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"The Armenians in the Era of the Crusades 1050-1350," 
by S. Peter Cowe, Chapter 17 from 

Cambridge History of Christianity, Volume 5, 

(New York, 2006), Michael Angold, editor, pp. 404-429. 


17 
The Armenians in the era of the crusades 
1050-1350 


S. PETER COWE 


The defining issue for Christendom in the period under discussion was 
undoubtedly one of ecclesiology. In the case of the Armenians this took the 
form ofrenewed debate with the other Christian traditions which had emerged 
in Byzantium, western Europe and the Near East in the course oflate antiquity, 
when a common patristic matrix developed distinct constellations of doctrine, 
rite and order with characteristic emphases, forms and expressions. 

The onset of the Arab period in Armenian history ushered in an era of 
consolidation inaugurated by the catholicate of Yovhan Ojnec‘i (717-728).' 
Synods reaffirmed Armenia's one-nature Christology, not only clarifying the 
distinctive Armenian doctrine of the incorruptibility of Christ's flesh in an 
Orthodox fashion, but also linking this doctrinally both to the joint celebra- 
tion of the Nativity and Baptism of Christ on 6 January and to the use of 
unleavened bread and unmixed wine in the Eucharist.* The structures of the 
institutional church, its sacraments and the legitimacy of its representational 
art were defended against the Paulicians, a widespread iconoclastic sect. Com- 
pilations on doctrine and canon law were drawn up and a greater sense of 
historical identity gradually emerged, which expressed itself in an expanded 
sanctorale, highlighting local saints, particularly martyrs, and celebrating their 
accomplishments in hymns, vitae and encomia.? Of particular significance in 
this connection was the signal devotion among Armenians of all theological 


1 A. Mardirossian, Le livre des canons arméniens (Kanonagirk‘ Hayoc‘) de Yovhannes Awjnec'i: 
église, droit et société en Arménie du IVe au VIIIe siécle [CSCO 606] (Louvain: Peeters, 2005). 

2 S. P. Cowe, ‘Armenian Christology in the seventh and eighth centuries with particular 
reference to the contributions of Catholicos Yovhan Ojnec'i and Xosrovik T'argmanit, 
Journal of Theological Studies 55 (2004), 30-54. 

3 Mayis Avdalbegyan, "Yaysmawurk" Zotovacunero ev nran patmagrakan arzek‘9 
['Menologium' Compilations and their Historiographical Value] (Erevan: Armenian 
Academy of Sciences, 1982), 122-36. For a brief overview ofthe oeuvre of Vardan Arewelc'i, 
the most prolific author in this field, see Norayr Polarean, Hay grotner [Armenian Writers] 
(Jerusalem: St James Press, 1971), 294-9. 


404 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


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BR Gen OF TREBIZONU ZZ Valar&apat (Ejmiacin)# 


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"d J ZEN EXE DES 


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KINGDO 
OF JERUSALEM 100 — 200 300km 


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Map 6 Medieval Armenia 


complexions to St Gregory the Illuminator, who had established Christianity 
as the religion of the Armenian court in the early fourth century. 

The historical course of the ecclesial dialogue mentioned above was deter- 
mined in significant measure by the large-scale movements of peoples which 
punctuated the era: in the mid-eleventh century the Seljuq Turks came out 
of the east, to be followed by the Mongols in the thirteenth century and the 
Timurids in the 1380s, while the crusades ensured continuous waves of mili- 
tary, ecclesiastical and mercantile contacts with the west. Inevitably, these con- 
tacts underlined religious differences, which were a source of much friction. 


4 S. P. Cowe, An Armenian Job fragment from Sinai and its implications’, Oriens Christianus 
72 (1992), 148-54. 


405 


S. PETER COWE 


Despite this, substantial interchange occurred, which left its imprint on the 
various ecclesiastical polities involved in the process. 


A period of disruption and regrouping, 1050-1150 


By the time our period opens the course of large-scale Armenian resettle- 
ment in the former marchlands of eastern Cappadocia between the Byzantine 
and Arab spheres of influence was already well into its third and final phase. 
Beginning as a means of repopulating the area with Christians during the 
Byzantine advance under Basil 1 in the 880s, it gained greater momentum 
under Nikephoros II Phokas after 963, at which point Armenians grew to be 
the majority population. It culminated in the gradual relocation there of the 
royalty and much of the nobility of the three main western successor states 
to the Armenian kingdom re-established in 884. In 1022 King Sennek'erim- 
Yovhannes of Vaspurakan bequeathed his realm to the empire, under pressure 
both from the Byzantines and from the initial Seljuq incursions, and Aÿot IV 
of Ani followed suit in 1039. Armenians then became imperial vassals under an 
alien Byzantine bureaucratic structure, while their territories were reorganised 
as themes. 

A parallel process can also be detected in ecclesiastical affairs, which brought 
into renewed contact Greek, Armenian and Jacobite communities as well as the 
heretical Tondrakite sect, with varied results. One of these was the formation in 
the 980s on the initiative of Catholicos Xatik of Syrian and Armenian sees par- 
allelto the Byzantine ones. Perhaps unforeseen by the court in Constantinople, 
this in turn provoked ethnic and religious polemic between the confessions 
over mutually unacceptable divergences in rite and doctrine. This resulted in 
the rebaptism of those faithful who altered their affiliation." The integration 
and neutralisation of Armenian secular authority encouraged the patriarchs 
of Constantinople in their attempts to suppress the Armenian catholicate. 
Catholicos Petros was called to Constantinople in 1045 for theological discus- 
sions, and again two years later. To counter pressure from the Byzantines he 


5 S. P Cowe, Armenian immigration patterns to Sebastia, tenth-eleventh centuries', UCLA 
International Conference on Armenia Minor-Sebastia/Sivas, ed. R. G. Hovannisian (Costa 
Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 2004), 115-24. 

6 See Robert Hewsen, Armenia: a historical atlas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 
2001), 125-6. 

7 The religious polemic led to exchanges between the Armenian catholicos and the Greek 
metropolitans of Sebasteia and Melitene as well as a succession of Jacobite patriarchs. It 
produced anti-Chalcedonian refutations by Anania Narekac'i (d.c.985) and his namesake 
Anania Sanahnec'i (d.c.1070). 


406 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


took the precaution — in contravention of accepted practice — of consecrating 
his nephew as his successor. The latter was summoned to the capital a year 
after assuming office in 1058 by the new emperor Constantine X Doukas, who 
required him to accept Chalcedonian Christology and the supremacy of the 
patriarch of Constantinople: in other words, to renounce his autocephaly. On 
refusing, he was held in captivity until 1062 and then confined to Sebasteia. 
On his death three years later the emperor at first prohibited a new election, 
but then relented against the cession of the Armenian kingdom of Kars.? The 
candidate subsequently cleared for election to the catholicate was Vahram, an 
avid philhellene, who had previously entered Byzantine service and had held 
the post of duke of Mesopotamia for ten years from 1048. In this capacity he 
destroyed the sectarian stronghold of T‘ondrak and dispersed its adherents.? 
He belonged to the house of Pahlawuni, which claimed descent from the line 
of St Gregory the Illuminator. His consecration as Catholicos Grigor II inaugu- 
rated an unbroken series of hierarchs from that lineage over the next century 
and a half. 

The second half of the eleventh century witnessed the consolidation of 
Seljuq power in Anatolia through the capture of Ani in 1064, reinforced in 
1071 by the decisive victory over Byzantine forces at Mantzikert. The resulting 
power vacuum created the conditions which allowed Armenians to establish 
de facto autonomy in the hill country south of the Taurus range." Its relative 
security led to a southward movement in the centre of gravity ofthe Armenian 
polity and the foundation ofa series of small fiefdoms. These gradually evolved 
into a new kingdom in Cilicia (1198—1375), which was to play an important role 
in the political and religious history of the region over the rest of our period." 

The fragmentation and dispersion of the Armenian nation is dramatically 
etched in the constant travels of the catholicos Grigor II (1065-1105), as he 
sought to minister to his far-flung flock. With earlier precedents in mind, 
petty Armenian princes sought to persuade the catholicos to take up residence 
on their territories, as a means of strengthening their claims to legitimacy. 
Sheer expediency forced Grigor to raise others to the rank of catholicos, so 
that they would have the authority to take the necessary decisions on the 


8 Cowe, Armenian immigration patterns’, 125. 
9 Avedis K. Sanjian, ‘Gregory Magistros: an Armenian Hellenist’, in To “EAAnvixov: Studies 
in honor of Speros Vryonis, Jr (New Rochelle, NY: Caratzas, 1993), it, 111-58. 
10 This corresponded very roughly to the former themes of Lykandos, Melitene, Tarsos, 
Seleukeia, Antioch and Edessa. 
11 Fora convenient map of these territories, see C. Mutafian, Le royaume arménien de Cilicie 
xiie-xive siècle (Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 1993), 18. 


407 


S. PETER COWE 


ground.? Thus Georg Lorec'i resided with Apllarip Arcruni in Tarsos from 
1069; Sargis, nephew of Catholicos Petros, settled in the domain of Philaretos 
Brachamios (Vahram) at Honi in Lykandos in 1073; Grigor's nephew Barsel was 
consecrated bishop in Ani and then elevated to the rank of catholicos eight 
years later in Halbat, one of the main monasteries of the small remaining 
Bagratid kingdom of Loti-Tasir; while there is evidence that Grigor visited 
Egyptand established another nephew, his namesake, as supreme ecclesiastical 
authority over the expanding Armenian community there. In other instances, 
separatist tendencies dictated such moves, as in the case of Vaspurakan, which 
desired to perpetuate its status as an independent kingdom at least in the 
ecclesiastical realm by declaring Alt‘amar a separate catholicate in 1113. In 
doing so it instituted a schism that was only settled in 1441. Similarly, it seems 
that at the beginning of the twelfth century the Seljuqs of Rum briefly toyed 
with the strategy of segregating their Armenian population from the rest of 
the Armenian Church by installing Anania, bishop of Sebasteia, as an anti- 
catholicos.? Much later it appears that Mamluk opposition to the Latinophile 
orientation of the Cilician Armenian court was a factor in the creation of an 
Armenian patriarchate inJerusalem (1311), with a view to exercising jurisdiction 
over the Christian Armenian community in the Mamluk lands.“ 

At the same time it corresponded to the spiritual needs of a community 
that was increasingly dispersed. The disruption to the regular rhythms of 
transit trade in the mid-eleventh century intensified the exodus of Armenian 
merchants and artisans, who now swelled the ranks of their countrymen 
further afield in the relative calm of the Crimea, Kievan Rus, Poland and the 
western Black Sea coast. They also settled in various Italian ports.” There 
were even trading connections with Iceland, where we hear of the arrival of 
three Armenian ‘bishops’, presumably at the invitation of the Norwegian king, 
Harald Sigurdson.'? Other Armenian traders were deported eastwards first by 
the Seljuqs and then by the Mongols to form thriving colonies in north-eastern 
Iran.” 


12 A. Kapoian-Kouymjian, L'Égypte vue par des Arméniens (Paris: Fondation Singer-Polignac, 
1988), 7-19. 

13 Haig Berbérian, ‘Le patriarcat arménien du Sultanat de Roum’, Revue des Études 
Arméniennes 3 (1966), 233-41. 

14 Bezalel Narkiss (ed.), Armenian art treasures of Jerusalem ( Jerusalem: Massada Press, 1979), 
I7. 

15 G. Dédéyan, Histoire des Arméniens (Toulouse: Privat, 1982), 301-400. 

16 Y. R. Dachkévytch, ‘Les Arméniens en Islande (XIe siècle)’, Revue des Études Arméniennes 
20 (1986—87), 321-36. 

17 À. G. Abrahamyan, Hamarot urvagic hay gattavayreri patmut*yan [Concise sketch of the 
history of Armenian colonies] (Erevan: Haypethrat, 1964), 240-1. 


408 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


The Armenians were widely valued for their military prowess. In the after- 
math ofthe Byzantine defeat some enterprising commanders moved to Egypt 
under the Fatimids where the Armenian Badr al-Jamáli (1074-94) founded a 
dynasty of viziers lasting almost a century. Though most adopted Islam, they 
actedas patrons ofthe older Christian Armenian community established there, 
which underwent something of a renaissance. This is reflected in the building 
of some thirty churches and monasteries, of which the White Monastery near 
Sohag is the best preserved, featuring several frescos and inscriptions, the work 
of the artist T'éodor of K'esun.'? 

Although Armenians were often wary of Byzantium's hegemonic ambi- 
tions, many in this era still looked to Constantinople as the primary repre- 
sentative of Christendom in the Near East. The capital possessed a growing 
Armenian population, which exploited its position as a conduit for renewed 
translation from Greek into Armenian. Their activities had great influence 
on the development in the eleventh and twelfth centuries of the Armenian 
menologion (yaysmawurk^) and of the liturgy of St Athanasius, which drew on 
elements from its Byzantine counterpart attributed to St John Chrysostom.” 
Moreover, the energetic catholicos Grigor II earned his epithet ‘Martyrophile’ 
(Vkayaser) through commissioning a range of vitae and other texts from Greek 
and Syriac, an enterprise which several of his successors advanced into the 
late thirteenth century.” While the focus of these endeavours tended to be 
older patristic works not yet available in Armenian, Armenian Chalcedonian 
translators operating in areas under Byzantine and Georgian control placed 
their emphasis on post-Chalcedonian Fathers, for example St John Klimax 
and St John of Damascus." Their monasteries, such as K'obayr, K‘iranc’ and 
Axt ala (Pinjahank’), which flourished in the thirteenth century in the northern 
region of Lori, manifest the middle Byzantine penchant for fresco programmes 


18 Kapoian-Kouymjian, Égypte, 15-16; Seda B. Dadoyan, The Fatimid Armenians [Islamic 
History and Civilization Studies and Texts 18] (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 85-105. 

19 Nersés Akinean, '"Yovsep' Kostandnupolsec'i, targmani¢ yaysmawurk'i (991) [Yovsép’ 
Kostandnupolsec'i as translator of the menologium], Handés Amsoreay 71 (1957), 1-12; 
H.-J. Feulner, Die armenische Athanasius-Anaphora [Anaphorae orientales 1] (Rome: Pon- 
tificio istituto orientale, 2001), 456-8. 

20 Garegin Zarbhanalean, Matenadaran haykakan t‘argmanuteanc‘ naxneac‘ (dar D-ZG) 
[Library of Ancient Armenian Translations (Fourth-Thirteenth Centuries)] (Venice: 
St Lazar's Press, 1889), xxviii-xxxi; Levon Ter Petrossian, Ancient Armenian translations 
(New York: St Vartan's Press, 1992), 9-11. 

21 S. P. Cowe, ‘Medieval Armenian literary and cultural trends (twelfth-seventeenth cen- 
turies)’, in History ofthe Armenian people from ancient to modern times, ed. R. G. Hovannisian 
(New York: St Martin's Press, 1997), 1, 311. 


409 


S. PETER COWE 


enveloping the entire wall space of the church in contrast to the more modest 
embellishment typical of medieval Armenian churches.” 

A novel feature of the late eleventh century was the opening of Armenian 
relations with the Latin church, which unfolded over the next four and a half 
centuries against the backdrop of the twelfth-century papal policy of drawing 
the various 'schismatic' Eastern churches into union under Roman primacy. 
The first overtures in 1080 were extended by Pope Gregory VII to Catholicos 
Grigor II, who, according to some, had paid a prior visit to Rome.” This contact 
inaugurated a rich and diverse range of ecclesiastical, theological, political and 
cultural interchange pursued in different parts of the Near East as well as via 
the Armenian communities in the west. As a result, it is probably true that 
westerners got to know the Armenians better than any of the other ‘oriental’ 
Christian confessions. 

Direct contacts were established in the course of the First Crusade, during 
which Armenian princes like the Rubenid Kostandin I assisted the crusaders 
on their passage through Cilicia to Antioch, while T‘oros, the Armenian Chal- 
cedonian ruler of Edessa, welcomed Baldwin of Boulogne into his city in 1098, 
which was soon to be transformed into a crusader county. An early rapport 
developed with the Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099-1187), three of whose queens 
were of Armenian descent.* A number of high-ranking Armenians went on 
pilgrimage in those years, including Catholicos Grigor III and his brother 
Nersés, who accompanied the papal legate Alberich to the synod of the cena- 
cle in 1141/2 after participating in a similar gathering in Antioch. The same 
year also witnessed an amicable exchange ofletters between Pope Eugenius III 
and the catholicos.” 

This could not disguise the fact that the initiative in near eastern geopolitics 
had passed to Zangi, emir of Mosul, and his son Nir al-Din. The former made 
himself master of Aleppo in 1128 and then of Edessa in 1144, which provoked 
the Second Crusade (1147-48). Its failure prepared the way for Nur al-Din’s 
annexation of Damascus in 1154 and then of Egypt in 1169. His success per- 
suaded Armenians, such as Mleh, brother of Prince Toros, of the advantages 
of entente, so much so that Mleh accepted Islam and allied with Nir al-Din, 


22 A. Lidov, The mural paintings of Akhtala (Moscow: Nauka, 1991). 

23 Kapoïan-Kouymjian, Égypte, 11-13. 

24 Baldwin I married Arta, daughter of the Rubenid prince Toros I, and their daughter 
Melisende in turn married Fulk of Anjou, while Baldwin II married Morphia, daughter 
of Gabriel of Melitene. 

25 A.-B. Schmidt and P. Halfter, "Der Brief Papst Innozenz II an den armenischen katholikos 
Gregor III: ein wenig beachtetes Dokument zur Geschichte der Synode von Jerusalem 
(Ostern 1141)’, Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 31 (1999), 50-71. 


410 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


who himself had married an Armenian princess. Returning from exile on his 
brother's death, he seized power with Zangid support and led a mercurial 
reign, first defeating the combined forces of Antioch and Jerusalem in 1172 and 
then regaining control of most of the Cilician seaboard from Byzantium in the 
following year. However, on Nür al-Din's death in 1174 he fell victim to a palace 
coup. This tumultuous interlude underlines the unsettled tenor of Armenian 
life at the time, which is also reflected in the absence of any major work of art. 


Monastic life 


From the late ninth century the wealth of the Bagratid realm found expres- 
sion in displays of piety through major donations by aristocrats and later by 
rich merchants. These fuelled a significant growth in Armenian monastic con- 
struction.” In fact, most churches at this time were built within large monastic 
complexes which appropriated the secular structure of the gawit‘ as an impor- 
tant space for the daily office, lectures, manuscript copying, burial, etc., and, 
as they expanded over the next four centuries, were gradually equipped with 
libraries, refectories and belfries, as well as oil and wine presses catering to 
their domestic needs." Scale was a key differential from the early period, the 
new cenobia sometimes housing hundreds of monks, their daily round often 
governed by the norms of St Basil’s rule under the oversight of the class of 
vardapets (doctors of theology licensed to preach and teach), who were now 
entering their most influential phase in both responsibilities and prestige.^? 
Moreover, thanks to the generosity of their donors, these communities soon 
became powerful economic units rich in real estate, manpower and equip- 
ment (mills, etc.) in contrast to the caves or modest wooden structures of 
the past.” These monasteries also became institutes of higher learning to an 
unprecedented degree, with a structured curriculum which concentrated on 
the elucidation of the Bible, patristic authors and a corpus of textbooks from 
Greek antiquity? Monastic scriptoria such as that of Skewray would rival the 


26 Vrej Nersessian, The Tondrakian movement (London: Kahn and Averill, 1987), 74-5. 

27 P. Donabédian, J.-M. Thierry and N. Thierry, Armenian art (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 
1989), 195-200. 

28 S. P. Cowe, Armenological paradigms and Yovhannés Sarkawag’s "discourse on 
wisdom" — philosophical underpinning for an Armenian renaissance?’ Revue des Études 
Arméniennes 25 (1994-95), 137-43. 

29 For the popular uprisings this wealth sometimes provoked, see Nersessian, The Ton- 
drakian movement, 76—7. 

30 Paroyr M. Mouradyan, ‘Les principes de la classification des livres en Arménie 
médiévale', in Armenian studies in memoriam Haig Berbérian, ed. Dickran Kouymjian 
(Lisbon: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, 1986), 591-600. 


AIT 


S. PETER COWE 


seat ofthe catholicos at Hromklay in the exquisite quality oftheir copying and 
illumination.* Outside the Armenian highlands and Cilicia, a series of Arme- 
nian monasteries was located on the Black Mountain near Antioch, which 
also sustained Greek, Georgian, Syrian and Latin communities in this period 
and hence encouraged international contacts. The most illustrious medieval 
Armenian monastic centre of higher learning at this time was founded at 
Glajor in the region of Siwnik', whose activities spanned the years 1280-1340. 
It gained such a reputation under its director Esayi NCec'i that students came 
from all over the Armenian lands to study there.” 

The patterns of spirituality practised in Armenian monasteries had signif- 
icantly changed from the external asceticism of the earlier period to a more 
pronounced concern for interiority. In this it reflected a widespread preoc- 
cupation of the era also evidenced in Byzantium and in the developing sufi 
tradition of Islam, which in turn seems influenced by earlier Christian mys- 
tical writers like St Isaak of Nineveh.” The fundamental creed of the sect of 
Tondrakites, moulded out of a Paulician matrix, may be viewed as an extreme 
manifestation of this approach. Its threat to a proper understanding of the 
economy of the incarnation, crucifixion and resurrection provoked a mul- 
timedia response: from learned doctrinal treatises to the proliferation of a 
characteristically Armenian type of monument, the xack'ar, a large rectangu- 
lar block of stone elaborately carved with a representation of the cross in an 
infinite variety of motifs. Persecution resulted in the sect going underground 
in inaccessible areas of the Armenian terrain and surfacing periodically as late 
as the nineteenth century.” Others fled or were deported to the Armenian cen- 
tre at Philippopolis in Bulgaria. Transforming their belief system in the course 
of their geographical migration, they influenced the views of later sects like 
the Bogomils and the Albigensians.% 


31 Treasures in heaven: Armenian illuminated manuscripts, ed. T. E. Mathews and R. S. Wieck 
(New York: The Pierpoint Morgan Library, 1994), 68-74. 

32 G. M. Grigoryan, Syunik‘o Orbelyanneri rok“ (XIII-XV darer) [Siwnik’ in the days of the 
Orbéleans (thirteenth-fifteenth centuries)] (Erevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences, 
I981), 241. 

33 J. Baldick, Mystical Islam [New York University Studies in Near Eastern Civilization 13] 
(New York: New York University Press, 1989), 15-20. 

34 Armenian folk arts, culture, and identity, ed. L. Abrahamian and N. Sweezy (Bloomington: 
Indiana University Press, 2001), 60-70; Donabédian and Thierry, Armenian art, 123-4, 
205-7, figs. 67-8, 89, 105-7. 

35 Nersessian, The Tondrakian movement, 89-06. A similar fate was met by the syncretistic 
sect of arewordik' [children of the sun], a part of which was reconciled to the church in 
the 1170s at Samosata by Nersés Snorhali. 

36 Babken H. Harut‘yunyan, Hayastani patmut‘yan atlas, I mas [Historical Atlas of Armenia, 
Part 1] (Erevan: Erevan State University, 2004), 60. 


412 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


Discussions on church union with Byzantium 


In 1165, around the time Mleh was furthering his Muslim contacts in exile, 
a chance discussion between bishop Nersés Snorhali and the imperial pro- 
tostrator Alexios Axouch during a campaign in Cilicia began a desultory set 
of theological discussions over the possibility of ecclesiastical rapprochement 
with Byzantium, which lasted until the Emperor Manuel I Komnenos’s death 
in 1180.” The emperor entrusted these negotiations with the Armenians to an 
experienced theologian-diplomat called Theorianos, who had the task ofrealis- 
ing Manuel's goal ofpreserving Antioch's client-status as a basis for expanding 
his authority south towards Jerusalem and northwards over the sultanate of 
Konya. The nine points the emperor presented for acceptance in 1171 encom- 
passed the ratification of the last four ecumenical councils, confession of the 
Chalcedonian definition and anathema of those denying it, omission of the 
phrase ‘who was crucified for us’ from the trisagion hymn, and a few ritual 
issues includingthe employment ofleavened bread and wine mixed with water 
in the preparation of the eucharistic elements, as well as the canonical reg- 
ulation that the emperor should confirm appointments to the catholicate.?? 
Nerses sought to call a synod to review the stipulations, but died before this 
could be done. After much further discussion under his successor Grigor Tlay 
(1173—93), a synod of thirty-three hierarchs and abbots, including Jacobite rep- 
resentatives and the catholicos of Albania, finally met at Hromklay in 1178 and 
offered a balanced and judicious response. In certain areas such as Christology 
they displayed a conciliatory disposition ‘for the peace of the church’, while in 
others they maintained that the onus probandi remained firmly on the Greek 
side, such asin demonstrating the final four councils did not contradict the first 
three and in remonstrating that the addition to the trisagion was of Greek not 
Armenian origin.? Significantly, their handling ofthe question ofthe standing 
of the catholicate and the problem of succession reveals the degree to which 
Antioch had become a focus of Armenian ecclesiastical ambition, as was also 
the case in the temporal sphere. The signatories approved of imperial sanction 
on condition that the Armenian catholicos henceforth be acknowledged as 


37 L. B. Zekiyan, 'St. Nerses Snorhali en dialogue avec les Grecs: un prophéte de 
l'oecuménisme au XIle siécle', in Armenian studies in memoriam Haig Berbérian, 861—83. 

38 Zekiyan, 'St. Nerses Snorhali en dialogue avec les Grecs’, 866-67. 

39 See Clemens Galanus, Conciliationis Ecclesiae Armenae cum Romana (Rome: Urban Press, 
1651), 1, 331-44 (for the synodal acts); J. Meyendorff, Christ in eastern Christian thought 
(Crestwood, NY: St Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1987), 35 (for the theological point at 
issue). 


413 


S. PETER COWE 


patriarch of Antioch, thereby maintaining his autocephaly.? Neilos Doxopa- 
tres's near contemporary Greek treatise on the five patriarchal jurisdictions 
was translated into Armenian at this juncture and clearly played a part in 
discussions on the status of the Armenian see.^ 

Nevertheless, these synodal decrees were not representative of all shades 
of contemporary Armenian ecclesiastical opinion. Opposition came from a 
group of scholars and prelates collectively referred to as the "northern var- 
dapets’.” Their respect for tradition is well illustrated by a later issue arising 
from the service of Armenian troops on Georgian campaigns under the com- 
mand of the brothers Zak'are and Ivane Erkaynabazuk, who were dignitaries 
of the Georgian court. Whereas the Georgians had obtained dispensation to 
celebrate the liturgy on portable altars during manoeuvres, the Armenian 
forces had not received permission to introduce this practice. Although the 
synod of Sis gave its permission (1204), the rigorist party in the north refused 
to adhere to the ruling and blocked the measure at the local synods Zak'are 
summoned at Loti (1205) and at his capital in Ani (1207), compelling him to 
impose it within the context of military discipline.# 

Atthe other end of the spectrum, a number of Armenian churchmen focused 
less on the historical precedents of the Armenian confessional tradition and 
matters of institutional advantage in inter-church negotiations, but appealed 
rather to the spiritual reality ofthe church as the body of Christ, affirming this 
as the basis for the underlying unity of Christendom. Their number included 
figures such as Mxit‘ar Goš (c. 1140-1213), and in the next generation Vardan 
Aygekc'i (c. 1170-1235) from Greater Armenia.“ In the thirteenth century the 
popular poet Frik gave voice to another point of view on Christian unity: 
he argued that its absence had been a major factor in Muslim advances and 
proceeded to list the key foibles of each communion, which had militated 
against greater cohesion and cooperation.” 


40 Abel Mxit‘areanc’, Patmut‘iwn Zolovoc‘ hayastaneayc‘ ekelec‘woy [History of the Synods of 
the Armenian Church] (Valarsapat: Mother See Press, 1874), 116-17. 

41 F. N. Finck, Des Nilos Doxopatres taxis ton patriarchikon thronon armenisch und griechisch 
(Efmiacin and Marburg: Vagarshapad, 1902). 

42 They came under the leadership of Grigor Tutéordi and Dawit‘ K'obayrec'I and were 
concentrated in territories then under Georgian control. 

43 Mxit'areanc', Patmut'iwn Zolovoc' hayastaneayc' eketec‘woy, 118-22. 

44 Paroyr Muradean, ‘Dawanakan handurZolakanut'ean ew azgamijean hamera&xut'ean 
galap'aro ZB-ZG dareri Hayastanum' [The idea of confessional tolerance and internal 
national solidarity in twelfth-thirteenth century Armenia], Ganjasar 4 (1994), 95-108. 

45 Frik, Frik Diwan, ed. Tirayr Melik‘ Muskambarean (New York: Melgonean Foundation, 
1952), 274-80. 


414 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


The Armenian churchman most actively engaged at this time in inter- 
confessional contacts at the highest level was the young archbishop of Tarsos, 
Nerses Lambronac (1153-98). In his oft-quoted words, 'Spain and the East 
are limbs of the one Head, [as are] Greeks and barbarians, Armenians and 
Georgians, Syrians and Egyptians [Copts]. All are bound together in Him 
in spirit and have clothed themselves in Him through faith. He led the 
Armenian delegation which was sent in 1197 to the Byzantine Emperor Alexios 
III Angelos and to the patriarch George Xiphilinos, with the intention of clar- 
ifying the religious issues associated with the emperor's initial willingness 
to grant Prince Levon of Cilicia a crown, thereby elevating his lands to the 
rank of kingdom. Discussions were prolonged to Pentecost, but concluded 
without issue. Moreover, it appears that the stimulus for Alexios's gesture 
was intelligence that negotiations towards the same end were already far 
advanced with the German emperor. Nerses was also involved in those talks, 
having been sent to greet Frederick Barbarossa in 1190 as he entered Cilician 
territory, only to learn of his untimely death." However, he profited by the 
occasion to render into Armenian the Latin ritual book sent by Pope Lucius 
III, as well as the coronation ordo, and St Benedict's rule. Around this time 
the Armenians also adopted the Latin episcopal mitre, ring and crosier, in 
the place of the Byzantine episcopal crown, which now devolved to regular 
priests. 


Church union with the Latins 


That Cilician civil and ecclesiastical interests were focused on the German 
Empire and the papacy in the final years of the twelfth century is to be set 
against the backdrop of Byzantine reverses in Bulgaria, Serbia and Cyprus, 
which had claimed independence in 1184 and fell to the crusaders seven years 
later. All these gained imperial recognition after a formal submission to papal 
supremacy in the course of the 1190s. Armenia followed their precedent, 
Prince Levon (1198-1219) being crowned king on 6 January 1198 in the once 
Greek church of St Sophia in Tarsos, the largest in the realm, with Conrad of 


46 Nersés Lambronac'i, Atenabanut'iwn vasn miut‘ean ekelec‘woy ew cark' i hambarjumn 
K'ristosi ew i galust Hogwoyn Srboy [Synodal oration on church union and homilies on 
Christ's Ascension and Pentecost], ed. Mesrop Taliadean (Calcutta, 1851), 35. 

47 Anoushavan Tanielian, Archbishop Nersés Lambronac'i"s commentary on Wisdom of 
Solomon’, unpublished PhD thesis, Columbia University (2003), 34-5. 

48 Nerses Akinean, Nerses Lambronac‘i ark'episkopos Tarsoni keank‘n ew grakan vastaknero 
[Nerses Lambronac‘i, archbishop of Tarsus: life and literary achievements] (Vienna: 
Mxitarist Press, 1956), 284-8, 302-16. 


415 


S. PETER COWE 


Wittelsbach, archbishop of Mainz, officiating.” The archbishop had arrived the 
previous year with instructions from Innocent III to obtain Armenian recog- 
nition of Roman primacy and to align Armenian with Roman practice on a 
number of matters. These included adopting a fixed calendar for regulating 
the celebration of saints’ days rather than the traditional Armenian movable 
system determined by the Easter cycle, and breaking the Nativity and Lenten 
fasts with only fish and olive oil.*° Levon summoned a synod in Tarsos to ratify 
the process. Only twelve bishops signed, but their voice prevailed.” 

The growth of pro-western sentiment in various Armenian communities 
over the twelfth century can be gauged by a series of apocryphal writings 
such as the Sermo de Antichristo, which enshrined Armenian eschatological 
expectations associated with the Seljuq invasion. These culminated in the 
Dasanc' t'ult* (Letter of Concord),? which purports to relate not only the 
meeting in Rome between the first Christian kings Constantine I and Trdat III 
but also — and more importantly — the instruction and consecration of the 
first Armenian catholicos Gregory the Illuminator by Pope Sylvester. It put 
forward the claim that the parties agreed to divide the exercise of ecclesiastical 
and secular authority between them.” The document's import is obviously 
that submission to the papacy and a western alliance will be of appreciable 
benefit in reinforcing the Armenian power base in the Near East. Appeal to 
its message was frequently made in exchanges with the papacy over the next 
few centuries. 

As already indicated, a close but complex relationship had developed 
between Cilicia and Antioch. Common interests led them to unite against 
Byzantium, but internal rivalries occasioned harsh acts of duplicity and reprisal. 
Since the 1170s Armenian ecclesiastical ambitions had focused on the patriar- 
chate of Antioch. Indeed, one advantage of church union under the pope was to 
free the Armenian catholicos from interference from the Latin patriarch, who 
continued to claim jurisdiction over the sees of Tarsos and Mamistra, which 


49 S. P. Cowe, ‘The inauguration of the Cilician coronation rite and royal ideology’, Arme- 
nian Review 45 (1992), 51, 54-5. 

50 The Armenians had traditionally supplemented these with dairy products. 

51 Tanielian, ‘Archbishop Nersés Lambronac'i"s commentary on Wisdom of Solomon’, 
37-8. 

52 K. V. Sahnazareanc', Dasanc' tlt'oc? k‘nnut‘iwnn u herk'umo [Investigation and Refutation 
of the Letter of Concord] (Paris, 1862). 

53 Zaroui Pogossian, ‘A revised-diplomatic edition, and a historical and textual investigation 
of "Letter of love and concordance between the Emperor Constantine the Great and 
Pope Sylvester and the King of the Armenians Trdat the Great and St. Gregory the 
Illuminator”, unpublished PhD thesis, Central European University, Budapest (2004). 


416 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


had had Latin bishops at the time these cities came under Armenian con- 
trol Another aspect of ecclesiastical interaction between the two states was 
Prince Levon's policy vis-à-vis the Jacobite community. In 1192 he appointed 
Theodore Bar Wahbun as anti-patriarch and attempted to have the Jacobite 
communities of the region submit to his jurisdiction.? Antioch's gradual 
decline marked by its reduction in territory and forced union with Tripoli 
after Saladin's attack in 1187 favoured Levon's efforts to gain ascendancy over 
it through an astute policy of intermarriage. However, the competing claims 
of members of the Antiochian princely house, coupled with the interests of 
the Italian merchant communities, conspired to thwart him to the end of his 


reign. 


Papal missionary initiatives 


The missionary ethos of the two mendicant orders of Dominicans and Fran- 
ciscans founded in the first half ofthe thirteenth century, combined with their 
structural flexibility, discipline and institutional organisation, rendered them 
an unprecedented spiritual force for proselytising among the Armenians and 
other eastern Christians and for furthering papal diplomacy. The Franciscans 
established various centres in Cilicia and played an increasingly important role 
as the century progressed, in various spheres including that of religious art. 
Het'um II (1289—1301), in particular, petitioned the pope for a personal retinue 
of six friars at court and later entered the brotherhood himself.” The Domini- 
cans made a slower start in establishing contacts, but became more pivotal in 
the following century. 

This was the time of Mongol domination, which after initial upheavals 
worked to the benefit of the Armenian Church. From 1255 it was exempted 
from the payment of tax to the Mongols.” Het'um I (1226-69) of Cilicia 
and several princes of Greater Armenia took the precaution of placing them- 
selves under Mongol suzerainty, thus protecting their subjects from arbitrary 


54 J. Richard, La papauté et les missions d'Orient au Moyen Âge (XIIIe-XVe siècles) [Collection 
de l’École francaise de Rome 33], second edition (Rome: École francaise de Rome, 1998), 
43, 49-50. 

55 P. Kawerau, Die jakobitische Kirche im Zeitalter der syrischen Renaissance (Berlin: Akademie 
Verlag, 1955), 68-9. 

56 H. Evans, ‘Manuscript illumination at the Armenian patriarchate in Hromkla and the 
west', unpublished PhD thesis, New York Institute of Fine Arts (1989), 153-4. 

57 Richard, Papauté, 52. 

58 R. Bedrosian, Armenia during the Seljuk and Mongol periods’, in History ofthe Armenian 
people, ed. R. G. Hovannisian, 1, 261. 


417 


S. PETER COWE 


exactions. As a result, both Armenian regions enjoyed a significant degree of 
stability and prosperity in the mid-thirteenth century, in marked contrast to 
the struggles ofthe crusader states to hold their own, while the Latin conquest 
of Constantinople in 1204 had dealt a nigh mortal blow to Byzantine power. 
This is the setting against which to view the Armenians' lack of interest in 
exploring more fully the implications of the union with Rome promulgated 
by Levon I. 

In 1243 Catholicos Kostandin Barjrberdci (1221-67) responded positively to 
InnocentIV's query regarding recognition ofthe sacrament of extreme unction 
and other liturgical rites. However, the more substantive issues debated during 
hislongterm ofoffice, the filioque and Petrine primacy, only exposed the extent 
of the differences separating the two sides. Among the messengers the pope 
dispatched to the east on 25 March 1245 in the run up to the first Council of 
Lyons was the Franciscan Dominic of Aragon, who was to secure an Armenian 
confession of faith. When King Het‘um I discussed this with his mentor Vardan 
Arewelc'i, the latter responded by writing a brief compilation of fifteen Latin 
errors.? It may be that the creation in 1247 of a new archiepiscopal see at the 
monastery of St Thaddaeus was also part of this reaction to papal primacy. 
Not only was St Thaddaeus the traditional guarantor of the apostolicity ofthe 
Armenian Church,® but his monastery also lay close to the Mongol summer 
quarters, not far from Maku in north-western Iran. 

Similarly, though the synod of Sis of 1251 accepted the filioque doctrine, 
it provoked a major reaction from the church in Greater Armenia, which 
threatened to create a schism by setting up an anti-catholicos. Both Vanakan 
Vardapet and Vardan Arewelc'i appear to have accepted the orthodoxy of the 
dual procession of the Spirit for the theologically sophisticated, if not for the 
general populace, but their language and images seem to suggest that they 
had in mind either the Spirit's activity in the economy or the patristic formula 
‘from the Father through the Son in the Spirit’. Latin polemicists found their 
formulations unsatisfactory.™ 

Moreover, the acerbity with which Mxit'ar Skewrac'iand the legate Thomas 
Agni de Lentino clashed at Acre in 1262 over Petrine primacy caused the pope 
to send the Dominican William Freney to Cilicia to try to restore a more cordial 


59 Girk' t'lt'oc' [Book of Letters], ed. Arch. Norayr Potarean (Jerusalem: St James Press, 
1994), 657—65. 

60 Levon Xatikyan, Artazi haykakan isxanut'yuns ev Corcori dproc'o' [The Armenian 
principality of Artaz and the school of Corcor], Banber Matenadarani 11 (1973), 134. 

61 J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian doctrines (London: A. & C. Black, 1977), 256-63. 


418 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


atmosphere.” In keeping with the Armenians’ reservations about these earlier 
papal overtures was their absence from the Second Council of Lyons in 1274, 
to which even the Ilkhán sent a representative at Gregory X's invitation. 


Trade routes facilitate religious interchange 


The favourable conditions attendant on the pax mongolica intensified the vol- 
ume of trade linking China with Central Asia, Russia, southern Caucasia and 
Asia Minor via the new Ilkhanid centre of Tabriz and on to the Cilician port 
of Ayas, whence Italian shipping transported Oriental commodities to west- 
ern Europe. A more northerly land route through Erzurum, Erzincan and 
Sivas was also used. Many Armenian merchants were engaged in this traffic, 
leading to the formation of communities in various entrepóts and to the con- 
struction of churches. The Latin mendicant orders also profited from these 
circumstances. The Franciscans established centres in the following sites with 
a significant Armenian population: Erzurum, St Thaddaeus, Salmast, Karpi, 
Tiflis, Sultániya and Tabriz, while the Dominicans possessed houses in Tabriz 
and Marágha.ó Complaints were soon being voiced that Roman doctrine was 
encroaching on Greater Armenia, having already infiltrated Cilicia, the main 
Byzantine cities and the old Bagratid capital of Ani.” 

We are perhaps best informed about Erzincan, which boasted one of the 
most vibrant Armenian merchant and artisan communities of the thirteenth 
and fourteenth centuries. Türkmen dominated the surrounding countryside, 
while the local Mengüjakid court patronised Persian culture. Literary and 
canonical references suggest a degree of interrelation between the commu- 
nities, sometimes consolidated by ties of marriage or family alliance. For 
instance, the rules of the confraternity of Armenian urban youth drawn up 


62 Mxit'ar Skewrac'i, Patasxanik‘ Mxit'ar k'ahanayi Skewrac‘woy yatags hamapetut'ean erko- 
tasan atak‘eloc‘ [On the equal rank of the twelve apostles] (Jerusalem: St James Press, 
1865). 

63 C. Dawson (ed.), The Mongol mission: narratives and letters of the Franciscans in Mongolia 
and China in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (London and New York: Sheed and 
Ward, 1955), xxi. 

64 Fora map of these routes, see Hewsen, Historical atlas, 135. For Armenian communities 
in China, see Dawson, Mongol mission, 232-3. 

65 Dédéyan, Histoire des Arméniens, 395-400. 

66 Richard, Papauté, 116. 

67 Step‘annos Orbélean, Hakacarut'iwn onddem erkabnakac' [Refutation ofthe Dyophysites] 
(Constantinople, 1756), 43. 

68 C. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1968), 108-9. 

69 E. Baldasaryan, Hovhannes Erznkac‘in evnra xratakan arjako [Yovhannes Erznkac'i's parae- 
netic prose] (Erevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences, 1977), 120-8. 


419 


S. PETER COWE 


in 1280 reflect the impact of Caliph al-Nasir's earlier reforms of similar Mus- 
lim organisations,” while the christocentric allegorical poetry of Kostandin 
Erznkac'i from the late thirteenth century is the first to introduce the Persian 
love motif of the rose and the nightingale into Armenian literature, suggesting 
familiarity with sufi verse on mystical union with the divine beloved." Never- 
theless, undercurrents of tension were also present, which led the Seljuqs to 
coordinate a series of anti-Armenian attacks with the Mamluk Sultan Baybars's 
campaign against Cilicia in the mid-1270s.” 

The previous decade had witnessed the consolidation of Mamluk power in 
the Near East. The Mamluks seized control of Syria in 1260 and then threw 
back the Mongol armies, which included Armenian contingents, at the battle 
of Ayn Jálüt. For more than a century thereafter — until the final demise ofthe 
Cilician kingdomin 1375 - support for the Mongols andalignment with the west 
made the Armenians the special object of Mamluk wrath. During this period 
the Mamluks became the Armenians' main foe, leaving their stamp on the oral 
epic Daredevils of Sasun, in which the prime antagonist is Msra Melik‘ (King of 
Egypt). In typical epic fashion the conflict appears ‘writ small’, featuring the 
historical nexus of exorbitant tax impositions on the Christian population, the 
destruction of monasteries, Christian-Muslim family relations, etc.” 

At the end of the thirteenth century the political and military situation 
turned decisively against the Armenians of Cilicia. The Jochid Mongols of 
the Golden Horde centred in Sarai on the lower Volga accepted Islam and 
made common cause with the Mamluks. In 1291 the latter captured Acre, the 
last mainland crusader outpost. The following year they attacked Htomklay, 
seat of the Armenian catholicate, and took the incumbent Step‘anos IV 
into captivity. His successor, Grigor Anavarzec'i (1293-1307), was thus com- 
pelled to take up residence in the Cilician capital of Sis, where he found himself 
confronted with the ecclesiastical implications of King Het'um Ils diplomatic 
initiatives. The king’s decision to betroth his two sisters, one into the Lusignan 
royal house of Cyprus and the other into the Palaiologan dynasty of Byzantium, 
raised questions of Christian unity.”4 Anavarzec’i’s call ‘in these debased times’ 


70 D. A. Breebaart, “The development and structure of the Turkish futiiwah guilds’, unpub- 
lished PhD thesis, Princeton University (1961), 52-68. 

71 S. P. Cowe, “The politics of poetics: Islamic influence on Armenian verse’, Proceedings of 
the symposium redefining Christian identity: Christian cultural strategies since the rise of Islam 
(Leuven: Peeters, 2006) 

72 Richard, Papauté, 1o1. 

73 Trans. L. Surmelian, Daredevils of Sassoun (Denver: A. Swallow, 1964), 142-8. 

74 S. P. Cowe, “Catholicos Grigor Anavarzetsi (1293-1307) and Metropolitan Step‘anos 
Orpelian in dialogue’, in UCLA International Conference Series on Historic Armenian Cities 
and Provinces: Cilicia, ed. R. G. Hovannisian (Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, in press). 


420 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


for Armenians to unite ‘with the Greeks and all nations’ was at least partly 
impelled by pragmatic concerns.” Nevertheless, his broad erudition is clear 
from his revision of the Menologion, in which he included commemorations 
from the Byzantine and Roman sanctorale: a testimony to his fluency in Greek 
and Latin"? Moreover, his famous letter to the king suggests that his stance was 
not determined by pragmatism alone. Issues of ecumenism weighed heavily 
upon him. He subscribed to the idea developed in Chalcedonian Armenian 
circles from the sixth century that to be a true follower of St Gregory meant 
sharing in communion with the universal church.” This explains his proposal 
that the Armenian church accept all the ecumenical councils and thereby the 
Chalcedonian christological definition. Though initially opposed to the prac- 
tice of adding water to the eucharistic wine, the weight of patristic authority 
convinced him of its validity"? That Grigor remained true to his own tradi- 
tions is underlined by his refusal to accept further demands by the papacy: 
he opposed a call for the celibacy of parish priests and saw no need to seek 
papal permission to eat fish and oil during Lent. Though acknowledging the 
primacy of the Roman see, he also recognised the dignity of the other four 
ancient patriarchates of the east.” 

Opposition in Greater Armenia now centred in the south in Siwnik' under 
the Orbélean house, whose fortunes had been rising since 1256 when they 
had received their lands as an inju directly under Mongol suzerainty."? Along 
with other nobility and upper clergy, members of the family met in conclave 
in the 1290s under the presidency of Archbishop Step‘anos Orbélean in order 
to protect the status quo from the compact with the papacy. They argued 
that the Armenian Church rested on a unitary ecclesial tradition founded 
by the apostles Thaddaeus and Bartholomew, developed by St Gregory the 
Illuminator, defined by the first three ecumenical councils, and maintained by 


75 Step'annos Orbélean, Patmut‘iwn nahangin Sisakan [History of the province of Siwnik'] 
(Tiflis: Ataneanc’ Press, 1910), 448. 

76 Grigor Anavarzec'i', "T'ult' teatn Grigori Hayoc‘ katotikosi zor greac' at kronawor taga- 
worn Het'om [sic], hayr ark'ayin Hayoc' Lewoni' [Letter of the Lord Grigor, catholicos 
of the Armenians, which he wrote to the cleric king Het'um, father of Lewon, King 
of the Armenians] in Galanus, Conciliationis, 1, 444. The authenticity of this text has 
been queried because of the lack of corroborating manuscript evidence. Recently, how- 
ever, the work has been identified in codices 2037 (AD 1421) and 7841 (AD 1688) of the 
Mastoc' Matenadaran Institute in Erevan according to an oral presentation by Nerses 
Ter-Vardanyan on 25 February 2005. Anavarzec'i' is known to have read the works of 
Jerome and Bede in the original. 

77 Cowe, An Armenian Job fragment’, 148-52. 

78 Grigor Anavarzec'i', "T'ult' teatn Grigori Hayoc‘ katotikosi’, 438. He compiled a dossier 
of patristic authorities on the subject for the synod of Sis (1307). 

79 Ibid., 450. 

80 Grigoryan, Syunik‘e Orbelyanneri orok*, 75. 


421 


S. PETER COWE 


the whole apparatus of local synods from the fifth century which rejected the 
council of Chalcedon as crypto-Nestorian." Consequently, they demanded 
that Grigor refrain from all Chalcedonian contacts and desist from celebrating 
the feast ofthe Nativity with them on 25 December, but that he keep those feast 
days as ordained by St James; in other words, according to the early Jerusalem 
lectionary, from which Armenian practice derives." Here Orbélean waxed 
eloquent in the face of his superior's possible appeal to military intervention 
by the king: ^We are ready for suffering, exile, prison, and death to preserve the 
traditions of the apostolic Fathers. He also made the appeal for the first time 
forthe nobles who had gone to Cilicia to return to Greater Armenia and for the 
seat of the catholicate to return to its early site in the monastery of Ejmiacin.*4 

The new century witnessed a number of last ditch attempts to seal a grand 
Latin-Armenian-Mongol alliance against the Mamluks. In one of these the 
Ilkhàn Ghazan initiated correspondence with the Christian powers in 1302, but 
to no avail. After an unsuccessful Mongol campaign in 1305 to stem Mamluk 
incursions, the Armenian noble Het'um ofKorikos went west to pursue discus- 
sions, and in August 1307, while at Poitiers, he composed his Mongol history La 
flor des estoires de la terre d’orient at the request of Pope Clement V.* In the same 
year, at papal insistence, another synod of Sis was held to ratify Anavarzec'i's 
theological and liturgical adjustments towards Roman orthodoxy.* However, 
it was unrepresentative ofthe church as a whole, with hierarchs from Greater 
Armenia conspicuous by their absence. The vita of the conservative prelate 
Georg Skewrac'i notes widespread popular protest, which precipitated a series 
of deportations to Cyprus." The Mongol response can be gauged by the 
murder of King Levon III and his uncle Het'um II, now a Franciscan friar, 


81 Orbelean, Hakacarut'iwn onddem erkabnakac‘, 16. 

82 Athanase Renoux, Le codex arménien Jérusalem 121 [PO 36, fasc. 168] (Turnhout: Brepols, 
I971), 166. 

83 Orbelean, Hakacarut'iwn onddem erkabnakac*, 186. 

84 Avedis K. Sanjian, 'Step'anos Orbelian's "Elegy on the holy cathedral of Etchmiadzin": 
critical text and translation', in Armenian and biblical studies, ed. M. E. Stone (Jerusalem: 
St James Press, 1976), 237-82. 

85 D. Bundy, ‘Het‘um’s la flor des estoires de la terre d'orient: a study in medieval Armenian 
historiography and propaganda', Revue des Études Arméniennes 20 (1986-87), 231-2. The 
final book sets out an abortive plan for cooperation with the Mongols. 

86 A. Balgy, Historia doctrinae catholicae inter Armenos unionisque eorum cum ecclesia romana 
in concilio florentino (Vienna: Mxit'arist Press, 1878), 301-12. 

87 E. Baldasaryan, ‘Gevorg Skevrac'u 'vark'o' [The life of Georg Skewrac'i], Banber Mate- 
nadarani 7 (1964), 399—435; D. Bundy, ‘The anonymous life of Géorg Skewrac'i in Ere- 
van 8356: a study in medieval Armenian hagiography and history', Revue des Études 
Arméniennes 18 (1984), 491—502. 


422. 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


together with their entourage, when they visited the local Mongol ruler later 
that year. 


Muslim-Christian hostilities 


The Mongol authorities found it more difficult to maintain law and order and 
religious equilibrium, at a time when the conversion of the Ilkhàn Ghazan to 
Islam in June 1295 meant that the religious landscape in Iran was changing 
rapidly? The Ilkhán banned Buddhist clergy from Iran and his commander 
Nawruz attacked Christian churches in Naxcawan, Artaz and Marâgha, but 
was then punished for his excesses. This encouraged Het'um II to approach 
Ghazan in 1299 about easing the situation of non-Muslims who had been 
suffering unjustly. 

Ghazan’s brother and successor Oljeitu’s religious transition is even more 
illustrative of the rapid pace of the changing balance of power. First he was 
baptised Nicholas in honour of the new pope, Nicholas IV. Then he accepted 
the Sunni creed, before finally adopting Shi'ite Islam.* During his reign (1304- 
16) discrimination against Christians increased, provoking increased Armenian 
emigration to Cilicia and the Crimea. Forced conversions to Islam ensued, and 
new taxes were levied and regulations enacted, which according to a colophon 
of 1307 required Christians to wear a blue cloth so as to distinguish them in 
public.?? These measures gradually undermined the status of the naxarars or 
upper nobility, whose socio-political structure had provided Armenians with 
a form of regional cohesion since Parthian times. While some houses were 
compelled to leave their lands, others sought to maintain indirect control 
by transferring ownership to the bishop, who was normally a scion of the 
same house, since Islamic law protected a wagf or religious trust, which was 
not normally liable to tax impositions. In consequence, episcopal succession in 
several Armenian sees such as Erzkna (Erzincan) and Maku and the catholicates 
of Alt'amar and Caucasian Albania passed lineally within the same family for 
many generations through the institution ofthe prince-bishop (paronter).?' This 


88 A salient factor in the Ilkhàn Ghazan Khan's conversion was the need to maintain 
solidarity with elements within the Mongol army. 

89 T. T. Allsen, Culture and conquest in Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge: Cambridge University 
Press, 2001), 36. 

90 Levon Xatikyan (ed.), ŽD dari hayeren jeragreri hisatakaranner [Colophons of fourteenth- 
century Armenian manuscripts] (Erevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences, 1950), 46. 

91 R. H. Hewsen, ‘The Artsrunid house of Sefedinian: survival of a princely dynasty in 
ecclesiastical guise’, Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies 1 (1984), 123-38. 


423 


S. PETER COWE 


process inevitably paved the way for the gradual recognition of Armenians as 
an ethno-confessional entity in law. 


Armeno-latin interaction in Greater Armenia 


In 1318, in keeping with the greater focus on mission characteristic of the 
Avignon papacy, John XXII created two vast dioceses in the Near and Far East 
entrusted to the Dominicans and Franciscans respectively. The former was 
centred on the Ilkhánid capital of Sultaniya, so that the incumbent might act 
as the pope's personal emissary. It was also furnished with six suffragan sees, of 
which three (Sivas, Tabriz and Maragha) had a sizeable Armenian population.” 
As the pontiffs correspondence indicates, he was quite involved in Armenian 
affairs and well informed on the subject.” He had recently pressed for the 
convocation of the synod of Adana in 1316 to reconfirm the acts of Sis of nine 
years earlier, and wanted to engage the prelates of Greater Armenia more 
systematically than had ever been attempted before.?^ 

Zak aria Artazec'i of the princely family of Maku and the catholicos's exarch 
in the east at St Thaddaeus monastery (1298—c. 1340) was a key figure in 
this task. A pro-Latin confederate of Grigor Anavarzec'i, he was one of the 
few eastern churchmen to attend the synod, after which he took the step of 
accepting Catholicism, as he discussed in his exchange of letters with Yohan 
Orbeli, metropolitan of Siwnik'.? He was the recipient of two personal letters 
from the pope in 1321, who commended him for drawing souls back to the 
‘church’.’® 

At the pope’s behest his assistant, Yovhannes Corcorec' i, with the help of 
Bishop Bartolomeo da Poggio, translated Thomas Aquinas's commentary on 
the fourth book of Peter Lombard's Sentences, the main western medieval 
primer on the sacraments.” At some point a Franciscan house was estab- 
lished at St Thaddaeus, which engaged in rendering into Armenian other 
Latin scholastic manuals and liturgical books during the 1320s—30s. Through 
this process Armenians were introduced to western developments in Aris- 
totelian logic, ethics, natural philosophy (physics), metaphysics and aesthetics 


92 Richard, Papauté, 169-73. 

93 S. P. Cowe, ‘The role of correspondence in elucidating the intensification of Latin- 
Armenian ecclesiastical interchange in the first quarter of the fourteenth century’, Journal 
of the Society for Armenian Studies 13 (2003/4), 49-50. 

94 Balgy, Historia doctrinae catholicae, 313-35. 

95 Cowe, ‘The role of correspondence’, 53-4. 

96 Ibid., 62-3. 

97 Xatikyan, Artazi haykakan isxanut'yuno', 198-9. 


424 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


(grammar and literary criticism), as well as practical manuals embodying a 
western perception of various Near Eastern communities and how to engage 
them in debate.?? The results of this translation process are significant histor- 
ically as one of the earliest attempts to render contemporary Latin thought 
into another language, antedating by a generation the first Greek renderings 
of the brothers Demetrios and Prochoros Kydones.?? 

Esayi Néec i, the director of the monastic academy of Glajor, was extremely 
widely read and possessed an excellent understanding of the development of 
doctrine and church history. Profoundly engaged with western ideas, he was 
initially open to involvement in dialogue with the Latins, while still preserving 
Armenian autocephaly intact. Indeed, in 1323 his close associate and successor, 
Tiratur Kilikec'i, commissioned one of our earliest extant copies of Aquinas's 
commentary on Peter Lombard in Armenian.'"?? This balance is well illustrated 
by the illuminations in the Glajor Gospel from the turn of the fourteenth 
century, which include a number of typically western scenes, while in general 
reflecting Armenian theology and scriptural exegesis.'^' Like Snorhali before 
him, Néec'i also accepted the legitimacy of predicating either one or two 
natures in Christ, depending on how these were defined.’ Of an eirenic 
disposition, he maintained that it was better to be slow to engage in disputation 
and quick to approach conciliation and peace. At the same time, he argued 
that in an unequal alliance the partner better endowed with material resources 
should not exploit his advantage to deprive the other of his rights." 

The fluidity of the theological situation is reflected in the vacillating posi- 
tions taken up by Armenian scholars, such as Mxit‘ar Sasnec'i, who broke 
with his former mentor Néec iin the 1320s in favour of Orbélean’s ‘harder-line’ 
position on divergence of liturgical rites.^* One ofthe first Armenian thinkers 
to respond to the Latin position, he agreed that previously the Armenians 


98 M. A. van den Oudenrijn, Linguae haicanae scriptores ordinis praedicatorum congregatio- 
nis fratrum unitorum et ff. Armenorum ordinis s. Basilii citra mare consistentium quodquod 
hucusque innotuerunt (Berne and Munich: A. Francke, 1960), 19-295; S. P. Cowe, ‘Catholic 
missionaries to Armenia and anti-catholic writings’, in Where the only-begotten descended: 
the church of Armenia through the ages, ed. Kevork B. Bardakjian (Detroit, MI: Wayne State 
University Press, in press). 

99 See pp. 66-67, 70-71. 

100 Xatikyan, ŽD dari hayeren jeragreri hisatakaranner, 174. 

101 T. Mathews and Avedis K. Sanjian, Armenian gospel iconography: The tradition of the Glajor 
Gospel [Dumbarton Oaks Studies 29] (Washington, DC: (Dumbarton Oaks Research 
Library and Collection, 1991). 

102 Esayi NCec'i, "T'ult' Esayeay vardapeti at tér Matt‘éos’ [Letter of the vardapet Esayi to 
the Lord Matt‘éos], Crak‘at (1860), 157-64; (1861), 205-11. 

103 NCec'i, “Tult® Esayeay vardapeti’, 162. 

104 Mxit'ar Sasnec'i, Mxit'ar Sasnec'i's theological discourses, ed. S. P. Cowe [CSCO 21 (Arme- 
nian text); 22 (English translation)] (Leuven: Peeters, 1993), 101-2 (trans.). 


[ts 


425 


S. PETER COWE 


had accepted the Franks as brothers and rejoiced at their unity in Christ, but 
he detected a dichotomy between the Franks’ ‘Hellenic wisdom’ and what 
he took to be their lax moral standards and their lack of discipline in matters 
of fasting." The contention by his contemporary Yovhannés Tarberuni that 
divine wisdom is communicated through illumination not logic and inference 
points up the contrast between the essentially neoplatonic cast of contempo- 
rary Armenian theology and the Aristotelian foundations of the Dominican 
tradition. "% 

For the mission to the central and eastern parts of Greater Armenia, where 
urban life and trade arteries were less ofa fixture, the recently inaugurated see 
of Marágha and its bishop Bartolomeo da Poggio proved to be ofthe greatest 
importance, for he arousedthe curiosity ofArmenian monks about Roman the- 
ological scholarship. In a remarkably short time this led to the unprecedented 
establishment of an Armenian congregation affiliated with the Dominican 
order, very different from the status of the Franciscans at St Thaddaeus and 
providing a model for the new wave of Uniate foundations associated with the 
Counter-Reformation. In 1330 the bishop moved to the monastery of K'tna 
in the Ernjak district of the Siwnik’ region with a group of friars. Develop- 
ments over the next years were also rapid: in 1331 the monastery was entrusted 
to the order and by 1337 it worshipped according to the Dominican breviary 
and missal, signalling a break with the traditional Armenian liturgy. The 
Dominican version of St Augustine's rule became the arbiter of discipline, and 
the community's constitution was ratified by Innocent VI on 31 January 1356 as 
the Fratres Unitores of the congregation of St Gregory the Illuminator." The 
new organisation then became the catalyst for bringing conformity to other 
Armenian Uniate groups, first to the monastery of St Nicholas in Caffa, and 
then to the Armenian Basilian communities in Italy, which were incorporated 
into the order.?? The congregation’s further integration into the Latin Church 
is signalled by their investment with the privileges of the Dominican Societas 
Peregrinantium, the order's missionary wing, by Urban V on 20 November 


105 Ibid., xv-xvii (trans.). 

106 Yovhannés Tarberuni, ‘Yovhannu vardapeti Tarberunwoy dawanut'iwn hawatoy' [The 
vardapet Yovhannés Tarberuni's confession of faith], Ciak'at 2 (1861), 223. 

107 M. A. van den Oudenrijn, 'L'évéque dominicain Fr. Barthélemy fondateur supposé d'un 
couvent dans le Tigré au 14e siècle’, Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 4 (1946), 14. 

108 M. A. van den Oudenrijn, "The Monastery of Aparan and the Armenian writer Fra 
Mxit'aric', Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 1 (1930), 267. 

109 J. Richard, ‘La papauté en Avignon et l Arménie’, in Arménie entre Orient et Occident, ed. 
C. Mutafian (Paris: Bibliothéque nationale de France, 1996), 187. 


426 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


1362. In its heyday in mid-century, the order is supposed to have claimed the 
affiliation of fifty monasteries and about 700 monks, though it was badly hit 
by the Black Death of 15347-48."? 

Clearly the Fratres Unitores wentfurther than any other Armenian confession 
in identifying themselves as Latins, their Armenian heritage being preserved 
only in the matter of language. Consequently, it is not surprising that, though 
not a major feature of early lists of discrepancies between Latins and Arme- 
nians, the pivotal question of baptism, the rite of entry into the church, was 
raised most frequently and vociferously by their members, especially Nerses 
Palienc', archbishop of Manazkert. On this count an Armenian delegation to 
Avignon for assistance against Mamluk attack on Cilicia in 1336 was detained 
on suspicion of heresy. Thereafter, at Benedict XII's behest, Palienc' instigated 
a minute investigation of the Armenian creed and practice that culminated in 
the compilation of 117 articles against the Armenian Church, which clouded 
Armeno-papal relations for about two decades."" Apart from the usual trini- 
tarian and christological issues, it raised a large number of sacramental issues 
and questions of canon law,"? which were debated at the synod of Sis of 1341/2. 
Significantly, the response, offering a point by point refutation of the charges, 
was brought to Avignon by the Armenian Franciscan Daniel of Tabriz, previ- 
ously a monk of St Thaddaeus.'? 


Aftermath 


Such papal scrutiny draws attention once more to the religious complexity 
of the Armenian polity at the close of our period. Despite various attempts 
to resolve the schism at Alt'amar begun in 1113 by the elevation of a separate 
catholicate on the old Arcruni lands, it continued to defy a solution."^ The 
catholicate at Sis still nominally in union with Rome vacillated in its religious 
orientation depending on which party was in the ascendant. Increasing disaf- 
fection with their Lusignan monarchs from Cyprus and internecine struggles 


rro Van den Oudenrijn, "The Monastery of Aparan’, 294. 

rt A. L. Tăutu, Acta Benedicti XII (1334-1342) [Fontes ser. iii, 8] (Rome: Typis polyglottis 
vaticanis, 1958), 119—55. 

112. S. P. Cowe, ‘Catholic missionaries to Armenia and anti-catholic writings’. 

113 For the text of the rebuttal, see Táutu, Acta Benedicti XII, 160-234, and, for the identity 
of the bearer, P. Pelliot, ‘Zacharie de Saint-Thadée et Zacharie Séfédinian', Revue de 
l'Histoire des Religions 126 (1943), 150-4. 

114 After attempts to resolve the issue by King Het'um II in the late thirteenth century and 
by Grigor Tatewac'i in the mid-fourteenth, the dispute was finally settled as part of the 
reorganisation ofthe church following the return of the catholicate to Ejmiacin in 1441. 


427 


S. PETER COWE 


in the Cilician body politic weakened the social fabric of the realm. Repeated 
Mamluk attacks hastened the decline of the local economy and the renewed 
exodus of the merchant and artisan population." Links with the Genoese 
trading posts on the Black Sea, for example, encouraged the growth of Arme- 
nian colonies in the Crimea and in the hinterlands to the north and west, 
leading to the expansion of colonies such as that of L'viv, whose growing 
importance was recognised by its elevation to the status of an episcopal see in 
mid-century."” 

The situation of Greater Armenia became increasingly unstable with the 
decline of the Mongol Ilkháns from the 1330s onward, opening up a power vac- 
uum facilitating the disastrous Timurid invasions of the last two decades of the 
century. Despite this, a resurgence of the Armenian Apostolic Church is man- 
ifest there under the forceful monastic leadership of Malak'ia Lrimec'i. This, 
combined with the skill in argument of Yovhan Orotnec'i (d. 1387) and his pupil 
Grigor Tat'ewac'i, helped to regain the momentum from the Fratres Unitores."? 
Their works oppose doctrines such as purgatory and defend the traditional 
Armenian christological position. At the same time, Grigor's theological com- 
pendium, the Book of Questions of 1397, attests the impact of Aquinas's sacramen- 
tal theology and Hugh Ripelin's angelology and demonology."* Moreover, his 
other main writings, two volumes of sermons and a Oskep'‘orik, or treasury, of 
1407, similarly reveal his familiarity with the views of Augustine, Isidore and 
Ibn Rushd (Averroes), etc., presumably mediated by translations made by the 
Fratres Unitores."? 

Thelogical conclusion ofthis phase ofinternal Armenian dialogue on union 
with Rome played itself out at the council of Florence at which the Decretum 
pro Armenis of 22 November 1439 was ratified by catholicos Kostandin VI 
Vahkac'i on behalf of the church.”° However, this decisive démarche in turn 
provoked an equally swift, unequivocal retort from influential members ofthe 


15 T. Sinclair, ‘Cilicia after the kingdom: population, monasteries, etc. under the Mamluks’, 
in UCLA International Conference Series on historic Armenian cities and provinces: Cilicia, in 
press. 

116 Richard, Papauté, 92; Donabédian and Thierry, Armenian art, 270. 

17 Van den Oudenrijn, “The Monastery of Aparan’, 284-96. 

118 Sergio La Porta, ‘Grigor Tat'ewac'i's Book of Questions: introduction, translation, and 
commentary — vol. 3: the theology of the Holy Dionysius', unpublished PhD thesis, 
Harvard University (2001), 117. See also Nona Manukyan, “The role of Bartolomeo di 
Bologna’s sermonary in medieval Armenian literature’, Le Muséon 105 (1992), 321-5. 

19 Grigor Tat'ewac'i, Girk‘ or koci oskép‘orik [Book called Miscellany] (Constantinople: 
Abraham Dpir, 1746), 9-143. 

120 Richard, Papauté, 264-6. 


428 


The Armenians in the era of the crusades 


Greater Armenian clergy, who decided that the time was ripe to implement 
their predecessors' frequently reiterated threats of schism. Thus in 1441 the 
cathedral of Ejmiacin in the ancient capital of Valarsapat became the seat of an 
anti-catholicate, which soon established itself as the primary see of the whole 
church. The medieval Cilician episode in Armenian history had now come 


to an end. 


121 T'ovma Mecop'ec'i, T'ovma Mecop'ec'i patmagrut‘yun [T'ovma Mecop'ec'i historio- 
graphy], ed. Levon Xacikyan (Erevan: Magalat', 1999). 


429 


Select bibliography 


General bibliography to Part I: The ecumenical 
patriarchate (chapters 1-10) 


1 Collections of sources, calendars, prosopographies 


Blackwell dictionary of Eastern Christianity, ed. K. Parry, D. J. Melling, D. Brady, S. H. Griffith 
and J. E. Healey (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999) 

Delehaye, Hippolyte, Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris: Synaxarium ecclesiae Con- 
stantinopolitanae (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1902) 

Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique, doctrine et histoire, 17 vols. (Paris: Beauchesne, 
1932—95) 

Dmitrievskij, A. A., Opisanie liturgiceskich rukopisej, 3 vols. (Kiev and St Petersburg: Kievskaja 
dukhovnaja Akademia, 1895-1917; reprinted Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1965) 

Goar, Jacques, EvyoAdyiov seu Rituale Graecorum (Venice: Bartholomaei Javarina, 1730; 
reprinted Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1960) 

Legrand, Émile, Bibliographie hellénique ou Description raisonnée des ouvrages publiées en grec par 
des Grecs, 4 vols. (Paris: E. Leroux, 1885-1906; reprinted Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 
1962) 

Majeska, G., Russian travelers to Constantinople in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries 
[DOT 19] (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 
1984) 

Miklosich, F. and Müller, J., Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi sacra et profana, 6 vols. (Vienna: 
C. Gerold, 1860-90) 

Notitiae episcopatuum ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, ed. J. Darrouzés [Géographie 
ecclésiastique de l'Empire byzantin 1] (Paris: Institut francais d'études byzantines, 
1981) 

Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, M., BuZavrivà £yypaqa ts Movfjs Téruov, 2 vols. (Athens: 
Ethnikon Idryma Ereunon, 1980) 

Oxford dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. P. Khazdan, 3 vols. (New York: Oxford University Press, 
1991) 

Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit [Verôffentlichungen der Kommission für 
Byzantinistik 1], 13 fasc. (Vienna: Verlag OAW, 1976-96) 

Les regestes des actes du Patriarcat de Constantinople, ed. V. Grumel, V. Laurent and J. Darrouzés, 
7 vols. (Paris: Institut francais d'études byzantines, 1932-01) 


600 


Select bibliography 


Das Register des Patriarchats von Konstantinopel: 1, Edition und Übersetzungen der Urkunden aus 
den Jahren, 1315-1331, ed. H. Hunger and O. Kresten; 11, 1337-1350, ed. C. Cupane and 
E. Schiffer; m, 1350-1365, ed. J. Koder, M. Hinterberger and O. Kresten [CFHB 19, 1-3] 
(Vienna: Verlag ÖAW, 1981-2001) 

Tautu, A. L., Acta Honorii III (1216-1227) et Gregorii IX (1227-1241) [Pontificia Commissio 
ad redigendum codicem iuris canonici orientalis. Fontes: ser. iii, n1] (Rome: Typis 
polyglottis vaticanis, 1950) 

Thomas, J. and Hero, A., Byzantine monastic foundation documents, 5 vols. (Washington, DC: 
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2000) 


2 Sources 
Athanasios I 


Talbot, Alice-Mary Maffry, The correspondence of Athanasius I, Patriarch of Constantinople: 
letters to the Emperor Andronicus II, members of the imperial family, and officials [CFHB 7; 
DOT 3] (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, Trustees 
for Harvard University, 1975) 

Talbot, Alice-Mary Maffry, Faith healing in late Byzantium: the posthumuous miracles of the Patri- 
arch Athanasios I of Constantinople by Theoktistos the Stoudite [The Archbishop Iakovos 
Library of Ecclesiastical and Historical sources 8] (Brookline, MA: Hellenic College 
Press, 1983) 


Athos 


Actes de Chilandar: 1, Des Origines à 1319, ed. M. Živojinović, V. Kravari and C. Giros [AA 20] 
(Paris: CNRS, 1998) 

Actes de Dionysiou, ed. N. Oikonomidès [AA 4] (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1968) 

Actes de Docheiariou, ed. N. Oikonomidès [AA 13] (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1984) 

Actes de Kastamonitou, ed. N. Oikonomidès [AA 9] (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1978) 

Actes de Kutlumus, ed. P. Lemerle [AA 2], second edition (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1988) 

Actes d'Iviron: 1, Des Origines au milieu du XIe siècle; 1, Du milieu du XIe siècle à 1204; m, De 
1204 à 1328; IV, De 1328 au début du XVIe siècle, ed. J. Lefort, N. Oikonomidés and 
D. Papachryssanthou (with H. Métrévéli) [AA 14, 16, 18, 19] (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 
1985-95) | 

Actes de Saint-Pantéléémón, ed. P. Lemerle, G. Dagron and S. Cirkovié [AA 12] (Paris: P. 
Lethielleux, 1982) 


Chomatianos, Demetrios 
Demetrii Chomateni Ponemata diaphora, ed. Günter Prinzing [CFHB (Series Berolinensis), 38] 
(Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2002] 
Chronicles 


Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, ed. P. Schreiner [CFHB 12], 3 vols. (Vienna: OAW, 
1975) 


601 


Select bibliography 


Doukas, Michael 


Grecu, V., Ducas: istoria Turco-Bizantina (1341-1462) ([Bucharest]: Editura Academiei Repub- 
licii Populaire Romîne, 1958) 


Eustathios of Thessalonike 


Eustathios of Thessalonike, The capture of Thessaloniki, trans. J. R. Melville Jones (Canberra: 
Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, 1988) 


Gregory of Sinai 


Kallistos, Patriarch of Constantinople, Bios kai rroArreía ToU év &yiois TraTpos uv 
lpnyopiou tot 2ivaitou, ed. I. Pomialovskii, in Zhitie izhe vo svatykh otca nashego 
Grigorija Sinaita [Zapiski istoriko-filologicheskago fakulteta imperatorskago S.- 
Peterburgskago Universiteta 35] (St Petersburg, 1896), 1-46 


Komnene, Anna 


Annae Comnenae Alexias, ed. Diether R. Reinsch and Athanasios Kambylis [CFHB (Series 
Berolinensis) 40] (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2001) 


Manuel II Palaiologos 


The letters of Manuel II Palaeologus: text, translation, and notes, ed. G. T. Dennis [CFHB 8; 
DOT 4] (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, Trustees 
for Harvard University, 1977) 

Manuel II Palaiologos, Dialoge mit einem ‘Perser’, ed. E. Trapp [Wiener byzantinistische 
Studien 2] (Vienna: Bóhlau, 1966] 

Manuel II Palaiologos, Entretiens avec un Musulman: 7e controverse, ed. Théodore Khoury 
[Sources chrétiennes 115] (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1966) 


Pachymeres, George 


Pachymeres, George, Relations historiques, ed. A. Failler; trans. V. Laurent [CFHB 24 (Series 
Parisiensis)], 5 vols. (vols. 1-11, Paris: Belles Lettres, 1984; vols. mr-v, Paris: Institut 
français d'études byzantines, 1999-2001) 


Psellos, Michael 


Michel Psellos, Chronographie, ed. É. Renauld, 2 vols. (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1926; reprinted 
Paris: Belles Lettres, 1967) 

Michele Psello. Imperatori di Bisanzio (Cronografia), ed. S. Impellizzeri; trans. S. Ronchey, 2 
vols. (Milan: Fondazione L. Valla/ A. Mondadori, 1984). 

Michele Psellos, Autobiografia: encomio per la madre, ed. U. Criscuolo (Naples: M. D'Auria 
editore, 1989) 


602 


Select bibliography 


Sphrantzes, George 


Georgios Sphrantzes, Memorii 1401-1477, ed. V. Grecu [Scriptores Byzantini V] (Bucharest: 
Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste Románia, 1966) 


Symeon the New Theologian 


Hausherr, I. and Horn, G., Un grand mystique byzantin: Vie de Syméon le Nouveau Théologien 
par Nicétas Stéthatos [OCA 14] (Rome: Pontificium institutum orientalium studiorum, 
1928) 


Symeon of Thessalonike 


Politico-historical works of Symeon, Archbishop of Thessalonica (1416/17 to 1429): critical Greek 
text with introduction and commentary, ed. D. Balfour [Wiener byzantinistische Studien 
13] (Vienna: Verlag OAW, 1979) 


Syropoulos, Sylvester 


Les mémoires du grand ecclésiarque de l'Église de Constantinople Sylvestre Syropoulos sur le concile de 
Florence (1438-1439), ed. V. Laurent [Concilium Florentinum. Documenta et scriptores, 
ser. B, vol. 9] (Paris: Éditions CNRS, 1971) 


3 General works 


Angold, Michael, Church and society in Byzantium under the Comneni 1081-1261 (Cambridge: 
Cambridge University Press, 1995) 

Barker, John W., Manuel II Palaeologus (1391-1425); a study in late Byzantine statesmanship 
(New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1969) 

Beck, Hans-Georg, Kirche und theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich [Handbuch der 
Altertumswissenschaft 12. Abt.: Byzantinisches Handbuch 2. T., 1. Bd.] (Munich: C. H. 
Beck, 1959) 

Bryner, Erich, Die orthodoxen Kirchen von 1274 bis 1700 [Kirchengeschichte in Einzeldarstel- 
lungen 11/9] (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2004) 

Byzantine diplomacy, ed. J. Shepard and S. Franklin (Aldershot: Variorum, 1992) 

BuGavtio: Kpáros kai koivoovía. Mvrjur) Nikou Oikovouíór,, ed. A. Avramea, A. Laiou and 
A. Chrysos (Athens: Institute of Byzantine Studies, 2003) 

Byzantium and Serbia in the 1 4th century, ed. E. Papadopoulou and D. Dialete [International 
Symposia 3] (Athens: National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1996) 

Byzantium: faith and power (1261-1557), ed. H. C. Evans (New York: Metropolitan Museum 
of Art, 2004) 

Cambridge history ofthe Byzantine Empire, ed. J. Shepard (Cambridge: Cambridge University 
Press: 2006) 

Chadwick, Henry, East and West: the making of a rift in the church from apostolic times until the 
Council of Florence [Oxford History of the Church] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 
2003) 

Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, ed. B. Braude and B. Lewis, 2 vols. (London and 
New York: Holmes and Meier, 1982) 


603 


Select bibliography 


Cutler, Anthony and Spieser, Jean-Michel, Byzance médiévale 700-1204 [Univers des formes 
41] (Paris: Gallimard, 1996) 

Dagron, Gilbert, Emperor and priest: the imperial office in Byzantium (Cambridge: Cambridge 
University Press, 2003) 

Dimaras, C. T., A history of modern Greek literature (London: University of London Press; 
Albany: State University of New York Press, 1972) 

Dix, Gregory, The shape ofthe Liturgy, second edition (London: Dacre Press; A. & C. Black, 
1945) 

Ehrhard, Albert, Uberlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur der 
griechischen Kirche von den Anfüngen bis zum Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts, 3 vols. [Texte und 
Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlicher Literatur 50-52] (Leipzig: Hinrich, 
1936—52) 

L'empereur hagiographe: culte des saints et monarchie byzantine et post-byzantine, ed. P. Guran 
and B. Flusin (Bucharest: Colegiul Noua Europa, 2001) 

Fine, J. V. A., The early medieval Balkans (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 
1983) 

The late medieval Balkans (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1987) 

Geanakoplos, Deno J., Byzantine East and Latin West: two worlds of Christendom in Middle Ages 
and Renaissance. Studies in ecclesiastical and cultural history (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 
1966) 

Interaction of the 'sibling' Byzantine and Western cultures in the Middle Ages and Italian 
Renaissance (330-1600) (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1976) 

Gedeon, Manuel, [atpiapxikoi ITivaxes, ed. N. L. Phoropoulos (Athens: Syllogos pros 
Diadosin Ophelimon Biblion, 1996) 

Gill, Joseph, Byzantium and the papacy, 11981400 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University 
Press, 1979) 

Halecki, Oscar, Un empereur de Byzance à Rome: vingt ans de travail pour l'union et pour la 
défense de l'Empire d'Orient 1355-1375 [Travaux historiques de la société des sciences 
et des lettres de Varsovie 8] (Warsaw: Towarzystwo Naukowe Warszawskie, 1930; 
reprinted London: Variorum, 1972) 

From Florence to Brest (1439-15 96) [Sacrum Poloniae millennium 5] (Rome and New York: 
Fordham University Press, 1958) 

Histoire du christianisme des origines à nos jours, dir. J.-M. Mayeur, 14 vols. (Paris: Desclée, 
1990-2001) 

Hunger, H. and Kresten, O., Studien zum Patriarchatsregister von Konstantinopel II (Vienna: 
Verlag OAW, 1997) 

Hussey, Joan Mervyn, The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire [Oxford History of the 
Christian Church] (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986) 

Krautheimer, Richard (with Slobodan Ćurčić), Early Christian and Byzantine architecture 
[Pelican History of Art], fourth revised edition (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1986) 

Lemerle, Paul, Cinq études sur le XIe siècle byzantin (Paris: CNRS, 1977) 

Magdalino, Paul, The Empire of Manuel Komnenos, 1143-1180 (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- 
versity Press, 1993) 

Medieval Christian Europe: east and west, tradition, values, communications, ed. V. Giuzelev and 
A. Miltenova (Sofia: IK ‘Gutenberg’, 2002) 


604 


Select bibliography 


Meyendorff, John, Introduction à l'étude de Grégoire Palamas [Patristica Sorbonensia 3] (Paris: 

Seuil, 1959); trans. G. Lawrence, A study of Gregory Palamas (London: Faith Press, 1964) 

"Spiritual trends in Byzantium in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries’, in 
The Kariye Djami, ed. P. Underwood (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975), 
IV, 93-106 

Byzantium and the rise of Russia: a study of Byzantino-Russian relations in the fourteenth century 
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981) 

‘Mount Athos in the fourteenth century: spiritual and intellectual legacy’, DOP 42 (1988), 
157-65 

Le Millénaire du Mont Athos, 963-1963, études et mélanges, 2 vols. (Chevetogne: Editions de 
Chevetogne, 1963) 

Morris, Rosemary, Church and people in Byzantium (Birmingham: Centre for Byzantine, 
Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham, 1990) 

Monks and laymen in Byzantium, 843—1118 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995) 

Mother of God: representations of the Virgin in Byzantine art, ed. M. Vassilaki (Milan: Skira, 
2000) 

Mount Athos and Byzantine monasticism, Papers from the twenty-eighth Spring Symposium of 
Byzantine Studies, Birmingham, March 1994, ed A. A. M. Bryer and M. Cunningham 
(Aldershot: Variorum, 1996) 

Nicol, Donald MacGillivray, Church and society in the last centuries of Byzantium [The Birkbeck 
Lectures 1977] (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979) 

The last centuries of Byzantium 1261-1453, second edition (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- 
sity Press, 1993) 

The reluctant emperor: a biography of John Cantacuzene, Byzantine emperor and monk, c. 1295— 
1383 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) 

Obolensky, D., The Byzantine commonwealth: eastern Europe 500-1453 (London: Weidenfeld 
and Nicolson, 1971) 

Six Byzantine portraits (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988) 

Papadakis, Aristeides (with Meyendorff, John), The Christian East and the rise ofthe papacy: the 
Church 1071-1453 [The Church in History 4] (Crestwood, NY: St Vladimir’s Seminary 
Press, 1994) 

Papadopoullos, T. H., Studies and documents relating to the history of the Greek church and people 
under Turkish domination (Brussels: s. n., 1952; second edition, London: Variorum, 1990) 

Perceptions of Byzantium and its neighbors (843-1261), ed. O. Z. Pevny (New York: Metropolitan 
Museum of Art, 2000) 

Podskalsky, Gerhard, Theologie und Philosophie in Byzanz: der Streit um die theologische Methodik 
in der spätbyzantinischen Geistesgeschichte (14/15. Jh. ), seine systematischen Grundlagen und 
seine historische Entwicklung [Byzantinisches Archiv 15] (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1977) 

Christentum und theologische Literatur in der Kiever Rus’ (988-1237) (Munich: C. H. Beck, 
1982) 

Griechische Theologie in der Zeit der Türkenherrschaft 1453-1821 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1988) 

Theologische Literatur des Mittelalters in Bulgarien und Serbien 865—145 9 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 
2000) 

Von Photios zu Bessarion: der Vorrang humanistisch geprägter Theologie in Byzanz und deren 
bleibende Bedeutung (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003) 


605 


Select bibliography 


Runciman, S., The Great Church in captivity: a study of the Patriarchate of Constantinople from 
the eve of the Turkish conquest to the Greek war of independence (Cambridge: Cambridge 
University Press, 1968) 

Setton, Kenneth M., The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571) [Memoirs of the American 
Philosophical Society 114, 127, 161, 162], 4 vols. (Philadelphia: American Philosophical 
Society, 1976-84) 

Speake, Graham, Mount Athos: renewal in paradise (New Haven and London: Yale University 
Press, 2002) 

Stephanidis, Vasilios, ExkAnoïaoTikn lo ropía, fourth edition (Athens: Astir, 1978) 

Théologie byzantine et sa tradition, ed. G. and V. Conticello [Corpus Christianorum], 2 vols. 
(Turnhout: Brepols, 2002) 

Thomas, John Philip, Private religious foundations in the Byzantine Empire [DOS 24] 
(Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1987) 

Vapheidis, Philaretos, EkkAno1aoTikn lotopia, m-a’, 1453-1700 (Constantinople: Gerardos, 
1912) 

Ware, Timothy, The Orthodox Church, second edition (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1993) 


1 Shepard: The Byzantine Commonwealth 
I Sources 


Corpus poeticum boreale: the poetry ofthe old northern tongue from the earliest times to the thirteenth 
century, ed. and trans. G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon 
Press, 1883) 

Danilo II, Zitije kralja Milutina, in Archbishop Danilo et al., Zivoti kraljeva i arhiepiskopa 
srpskih, ed. D. Danitié (Zagreb: US. Galca, 1866; reprinted London: Variorum, 1972), 
102-61 

Darrouzés, J., ‘Le traité des transferts. Édition critique et commentaire’, REB 42 (1984), 
147-214 

Epifanii Premudryi, Zhitie sviatogo Stefana episkopa Permskogo, ed. V. G. Druzhinin (St 
Petersburg: Arkheograficheskaia kommissia, 1897) 

Fletcher, Giles, Of the Russe Commonwealth (London: Thomas Charde, 1591; reprinted Cam- 
bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966) 

‘Gramota mitropolita Kipriana pskovskomu dukhovenstvu s nastavleniami o sovershenii 
razlichnyk sviashchennodeistvii', in RIB vi (St Petersburg, 1880), cols. 239-42 

Gréke povelje srpskih vladara, ed. A. Solovjev and V. A. Moëin (Belgrade: Srpska kraljevska 
akademija, 1936; reprinted London: Variorum, 1974) 

Jagić, V., Rassuzhdeniia iuzhnoslavianskoi i russkoi starimy o tserkovnom-slavianskom iazyke 
(St Petersburg: Imperatorskaia akademiia nauk, 1896) 

Kievo-Pecherskii paterik, ed. L. A. Ol'shevskaia in Biblioteka literatury drevnei Rusi, ed. D. S. 
Likhachev (St Petersburg: Nauka, 1997), 1v; trans. M. Heppell, The Paterik of the Kievan 
Caves Monastery (Cambridge, MA: Ukrainian Research Institute of Harvard University, 
1989) 

Maksim Grek, Tvoreniia (in Russian trans.) 3 vols. (Moscow: Sviato-Troitskaia Lavra, 
1996) 


606 


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Zakharia, K., ‘Le moine et l'échanson, ou le Kitab al-diyárát d'al-Shabushti et ses lecteurs’, 
Bulletin d'Études Orientales 53—54 (2001—2), 59-74 

Zayyat, H., al-Diyárát al-nasrániyya fi l-islám (Beirut: al-Mashraq, 1938; reprinted Beirut: 
al-Mashraq, 1999) 


viii. Religious life 

Baumstark, A., Liturgie comparée: principes et méthodes pour l'étude historique des liturgies 
chrétiennes, revised Dom B. Botte (Chevetogne and Paris: Éditions de Chevetogne, 
1953) 

Canard, M., ‘La destruction de l'église de la Résurrection par le calife Hakim et l’histoire 
de la descente du feu sacré’, B 35 (1955), 16-43 [= Canard, M., Byzance et les musulmans 
du Proche Orient (London, Variorum, 1973), xx] 

Dalmais, I. H., Les Liturgies d'Orient [Je sais, je crois 111. Partie 10] (Paris: A. Fayard, 1959; 
reprinted [Rites et symboles 10], Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1980) 

Décobert, C., ‘Un lieu de mémoire religieuse’, in Valeur et distance: identités et sociétés en 
Égypte, ed. C. Décobert (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 2000), 247-63 

Fiey, J.-M., ‘Le pèlerinage des Nestoriens et Jacobites à Jérusalem’, Cahiers de Civilisation 
Médiévale 12 (1969), 113-26 

Halm, H., ‘Der Treuhánder Gottes. Die Edikte des al-Hakim’, Der Islam 63 (1986), 11-72 

Salaville, S., Liturgies orientales, 3 vols. (Paris: Bloud and Gay, 1932-42) 

Sauget, J.-M., Bibliographie des liturgies orientales (1900-1960) (Rome: Pontificio istituto ori- 
entale, 1962) 

Troupeau, G., ‘Les fêtes des chrétiens vues par un juriste musulman’, in Mélanges offerts à 
Jean Dauvillier (Toulouse: Centre d'histoire juridique méridionale, 1979), 795-802 [= 
Troupeau, G., Études sur le christianisme arabe au Moyen Âge, XIX] 

Valensi, L., La fuite en Égypte: histoires d'Orient et d'Occident (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 2002) 


17  Cowe: The Armenians in the era of the Crusades 
I Primary sources 


C'amt'ean, Mik'ayel, Hayoc‘patmut‘iwn [History of the Armenians], 3 vols. (Venice, 1784-86; 
reprinted Erevan: Erevani hamalsarani hratarakut‘yun, 1984) 

Conciliationis ecclesiae Armenae cum Romana, ed. Clemens Galanus (Rome: Urban Press, 1650) 

Esayi NC'ec'i, "T'ult' Esayeay vardapeti ar ter Matt'eos' [Letter of the vardapet Esayi to the 
Lord Matt'&os] C'ak'al (1860), 157-64; (1861), 205-11 

Frik, Frik Diwan, ed. Tirayr Melik‘ Muskambarean (New York: Melgonean Foundation, 
1952) 

Girk‘ or koci oskep'orik [Book called pot pourri] (Constantinople: Abraham Dpir, 1746) 

Girk‘ t‘tt‘oc‘ [Book of Letters], ed. Arch. Norayr Polarean (Jerusalem: St James Press, 1994) 

Grigor Anavarzeci, "T*ult' teatn Grigori Hayoc‘ katolikosi zor greac' ar kronawor tagaworn 
Het'om [sic], hayr ark'ayin Hayoc' Lewoni' [Letter of the Lord Grigor, Catholicos of 
the Armenians, which he wrote to the cleric king Het'um, father of Lewon, king of 
the Armenians] in Conciliationis ecclesiae Armenae cum Romana, ed. Clemens Galanus 
(Rome: Urban Press, 1650), 435-51 


659 


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Grigor Tat'ewaci, Girk‘ harc‘manc‘ [Book of questions] (Constantinople: Astuacatur 
Kostandnupolsec'i, 1729) 

Grigor Tlay, Grigor katotikosi tlay koëec‘eloy namakani [Correspondence of Catholicos Grigor 
called youth] (Venice: St Lazar's Press, 1865) 

Het'um of Korikos, La flor des estoires de la terre d'orient in Receuil des historiens des croisades: 
documents arméniens, 11, ed. Edouard Dulaurier (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1906), 111-253 

Kirakos Ganjakec'i, Patmut'iwn [History], ed. K. Melik‘-Ohanjanyan (Erevan: Armenian 
Academy of Sciences, 1961) 

Linguae haicanae scriptores ordinis praedicatorum congregationis fratrum unitorum et ff. Armeno- 
rum ordinis s. Basilii citra mare consistentium quodquod hucusque innotuerunt (Berne and 
Munich: A. Francke, 1960) 

Matt’éos Urhayec'i, Zamanakagrut'iwn [Chronicle], ed. M. Melik‘-Adamyan and N. Ter- 

Mik'ayelyan (Erevan: Erevan State University Press, 1991) 

Mxit'ar Sasnec'i, Mxit'ar Sasnec‘i’s theological discourses, ed. and trans. S. P. Cowe [CSCO 21 

(Armenian text); 22 (English translation)] (Leuven: Peeters, 1993) 

Mxit'ar Skewrac'i, Patasxanik‘ Mxit'ar k‘ahanayi Skewrac‘woy yalags hamapetut'ean erkotasan 

aïak‘eloc‘ [On the equal rank of the twelve apostles] (Jerusalem: St James Press, 1865) 

Mxit'areanc', Abel, Patmut‘iwn Zotovoc‘ hayastaneayc‘ ekelec'woy [History of the synods of 

the Armenian Church] (Valarsapat: Mother See Press, 1874) 

Nersés Lambronac'i, Atenabanut'iwn vasn miut‘ean ekelec‘woy ew cark' i hambarjumn K‘ristosi 

ew i galust Hogwoyn Srboy [Synodal oration on church union and homilies on Christ's 

Ascension and Pentecost], ed. Mesrop Taliadean (Calcutta, 1851) 

Nersés Snorhali, 3ndhanrakan t‘utt‘k‘ [General epistles] (Jerusalem: St James Press, 1871) 

Des Nilos Doxapatres Tá&is Tv rrarrpiapx ikó3v 0póvoov: armenisch und griechisch, ed. F. Finck 
(Ejmiacin and Marburg: Vagarshapad, 1902) 

Smbat Sparapet, Taregirk [Chronicle], ed. S. Agelean (Venice: St Lazar's Press, 1956) 

Step‘anos Orbélean, Hakacarut'iwn ənddēm erkabnakac‘ [Refutation of the Dyophysites] 





(Constantinople, 1756) 

Step‘anos Orbélean, Patmut‘iwn nahangin Sisakan [History of the province of Siwnik’] (Tiflis: 
Ataneanc’ Press, 1910) 

T'ovma Mecop'ec'i, T‘ovma Mecop‘ec‘i patmagrut‘yun [T ovma Mecop'ec'i historiography], 
ed. Levon Xatikyan (Erevan: Magalat', 1999) 

Vardan Arewelc'i, Hawak‘umn patmut'ean Hayoc‘ [Compendium of Armenian history], ed. 
Lewond Alisan (Venice: St Lazar’s Press, 1862) 

Yovhannés Tarberuni, 'Yovhannu vardapeti Tarberunwoy dawanut'iwn hawatoy’ [The var- 
dapet Yovhannés Tarberuni's confession of faith], C‘tak‘at 2 (1861), 2217 


2 Secondary works 


Abrahamyan, A. G., Hamarot urvagic hay galtavayreri patmut‘yan [Concise sketch of the 
history of Armenian colonies] (Erevan: Haypethrat, 1964) 

Akinean, Nersés, Nersés Lambronac‘i ark'episkopos Tarsoni keank‘n ew grakan vastaknero 
[Nersés Lambronac'i, archbishop of Tarsus: life and literary achievements] (Vienna: 
Mxitarist Press, 1956) 

"Yovsep' Kostandnupolsec'i, targmanit yaysmawurk'i (991)’ [Yovsep' Kostandnupolsec'i 
as translator of the menologium], Handes Amsoreay 71 (1957), 1-12 


660 


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Armenian folk arts, culture, and identity, ed. L. Abrahamian and N. Sweezy (Bloomington: 
Indiana University Press, 2001) 

Avdalbegyan, Mayis, ‘Yaysmawurk‘ ’Zolovacuners ev  nrancí patmagrakan | arZek'o 
[/Menologium' compilations and their historical and literary value] (Erevan: Armenian 
Academy of Sciences, 1982) 

Baldasaryan, H., ‘Gevorg Skevrac'u ‘vark‘o’ [The life of Georg Skewrac'i], Banber Mate- 
nadarani 7 (1964), 399—435 

Hovhannes Erznkac’in ev nra xratakan arjako [Yovhannés Erznkac’i’s paraenetic prose] 
(Erevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences, 1977) 

Berbérian, Haig, ‘Le patriarcat arménien du Sultanat de Roum’, Revue des Études Arméniennes 
3 (1966), 233-44 

Boase, T. S. R., The Cilician Kingdom of Armenia (Edinburgh and London: Scottish Academic 
Press, 1978) 

Bozoyan, Azat A., Byuzandiayi arevelyan kalakakanut yun2 ev kilikyan Hayastano 2b dari 30-70- 
akan t‘vakannerin [Byzantium's eastern policy and Cilician Armenia in the 1130s-70s] 
(Erevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences, 1988) 

Bundy, David, "The anonymous life of Georg Skewrac'i in Erevan 8356: a study in 
medieval Armenian hagiography and history’, Revue des Études Arméniennes 18 (1984), 
491—502 

"The council of Sis’, in After Chalcedon: studies in theology and church history offered to Albert 
van Roey for his seventieth birthday [Orientalia lovaniensia analecta 18] (Leuven: Peeters, 
1985), 42—56 

‘Het‘um’s la flor des estoires de la terre d'orient: a study in medieval Armenian histori- 
ography and propaganda’, Revue des Etudes Arméniennes 20 (1986-87), 223-35 

‘The trajectory of Roman Catholic influence in Cilician Armenia: an analysis of the 
councils of Sis and Adana’, Armenian Review (winter 1992), 73-89 

Collenberg, W. H. Rudt de, The Rupenides, Hethumides and Lusignans: the structure of the 
Armeno-Cilician dynasties (Paris: Klincksieck, 1963) 

Coureas, Nicolas," The papacy’s relations with the kings and the nobility of Armenia in the 
period 1300-1350", in Actes du Colloque: ‘Les Lusignans et L’Outre Mer’, ed. C. Mutafian 
(Poitiers: Presses universitaires de Poitiers, 1993), 106ff 

Cowe, S. Peter, ‘An Armenian Job fragment from Sinai and its implications’, Oriens Chris- 
tianus 72 (1992), 123-57 

"The inauguration of the Cilician coronation rite and royal ideology', Armenian Review 
45 (1992), 49-59 

Armenological paradigms and Yovhannes Sarkawag's "discourse on wisdom" — philo- 
sophical underpinning for an Armenian renaissance?' Revue des Études Arméniennes 25 
(1994-95), 125-55 

‘Generic and methodological developments in theology in Caucasia from the fourth to 
eleventh centuries within an east Christian context’, in Il Caucaso: cerniera fra culture dal 
Mediterraneo alla Persia (secoli IV-XI) [Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi 
sull’alto medioevo 43] (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’ alto medioevo, 1996), 
647-83 

"The role of correspondence in elucidating the intensification of Latin-Armenian eccle- 
siastical interchange in the first quarter of the fourteenth century’, Journal of the Society 

for Armenian Studies 13 (2003/4), 47-68 


661 


Select bibliography 


‘Armenian Christology in the seventh and eighth centuries with particular reference to 
the contributions of Catholicos Yovhan Ojnec'i and Xosrovik T‘argmanië”, JThSt 55 
(2004), 30-54 

‘Armenian immigration patterns to Sebastia, tenth-eleventh centuries’, in UCLA Interna- 
tional Conference on Armenia Minor — Sebastia/Sivas, ed. R. G. Hovannisian (Costa Mesa, 
CA: Mazda Publishers, 2004), 111-36 

"Catholic missionaries to Armenia and anti-catholic writings', in Where the only-begotten 
descended: the church of Armenia through the ages, ed. Kevork B. Bardakjian (Detroit, MI: 
Wayne State University Press, in press) 

"Catholicos Grigor Anavarzetsi (1293-1307) and Metropolitan Step‘anos Orpelian in dia- 
logue', in UCLA International Conference Series on Historic Armenian Cities and Provinces: 
Cilicia, ed. R. G. Hovannisian (Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, in press) 

"The politics of poetics: Islamic influence on Armenian verse’, in Proceedings ofthe sympo- 
sium redefining Christian identity: Christian cultural strategies since the rise of Islam (Leuven: 
Peeters, in press) 

Dachkévytch, Yaroslav R., ‘Les Arméniens en Islande (XIe siècle), Revue des Études 
Arméniennes 20 (1986-87), 321-36 

Dadoyan, Seda B., The Fatimid Armenians [Islamic History and Civilization Studies and Texts 
18] (Leiden: Brill, 1997) 

Donabédian, Patrick, Thierry, Jean-Michel and Thierry, Nicole, Armenian art (New York: 
Harry N. Abrams, 1989) 

L'Eglise arménienne et le grand schisme d'Orient [CSCO 574] (Louvain: Peeters, 1999) 

Feulner, Hans-Jürgen, Die armenische Athanasius-Anaphora [Anaphorae orientales 1] (Rome: 
Pontificio istituto orientale, 2001) 

Garsoïan, Nina G., The Paulician heresy: a study of the origin and development of Paulicianism 
in Armenia and the eastern provinces ofthe Byzantine Empire [Columbia University Publi- 
cations in Near and Middle East Studies. Series A, 6] (The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 
1967) 

Grigoryan, G. M., Syunik'o Orbelyanneri orok* (XIII-XV darer) [Siwnik! in the days of the 
Orbéleans (thirteenth-fifteenth centuries)] (Erevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences, 
1981) 

Halfter, Peter, Das Papsttum und die Armenier im frühen und hohen Mittelalter: von den 
ersten Kontakten bis zur Fixierung der Kirchenunion im Jahre 1198 (Cologne: Bóhlau, 
1996) 

Hamilton, Bernard, "The Armenian church and the papacy at the time of the crusades’, 
Eastern Churches Review 10 (1978), 61-87 

Harut'yunyan, Babken H., Hayastani patmut‘yan atlas, I mas [Historical atlas of Armenia, 
part 1] (Erevan: Erevan State University, 2004) 

Hewsen, Robert H., "The Artsrunid house of Sefedinian: survival of a princely dynasty in 
ecclesiastical guise’, Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies 1 (1984), 123-38 

Kapoian-Kouymjian, Angéle, L'Égypte vue par des Arméniens (Paris: Fondation Singer- 
Polignac, 1988) 

Kazhdan, Alexander, "The Armenians in the Byzantine ruling class predominantly in the 
ninth through twelfth centuries', in Medieval Armenian Culture (Chico, CA: Scholars 
Press, 1983), 439—51 


662 


Select bibliography 


Kogean, L. S., Hayoc‘ ekelec'in mincew Florentean Zolov [The Armenian Church up to the 
Council of Florence] (Beirut: [s.n.], 1961) 

Lidov, Alexei, The mural paintings of Akhtala (Moscow: Nauka, 1991) 

Manukyan, Nona, ‘The role of Bartolomeo di Bologna's sermonary in medieval Armenian 

literature’, Le Muséon 105 (1992), 321—5 

Mardirossian, A., Le livre des canons arméniens (Kanonagirk‘ Hayoc‘) de Yovhannes Awjnec‘i: 

église, droit et société en Arménie du IVe au VIIIe siécle [CSCO 606] (Louvain: Peeters, 

2005) 

Mathews, Thomas and Sanjian, Avedis K., Armenian Gospel iconography: the tradition of the 

Glajor Gospel [DOS 29] (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and 

Collection, 1991) 

Mathews, Thomas F. and Wieck, R. S., Treasures in Heaven: Armenian illuminated manuscripts 

(New York: The Pierpoint Morgan Library, 1994) 

Muradean, Paroyr, ‘Les principes de la classification des livres en Arménie médiévale’, in 
Armenian studies in Memoriam Haig Berbérian, ed. Dickran Kouymjian (Lisbon: Calouste 
Gulbenkian Foundation, 1986), 591-600 

‘Dawanakan handurZolakanut'ean ew azgamijean hameraëxut‘ean galap'ars ZB-ZG 
dareri Hayastanum' [The idea of confessional tolerance and internal national solidarity 
in twelfth-thirteenth century Armenia] Ganjasar 4 (1994), 95-108 

Mutafian, Claude, Le royaume arménien de Cilicie XIIe-XIVe siècle (Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 
1993) 

Narkiss, Bezalel (ed.), Armenian art treasures of Jerusalem (Jerusalem: Massada Press, 
1979) 

Nersessian, Vrej, The Tondrakian movement (London: Kahn and Averill, 1987) 

Oudenrijn, M. A. van den, "The monastery of Aparan and the Armenian writer Fra 
Mxit‘aric’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 1 (1930), 265-308 

‘L’évéque dominicain Fr. Barthélemy fondateur supposé d'un couvent dans le Tigré au 
14e siècle”, Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 4 (1946), 7-16 

Pelliot, Paul, ‘Zacharie de Saint-Thadée et Zacharie Séfédinian', Revue de l'Histoire des 
Religions 126 (1943), 150-4 

Polarean, Norayr, Hay grotner [Armenian writers] (Jerusalem: St James Press, 1971) 

Renoux, Athanase, Le codex arménien Jérusalem 121 [PO 36, fasc. 168] (Turnhout: Brepols, 
1971) 

Sanjian, Avedis K., "Step'anos Orbelian's "Elegy on the holy cathedral of Etchmiadzin": 
critical text and translation’, in Armenian and biblical studies, ed. M. E. Stone (Jerusalem: 
St James Press, 1976), 237-82. 

‘Gregory Magistros: an Armenian Hellenist’, in TO 'EAAHNIKON: Studies in honor of 
Speros Vryonis, Jr. (New Rochelle, NY: Caratzas, 1993), 11, 111-58 

Schmidt, Andrea-Barbara and Halfter, Peter, 'Der Brief Papst Innozenz II an den armenis- 
chen katholikos Gregor III: ein wenig beachtetes Dokument zur Geschichte der 
Synode von Jerusalem (Ostern 1141)’, Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 31 (1999), 
50-71 

Sinclair, Tom, ‘Cilicia after the kingdom: population, monasteries, etc. under the Mamluks’, 
in UCLA International Conference Series on Historic Armenian Cities and Provinces: Cilicia, 
ed. R. G. Hovannisian (Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, in press) 





663 


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Stewart, Angus D., The Armenian kingdom and the Mamluks: war and diplomacy dur- 
ing the reigns of Het‘um II (1289-1307) [Medieval Mediterranean 34] (Leiden: Brill, 
2001) 

Surmelian, Leon, Daredevils of Sassoun (Denver, CO: A. Swallow, 1964) 

T'amrazyan, Hraë‘ya, Grigor Narekac‘in ev norplatonut‘yuns [Grigor Narekaci and 
neoplatonism] (Erevan: Nairi, 2004) 

Tekéyan, Pascal, Controverses christologiques en Arméno-Cilicie [OCA 124] (Rome: Pontificium 
institutum orientalium studiorum, 1939) 

Ter Petrossian, Levon, Ancient Armenian translations (New York: St Vartan's Press, 
1992) 

Xat‘ikyan, Levon, ŽD dari hayeren jeragreri hifatakaranner[Colophons of fourteenth-century 
Armenian manuscripts] (Erevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences, 1950) 

‘Artazi haykakan isxanut'yuno ev Corcori dproc‘s’ [The Armenian principality of Artaz 
and the school of Corcor], Banber Matenadarani 11 (1973), 125-210 

Esayi Né“ec‘in ev Glajori hamalsarans (1280-1340 t".t*.) [Esayi NC ec'i and the university of 
Glajor (1280-1340)] (Los Angeles: L. K. Khacheryan, 1988) 

Yuzbashian, Karen N., ‘L'administration byzantine en Arménie aux Xe-Xle siècles’, Revue 
des Etudes Arméniennes 10 (1973-74), 139-83 

Zekiyan, Levon B., ‘Le colonie armene del medioevo in Italia e le relazioni culturali italo- 
armene (Materiale per la storia degli Armeni in Italia)’, in Atti del primo simposio 
internazionale di arte armena (Bergamo, 28-30 giugno, 1975), ed. G. Ieni and L. B. Zekiyan 
(Venice: San Lazzaro, 1975), 803ff 

‘St Nersés Snorhali en dialogue avec les Grecs: un prophète de l'oecuménisme au XIIe 
siècle”, in Armenian Studies in Memoriam Haïg Berbérian, ed. Dickran Kouymjian (Lisbon: 
Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, 1986), 861-83 


18 Cowe: Church and diaspora: the case of the Armenians 
I Primary sources 


Bini miut‘iwn hayoc‘ Lehastani ond ekelec‘woyn Hrovmay: Zamanakakic' yisatakarank‘ [The 
forcible union of the Armenians of Poland with the church of Rome: contemporary 
memoirs] (St Petersburg, 1884) 

Daranalci, Grigor, Zamanakagrut‘iwn Grigor vardapeti Kamaxec'woy kam Daranatc‘woy 
[Chronicle by Grigor Kamaxec'i or Daranalc'i], ed. M. Nsanean (Jerusalem: St James 
Press, 1915) 

Dawrizec’i, Arak'el, Girk‘ patmut‘eanc‘ [Book of histories], ed. L. A. Xanlaryan (Erevan: 
Armenian Academy of Sciences, 1990) 

Doluxanyan, A. G., Nerses Mokac‘i, Banastetcut‘yunner [Nerses Mokac'i, Poems] (Erevan: 
Armenian Academy of Sciences, 1975) 


2 Secondary studies 


Abrahamyan, A. G., Hamarot urvagic hay galtavayreri patmut‘yan [Concise sketch of the 
history of Armenian colonies] (Erevan: Haypethrat, 1964) 


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