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EuROPK has iioverbeen without an ' Eastern Question' 
of some kind. The (livinion between East and West is 
a very ancient one, and wherever such a division exists 
there must necessarily be a wide debatable land in 
which there will be interaction or conflict political, 
social, and religious. At times some powerful political 
organization, such as the Roman Empire, or a imifying 
spiritual force, such as Christianity, may imnose peace 
on this debatable land and encourage a period »f fruitful 
intercourse between the two 'civilizations', o use a 
convenient though a dangerous word. At other times, 
as for instance durin<T; the wars between Greece and 
I'cMsia. at the time of the great Mahometan attack, or 
during the Crusades, East and West have been in 
•-■'Vnt spiritual and military conflict. The frontier has 
! shifted backwards and forwards, and it is 
. at any given moment to say where Europe ends 
?mt Asia begins. At all times there has been much that 
is Asiatic about the eastern part of the ' Kiirope ' of our 
maps, and in the Middle Ages the frontier of Latin 
Christendom, of those countries whose religious life had 
its centre in Rome, was in many respects the boundary 
of Europe. In the south the Ea.stern Empire, that is to 
say that eastern half of the old Roman Empire which 
had its capital at Constantinople, tended to become more 
' oriental ' as time went on ; and in the north there was 
a great difference between the Russians, who had been 
converted to Christianity by missionaries from Con- 


Mtantinoplo, and the Poles, who owwl religiouB obedience 
to Rome. This Asiatic v-haractcr of rMsi. n. Knr..i)o 
was nut urallv intensified when in tlu- t liiiC rnt 1. cent m y 
the M..nL'ols. a peopl.' who Lad «<.nie originally from 
northe rn Cliina, conquered and settled in Russia, and 
when in tlie tourteenth and fifteenth centuries the Otto- 
man Turks became the masters of the J^alkan IVninsnla 
and of many lands to the north of it. M the (•l.)s.- of 
the Middle Ages, therefore, and for the two centuries that 
followed, the • Eastern Question ' was concerned with the 
Turks, their victories and theirdefeats. In the eighteenth 
century a new power appeared in the North, Russia, stdl 
in many respects oriental in character, hut prepared and 
anxious to carry on with the no pacific and wcakenmg 
Turkish Kmi)ire an uninterrupted struggle for the mastery 
of the East. Thus in t he nineteenth century the Eastern 
Question was concerned with the relations between 
Russia and Turkey, as well as with the ini ernal condit ,on 
of those two empires. So matters stood ni 1!>12 ; then 
sudileidy with the tirst Balkan war and the driving back 
of the Turks to the n -ioii of Constantinople the whole 
problem was changed. The Turks seemed to be practically 
obliterated, the antagonism between the rival Christian 
nationalities that had once been under Turkish rule was 
raised to fever-heat, and, most omhious change of all, the 
dan'H i- of foreign intervention became acute. Hitherto 
it liad been the aim of England and France, and indeed 
of aU lovers of peace, to isolate the storm region in 
South-east Europe, to promote cither better government 
under the Turks or to see that what they lost should be 
gained bv the small Christian states and not by any of 
the Great Powers. Thus would both the peace of Europe 
be secured and the independence of small states. For 
the moment this policy was successful. The Turkish 



t<p()tl.s wviv divided luM kh ii (Jrt-ece, Jiiiliraria, and St-rvia. 
and till- (licit I'dNM i> lookt d (til. Ailsl I la did. iiidci-d. 

iufsist on the pu'dcrviitiou df Albuiiiau indt'iM Mdi'iicc in 
order to limit Servia on the west ; but the ])rupo8uI was 
in itself perfectly reasonable, though no doubt difficult 
to carry out, and it met with geiierul agreement. Un- 
fortunately tlial victory ot pcaci t'iil diplomacy was not to 
be lastiii<;. 'I he racial (juarrel.s within the old Turkish 
frontiers merged into u wider movement which extended 
far beyond the Balkan Peninsula, the Servian question 
passed into the Souti>ern Slav question, and the diplo- 
matic Ijarriei which had been set up lound the storm 
region were ,-^>vept away. llus^ia and Austria came 
into the contlict and the world was ablaze. It would be 
absurd to say that Servia is the cause of the War ; that 
cause is to be found in much more far-reaching antagon- 
isMi.s, but it cannot be denied that it was the Eastern 
Question, in this its most recent phase, that ])rovided 
the sparis . That evil spirit which had so troubled our 
fathers, and which was thought to be finally laid when 
the Christians of Europe had been emancipated from the 
Turk, suddenly reappeared once more in fatal conspiracy 
with (Jernian war-policy. 

These few vvords of introduction show huw great is the 
part played in this Eastern Question by races', "racial 
movements and ' racial problems ', and before describing 
the condition? in south-eastern Europe it is essential to 
turn for a moment to the meaning of this word, ' race 
It represents obviously enough certain broad distinctions 
between men. An Englishman, for ixistance, is in a 
number of ways unlike an Italian. But when we try 
to obtain an accurate definition we find that the term 
is elusive. What exactly is the Anglo-Saxon race ? 
Does it include the Scotch or the Irish ? If we make 



'race' simply a matter of heretUtary deMoent thm 
English. Srotch, and Irish arc all mixed riu'cs, and the 
' Aiifilo . Saxon * race s. cms to vanish alto^'ct her. In 
order to get a clearer dehnition it is not uncommon to 
make language the test of race. Yet this is a most ttn- 
tnistworthy test. Men with very different racial oharac- 
tcristics often speak the same language. Tn any case 
it will tend very tuucIi to cIcaiMM ss of thought if we make 
a diutinctiun between ' race " and " nationality The 
latter term should be kept for the description of a 
definite body of people, large enough to be to some 
extent Helf -sufficient, who have a perniaiient wish to be 
united in a political community. Ilacc. language, re- 
ligion, past history, geographical position - all these 
bonds of union w ill help to produce t hestatcof mind which 
makes a nationality, but they should not be confused 
with it. ThuH the Swiss are a natinn h, cause they desire 
to be miitcd politically. This disirc llity have in spite 
of t he absence of nearly all t he t ics mcnt ioncd above : and 
it should be respected by other nations. In other words 
' nationality ' is a question of human will and desire, 
' race ' is one of hereditary descent or ph3rsical charac- 

Now (hn-ing the last hundred years race and language 
have had more iiitlueuce on nationality than they have 
ever had before. In the eighteenth century, for instance, 
political and racial divisions cut across each other in 
many directions, and the French Revolution took no 
account of race. Jiut in the nineteenth century the 
principle that populations of the same race and language 
should be politically imited and independent gradually 
came to be recognized as almost self-evident. It became, 
in fact, one of the most powerful political forces of the 
century, breaking some states to pieces and building 


up othen. Its triumph, huwcver, hag not been with* 

out (liiiiypr. In llic earlier staLjes oppressed iiation- 
alitie.s miturally uttructed Hyiupathy; hut in time 
natiuiialiticH, once they had grown iK)werful, proved that 
they too could be both oppr^re and warlike, and they 
added racial bittemeM to oppression and to war. It is 
not iltogcthe- an advatitajje that the wars of races 
liHve tak 'II the p'-icc of thi' wars of kings. Again, race 
instead of being ecognized biuiply as one of the sources 
of national feeling has been put in its place, pliyslcal 
characteristics have been preferred to human will and 
political loyalty. Th«i ^..'ople of Alsme, in spite of being 
(Jerinau by desicnt, were ent luisiasticaily attached to 
France ; Germany, liowever, maintanied that she 
had the ' right ' to compel them to become Germans 
mentally as well as physically. To-day, too, there are 
many Gernums wlioclaim llollaiui and the Flemish parts 
of Belgium because the people in those countries are of 
Teutonic stock. VVc should not, therefore, be too ready 
to accept racial similarity as the basis of territorial 
rearrangements. Each case must be examine' m its 
own merits. It is, indeed, ([uite possible that , itioal 
systems which can link together difTercpt rf^. es, as the 
British Empire does, may provj a grci'^r benefit to 
mankind than those in which , liticai d. visions are 
deepened by racial exdusiveness. 

The Balkan Peninsula, to which we must now return, 
is a country where races were numerous and contentious 
even before the coming of the Turk; yet the shore of these 
Turks in the Eastern Question has long been so pre- 
dominant, and their power is still so much alive, that it 
is natural to begin with them. 

The Ottoman Turks \\ ere a branch of a people who in 
the eleventh century had migrated from central into 



western Asia, and wlio. thoutrli for a time (liheii \n\vk 
l)y the Crusades, settled down i)eriiiaiieiitly in Syria and 
Asia Minor. Tliis westward niovenieut the Ottomans 
resumed once more in the fourteenth century. They 
crossed into Europe and rapidly extended their conquests 
over the greater part ; f tiie Balkan Peninsuhi. They 
owed their sncof^ss to tine military qualities, lo tlie 
mutual antagonisms lietween tlie small Christian states 
with whom they came into contact, and to the absence 
of any substantial or enduring resistance from the nations 
of the west. In 1453 Constantinople, and with it the last 
fragment of the Eastern Empire, fell into Turkish hands 
and became the capital of constantly ex]ianding do- 
minions. The great Sultans of the sixteenth century 
exercised a real, if unequal, authority over south-eastern 
Europe, western Asia, and nortliern Africa. Even as 
late as 1683 the Turks were knocking at the gates of 
Vienna. From that moment their decline was rapid, and 
they lost much territory in central Europe ; but at the 
beguming of the nineteenth century the Turkish Empire 
still nominally included the whole of the Balkan Penin- 
sula south of the Carpathians, and it had lost little in 
.\sia or Africa. The tieii wliich kept these .seatteretl 
province^ together were religious and military. The 
immense majority of the Sultan s subjects were Maho- 
metans, and amongst them, as amongst most Eastern 
peoples, ])at riot ism is mainly religious. Acceptance of 
the .Moslem religion overrides, to a degree astoiushing 
to us, every distinction of c()k)ur. race, or class. A pure- 
blooded Turk who is as whi^e as any European is pre- 
pared to treat a Mahometan negro on lines of absolute 
equality. Religion, too, as in mediaeval Europe, entered 
into everyday life, into the legal system, into military 
service, and into the political and social organization. 


Tt is indeed hard to think of any tie but religion which 
could bind toprether the many pe()])les and races, Berber, 
Egyptian, Arab, Syrian, Albanian, and Turk, which made 
up the Mahometan part of the Empire. This religious 
bond was strengthened by the fact that since 1517 the 
Sultans have been recognized as Caliphs by the larger of 
the two sects into which the Moslem world is divided. 
The Caliph is to some extent looked upon as the successor 
of the Prophet, though it is doubtful what authority the 
Sultan could exercise as Caliph beyond his own political 

The government of the Turkish Empire was entirely 
oriental. The Sultan was supreme within the 'imits 
allowed him by Moslem religious law ; and under him the 
governors whom he set over the different provinces were 
luicont roiled except by their fear of the Sultan, their fear 
of rebellion, and the strength of custom. A strong 
governor would sometimes make himself practically in- 
dependent, and the Sultan might have to encourage a 
local rebellion in order to secure his fall. There was 
nothing corresponding to a legislature, nothing like a 
modern administrative system. Taxation was haphazard 
and primitive in its methods, and the property of in- 
dividuals but very ill protected against the illegal 
exactions of the governor or his agents. Under such a 
system there was almost unlimited scope for personal 
tyranny, but there was none of that steady administrative 
pressure which a modern government can bring to bear 
upon a population. A bad governor might cause a great 
deal of suffering to his subjects, but he could effect no 
permanent change in their thoughts or their manner of 

It is not easy for the West to untlerstand the East. 
We may, therefore, easily exaggerate the evils of oriental 

B 3 



government. Much depended on the personal character 
of the ruk'r. Life and property were insecure : the 
economic development of the country, and the establish- 
ment of much that we know as civilization, was therefore 
impossible. Yet the supreme test of a government is the 
type of character which it produces or allows to develop. 
Judged by this standard the East has a strong defence. 
Few Europeans have acquired a knowledge of Eastern 
peoples without doing justice to many admirable quali- 
ties. Nor would it be easy to say whether, on the 
whole there is more happiness in the East or the West. 
Many of the worst moral and social evils w hitli are the 
fruit of our economic conditions are absent in a simpler 
society where family life is very vigorous and men are 
content to live as their fathers lived before them. 
Though every European who has lived in the East 
realizes the necessity of many practical reforms, few 
would wish to see a wholesale introduction of Western 
civilization. It is evident, however, that such a system 
will be least successful where the bond of ' religious 
patriotism ' is absent ; and the government by the 
Turks of their Christian subjects became a difficult 
problem as soon as Turkey began to lose her prestige 
as one of the great military Powers of the work!. It 
then became possible for foreign Powers to interfere in 
the internal government of Turkey, and to encourage 
resistance . Under such circumstances it is not surprising 
that the Turk was considered the ' sick man ' of Europe, 
and that his speedy death was prophesied at intervals 
throughout the nineteenth century. It must be remem- 
bered, however, that his authority did not rest simply 
on his military power : no authority can do so for any 
length of time. It depended on the fact that, however 
bad his government might seem from a Western point of 



view, it had at least the waving virtue of not interfering 
with tlie national habits and ideas of the different 
Christian peoples. No effort was made, even in the days 
when Turkish military power was unquestioned, to 
' assimilate to use government pressure in order to 
change the character of a people. On the contrary, the 
Turks, while t' -ating the Christians as inferiors, still 
recognized their religion, their language, and even their 
corporate organization. Thus Bulgarian and Greek 
villages were able to live side by side and to preserve 
their national life in a manner which has been impossible 
since Turkish rule has been removed. Nor is it fair 
to account for this toleration by a cunning policy of 
strengthening Turkish authority by dividing its adver- 
saries : for the Turks acted in this mapner in the days 
of their strength as well m in the days of their weakness. 
It is rather to be explained by the oriental character of 
Turkish rule and their familiarity with the idea of poli- 
tical organizations based on religion. 

The Turks, perhaps unfortunately for them, were not 
content to remain oriental. Throughout the last century 
there was a movement among them in favour of intro- 
ducing European reforms. Some of these, such as the 
military reforms of Mahmoud 11, were essential to the 
existence of Turkey ; others were obvious practical 
reforms, such as the regular payment of officials. There 
were other changes more distinctively Western, such as 
the introduction of European education and dress, and 
attempts to imitate Western political institutions. This 
movement culminated in the " Young Turkish ' revolution 
of 1908. It was brought about by the impossible govern- 
ment of the late Sultan, who had set all the educated 
classes, whether Turkish or Christian. air^iitiKt him ; and 
at first the ' Young ^Turks ' included, besides others, 



much of what was host in Turkey. After a time, how- 
ever, tlie worst elements in the party hegan to prevail. 
These were partially westernized individuals who had 
often lived in European capitals and had, in any case, 
lost all respect for the reUgion and the practices of their 
own iieople — men, in a word, who illustrate the difficulty 
of combininfr East and West without loss of character. 
Th(> constitution which tlie Young Turks set up was in- 
tended to conciliate the Christians, and it succeeded at 
first, but not for long ; while, on the other hand, the army 
was revolutionized and weakened. The Balkan States 
saw their opportiuiity : and they succeeded, much 1o the 
surpriseof European both forniiiiga Leagueand defeating 
the Turks. The Young Turkish party still appears to 
prevail at Constaiitinople, but it is to be hoped that its 
place may soon be taken by men who are better repre- 
sentatives of the good qualities of the Turkish race. 

Without good qualities the Turks could not j)ossibly 
have kept even elemental y order in the Balkan Peninsula. 
Tt is a patchwork of rival nationalities, a population 
amongst whom a genuine love of fighting and an astonish- 
ing courage are found combined with a remarkable 
capacity for hatred and cruelty. The second Balkan 
war showetl that these passionate little peoples could 
attack one another more fiercely than they had fought 
their old Moslem masters. 

The relative positions of th(> Balkan States will be best 
studied in the map. but it must be remembered that 
so-called racial majis record the frontiers not of race but 
of language, and that in many districts, especially in 
Macedonia, sucii maps are of no value at all, since the 
races were inextricably mixed up with one another. 
Since the recent wars migratiosi f\}v\ ])in«sacre have con- 
siderably simplified these racial puzzles. 



Of all the Christian populations of the Pen.inoula the 
Greeks are by far tlie most nurneio'is. The old Greek 
stock has been mingled uilh many of the races which 
at different times have visited the country ; but, what- 
ever their origin, the modern Greeks form a vei-y 'istinct 
nationality, iuid they speak a lanji'i.aue which, thanks to 
a modern classical revival, is very like ancient Greek. 
They played a great part in the old Turkish Empire; for 
besides peopling Greece and the islands with a hardy 
and primitive population, they were scattered through 
all the towns and l)eeanK' successful merchants 
administrators. The Turk has never tid-c'Mi kindly to 
any profession except those of the farmer and the soklier, 
and he was glad to use for all kinds of oflicial work 
the Greek, whose military incapacity he despised. The 
Greeks were the first among the Christian races to secure 
the complete indepcadence of at least a portion oi' their 
race. 'J'his success they won in 182S. They owed it more 
particularly to the ind(jmitable perseverance of the semi- 
barbarous peasantry and islanders ; but since those heroic 
days it is the urban and educatetl ( Jreek who has become 
the most eharacteristie type. The Greeks, loo, controlled 
the ecclesiastical organi''.ation of the Christian subjects 
of Turkey. The immense majority ^'f these belonged 
to the orthodox Greek Church, and its head was the 
Patriarch at Constantinople. The Turks, who were 
themselves organized oii a religious l)asis, recognized 
the authority of the Patriarch and bishops over their 
Hocks; and ail members of the Orthodo.v Church; what- 
ever their race, were habituaUy known as Greeks, just 
as all Moslems were ca'led Turks. It was only by de- 
grees, during the course of the iiineteenth century, that 
the >-thcr Christiasi po}>H!;>' -f T\!rk«:^y, ^^f^rvi='n, 
Roumanian, and Bulgarian, emancipated themselves from 



this Greek rule. After the formation of the kiiigdoui of 
Greece a very coiusiderableGrei'k jjopuiatiou still remained 
Hubjecl to the Turk. They \\ ere to be found particularly 
in Salonica, Constantinople, and all the coast towns round 
the Aegean Sea. They formed, too, the majority of the 
population in most of the islands : and i.i Crete, where 
they have ])reserved the vigoiu- with the barbarity ot 
the heroic days, they have steadily destroyeil or pushetl 
out the Turkish minority. On the mainland they have 
been more peaceful. They challenged the Turks indeed 
in 1897, but with very unfortunate results. They are 
verv successful traders, and they have (Uvoted much 
eare and money to education. Tiny are great politicians, 
but their politics have not got a good reputation. In 
the recent Balkan wars the Greeks fought much 
better than in 1807, i)ut they had to meet neither the 
best Turkish nor the l)est Jiulgarian troo))s. There can 
be no doubt, on the other hand, Hiat they destroyed 
Bulgarian villages and their inhabitants in a cold- 
blooded manner and, apparently, with the deliberate 
purpose of claiming the district s as entirely Greek. Since 
Greece was the only Power which possessed a tieet she 
was a))le to seeuie a large share in the s})oils of 
wars. Salonica fell to her lot with 17,t»Utl si^uare miles 
of territory, and in addition to this a number of islands. 
For the present the appetite of Greece is probably satis- 
tied, though she is doubtless allowing her semi-inde- 
]>endent guerillas to invade southern Albania. Her 
main preoceupat ion must be to keep \\ hat she has recently 
acquired, and she probably looks for danger from two 
quarters, either from the buying or the building of a fleet 
by the Turks or from a Bulgarian revival. In the first 
case lu r iieul_v uciiuiied i.->laini> iind her own coasts 
would be exposed, and in the second she might easily 




lose some of her Macedonian conquests. We may hope 
that with enlarged territories and new responsibilities 
the Greeks may bring into their political life a dignity, 

a reserve, and an hoi -jsty which have hitherto been 
lacking ; but in any ( ase the (iieek oi the future is not 
likelv to oniuhite tiie Greek of ancient days. It is no 
discredit to them to say that whatever may happen 
their great achievements lie behind them in the 

It is the future which we instinctively think oi when 
wc turn to any section of the Slav race. The Slavs are 
the most numerous race in Europe. Out of a population 
of some 400,000,000 over 150,000,000 speak one of the 
numeit)U8 Slavonic languages. They are not recent 
immigrant> into Europe. There is evidence of their 
existence, .il least in the neighbourhood of the Danube, 
very early in our era. Their moveaients in the sixth 
and seventh centuries are on record. They are, therefore, 
an ancient as well as u very numerous race. Yet they 
seem to have profited neither by numbers nor time. 
Numbers should have meant ]K)wer. and tiiiic brings 
opportunities f( >r rule . As a matter of fact Slav " empires ' 
of considerable extent have from time to time c 'me into 
being in different portions of the vast Slav lands. But 
they have never lasted more than a few generations. 
Russia is the one exception, and even in Ru.'^sia there 
is hardly as yet a stable [)()liti( al organization. In the 
last century, however, there was much stirring among 
the Slavs. Russians, Poles, and Bohemians have in 
very different ways borne witness to the vitaliU' of the 
race. It is ditHcult not to believe that they will play a 
very much greater part in the political history of the 
luture. The must southern of all the Slav iHjpulations 
is to be found in south-eastern Europe o^ jupying a 



wide Im'II of foimtry rouudi'v speaking between the 
Danube ami tlie Drave on the north-east, and the 
Adriatic ou the 80uth-west. The Ht)uth-ea»tern half of 
this district is inhabited by the Hervianw ; north-west 
of them eoine the Cioatians, and finally a small Slav 
people, with uIiomi \\c aie not concerned, the Slovenes. 
Kast and])arll\ .^onthof the Servians ar<' t he Huljii.iians, 
a [)eople who speak a Slavonic language and have long 
been considered Slavs ; but they are not Slavs by origin, 
and they will be dealt with later on. The Sei vians have 
been, on the whole, one of the inmc haekwaid of the 
Slav peoples, though they had a lirief pi'iiod of glory in 
the fourteenth eentury. not long before their eoiu^uest 
by the Turks. They were often restive under Turkish 
rule, but rarely suc essful. .\ considerable number of 
Servians became Moslems. The tir.-t step towards their 
independence was made in IS12 with Kiis.sjan help, and 
ill 187S the Kingdom of Servia sci ured its complete inde- 
pendence. It did not, however, include all the Servians. 
Austria was allowed to occupy the large province of 
IJosiiia. and many Servians rcmainei I under diicct 
TiU'kish rule. There was also the little principality of 
Montenegro established in a rugged and mountainous 
district not far from the Adriatic and peopled by men 
of Servian race. It had never owed much more than 
a nominal allegiance to the Turks, and foi- generations 
the Montenegrins carried on a luthless vendetta waifare 
with their neighbours the Albanians. They too owed 
their independence in the nineteenth century to Russian 

As a T-esult of these territorial arrangements Servia 
became the centre of a movement for a " (Jreater Servia '. 
iur ambition w,i.> to iiu iude vvilhin iici i'loiit ieis aii the 
people of her race, in the past Servia had often Ijeen 



licll)c(l In" Aiistriaiis ii<f;unst the Tinks. hut now Austria 
l)ec<iine the ouciny hecausf she uc'cu})ied Bosnia, territory 
claimed by Servia, and because it was known that many 
Austrians hoped, if the Turkish Empire broke up, to 
push the Austriiui dorniuions ri^ht down to the sea at 
Salonica. These teiritorial aml)itioiis Servia only very 
partially satistied alter the two lialkan wars of 1012, 
the first against the Turks, the second against Bulgaria. 
To her original 3,000.000 inhabitants she added 1,700,000 
more, but she was eut ofT fi-oni the Adriatic- by Albania, 
and from the XcL'ean hv the <oeeks at Salonica. while 
liosnia still rem lined in AusLrian hands. The Servian 
problem is, however, still further complicated by its 
relations with Croatia. The Croats dwell to the north 
and north-west of S<m'\ ia and Bosnia. They are closely 
allied to them, hut they are a more edueaterl and 
develo])ed ])eople. Most of them never came under the 
Turkisli yoke, and they have long been mend>ers of the 
Austria-Hungarian Empire. Now it must be remembered 
that Austria-Hungary is a ' Dual Monarchy ', that 
Austria ])roper and Hungary are almost separate etnui- 
tries. They have, for instance, distinct legislatures 
sitting in different capitals, Vienna and liuda-Pcsth. 
The Croats are in tho Hungarian part of the Dual 
Monarchy, and ever since the beginning of the Slav 
revival in the middle of the last century there has 
l)een almost unintcri'uptcfl frietion between Croat and 
Hung;>rian. Of recent years the struggle between the 
two peoples has increased in intensity. Servia has 
naturally endeavoured to profit by this movement and 
to include Croatia in her schemes for a ' Greater Servia '. 
The Servians are born fighters and make excellent 
soidieis, bill they liiivt- liud in the par>t an unhappy 
fondness for assassination and intrigue. The murder 



(»f their late kiri^' and qiurii wan crcdita l)lc iicitlur n' 
the aiiny nor to the people. There can be no doubt that 
there wa« an extenHive Servian movement within the 
borders of the Austrian dominionH, a ' South Slav 
danger ' threatening both Au>tria and Hungary, and all 
the more serious because of the known an<l natuial 
sympathy between llushia and Servia. rnturtunately 
the Austru-Hungarian CJoverinneuts have proved entirely 
incapable of dealing with this problem and finding any 
peaceful solution. The Archduke who was recently 
murdered had. indeed, been endeavunrin<i to reconcile 
Aiisti'ians and Slavs by sacrilicinu: HuiiL;.iry. His plan 
was to separate tlie Slav (Ustriels fntni Hungary and to 
give them ' Home Rule '. This jwlicy was opposed by 
the anti-Slav party at Vienna, by the Hungarians, w ho 
would lose a eonsiderabie province, and by SeiviaJis 
who hoi)ed to unit»> to Servia the discoiitented Slavs 
under Austro-Hungariaa rule. After the murder of the 
Archduke all idea of conciliation was abandoned, and 
both Austria and Hungary decided for war. 

East of Sorvia, south of the Dar i be, is Bulgaria. The 
Bulgarian people s(>em to have conie into Europe with th<- 
Huns. They were not 8ia vs, and spoke a language which 
did not belong to the European family of languages. 
Their original home probably lay in the plains north 
of ihe Caspian and farther east. Very soon, however, 
they ac(piired the langua<i<' aii<l many of the character- 
istics of the Slavs whom they conquered, and until the 
present day they have generally been spoken of as Slavs. 
Their recent war with the Servians has now revived these 
almost prehistoric distinctions. At different epochs 
during the Middle Ages the Bulgarians were the prevailing 
power in tiie Balkans, masters of the Siav>, and even at 
times the successful antagonistis of Coustdutiuopie. After 



the I'urlsi^li c .lUiUest the> ^ulloivd iUi fxlraonlinuiy 
t ( lipsf. From a military point of view they were com- 
pletely under Turkish control, and in other matters 
Greek inlliu m' • prevailed entirely ovtM' Bulgarian. The 
(M'clfsiastical or^Muizatioii was (!rcck. (ireek \^a^ tlir 
lanixiia^fc of all ihc educated elas>es. Euglishmen 
t ra verisiiig the i t'iiiimy in the tirst half of the last century 
spoke of the people as if they were all Greeks. Slowly, 
however, the Bulgarian nationality reasserted itself, 
eHi)ecially after tlie ('rinican War. iJy 187(» tlu-y had 
sccined ('cclesiasl ical self-government, and live years 
later they rehelleil. largely in response to a Russian 
propaganda, against the Turks. That revolt was put 
down in a way which won for the Turks an uneii viable 
notoriety, thou^di nvent i vents both in the Balkan 
Peninsula and elscuhei'e have shown that ' atrocities ' 
are no Turkish monopoly. The Bulgarian revolt was 
followed by a Russian war on Turkey in 1877-8, and 
the victory of Russia led to the formation of the Bul- 
garian 8tatc. It consisted of the district between the 
I)anul)e and the JUlkans, with a semi-attached province 
south of the lialkans, a province which was delinitely 
united to Bulgaria a few years later. This new princi- 
pality was still nominally imder Turkish suzerainty, and 
remained so till I'tOS, but its chief ambition was to 
extend itself to the Aege;in and to include the districts 
where Bulgarian villages were to be found, though they 
might be mixed up with a Greek or a Turkish population. 

The history of Bulgaria has been a very stormy one. 
Though the people owed much to the Russians they 
dreaded from the first the intiuence of lUissia. On the 
one hand, Russian propagandism was carried on Avith 
extraordinary thoroughness ; on the other, the Bulgarian 
Government fought hard for its independence. The 



first MtilL'.iriiiii I'lincc. AlexuiKlcr of HiittciilKUL' «:is 
kirliia |»|M'(1 by tlif IJilHsiaii paitv. aiwl tilt" st miiji- willed 
iiiinistt'r who ruled duriim tlio HrKt years of the present 
Hovereign w«m inurdeml. Recently the Bulgarian 
Government iip|Kvir» to have come tj;ore under Russian 
il»Hueiice and there is little douht that the lialkaii 
lii'Mirue wlii( li was f()iiiie<( (ty Kerdiiiand of litdjraria 
aj^iiiust Turkey hiis seemed at least the diplomatie 
support of RuHt<iu. In the war which followed the 
BulgariauH showed great military efficiency and were un- 
expectedly successful, riifdituri itely for themselves, in 
a ntonieiit of madness they cliallenL'cd tlicir iccent allies, 
suH'ered a series of (U'feats, and lost some oi their con- 
(|ueHt8 both on the western and their eastern frontiers. 
They are considered by many, however, to be the most 
pro<rressive and the most eflieient of the Balkan States, 
and t heir friends inaititain w hen t hey ha ve recos t-reil 
from the ecmseqiienics of defeat and repai-ed tluiir 
resouiX'eH, they will onee more endeavour to secure a 
pi-edominant position in the Peninsula. 

most northerly of the states that were included 
I iM'V a<;o in the Turkish Kmpire is lloumania. 
The ii.iine was originally i,'iven to the lanyua^c sj)ok<'n 
by the inhabitants. Tlie people theniselvcs were 
generally known as Vlachs, and the country consisted 
of two principalities of Wnllaehia and Moldavia ; they 
wcreeuvrontly spoken of as the " Daniihian Priiu ijialities". 
The languaae is a Latin laiigiiaLM'. (I'lived lik(> Ttalian or 
French from the popular Latin of the iioman Empire. 
Considering, however, that what we now call Boumania 
lay right in the path of so many invasions from the east, 
of Goths, of Huns, of >Shivs, and of other races who 
])onred into iiie Loinan pjnpii'c. it is e\t i eiiu'iy unlikely 
that the llouiiuimans represent tlie old luliabitants ot 



th<« I'vuina'i I'lovinro. They imiht Ik- a \wy iiiix('<l race, 
Duriim the ix iiinl of Tmkish supremacy the I'riiuipali- 
ties were never for long under direct Turkish rule, but 
normally enjoyed pretty complete autonomy. They 
suffered, however, very HcriouHly from the Turco lluswiaii 
wnrs which hetMii with IV-tcr the Creat and continued 
intermittently (hiriiiu' ilie ci^'liteent h and nineteenth 
centuries. At the lieginninv, of the nineteenth century 
Russia exercised certain rights of Protectorate over them, 
and after 1859 the two principalities were united and 
called Roumania. In 1800 they elected as tlicir Prince 
a inemher of the younj^er hraiich of th • royal Prussian 
family, and in 1878 after the Turkish vvav, in wliicii tlie 
Roumanians gave very valuable help to Russia, they 
secured their complete and formal independence of 
Turkey. Three years later their IVince took the title 
of King. The j^co^rraphical position of Roumania makes 
it necessarily the most pacific of the Bidkan States. 
Every (hsturbance of the status quo in the Balkans, any- 
thing which tends to weaken the separate states renders 
more likely a Russian intervention, and from sucl \n 
intervention Roumania would be the first to tsuffer. Sh<' 
succeeded in almost entirely ki'ejnng out of the recent 
Bidkan wars, though, in the interests of peace, she 
helped to bring about the surrender of Bulgaria. The 
Roumanians give the ij)ipression, therefore, of being the 
most ' wcdtern , the least " ljarl>aric " of this extraordi- 
nary group of little states. Like her sister states, how- 
ever, Roumania has lier national ambitions. Across the 
Carpathians, under Hungarian rule, live some three 
million Roumanians who would probably be willing 
enf.ugh to jom their kinsfolk on the east. There are 
also iittle settlements of V lachs scattere<l aboui the hills 
of tlie Balkan Penuisula itself, quiet folk without national 



nmhition as a rule, wlio got on very well with the 
'I'm ks ami wcic allowed l)y thoin to live in their own 
way. 'I'liey will no doulil obtain ii.ore rej^ular govern- 
ment but less tolerati(jn tnjin their new Servian or 
Greek masters. 

There remains y(^t another Balkan race, and that the 
oldest of all. The Albanians, who have beeii already 
mentioned as in a sense 'Turks " because they are mostly 
Moslems, are almost ceitaiuly the d.'scendants of the 
tribes who occupied the same country in Roman times, 
and they may go back to very much earlier days. 
Securely established in their very inaccessible hills, they 
have watched many invach rs come and go. The Turks 
never really coniiuered them, and they became Moslems 
chiefly that they might take part in the Tm*kish cam- 
paigns in central Europe. Besides the Mahometan 
Albanians in the centre, there are Catholic Albanians in 
the north, close to ]\rontenegro. and (Jreek .Albanians in 
the south, who are now included in the Greek kingtlom. 

Even this superficial survey of the Balkan Peninsula 
as it was in the past century will show that the task of 
maintahiing law and order was one that would have 
taxed the resources, whether moral or material, of any 
government. Th(» (establishment by 1878 of the states 
of Greece, Servia, and Bulgaria diminislied the responsi- 
bilities of the central government, but even then there 
remained Greeks, Servians, and Bulgarians mider 
Turkish rule. These were constantly being encouraged 
by their indei)eu(lent kinstulk lo rise against the Turks 
and to struggle with one another. Xor were the reforms 
which the European Powers recommended and which 
the Sultan sometimes adopted of much avail, for the 
good governm(>nt of Turkey was not at all to the 
interest of the Christian states. Each nationality was 



working; for its own indciiondonco and supremacy, not 
for a law and ordfr which should he common to all. 

Under such conditions it would not ha\c Ijeen wonder- 
ful if from merely internal reasons European Turkey 
had become a scene of confusion and smouldering revolt. 
As a matter of fact, however, foreifjn intervention has 
been continually at hand to add to the confusion, and at 
times the Eastern Question seemed to be narrowed down 
to a struggle between Russia and Turkey. They were 
the two great antagonists in the East, and the weaker 
Turkey tecomes the greater is the share which Russia 
will have in the ultimate solution. It is therefore 
more than ever essential to understand something of the 
character and aims of Russia. 

It is difficult enough to describe briefly the character 
of any country, however compact and constant ; but 
what can be said of Russia, a country which covers 
enormous spaces, includes numerous races, contains 
classes in very different stages of mental and social 
development, and where, for the last ten years, a revolu- 
tion has been in progress, partly violent, partly peaceful, 
which "must necessarily affect the character both of the 
people and of the state ? The only possible course is to 
describe Russia as she was in the nineteenth century, 
and then to suggest the direction in which changes 
may tend. 

Russia till the close of the seventeenth century may be 
described, for the sake of brevity, as an ' oriental " state. 
The process of bringing her into " Europe ' was begun 
b}' Peter the Great and it continued fitfully during 
the eighteenth century, a time which was passed in 
alternating periods of Western influence and Russian 
nationalist reaction. During the later years of the cen- 
tury the work of Peter was carried on with extraordinary 



sucooss hy ( ';it licrinc J I , a masteifnl woman 1)orii of 
ii small German princely family. She understood better 
than any native Russian sovereign the national senti- 
ments of the RusHian people, while she carried out the 
jiolicy of a ^n'cat and unsciiipulous Eiuopean Power. 
The Xapoleonic wars left Russia the predominant ])ower 
on the Continent, and on the whole she maintained that 
position till near the end of the niii( <:eenth century. The 
Crimean War was really a drawn battle which did not 
diminish her prestige. But though Russia was so 
important a Eiu'oj)ean Power, was still very unique 
in character. From a political point of view her ])opnla- 
tion consisted of two very distinct classes. The mass 
of the [)eople were still very oriental. They consistetl 
then, as they consist now, of peasants to whom religion 
is really the chief foundation of the State. This vast 
peasant state was govcned by an official class, central- 
ized and autocratic. At its head were some of the ablest 
statesmen in Europe — ^few of them were in fact Russians 
by birth. The chief foreign minister from the time of 
Napoleon to the Crimean War could not ev^n talk 
Hiissian. Between tliese intelMftMit. all-})owerful officials 
and the mass of the population there was no intermediate 
middle class. There were indeed many men and women 
who had received a Western education in the Universities, 
people who combined knowledge and high intellectual 
endowments with something of the primitive Russian 
sentiments and ])assions. It was from ahHUig these 
■ intellectuals ", as they are sometimes oalL'd, that the 
great novelists came, men who are among the princes in 
the world of European letters ; it is among them too 
that most of the anarchists have been found. This 
class indeed, Iwjili on account of its passionate and 
unpractical character, and because of its want of contact 



with the peasants, was not able .seriously to eoiitrol the 
otiicial class. The result was a system of government 
tyrannous in many of its features to an extent incredible 
in the West. It was not till 1905 that some of the most 
elementary principles of religious freedom were admitted 
hy the liussian state. Autocratic governineiit at home 
was accoiupauied by a policy of systematic expansion 
abroad. To such an extent has this policy been success- 
ful that a little state, whose name was hardly known at 
the end of the seventeenth century, included two 
centurier later one-seventh of the land surface of 
the globe. 

How far this policy of conquest was in accordance with 
the wishes of the Russian people it is difficult to say, but 
there can be no doubt that one of the forms which it 
took, conquest from the Turks, was profoundly popular. 
To the Russian people the Tmkish war was the renewal 
of the Crusade, the manifest task of Holy Russia : to the 
statesmen and ofl&cials it meant a stage on the road to 
Constantinople and the Mediterranean. So throughout 
the nineteenth century the Turkish war continued 
uninterru]>tedly in its many shapes and forms. • jme- 
times it was direct conquest and annexation that was 
aimed at ; sometimes, as before the Crimean War, Russia 
tried to control Turkey by securing rights of protection 
over her Christian subjects ; sometimes, as in the last 
years of the century, she exorcised what was practically 
a protectorate over the Turkish government itself. In 
all this policy Russia has had three diflRculties to face : 
first, the military power of the Turks which ought to have 
been successful in 1829, which did succeetl in 1854, and 
whicli was near success in 1S77 ; secondly, the suspicion 
with which she was regardetl by the Christian pcojjles in 
he Balkan Peninsula ; and thirdly, the opposition of 



the Western Povvera, though the iiiiportaiuc of the 
help which they gave tiie Turks has been mucli exag- 

If the nineteenth-century policy of Rvissia can be 
tlescribed very broadly, and neglecting for the moment 
the reforms of Alexander If, as one of systcmutie 
expansion abroad and systematic repression at lionie, 
what are we to look forward to in the twentieth ? It 
must be admitted, to begin with, that the high hopes 
with which the Rnssian Revolution of 1905 was greeted 
have not been fulfilled. Revolution has been followed by 
reaction, though the reaction has never been complete. 
The essentials of a representative system remain, though 
legislative power is still in the hands of the Emperor. 
Underlying this progress i.'^ an economic change. The 
growth of industry is gradually forming a middle class, 
and, considering what enormous Luideveloped forces 
Russia controls, industry is certain to continue growing. 
At the same time the begumings of constitutional 
liberty, the development of numicipal gov^ernmei't . and 
the many efforts made to deal with rural and other 
problems — all these forms of political and social activity 
will help t bring the educated classes, the " intellectuals 
into closer touch with the realities of political life, and 
to give them more sense of responsibility. 

Amongst the most immediate consequences of the 
Revolution of 1905 were the restoration of autonomy to 
Finland and the grant of some measure of Home Rule 
to Poland, concessions which were withdrawn when the 
reaction prevailed at Petrograd. Shoidd Russia, after 
this war, succeed in uniting under her suzerainty the 
three parts (>( divided Poland, the autonomy which has 
been promised the Poles will become a practical necessity, 
and the reconciliation between Pole and Russian ought 



to cluiiige ontiifly the chamcter of Russian ruie ; it 
nhoulcl mean tiie weakening of the central bureaucracy 
and a tendency towards a federal system. What has 
boi'U grautetl to Poland and Finland will l)o demanded, 
though no doubt lo u lessor extent by South Russia. 
Indeed it is obvious that ih a country so vast, so hetero- 
geneous as Russia, decentralization is the first condition 
of any real constitutional progress. Reconciliation with 
Poland will also nimlify at once the relations between 
Russia and the other Slav peoples beyond her frontiers. 
A loose feileral connexion with the Balkan States would 
be accepted by people who would look upon the supre- 
macy of the old Russian Government in that Peninsula 
as in every way disastrous. It is at least conceivable 
that the great Slav movement of the future may be made 
compatible with the independence of other nations both 
great and small through this federal solution. A loose 
federal union between all the English-speakuig peoples 
would not be a danger to the world ; but their formation 
into a strong centralized and military state would be 
regarded as an intolerable menace. 

A change such as has been suggested in the character 
of the Russian state would probably modify at once her 
foreign policy. She has possessions so vast and so 
imdeveloped that ex])ansi(Mi, even from the most selfish 
motives, can hardly be desirable. It will be said, how- 
ever, that she will still demand ' blue watt>r ' and a 
Mediterranean port, will still want the 'keys of her 
house ', the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. Constanti- 
nople is indeed a position of great value to an aggressive 
state. Though it is not as im])()rtant as it was in the 
days when polities were Euroj)ean only, and the chief 
export of wheat came from the Black Sea ports, a strong 
military power at that incomparable meeting-place of 



seuH and continents would eli ige at once the whole 
.situation in the !ialkan.s and in Asia Minor ; while 
Constantinople as a naval base would threaten every 
Mediteri Anean Power. Should Russia, however, content 
herself with a pohey of jieace and development the 
present situation oilers her many ad\•antage^'. For tlie 
last two centuriis the Turks have fought none but 
defensive wars. Constantinople could therefore hardly 
be in more inoffensive keeping. The trade of Russia has 
an absolutely safe ami fi-ec passage thr()u;j.h the Straits, 
while the closing of tlu' Dardaiu'lles to ships oi war 
secures the Black Sea coasts of Russia from attack. 

However summary may have been this attempt to sur- 
vey the conditions and the problems of Eastern Eiurope, 
it is clear that after the ju'esent war the Eastern Question 
w ill he one of al)sorl)ing interest Thi' fate of tlie Chris- 
tian nationalities of the south-east and the relations 
between Christian and Moslem, between West and East, 
will still be in the balance. If the Allies win it is obvious 
that the solution of these problems will tlepend most of 
all on the character and conduct of Russia, and we have 
verv siood reason to hoiH' that when the Slav comes to 
his own he will show in his political conduct that apjire- 
ciation of moral forces which in % ery tlifferent ways has 
distinguished both the man of letters and the peasant. 

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By W. Sanday. .'3d. net. Second htiprc.mon. 

The psychology of Prussian militarism ; German public opinion and 
Germany's aggressive ambitions. 

War against War. 

Hv A. D. LiNns.w. 2d. net. Second Tmpre.mon. 

Denies that war is good in itself, or a necessary evil. Power is not 
the sole or chief end for which the State exist.s. National greatness, 
if founded on brute force, cannot endure. International law represents 
an ideal, but an idea! that may be realised. 

To the Christian Scholars of Europe and America : 
A Reply from Oxford to the German ' Address to 

E\'ailgeli('n! C hristians'. Second Impression. 

Tiic aiiswiT of Oxford tlieologians to a recent manifesto of th- 
German cvanp licil theologians. This manifesto, which is reproduced in 
the present paiiiplilet. arfriics that Germany is in no sense responsible for 
the present war. I hc Oxford reply states that the German theologians 
cannot hare studied eithrr the events wh'ch led up to the war, or the 
political utterances of their own countrymen. 


How can War ever be Right ? 

By Gilbert Murray. «d. net. Second Impression. 

A well-known lover of peace and advocate of psdfic mdides amies 
•gainst the ToUtoyan position. Hight and honour comp^ed Britain to 
make war ; and war— like tragedy— is not pore vf\L 

Great Britain and Germany. 
By Spenser Wilkinson. 8d. net. 

Three leH. rs to the Sf.rhf/field R,},„Niran 1. By Prof. Spenser 
Wilkinson, niittiiif,' Crcat I?ritain's case before American readers ; 9. By 
Prof. John VV. Uurf,'f.s.s of tiie Tniversity of Cohinibia, stating Germany's 
case ; 3. By Prof. Wiiliinson, in reply to Prof. Burgess. 

The Responsibility tor the War. 

By W. G. S. Adams. 2d. net. 

A brief discussion of the question of responsibility : 1. Austria and 
Serbia ; 2. The responsibility of Kussia ; S. The interventim of England ; 
with a note on the issues of the War. 

The Law of Nations and the War. 

B}' A. Pkarce HiGGiNS. 2d. net. 

The violation of Belgian neutrality and the conduct of England to 
Denmark in 1807 ; the doctrine of German lawyers that military necessity 
overrides the laws of war; the balance of power and the sanctity of 

Nietzsche and Treitschke : The Worship of Power 
in Modern Germany, 

By E. Barker. 'Jd. net. Second Imprexsion. 

An explanation of the main points of interest in the ethical and 
political doctrines of the Grennan ruling classes. 

* Just for a Scrap of Paper.' 

By Arthur Hassai.l. Id. net. Second Imptrsxion. 
Explains why England stands for the sanctity of European treaty- law. 

The \'alue of Small States. 

By H. A. L. Fisher. 2d. trI. 

The author argues the debt of civilization to stn.ill states Is 
in<-alculable. Tlu-y arc useful, at the present time, as laboratories of 
politiiral experiments and us bulFcr-states between the greater powers. 

Others in preparation. 


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