we shall doubtless have the election and a great 
deal of talk about the new electorate being represented. There 
is no power of the Government which is given them except 

" (9) 















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277 



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FOR THE PUBLIC ADVANTAGE, 



but that with the Tories is synonymous with Tory advantage. 
(Laughter.) We fight the battle under great disadvantages in 
many ways, but we shall fight with good heart, confident in the 
good cause, and in the good sense and patriotism of the people. 
(Great applause.) 



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REPLY TO INDIAN ADDRESS. 



Honour In Politics— The Represontutivo of South Brant In 
the Commons— Fitting Tribute to Mr, Paterson. 



The following is the introductory portion of the speech of Hon. 
Edward Blake at Brantford : — 

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, allow me in the first place 
to return my thanks to the members of the Six Nations and Mis- 
sissaugas for the address with which they have honoured me. I 
can assure them I have received it with great interest and gratifi- 
cation, and I rejoice at the tone, the broad and generous, the calm 
and just tone, in which they speak of the attitude of the Liberal 
party with reference to the very important step, as affecting the 
various Indian nations, which was lately taken. I rejoice also to 
know that there are amongst them so many who are able to ap- 
preciate the general principles of action of the Liberal party, and 
to recognize that its policy in the past has been, as its policy in 
the future, so long as it is worthy of its name, must be that which 
shall, in the judgment of the party, subserve the best and truest 
interests of the Indians. 

For myself, I may say I have ever felt a 

GREAT INTEREST IN AND SYMPATHY FOR 

those who are the representatives to-day of the original posses- 
sors of the vast domain of this continent of North America. I 
have ever most anxiously desired that our legislation and our 
course with reference to them, and our relation towards them, 
should be such as might best conduce to their welfare, security, 
and prosperity, and I am glad to be assured that, being entrusted 
by the Parliament of Canada with the exercise of the franchise, 
there are, amongst those who may choose to avail themselves of 



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278 , . 

the right, men who, as they are capable of doing, consider the 
policy of both ])artie8, and the true interests of the country in 
which they live, to which they belong, with which their fortunes 
are bound up ; and who, after such consideration, are })repared to 
adopt the principles of the Liberal party. I dare say that the 
expectations of the Conservati v^es, hinted at in this address, may 
be in large measure disappointed ; and that the Liberal party may 
find, as it ought to find, among the descendants of the original 
possessors of the soil 

MANY WARM AND EARNEST ADHERENTS, 

because the Liberal party has for its objects, jicstice to, and the 
advancement and elevation of, all classes of o%ir '"population, no 
matter what their creed, no matter what their colour, no matter 
what the race to which they belong. I hope it may be my for- 
tune some day to visit my friends on their reserve. (Loud and 
prolonged applause ) In the midst of the series of very large 
meetings, which it has been my privilege to address, I had very 
great pleasure in agreeing to Mr. Paterson's request that 1 should 
speak in Brantford. I congratulate the Reformers of South Brant 
upon this magnificent assemblage. Our meetings have been the 
largest, most enthusiastic, and most satisfactory in every way, 
which in nearly twenty years of political life, it has been my for- 
tune to attend. (Cheers.) Not merely have our friends gathered 
in great numbers, and in great enthusiasm, but we have also been 
favoured with the presence of very considerable numbers of those 
who do not ordinarily take as active an interest as I should de- 
sire in politics, and with the presence of a large number of those 
who have not heretofore seen eye to eye with us. And not merely 
have these two classes been present, but I am happy to say we 
have received abundant evidence that their , 

EYES ARE OPENING TO THE TRUTH, 

as we understand it, with reference to the interests of Canada, 
that a very great change is rapidly taking place in public opinion, 
that the public mind is in a highly formative condition, and that 
we may hope from these demonstrations the best results for the 
future of Canada, which I believe to be inextricably bound up 
with the future of the Liberal party. (Loud applause.) I am 
glad to note also the presence on almost every occasion of large 
numbers of ladies deeply interested in those affairs which so much 
concern them. (Applause.) And lastly, I rejoice to see so many 
young men. This has been a special feature of the other meet- 
ings also, and a most encouraging and cheering feature it is. 1 
have said elsewhere that one of the things which gives me now 

9) 






270 



the greatest satisfaction is, that I was to a considerable extent 
responsible — being the first to suggest it — for the policy which 
has resulted in the young men of the country being, at a verj'^ 
much earlier age, and under very much easier circumstances than 
formerly, admitted to the franchise. I proposed this, not that 
they might enjoy it as a pleasure, but that they might embrace it 
as a high duty. (Cheers.) I proposed it because 1 was convinced 
our best chance of making of them good and worthy citizens was 
to interest them early in public affairs, and I accompanied the 
suggestion with an expression of the hope, which I am so glad to 
see so largely realized, that they would recognize the responsibil- 
ity which was attendant upon the privilege ; that they would 
feel it to be their duty to interest themselves actively in the con- 
duct of public affairs, to undertake the acquisition of that know- 
ledge and the performance of that labour which is essential to an 
intelligent choice of their political paity, and to the exercise of 
their proper influence over the fortunes of that party. (Renewed 
cheering.) If I may say a word or two to them, I would invite 
them, in the opening of life, to lay down for themselves and rig- 
idly to abide by the principles which shall guide them in the 



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CONDUCT OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 

We have seen the politics of our country degraded and abased. 
(Applause.) It is for these to purify and exalt them, not merely 
by laying down principles of action, but by taking care that they 
enforce and exemplify those principles in their own conduct. 
(Loud applause.) They believe, I trust, and hope—it is natural 
to their years that they should believe — in the progress, if not 
the infinite, at any rate the indefinite, progress of the race. (Loud 
cheers.) Let them believe also that it is of the last importance 
that we should progress, not merely in the material, but also in 
the moral sphere, not merely in riches, not merely in strength, 
not merely in temporal prosperity, but that we should progress 
along the intellectual and moral plane as well. (Loud, applause.) 
Let them remember those words written so long ago, and just as 
true to-day, " Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a re- 
proach to any people." (Loud applause.) For my part, 

I BELIEVE WE CAN DO OUR DUTY IN POLITICS, 

and yet observe the rules that we shall do nothing and counsel 
nothing in private which we should be ashamed to have divulged 
in public ; that we shall not adopt any standard of morality or 
party action in politics which we would decline to adopt in social 
or in private life ; and that we shall refuse to act upon the base 
maxim that all is fair in politics as in war. (Cheers.) 

' ' (9) . ■ 






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ALL IS NOT FAIR IN POLITICJS ; 



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</i€ laws of truth, the lawi of honour, the laws of justice, the laws 
of fair play and generosity ought to prevail in this as in othei* 
relations. In truth, on no other plan can we do our duty in pol- 
itics. It is only by recognizing these cardinal principles, by prac- 
tising them each one of us in his own sphere, and by enforcing 
them upon others, that we can raise politics to their proper level, 
upon which level they should be deemed the most ennobling of 
the pursuits of a free citizen in a free country. (Loud applause.) 
Now, I have to talk to you upon some of those many subjects 
which engross public attention to-day. The field is too vast for 
me to run over it all, however rapidly. And to-night I shall say 
hardly a word upon many topics, each of which, for its proper 
treatment, would demand a speech. I know that on all of these 
you have had the advantage for many years past of being informed 
in the fullest manner of the views of the Liberal party by our 
friend, ' " 

MR. PATERSON, YOUR REPRESENTATIVE, 

who has no doubt done his duty in expounding Liberal views 
here, as he has expounded them so powerfully in other constituen- ' 
cies, and in the halls of Parliament. I know you have taken a 
special interest in some of these measures, those mainly affecting 
the representation of the people in Parliament, because you, the 
Liberals of the riding and your representative have been 

THE DESTINED VICTIMS OF SOME OF THESE MEASURES. 

(Cheers.) But I am glad to know that as you have not yielded 
heretofore, so now you do not intend to yield to these acts — not 
Acts of Parliament, but rather acts of force, and violence, aad 
fraud. (Loud and prolonged applause.) 1 rejoice to know that 
the spirit of the electors of South Brant, their sense of justice 
and fair play, has been too high to permit these nefarious schemes 
— miscalled legislation in the interest of the public, but deserving 
of no such name — to permit these nefarious schemes for the carv- 
ing and cutting up of counties and electoral districts to the benefit 
of one and the injury of the other political party to produce their 
designed effect. And if there ever was a constituency which had 
the right to resent such acts of injustice, it is the South Riding 
of Brant, treated as you have been, represented as you have been, 
lild as you have been, by A standard bearbr whose ability, 

WHOSB ELOQUENCE, WHOSE KNOWLEDGE OF AND ATTENTION TO 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS, WHOSE WIDE SYMPATHIES, GENEROUS NATURE, AND 
HIGH SENSE OF EQUITY, WHOSE PERSONAL CHARACTER AND PRIVATE 



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281 



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WORTH HAVE ALL ENDEARED HIM IN THE HIGHEST DEGREE TO US 
WHO HAVE BEEN ASSOCIATED WITH HIM FOR MANY YEARS AT OT- 
TAWA, AND I AM SURE, MUST HAVE ENDEARED HIM IN AN EQUAL 
DEGREE TO YOU AMONGST WHOM HE LIVES, AND WITH WHOM HE IS 
ASSOCIATED IN THE HAPPY RELATION OF MEMBER AND CONSTITU- 
ENTS. (Loud and prolonged applause.) In connection with the 
address which has been presented to me I may say that I have 
watched the course of Mr. Paterson since he entered Parliament 
in 1872, with reference to 

INDIAN LEGISLATION AND AFFAIRS, 

and at all times for long years before that recent period at which 
the suggestion was first made that the franchise should extend to 
the Indian population, I have found him exhibiting in their in- 
terest that sympathy, that breadth of view, that kindly feeling, 
that deep interest which you here, I believe, know that he has 
felt and shown. I have found him watching closely every meas- 
ure of legislation affecting the Indians, making suggestions, in- 
dicating defects, pointing out improvements, engaged in discus- 
sions, snowing that at all times he was influenced by the mast 
earnest desire that thase who were his neighbours and friends, 
although there was no idea that they might become electors of 
the constituency, should be, (as far as the legislation and admin- 
istration at Ottawa could effect it) elevated and their condition 
improved. He was an active friend when there was no political 
gain to be expected. Now that the time and occasion have ar- 
rived, I believe those whom he sought to befriend in the earlier 
days will show their gratitude. Gratitude is a noble trait ; and 
the Indian, if I read his character aright, possesses that trait in 
a marked degree. I look then with confidence, both on general 
grounds and on the special circumstances, for a considerable vote 
from the reserve, and a decisive majority in the riding for our 
friend, William Paterson. (Loud and prolonged applause.) 

(9) 



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