Worldwide Report Law of the Sea No. 106

JPRS 74399
18 October 1979

Latin America Report
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LATIN AMERICA REPORT

No. 2060

CONTENTS

ARGENTINA

CUBA

Current Political Attitudes Reviewed

JPRS 74399

18 October 1979

PAGE

(ULTIMA CLAVE, 11 Sep 79) eeeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeee

Foreign Issues Viewed by Press

(Editorial; LA PRENSA, 1k, 17, 19 Sep 79) eeeeeeeseeeere

Attitudes Towards the PLO
The Puerto Rican Issue
Soviet Troops in Caribbean

Schoenfeld Writes on Soviet Troops in Cuba, Nation's Attitude
(Manfred Schoenfeld; LA PRENSA, 6 Sep 79) wesecccccseces

Bussi Disclaims Any Presidential Ambitions

(LA PRENSA, 18 ep 79) SCHEER HEHEHE EEEE

Peronist Labor Leader Calls for Elections

(LA NACION, 2h Sep 79) eeeneeeeeeeee eee eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

Grondona Speaks on Constitutional Reforms, Political Plan
(LA OPINION, 6 Sep 79) eeeeeeeeeeee ev eee eeeeeeeseeeeeeeeee

PPC Leadership Remains at Variance on Political Strategy
(LA NACION, ll Sep 79) eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeve eee eeee

1980 Budget Proposes To Hold Down Public Expenditures
(LA NACION, 16 Sep 79) eernreveeeeveeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeee

Internal Security: Economic Crimes, Police Growth, Prisoners
(Various sources, various dates) .ccccccccccccesrceccece

[III - LA - 144]

14

23

25

e7

2g

31

37

CONTENTS (Continued)

Theft of Cigarettes, by Lazaro Bravo
Theft of Auto Parts, Tools, by Lazaro Bravo
Counterfeit Refrigerator Purchase Permit,
by Lazaro Bravo
Housing Swindler Penalized, by L. Bravo
Deficiencies in Education, by Agnerys Sotolongo
MININT Officers, Sergeants Promoted, by
Agnerys Sotolongo
Police Patrol Graduates, by Enrique Sanz Fals
Political Prisoners

Military Developments: Graduation, Maneuvers, Aviation
(Various sources, various dateS) cecccccccccccccecece

Largest Academy Graduation Class, by
Jorge L. Blanco
Military, Patriotic Education Association,
by Diana M. Sosa Diaz
Moncada 26 Military Maneuvers, by Mario Sarraff,
Othoniel Gonzalez
Angolan Armed Forces Anniversary, by Jorge
L. Blanco
Western Army Artillery Competition, by
Juvenal Balan
Medical Brigade to Nicaragua, by Marta Cabrales
Graduation of Pilots, by Pedro Gutierrez
San Cristobal Military Exercise, by Jose Mena Perez
MININT Graduation, by Enrique Sanz Fals
New Soviet TU-154B Aircraft, by Clara Mayo
FAR Documentation Center, by Elsa Blanquier
Medical Services in Aviation, by Gilberto Guerra

ECUADOR

Previsora Bank Employees Denounce Abuse of Power
(EL COMERCIO, 22 Sep 79) eeeeeeeev eee eeeeeeeeeeeeeee ®

Bucaram Scorns Misuse of Central Bank Funds
(EL TIEMPO, 21 Sep 79) eeeneeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee ee ene

Editorial Calls for Moderation in Chamber Disputes
(Editorials; EL COMERCIO, 23 Sep 79) secccccecsececess
NICARAGUA
Nature, Structure, Goals of CDS Explained
(BARRICADA, 23 Sep 79) eeeeeeeeeeeeeee eee eeeeeeeeeeee

Regulations to New Press Law Published
(BARRICADA, 2h Sep 79) eeeeeeerereeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee eee

oboe

Page

45

63

65

70

76

CURRENT POLITICAL ATTITUDES REVIEWED
Buenos Aires ULTIMA CLAVE in Spanish 11 Sep 79 pp 446-2 - 446-6
[Text] Political Life

As things are now going, or at least according to announcements or
appearances, in 1960 (the 100th anniversary of a generation whose
common denominator was political activity and which gave the country
stable governments until 1930) people will be talking about politics
as they now talk about soccer. This does not mean that they will be
talking about elections, and perhaps the political parties, suffering
from excessive hibernation possibly, will not be in full operation.
But, we repeat, there will be a lot of talk about politics. And an
indication that this might well happen is the meeting between the former
governor of Jujuy, Horacic Guzman, the head of WUFEPO / Popular
Federalist Force / and President Videla. It is taken up elsewhere in
this issue, Two or three remarks have to be made in assessing this
development. First, the conversation lasted an hour; second, this is
the first political figure that President Videla has called in as such
and for political matters (not to offer him an embassadorship, for
example, as happened with other leaders). This gave wings to the
assumption or hypothesis that despite its heterogeneity, or because

of it, FUFEPO was hastening the essential agreements to appear on the
scene at the opportune moment as a force with qualifications to carry
weight in the immediate political future. But this in no way should
lead us to believe that by calling in Dr Gugman, President Videla has
given him what is generally called backing. This is not the case,
although we could legitimately acknowledge that from now on FUFEPO will
cultivate a proximity that will have to be requited in order for it to
make sense,

Another development no less talked about than the preceding one is the
Buenos Aires ministerial crisis, which is the subject of a more
thorough analysis later on. Until the time of the disagreement, the
Saint Jean-Smart tandem had operated (everything so indicated) as one,
assailing politics, political parties and political leaders with
identical vigor, incidentally. In this context, we will recall, former

Minister Smart “went too far” more than once, and although the ~overnor
keot up with him, his prose and his pace, his tone in short, were
different. This is an interesting observation, because the "political
issue" obviousiy seams to be intertwined with the crisis, with a
governor in the process of ceasing to be a “hard-liner' and with a
minister striving to continue as one, More flexible or perhaps better
informed, Governor Saint Jean seems to have had a keen enough sense to
place himself in the wake of situations that will be seen more clearly
towards the end of the year with the political proposal. Lastly, we
cainot rule out that the mere, but fundamental, replacement of several
military intendants with civilians, some of whom have well-known, albeit
not notorious, political affiliations, has been one of the ingredients
in the crisis, which some regard as over and othe.s in full ferment.
But Governor Saint Jean has apparently made his move with a precise
knowledge of the situation and the direction in which the winds are
blowing.

While the Inter-American Euman Rights Commission continues its work;

the radicals talk of their anti-terrorist past; Minister Martinez de

Hoz talks about Argentina in the year 2000 and Admiral Lambruschini about
Argentina in August 1979; the FUFEPO people threaten to burst at the
seams with swelling pride over the meeting with the president; public
opinion witnesses the launching of "a new Saint Jean"; the government

loses sympathy among traditional liberals because of the dogmatic }
obstinacy of its education minister, and many Argentines begin to share |
a deep-seated concern in noting that two military commanders regard as indis- :

putable the legality of certain goods inherited by Peron's widow,
among the ranks of the army the process continues its normal pace
towards the year end appointment of its new commander in chief and

the resulting retirement of its current head, Lieutenant General Viola,
whose future designation es president of the republic, perhaps in the
last third f 1980, is falling deeply into the realm of conjecture.

In issue 444 we set forth the alternatives surrounding the appointment

of the new commander in chief of the army. It is one of those issues

that cannot be examined without taking into account everything
surrounding it. Hence, over the next 60 days it will be increasingly
commented on hy all, by both protagonists and observers, as a yardstick of
the courses of conduct taking shape and of the possibilities opending up.

Now, Civilians

The crisis precipitated in the Buenos Aires provincial government (with

the help of the governor's political acrobatics) demands a precise
delineation of the framework in which it has unfolded. We must set forth

the background data that make up the politieal and administrative

framework that while circumscribing it, shapes it as a model for potenticl
alternatives in other provinces. The following is a brief chronological

background to the crisis:

1) Dr Smart enters the provincial government at a time when it is one
of the poles that most unequivocally supports an apolitical, non-
pertisan policy favoring the extension of the emergency measures of the
first phase of the process;

2) Under this ajproach, the prevince introduces in-depth administrative
and structural changes in state operations, but without altering its
substance, and with an initial emphasis on a concentration of power
and administrative decision-making.

3) This approach is developed to its maximum extent under these measures
with the planning of the Greater Buenos Aires green belt (the ecological
belt) and with the programming of various public works (drinking water
projects, sanitation projects, etc) within the decision-making sphere
of the provincial government.

4) The two trends run parallel, accoupanied by specific statements by
Dr Smart about political parties that indicate that they will soon be
excluded from decision-making.

5) Almost simultaneously with the start of this last stage (point 3),
with or without the assent of Dr Smart, the provincial government
decides to begin a process of markedly decentralizing power in order to
“revitalize municipal life."

6) This decentralization is accompanied by General Saint Jean's decision
to create the “civilian advisory organizations for the municipalities,”
to which he confers the worthy task of establishing “dynamic links
between the government and the people" (speech to intendants meeting in
Pergamino in early August). The initiative is described as a method

of carrying out part of the instructions that came out of the governors’
meeting last May.

7) Purther developing this approach, General Saint Jean repeatedly
amnounces his decision to bolster his initiative through the widespread
establishment of civilian govermments in those districts in which
commanders and officers of the Armed Forces are still performing dvties.

8) In late August, General Saint Jean expresses his desire to implement
this political decision, which is strongly objected to by Dr Smart,
who also has reservations about the decision to carry out a process of
marked decentralization.

To summarize these eight stages, we could say that developments have
taken place on two decision-making levels in triggering the Buenos Aires
crisis: a) the decision to decentralize power in order to bolster
municipal life; bh) the decision to begin a new chapter in this process,
civilian participation in govermment. Moreover, decentralization,

the path followed in strictly political matters, reduces the scope of
power of the government ministry (Smart) by transferring provincial
responsibilities to the strictly municipal level and by rechanneling
provincial central government decisions into numerous inter-<city pacts,
and at the same time it calls for an in-depth reassesament of the
government minister's statements regarding his views on politics.

That this is the case emerges spontaneously from the accounts circulating
@S this edition went to press regarding the selection of new officials.
Two of them,at least,come from decidedly conservative ranks (Dr Gualberto
Mostajo, mentioned as a possible replacement for Dr Smart, and Dr Gaston
Perez Izquierdo, the already designated intendant of Lams who in 1973
headed up the list of New Force candidates for deputy from the province
of Buenos Aires and who is currently a member of FUFEYO by virtue of
his seat on the respective Provincial Coordination Commission). One,
and possibly three, are from the radical movement (Dr Cassanello, the
president of the Atletico Quilmes Club, president of the delegation of
Juvenil de Futbol that traveled to Japan and won there, and a well-knowm
adviser to the radical movement in his district of Quilmes; in addition
Drs Jose Equiza, a nent leader of Gonzalez Catan's UCR
Radical Civic Union_/ and mentioned as a future intendant of La
Matanza, and Ruben Cabanillas, the chairman of the Villa Fiorito radical
committee and cited since late last week as the probable intendant in

Lomas de Zamora). In conclusion, various sources were asserting that last

week conversations had been held on several levels in which the idea had
arisen of possibly appointing men with Peronist affiliations.

Gradualism

We should not be surprisec by this unexpected turn in the provincial
govermment if we bear in mind the statements that Brig Gen Omar
Graffigna made at one point and that ULTIMA CLAVE printed in issue 435:
"We must proceed gradually towards a solution,” the air force commander

asserted; “we must boil down the problems and achieve a full understanding

between civilians and the military." To the extent that gradualisn is
expressed as municipal participation and to the extent that this
participation entails a dialog, the two terms in the statement by
Brigadier Graffigna that we printed and analyzed are unquestionably
present in the salient aspects of the crisis. It is obvious that the
emphasis that the provincial government has placed on municipal
activities differs considerably from the political alternatives suggested
so far by civilian sectors themselves. In keeping with the ¢=neral
political tradition, these sectors have called for nationwide, rather
than fragmentary or sector—based solutions. Nonetheless, the gradualist
approach has not prompted serious objections, in that the government
itself has not yet spelled it out. In this regard, it will have to be
the proposal that sheds some light on this issue.

t
:
}

It is obvious, however, that meanwhile, “the course is being charted
en route," and this "course," hinted at and firmed up in the wake of
the crisis in the province of Buenos Aires, is marking developments in
an initially very clear-cut manner. Perhaps the most striking sign,
albeit not perhaps the most outstanding or wideranging in significance,
is the presence of political figures. In any case, this is nothing nev,
if we bear in mind that since the very beginning of the process @any
intendants (see ULTIMA CLAVE No 423) kept the posts that they won in
the 1973 elections. Nor is it noteworthy that civilians are going to
be appointed, inasmuch as a very high percentage of intendancies
throughout the country are in the hands of civilians. The most
remarkable aspect is what communities are affected by Saint Jean's
pronouncement, In terms of population, economic activity and gross
output, a great many municipalities in Greater Buenos Aires are more
important than a number of provinces. If, in fact, there will be no
change in governors until their terms are over, as General Videla told
Dr Horacio Guzman last Wednesday (see further on in this issue), it is
nonetheless significant that through a different channel the horizons for
participation will be wider than if a civilian political figure were
appointed, say, for example, in Cata@arca or La Rioja. These are the
essential points that we will have to keep in mind in monitoring future
developments in the crisis, which had still not been decisively
surmounted as of today, Tuesday.

The First Step

With an eye towards the future, the meeting last Wednesday at the
presidential residence of Olivos between the president of the nation,
Lt Gen Jorge Rafael Videla, and the president of FUFERO, Dr Horacio
Guzman, will be inseparable from this panorama. As ULTIMA CLAVE
announced in its last issue, the Jujuy leader was called to the meeting
by General Videla himself. The chief executive and the political leader
have had smooth relations for several years, and the meeting might be
seen as just another of the many that they have held. The gap in time
between this get-together and the last confirmed one would not be

a reason for their dialog to be different in nature. But perhaps the
distinctive note is the formality with which Dr Guzman conveyed his
opinions to General Videla, because he spoke as the head of the
political organization of which he is a member.

Their meeting was surrounded by the strictest secrecy. It was held
in the presence of the president's political adviser, Dr Prancisco
Moyano, and nothing was reported officially. For his part, neither did
Dr Guzman give an account of it. However, we can speculate, bearing in
mind the organization's latest statements, that Dr Guzman probably
conveyed to the chief of state FUFEPO's concern over the immediate
absence of political alternatives and, secondly, the concern prompted

by a mumber of irksome facets of economic policy in response to
constantly high rates of inflation. WNUYEPO's first point was allegedly
backed up by a number of criticiaws of provincial leadership (FUFERO

had already referred to the matter in previous pronouncements) and of
the expectations regarding participation. If we allow ourselves to infer
from General Videla's other public statements, the concerns expressed
were obviously given a predictable response. In this connection, and
beginning with the last point, the chief executive probably reaffirmed
the decision that there would be no changes in economic leadership during
his term, which ends on 29 March 1981, and that the economic course

that has taken shape would be kept to wit. “xe same steadiness as it has
been so far. He probably also reaffirmed ti political decisicn to
guarantee channeis of input and dialog amoist aiid with the various sectors
of the population. In addition, he obviousi; “us: Aave confirmed his
oftemade assertion that for the moment there a, no changes on tap in

the list of governors who have been with him, with minor variations,
since he took up his post.

Perhaps the meeting was significant not so much because of the opinions
that might have been exchanged (even if this was as important as described
above) but because it took place at all. Similar contacts at this level,
for the stated purposes, have obviously not been made since 24 March 1976,
and the meeting was undeniably a significant development. To all this

we can add the likelihood that the president formulated thoughts regarding
the need to restructure political activities in keeping with the new
times and with future expectations of a strong, representative

democracy, the ultimate and repeatedly announced goal of the process.

Meetings in the Works

The radical ranks are anxious to find out whether the national plenary
meeting called by Ricardo Balbin for late this month will again be
postponed.

Provincial plenary meetings "to sound out opinions” have been held since
mid-year, and another, called by Dr Juan Trilla, will be held Tuesday
of next week in the capital district. These jurisdictional plenary
sessions are being held to gather opinions and initiatives with a view
towards the national plenum, and among other things they are discussing
the recommendation made by Dr Balbin 4 months ago that opinions be
expressed on various topics that seem to be connected with a political

proposal.

It is apparent, however, that this sort of “internal” canvassing by the
radical movement has been generating tense battle lines that are

formulating approaches with much wider horizons for the group. We could
describe the situation, without exaggeration, as a smooth framework for

oo

fosmulating decisions not only in regari to contingent developments but
also in commection with the party's very future. Despite Dr Balbin's
durability as parity leader, a potential replacement for hiz is
obviously one of the irksome issues. We could more or less accurately
point to two trends that have taken shape in some detail in the recent
past and that, as of today, represent a steady and growing concentration
around the party leadership headed by Dr Balbin nd suggestive attempts
by the Alfonsino faction to increase its strength. The rallying around
Dr Balbin should, however, be distinguished from an inflexible,
indiscriminate backing, inasmuch as they operate along different lines
fo: the most part.

Aside from this general distinction, the meeting will surely have its
streaks of disnension, if we bear in mind the individual situations of
provinces like Santiago del Estero (Zavalia), San Luis (Amieba Saravia)
or Santa Fe (Spina), which despite backing stands that are openly
critical of the leadership, are far from supporting the positions of the
Alfonsirs faction. There might even be attempts at diversity in Dr
Balbin's “circle” that would enable us to conceive of opposing positions,
such as could be formulated by Drs Perette and Leon, whose approaches
would likewise be different from those of the other sectors we have
mentioned.

One of the major issues of thi. meeting, however, will unquestionably
be the new figures, some national, some local, who have given rise over
the last 12 months to speculation about changes in the party leadership.
It is nothing new that Dr de la Rua has been garnering increasing
support and that in local federal capital matters Dr Gustavo Soler

has emerged with the undissuised approval of the party leadershin as a
new figure (in keeping with successiye statements that, like their
"sronosal™ / see ULTIMA CLAVE No 4 » Will now be complemented by a
"proposal to politicians"), At the same time, the plenum will find

it hard to avoid consideration of the public declaration formlated

in — March document" by Mr Rafael De Stefano (See ULTIMA CLAVE

No 425).

In any case, the indications that Dr Balbin's leadership is finding
increasing reaffirmation (while the political thaw lasts) seem obvious,
although the meeting itself could constitute a first step by the veteran
leader in identifying potential successors.

In Search of Forums

The “development advocates," with their Frigerio, Ferrer or other
factions, do not have these problems of succession because they
come up with their leaders spontaneously. They have a different
problem: finding an aypropriate audience, And it so happens that a
number of democrats seem willing to play the game with a curious
innocence that, however, calls for a warning.

These remarks stem from observing the proliferation of seminars, acts,
symposiums, courses cr formai anda informal meetings in which the
development movement has either called the shots or apyveared as an
innocent in a strange game of amnesia. Proof of this was, for example,
the succession of meetings organized recent’v »y the National Business
Forum and now oy the Free Institute of Are itire Studies and
Research (ILDEIA). ‘The innccent combi +ic .f a number of Alfonsino
lements with the diminished troops of ti. ~ sgerio faction, plus the
participation of figures with obvious democratic roots and record, show
an unexpected side of Argentine political behavior. A multiple “dialog”
(whether multi-party, multi-ideologicel or multi-personal makes no
difference) is likely to be confused with the simple task of exchanging
views. Nevertheless, we have to be alert and spellout as accurately
as possible the undeniable need of the sectors sidelined from civic
activities by their political background to regain an “acceptable face"
that will enable them to begin their entics again. The National Business
Forum was attended by persons of renowned democratic beliefs, as well as by
representatives of the most bizarre Gelbardi or Frigerio factions.

A similar phenomenon can be observed in the series of meetings
programmed by the ILDEIA at the Argentine Engineers Center, a patently
democratic forum,

We have to go into a bit more detail in order to properly gauge the
situation when we recognize these strange ties.

Thus, for example, the list of speakers chosen_by the aforementioned
forum reads almost like a directory of FAPES / Argentine Foundation

for Social Studies _/:Eroles (director of the FAPES Institute of Social
Development), Conte MacDonald (president of FAPES), Storni (director of
the Social Investigation and Action Center and a FAPES my wes Aldo
Ferrer (ditto), Francisco Suarez (FAPES social development team),
Troccoli (FAPES lecturer), Volando (also a speaker), etc. Perhaps a
Similar cross section could be drawn up in connection with the ILDEIA
meeting.

We should probably not be surprised, then, if we see the FAPES now
proposing to hold a seminar, with more or less the same people, whose
task would be to define a "national theory." What is a “national theory"?
Until now, any sensible person would assume that a nation transcends
the limited bounds of a theory. Only two converging sectors resort to
definitions and theories of our nation: those from the "development
movement" that distill the essence of the "nation" for speculative
purposes, and the died-in-the-wool totalitarians, who see the "nation"
onl:; as an excuse to display their authoritarian temperament.

“we
.

To theorize a nation is akin to trying to attribute to it new and,
(way not?) perhaps "advantageous" meanings, inasmuch as it is but a
single step from defining a "theory" of a nation to demanding an
"iieology" for it, in the finest Leninist tradition.

The most interesting thing about this panorama, we should stress, is the
ongoing attempt to find forums, to find an audience, even by resorting
to the most unexpected methods and sectors.

The Third World and the Christian Democrats

One would have to deive deeply into the statement issued by the

Christian Democrat Federation (now headed on an "interim" basis by

Mr Enrique De Vedia) on the Sixth Conference of the countries that call
themselves "nonalined" (a significant equivocation) inorder to teil to what
degree it is an international political pronouncement in the proper sense
or a bid by the federation's president to assert himself in the difficult
chair that he occupies.

The haste with which Mr De Vedia issued his statement (the first since

he took over as president in an extremely difficult situation—see last
week's ULTIMA CLAVE) and the topic itself reveal in an unusual way the
urgency, rather than the far-reaching significance, of the issue in
question. In passing, however, we should point out that it resorts to the
same significant equivocation that evinces the political illusions

that are themselves involved in the matter.

Since an organ is determined by its function, Mr De Vedia had to make
"use" of the presidency in order to assert himself in the top spot. No
appropriate opportunity was in sight that would not touch off the now
controlled internal warring of federation factions, If a national
political objective had been proposed, an explosion would most
certainly have been triggered. If a party definition (just internal)
had been proposed, the explosion would have surely been of an even
greater intensity and scope. If, in conclusion, he had merely wanted
to come before "public opinion,” perhaps through even the most informal
contact with the press, he would have fallen right down to the legs

of the chair in which he sits. It is part and parcel of certain
political circumstances, Without internal support in his party and
with obvious questioning from the Christian Revolutionary Party, through
Dr Dip, Mr De Vedia could obviously have only spoken about the
abstract, though accordingly revealing, issue of international politics.

It is within this framework of complex and suggestive references that

the statement tries to obscure the issues with Castroisms, "in view of the
apparent intention of the Cuban prime minister, Dr Fidel Castro, to

use the conference of nonalined nations,” it says, "to accuse the

Argentine Government of not having “clear-cut, weil-defined attitudes."
We should note here that in the view of the federation the so-called
"doctor" (this business of calling people "doctor" is on the rise both
in domestic politics and elsewhere, and we ought to investigate how
many alleged doctors have really completed their stuiies, if they are
not, in fact, usurping titles, right?) has only the "apparent" intention
of using the conference, a doubt that in itself constitutes a clear
indication of trust.

Tne document begins by asserting that “the nonalined countries

represent a clear alternative for the developing countries vis-a-vis

the U.S.-USER bipolar system," and as far as these souls are concerned,
the United States is on an equal footing with communist Russia. It

does not explain how the "Third World" determinations have led numerous
countries down an unrestrainable path towards polarization with the USSR.

The most noteworthy aspect, however, is the cadence of language applied
to the Sixth Conference and which the statement takes word-for-word,
without revisions when it defends the "new international order," with the
clear reminiscenses that it attempts to incorporate into history by
erasing the past, as Adolf Hitler himself tried to do (and he did not
wield the same language in vain).

With the utmost caution, the second point, which spans fewer than four
lines, voices a brief warning against attempts to "serve the interests
of one of the competing blocs, thus altering the standards that have
enabled the nonalined countries to bolster their group over the last
decade" (obvious examples that go unmentioned are the "nonalined"
countries of the Middle East that fell uncontrollably into the Soviet
orbit, or Asian countries like Afghanistan, or Cuba itself). The
declaration (which describes the "nonalined nations" as a means of
achieving the "self-determination of peoples and International Social
Justice," with capital letters) says nothing about the slave traffic
that the Arab countries, leaders at the meeting, engage in, or about
Cuban jails, or about the pitiful fate of the more than three million
Vietnamese expelled by the Hanoi regime (all of these countries were very
active members at the conference), unless this is precisely the sort of
"International Social Justice" that it is thinking about.

Not content, however, with these steps to shore up the four legs of his
chair, Mr De Vedia immediately _made definite political moves within the
pec / Popular Christian Party_/ that were perhaps designed to bolster
the back of the seat that he now occupies on an interim basis. In his
first move, just 24 hours after the other, he gathered together the
faction that he heads in the aforementioned party (Frugoni Rey, Conte
MacDonald, Bruno, Auyero, Ricci, Armouni, Lagazzio, Taurizano Bosch,
Otti, Chironi, Bagli, Bonachi and one person from each of the country's
following districts: Jujuy, Santa Fe, Tucuman, Misiones, La Pampa,

LO

Mendoza and a numver of representatives from the three “branches” of
the PPC whose approach is similar to Peronism: youths, women and trade
wiionists.

Thus, pivoting in his chair and lookix to specific actions and internal
party measures for support, Mr De Vedis ended up by conclusively
dividing the PPC and by paving the way for the splintering off of the
Christian Democrat Federation.

Social Democrat Vi w

In connection with the same matter, that is, the Sixth Conference of
Nonalined Countries, which has just concluded in Havana, a document
was released last week, signed by members of the Democratic Socialist
Party and calling on the government to withdraw Argentina from the
organization. The document is signed, among others, by Ramon P, Narvay,
Portillo, Domingo R. Distefano, Jose Yanquelevitz, Israel Laubstein,
Francisco Ferrari, Jose Pellegrini, Miguel Azzaro, Elisa Campo, Carlos
A. Guzman, Miguel Troccoli and Luis Pan, After describing as "timely"
and "correct" the official decision not to have Argentina represented
in Havana by either President Videla or Foreign Minister Pastor (the
mission was entrusted to the undersecretary of San Martin “alace,
Commodore Cavandoli), the Social Democrat declaration contends that
"even so, the step taken is not enough. The Havana meeting ought to
be taken advantage of to make the necessary moves and formulate the
corresponding announcements that our country will be withdrawing from
the group of ‘nonalined' nations, which we joined in 1973 pursuant to
a decision by the Justicialist government."

It adds further on: "If Argentina's presence within this bloc has
always been incomprehensible and inexplicable, it is all the more so at
the present time, The central debate that will be undertaken in

Havana will revolve around the struggle between two equally totalitarian
concepts of the theory and practice of communism. We cannot imagine

the Argentine delegation taking part, even by remaining silent, in such
an argument, nor taking stands backing any sort of consensus."

"We understand the changes that have taken place in the world over the
last few decades and, accordingly, in the methods and practices of all
varieties of international relations, especially diplomatic relations.
We do not advocate irrelevant isolationism nor coursesof conduct that
would close our eyes to the new realities of an interdependent world and
place us in foolish and clumsy positions, But there are necessarily
limits to the pragmatism that situations at times demand. It is one
thing to maintain good relations and promote trade, but it is another

to make up an entourage that should be alien to us and that in the end,
regardless of how much the arguments are twisted, is in service to goals

“— “we

that are totally opposed to ours and to our concept of the individual,
oi government and of society." t

In conclusion, it says: “Argentina's continued presence in the bloc is a f
source of confusion and ar ongoing manifestation of inconsistency
between words and deeds, Hence, this is an appropriate time to make

the proper rectifications, especially because on top of their initial
prevarication, all or some of the ‘nonalined' nations are now

proposing (it does not matter whether they ultimately do) to act openly

as an instrument of Soviet foreign policy."

"The country would benefit from a clarification in this regard. We
demand one of our national authorities."

Waiting for Things to Clear up

Bogged down by the multitude of factions that every day convey to the
various other factions alarming news about the internal situation in
their resvective areas of control, the union leaders of the various
groupings (the result of attempts at "unity")proposed late last week to
work up a sort of "contingency strategy" to try and "overcome the lack
of understanding for a period of 2 months." These were, at least, the
topics analyzed at an informal meeting Friday night, which continued

on Saturday afternoon, aaong a number of CNT fo National Confederation

of Workers ] leaders and a very small contingent from the group of "25."
The meeting, called by Triacca, failed in its bid to bring along the
"ejectees" (the group of the "20" that taxi driver and former leader
Roberto Garcia deprived of representation for not being loyal to him
when he was arrested), and in view of this, to Donaires at least, "all
of these people are birds of the same feather and are different only for
the time being" (perhaps someone would add that Donaires himself removed
his feather only circumstantially).

According to a participant, the meeting "was incoherent, touching upon,
skipping and overlooking issues without stopping to consider any."

It was "more an informal chat than a proper meeting” in view of "the
ties that we have to finish putting together." Some of the issues
"tackled" with the aforementioned "incoherence" were as follows:

What to do about Garcia's opposition to going along with the "ejectees."
What news is there from the OAS commission?

Can't something “original” be done, such as stating in a petition that
"human rights are also involved in the area of low wages"?

Couldn't we form a commission with the trade unions from the interior,
which would then bring in everyone that wanted to join?

12

What guarantees are the boys from the interior offering?

Et cetera, et cetera, et cetera...

Cangallo Street was undeniably still echoing at the ueeting. During the

call, it was suggested to Garcia that he "postpone his return for as long

as possible, at least ur:til the OAS commission leaves and if possible,

until after 27 September." Garcia allegedly replied in puzzlement: "But hasn't
the law come out yet?" (he was referring to the law of associations)

"When is it going to?” The law, he was told, "would be "sanctioned no

sooner than 27 September, and therefore it would be best for you to stay

away until then, so we'll let them get into difficulties by themselves
(Triacca?); don't support anything like this with your presence."

Garcia's last telephone call from Europe to a lawyer's office at 1500

Perhaps these were the basic topics discussed last night (a few hours
before this edition went to press) at the joint meeting between the
"25" and the CNT to see “whether it is finally possible to set up the
commission." ‘The dominant tone seemed to be determined more by the
expectations surrounding the passage of the new law of associations than
by definite expectations of any agreement between the two groupings as

to a “program,”

We will have the chance to say a few things about the agreed upon “unity”
in next week's edition,

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* _

FOREIGN ISSUES VIEWED BY PRESS

Attitudes Towards the PLO
Buenos Aires LA PRENSA in Spanish 14 Sep 79 p 8
Ll Editorial: "Regarding the Palestinian Problem" 7

fi Text_/ The recent meeting in Haifa between Egyptian President Anwar

Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin did not produce positive

results with regard to the Palestinian problem, which is ticklish like

few others. The Egyptian leader's third visit to Jewish territory

constituted a reaffirmation of the spirit and determination that

brought him to Jerusalem in November 1977, thus laying the groundwork

and creating the spirit that was to bear fruit later on in the Camp

David agreements. "We came to Haifa,” both leaders said in a joint

declaration, "with a message of love and friendship, with a renewed

feeling of hope and confidence in the future." Proof of this was the

agreement to sell Egyptian oil to Israel, although nothing was mentioned

in connection with the established price. As far as the Palestinian

question is concerned, the two chief executives agreed to continue ;
studying the matter and “to pursue this objective over the coming months {
with renewed vision and a full awareness of our mission." Very sharp
differences persist, however, because whereas Sadat mentioned that Cairo

is merely aiding the Palestinians in their self-determination, though

"they themselves will have to negotiate their political destiny,"

Jerusalem proposes to perpetuate the administrative autonomy "of the

Arabs on Israeli land," Begin said, in other words, "in Judea, Samaria

and the Gaza."

The only really new development that came out of the Haifa talks was
Sadat's repeated observation that Jordan ought to be (and the possibility
could open up towards the end of this year) the natural home of the
Palestinians. A solution along these lines seems unlikely though not
impossible as time goes by. We must not forget that Jordan occupies

3/4 of the territory (110,000 square kilometers) that the British
mandate administered under the name of Palestine from the close of World
War I and that more than 60 percent of its population is Palestinian.

Nonetheless, when the PIO talks of the “liberation of Palestine,” the
terrorist organization is not referring.only to Israel's current
territory (more specifically, the west bank of the Jordan River and

the Gaza Strip) but to all of Palestine under the British mandate,

in other words, Jordan and Israel, as clearly announced in Article 21
of the Palestinian National Pact, which says that "the Palestinian Arab
people reject all solutions other than the liberation of Palestine as
a whole."

The motion to postpone the vote on the Palestinian question that was

about to be taken in the UN Security Council's 24 August session

required the prior consent of PA leader Arafat, and the immediate result
was to avoid an open confrontation with the United States, whose veto

was being taken for granted. In taking this approach, the Arab

delegates said that they had done so as a “personal tribute to the

White House's UN ambassador, Andrew Young, but the truth is that they pre-
ferred to temporarily table Senega.'s initiative on “Palestinian

autonomy” and to wait for another, more favorable opportunity, perhaps

the next General Assembly of the United Nations.

Meanwhile, the United States has stated that it will not maintain a dialog
with the PLO, under the terms of the agreement signed in 1975, as long
as the PIO does not recognize Israel. Such a substantive change in PIO
behavior must be ruled out, although its leader and its delegations
throughout the world persist in their efforts to acquire a venewr of
respectability, while even attributing the latest terrorist attacks to
“organizations that have split fromour ranks.” The fact is, the
characteristics that have always distinguished the PIO remain intact,
appearances notwithstanding. Arafat himself reaffirmed this when he
spoke on 21 August over "The Voice of Palestine" Radio: "We will
continue to strugg.e,” he said. "The revolution @ust triumph through
torrents of blood. The road will be long and cruel.” Three days before,
on the occasion of the "Al Quds" (Day of Jerusalem), he asserted: "The
armed struggle against the Zionist enemy must be intensified in order
liberate Jerusalem and Arab land.” The fact of the matter is that on
both occasions Arafat was merely reaffirming the letter and the spirit
of Paragraph 9 of the Palestinian National Pact: "The armed struggle

is the only method to liberate Palectine and therefore it is a strategy,
not a tactic.”

These are statements and threats of the present, not of the past, of
yesterday, and this makes the behavior of a number of Western leaders
and countries towards the PLO incomprehensible.

The Puerto Rican Issue

Buenos Aires LA PRENSA in Spanish 19 Sep 79 p 10
[ BAitorial: "The Statute of Puerto Rico" 7

[ Text_/ The Sixth Conference of Nonalined Countries has issued another
denunciation of U.S. “colonialist policy," with particular reference to

15

the case of Puerto Rico and the "self-determination of peoples,” in
other words, the free exercise of their rights to an independent
existence,"

The assertion that “Puerto Rico is an American colony” can be based only
on falsehood or whimsy. Discovered by Columbus in late 1493, the current
commonwealth (associated with the United States) experienced 400 years
of Spanish domination, with no significant changes in the framework of
the colonial regime over that lengthy span of time, except the limited
home rule charter granted by Madrid in 1897, 1 year before it lost control
over the island. Defeated in the Spanish-American War, Spain yielded
ownership of Puerto Rico to the United States, under the terms of the
Treaty of Paris. The half century subsequent to the outset of American
control is marked by major milestones, all of which led gradually to the
self-determination of the Puerto Rican people. In 1900, pursuant to

the Foraker Act, the U.S. Congress granted the island the right to a
provisional civilian government, with the president of the United States
appointing a governor and an 11-member council (a sort of Senate) and
with the election of a 35—member House of Representatives by popular
vote. Until that time (1896-1900), Puerto Rico had had three military
governors, Generals Brooke, Henri and Davies; in other words, the
transition from a military to a civilian government was accomplished

in 2 years, In 1917, the Jones Act granted Puerto Ricans American
citizenship and the right to elect, by popular vote, a Senate and a House
of Representatives, while Washington reserved the power to appoint the
governor and the members of the Supreme Court of Justice. In 1946, a
Puerto Rican, Jesus T. Pinero, was appointed governor for the first time.
On 3 July 1950, Public Law 600 of the U.S. Congress granted Puerto Rico
the right to draw up its own constitution and by joint agreement with

the White House to establish a statute of relations. The proposal was
approved by a wide margin at the 1951 referendum, and in early 1952
another plebiscite, again by a vast majority, determined the creation

of the Commonwealth of Pierto Rico, which has been its status since then
vis-a-vis the United States.

Since the creation of the commonwealth, Puerto Rican political life has
unfolded around three parties: one that advocates the existing status,

as it has pursued a hard and long civic struggle for its another that
backs statehood, in other words, making Puerto Rico the 5ist state of

the union; and a third that is separatist, advocating the severance of
all ties with the United States. in the presidential and legislative
elections that have been held regularly since 1952, in other words, for
more than a quarter of a century, the first two parties invariably took
a total of 95 percent of the votes, at times more, whereas the separatist

group won the backing of only 3 to 5 percent of the electorate. This
means, then, that the subject of debate in Puerto Ricw has not been
"“iniependence” from the United States, but the kind .f relationship or
ties with Washington that it is most advantageous to maintain. Hence,
the People's Party (which backs the commonwealth) and the Democratic
People's Party (which advocates statehood) have alternated in power.

Continual attempts have been made to conceal the patent unpopularity

of the separatist party by resorting to anti-colonialist rhetoric and
terrorist activities, in the pursuit, by intensifying passions, of a
political success that the electorate has always denied it. This
extremist stand resulted in the 1950 attempt on former President Truman's
life and the 1754 assault on the House of Representatives, which led to
the imprisomment of four Puerto Rican terrorists whom President Carter
has just pardoned.

Puerto Rico's »oroblenm (it is three times smaller than the smallest
Arzentine province) is of another nature; it consists of the contrast
between its excessive population (more than 3 million, with a birth rate
of about 2.5 percent per annum) and its insufficient economic
development. Over the last 40 years life expectancy has riser., infant
mortality has dropped appreciably, illiteracy has diminished and the
incidence of diseases has been cut. But its mest persistent problem
is unemployment (about 15 percent for lengthy periods) and the resulting
indispensable need to create new job posts at the rate of about 25,000
ayear. Although incipient, its industry has been modernized in recent
times, but farming at times suffers from regressive cycles and low
productivity. These issues, and others that it would not be appropriate
to emummerate here, are the substance of Puerto Rican politics, and all
segments of public opinion voice their views on them during free
elections every 2 years, with the known results. Nothing of this

sort takes place in Cuba and other colonies of the Soviet Union's vast
totalitarian empire.

It is unfortunate that these differences were not taken into account at
the Sixth Conference of Nonalined Countries, at which Argentina's
official representative supported "Puerto Rico's right to self-
determination, 80 that it can freely decide its future without any sort
of pressure or outside interference." Lacking information on the
institutional evolution of the former Spanish colony, the delegate could
have, on the other hand, referred in his speech, and on more than solid
grounds, to Cuba's status, but he did not do so, thinking, perhaps, that
there the people do have the “right to sel f<determination."”

Soviet Troops in Caribbean
Buenos Aires LA PRENSA in Spanish 17 Sep 79 p 6
[Baitorial: “The Soviet Union's Growing Military Might"_/

L Text_/ The presence in Cuba of a contingent of Soviet t.cops,
consisting of an estimated 3,000 soldiers and officers supplied with

17

artillery and tanks (a presence which, allegedly, the United States has
just now definitely loarned of) has prompted a bitter debate there among
the White House, leading members of Congress, retired military men and
the press. The initial announcement, on 30 Augurt, was made by the
chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Frank Church, who
said that as long as the Soviet forces remained in Cuba, i* would be
highly unlikely that the Senate would ratify the Salt II pact on the
use of strategic weapons that Brezhnev and Carter signed several months
ago. Nevertheless, last 27 July, U.S. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance
told Representative Dick Stone of Florida that “there is no evidence of
an increase over the last 2 years" in Soviet troops on the Caribbean
island. Once the presence of the Soviet troops was acknowledged,
hovever, Vance admitted that it was "a very serious matter,” posing a
situation “that is unacceptable." President Carter, in turn, looking
to tone down the alarm prompted by Senator's Church's disclosure,
asserted that the Soviet troops in Cuba "do not constitute an attack
force, do not threaten our security," altiough the circumstances
surrounding the episode, he added, dictate the adoption henceforth of
"firm diplomacy,” while not concealing that in any case "relations
between tiic Jnited States and the Soviet Union will be affected."

Although there is agreement in acknowledging the seriousness of the
situation that has arisen, the differences between Mr Carter's
administration and advisers and those who criticize what would
constitute "a serious failure of the intelligence commnity” lie in

the manner of gaging the magnitude of the episode in its linkage with
the ratification of the Salt II Treaty and with the degree of U.S.
military preparedness in the face of the Soviet Union's growing
military might. THE NEW YORK TIMES and the chairman of President
Carter's Security Council, Zbigniew Brzezinski, agreed that the problem
prompted by the presence of Soviet troops in Cuba cannot be taken as

a condition for Senate approval of Salt II, since independent situations
are involved that must be assessed separately. Without shunning the
firmness and vigor that the affair demands, the paper said, “we must
not lose our sense of proportion.” It recommended "not tolerating, but
not losing our cool either." The United States has good reasons, the
commentary says, “wheat and petroleum technology” among others, to cause
the Soviet Union to reflect. Former President Ford, who has generally
supported President Carter in his foreign policy, asserted that the
Soviet troops must be "withdrawn immediately from Cuba." The AFI-CIO
gave its backing to prompt passage of the Salt II Treaty, thus agreeing
with Brzezinski, who feels that the Soviet Union's strategic military
advance will otherwise continue unchecked.

16

We can hardly ignore that a debate of this nature could be inzluenced
by the proximity of the 1980 presidential election, Hence, many of

the opinions expressed must be given careful examination, especially if
ar analysis leads to the conclusion that the Soviet Union has placed
3,000 of its soldiers 90 miles from U.S. territory as a tactical
maneuver to create a rift on the U.S. home front, as has been happening.
Thus, it is questionable to link passage of Salt II to the withdrawal
ef tne Soviet treops, a condition that the Kremlin itself is perhaps
seeking at the moment. But while we are still hypothesizing, we cannot
rule out either that in the event that the troops are not withdraw and
Salt II not ratified, the United States will not be seen by the world
as refusing to sign an instrument for disarmament, while the Soviet
Union, in contrast, is viewed as an "advocate of peace,” which
“imperialism,” on the other hand, rejects.

The debate on the Soviet troops in Cuba has spread to the broader arena
of the “increase in Soviet military might” and the "defensive weakness
of the United States," as heard in the opposing viewpoints being
expressed these days in connection with this issue. In this regard,
former President Ford's criticisms have been particularly harsh, as were
those expressed in a petition signed by 1,678 retired generals and
admirals. But the most noteworthy of all of them were voiced at a recent
symposium by former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who said that
“the day is quickly approaching when the Soviet Union will be able to
determine the fate of the world. If current trends contime, the next
decade will be a period of great crisis for all of us. Never in history
has a nation achieved superiority in all major military aspects without
seeking at some point to translate that into some foreign policy gain.”

Kissinger's observation is based on a series of military and diplomatic
moves by the Soviet Union that point to a hardening aggressive trend.

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ARGENT INA

SCHOENFELD WRITES ON SOVIET TROOPS IN CUBA, NATION'S ATTITUDE
Buenos Aires LA PRENSA in Spanish 6 Sep 79 p 11

(Article by Manfred Schoenfeld: "What Is More Dangerous, a Missile Launching
Pad or 3,000 Soviet Instructors Training New Guerrillas?"]

[Text] The presence of 3,000 (or perhaps even as many as 5,000) troops of the
Soviet armed forces in Cuba has caused alarm in the United States, although
the rumors concerning that rcaction (insofar as its respective degrees are
concerned) vary.

There have been reports (carried by certain news agencies) claiming that the
stress has been placed on the concern itself, as expressed to President Car-
ter by several of his cabinet members and advisers, Cyrus Vance in particu-
lar.

There are others which indicate (without thereby reducing the intrinsic con-
cern) that the situation cannot be compared with that in 1962, the year of
the memorable “missile crisis,” or “Cuban crisis," as the threatening episode
has been recorded in history.

At that time, the North American intelligence services detected the construc-
tion of Soviet launching pads in Castro's Cuba for firing missiles in the
direction of the United States, The missiles themselves were already en-
route, shipped from the Soviet Union.

That was when President Kennedy made the historic decision to block access
by sea to the Caribbean island, exposing the Soviet vessels to the risk of
an overt confrontation with the United States’ warships. As we know, Nikita
Fhrushchev did not allow such a clash to take place: The Russian ships re-
treated, and the launching pads were eventually dismantled.

The firm, and simultaneously calm attitude of the “young” president in Wash-
ington obviously did not fail to have its effect on the more experienced
Muscovite dictator. But a long time has elapsed since then.

The world situation is different, the balance (or increasing lack of balance)
between the superpowers is different, and there is a different president of
the United States.

New Methods of Warfare

There may be observers who would add that the position that the communist re-
gime in Cuba has assumed (or has managed to gain, according to certain com-
mentators in éavor of Castro) is different as well, a: gime whose mi*itary
and foreign poiicy has converted the Caribbean island it. o a real military
pewer, and has succeeded in wielding its influence not only within a nearby
geographical area (Central America, tne new Caribbean nations which were for-
merly British possessions, etc.}, but far beyond that region, in black Africa,
Angola, Ethiopia and other countries.

We do not agree with that view, because Cuba (under Castroism) is still a
poor, if not beggarly nation, which is living on what Moscow has been paying
it for years, first so that it will serve the latter as a vanguard fortress
of communism (and of a kind of communism which is not even “heterodox,” but
strictly alined with that cf the Kremlin) on American soil; and, starting a
few years ago, to send (in exchange for those subsidies) Cuban troops through-
out the world, so that they may act where the Soviets themselves do not dare
intervene directly: in other words, as their proxies, fronts and mercenaries.
All of this has been sheltered by ati unpardonable apathy with regard to the
matter by a succession of North American governments, among which it should
certainly be noted that the Carter government is not the only one.

Thus, owing to this combination of vacillating North American pusillanimity,
increasing Soviet brazenness and blameworthy naivete on the part of those
who are still allowing Castro to flaunt the label of “nonalined," the Soviet
troops have made their presence felt .n Cuba with the greatest ea>* at the
very time when the ambiguous summit conference of those who boast of “not
belonging to any bloc™ is taking place in that country's capital.

This is the basis for the danger from those 3,000-5,000 troops thit have been
detected now, as in 1962, in the case of the launching pads involved in the
"Cuban missile crisis;" and for the fact that, for some time, both the mis-
siles and the nuclear weaponry itself have been going to what we might term
"the military arsenal” of the superpowers, in other words, the deterrent ar-
senal, the weaponry that has taken the plece of scarecrows or coconut trees.
On approximately equal terms (achieved through the SALT 2 agreement), the
Soviets are well enough protected to be able to engage in anothe: method of
warfare, and a new way of carrying out their offensive expansion: that of
the revolutionary and subversive guerillas, with training, equipment and
funds from Moscow, and with a “distribution center,” so to speak, and an
instruction and intelligence center, in a place as strategically vital as
Cuba.

It is no longer a matter of missiles pointed at Florida, but rather of in-
surgent forces which are prepared for any country, near or far: the nearby

21

ones (those in the Caribbean, or Central and South America) may be reached
by sea; and, for the distant ones, in Africa, for example, there are the
powerful Antonov transport planes. Based on the experience that has been
gained over the past 15 years, approximately, far more can be accomplished
with a few thousand good instructors teacing the use of advanced weapons to
the “popular guerrillas" (whom nothing and no one can “deter"), than by the
installation of weapons of a “deterrent” type in a vanguard geographical lo-
cation.

The Argentine Activity

The extent to which the international situation in this regard has changed

as well is proven by the alteration in the Argentine position from 1962 to
the present. During the “Cuban missile crisis," we ranked among the first
countries on the continent to lend President Kennedy immediate material
backing (in addition to significant moral support), sending two of our navy's
ships, the destroyers "Rosales" and "Espora," to the area of the conflict
that was feared, so as to join in the blockade.

Perhaps that was nothing more than a gesture (the ships flying our flag would
not have been able to deter the advance of the Soviets, if the latter had
continued on to Cuba); but this gesture, in which Argentine lives were at
stake, represented a great boost for Kennedy, and established an unequivocal
international stance for our country.

At the present time, we are sitting down side by side with the Marxists of
various stripes who are enjoying Fidel Castro's hospitaltiy at the "non-
alined" conference; because it is thought that, in this way, we may perhaps
gain sympathy in the United Nations on the issue of the Falkland Islands, or
whatever (as if the issue of the archipelago could be resolved in that in-
operative international forum); or we are receiving a Soviet military mis-
sion, because it is thought that we may thereby possibly neutralize the rap-
prochement between Santiago de Chile and Peking, something which is a no less
dangerous naivete (because, contrary to the situation between Chile and China,
which share the basic characteristic in this regard of being countries bor-
dering the Pacific, Argentina would be opening for the Soviets the door so
greatly desired affording access to the South Atlantic, even if only a ti-

ny crack, for they need nothing more to start something).

But, as we have indicated, the times are not the same since the great "Cuban
missile crisis" to the current "crisis of Soviet troops," which some have
described as being of lesser importance. In our opinion, they are mistaken.

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ARGENTINA

BUSSI DISCLAIMS ANY PRESIDENTIAL AMBITIONS
Buenos Aires LA PRENSA in Spanish 18 Sep 79 p 6

[Text] Neuquen (NA)--The head of the National Gendarmery, Div Gen Antonio
Bussi, emphatically rejected the speculation concerning his chances of be-
coming president of the republic in 1984,

"I cannot give you an answer to something that does not make sense," he re-
plied to the reporter who had made the inquiry of hin.

Bussi held a brief dialog with newsmen in this city, where he came to inspect
the Gendarmery's 30th squadron, of Cros Malal, and the 3lst, of Las Lajas.

When asked about the possibilit, of becoming president in 1984, inasmuch as
he is "really considered a member of the reserve," the high-ranking military
commander stated: "I cannot give you an answer to something that does not
make sense." He explained: "I am in the reserve, as 25 million Argentines

are."

His Concern

He said: “Besides, my only concern and my daily activity are confined exclu-
sively to the area of my specific jurisdiction, which is in the National
Gendarmery at present; and I have no concern other than the happiness and
development of men, women and children." He stressed the fact that, "Every-
thing else is one of the many things that are said without judgemnt, without
reason and without a sense of the occasion or of timing."

On this subject, the commander-in-chief of the army, Lt Gen Roberto Viola,
declared that the only decision made was that the next president, who will
take office in 1981, will be a retired commander of one of the three branches
of the armed forces.

The President After 1984

Furthermore, he denied that the Military Junta is currently considering a
decision concerning the appointment of a military president after 1984, the
year in which the term of the one who takes office in 1981 will end.

23

It was the chief of the army's general staff, Div Gen Guillermo Suarez Mason,
who had said that, after 1981, there would be two more military presidents
within the framework of the national reorganization process.

Finally, Bussi declined to express an opinion regarding the presence of the
International Human Rights Commission in the country.

He declared: “The government has expressed itself on the subject in a clear-
cut, categorical fashion, and I think that to add anything would, at the
most, cause confusion and would not clarify anything."

2909
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2h,

ARGENTINA

PERONIST LABOR LEADER CALLS FOR ELECTIONS
Buenos Aires LA NACION in Spanish 24 Sep 79 p 14

[Text] Salta--The former Peronist legislator, Rodolfo Tecera del Franco (af-
filiated with the Justicialist internal movement directed by Raul Matera)
urged his fellow party members to understand that "Peron is dead and, there-
fore, nothing will be the same as it was before;" and he expressed the view
that the leadership groups in his party should be "purged."

Tecera del Franco voiced these opinions in statements published today by the
local morning paper, EL TRIBUNO, in which he also called for an electoral

solution, claiming that, "to talk about waiting for years means dooming the
country to continue being bound to an atmosphere of heated social tension."

With regard to the party's internal arrangement, in his opinion, "It would
have been as absurd to imagine a Peronism without Peron, while he was living,
as it is now to think that the party can be run with the same procedures."

He added: “Peronism must be associated with the past but, at the same time,

it must be different. The members of the leadership must be purged; the lead-
ership cadres must seek generational reinforcements and the entire movement
must agree to a loftier political cultivation."

He recalled: “We were the first to become aware of the complete crisis in the
liberal capitalist and the Marxist socialist systems." He went on to say:
"We have discovered the incidence of both in our country, and we counter them
with one alternative: the national, humanist and Justicialist revolution,"
which, in his opinion, is “unfinished, but will inevitably be completed by
our generation or by those which follow."

He then advocated "an understanding between the popular and national forces
and the armed forces," a convergence which will give rise to "a strong, ca-
pable, political authority with the necessary daring to undertake the enter-
prise" of promoting a change.

He voiced his conviction that it is necessary “to change the economic system
and not the people;" and, in conclusion, he gave a reminder that, in 1963,

25

when the government opposed the formula of the Popular Union, Lima-Begnis,
the national adviser, ordered the lists to be withdrawn. He said: “Despite
the fact that I had won the elections in the metropolitan area, I resigned,
because I was one of those who had decided on the withdrawal of the lists."
He concluded by stating: "Nevertheless, many Peronist deputies-elect became
incorporated. One of those who disobeyed the order was Deolindo Felipe Bit-
tel, the governor of Chaco. He is now head of the party."

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26

GRONDONA SPEAKS ON CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS, POLITICAL PLAN

Buenos Aires LA OPINION in Spanish 6 Sep 79 p 8

[Text] Yesterday, at the conclusion of the series of discussions entitled
“Preamble to 1980, Analysis of the Argentine Reality," sponsored by the
Institute for Development of Modern Enterprise (IDEM), Drs Mariano Grondona,
Miguel Angel Iribarne and Jaime Perriaux expressed various opinions on the
subject of “institutions.”

The series in question took place in a downtown hotel and, on this occasion,
the director and coordinator of the program, Dr Julio Alvarez, underscored
the speakers’ earnest effort to “descry Argentina's opportunities during the
next decades, and the realities that it must confront in order to be able

to achieve then."

Mariano Grondona maintained that, on 24 March 1976, a new constitution came
into being wherein the 1853 Constitution is implicit, inasmuch as it serves
as a supplementary legal systen.

He went on to say: "This new constitutional system is not only not at odds
with the Constitution of 1853, but has also become the modern means of de-
fending it in an environment different from the one in which it was promul-
gated; because the chapter on declarations of rights and guarantees has been
included in the one that is in effect at present. What has been changed are
the government mechanisms for defending it."

After stating that the constitution has undergone reforms and changes, he
declared: "The next great law will be the political plan which was announced
for the end of this year by the armed forces."

For his part, Dr Miguel Angel Iribarne, author of the book entitled "The Res-
cue of the Republic,” analyzed the "separation which exists between the is-
sues and language of our political leaders;" because, when the latter speak
(he said), “The interests and viewpoints that they convey are often only
those of the individuals who are regularly concerned with politics, those

of their sharpshooting networks."

He then explained: “This inoperativeness on the part of the political leaders
stems from the areas in which they were recruited and trained: a university
degraded by demagogy, the committee and the trade union, which have accus-
tomed them to a rhetorical and demanding attitude, and not to concrete han-
dling of the public interests."

In this connection, he gave a reminder that previous military experience “has
been thwarted because, on occasion, the military leadership has held dialog
with the preexisting party heads as if they were the sole spokesmen."

Subsequently, Dr Jaime Perriaux, former minister of justice of the nation,
cited the -»nerations of leaders in our country, observing that they come
at intervals of 15 years, and that a distinction must be made between the
birthdates of their members and the years wherein the various periods of
growth occur, until they reach the stage ranging from 45 to 60 years of age,
which is when a generation exercises its leadership in the various sectors
of society.

He continued by saying that the generation which will start to predominate
is the one of those born between 1933 and 1947.

In conclusion, he referred to the generation which is currently between 17
and 31 years old, whose members will be in full joint ownership when that
impressive and alluring date of the second centenary, 2010, a time when they
will be between 47 and 61 years of age, arrives.

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28

PPC LEADERSHIP REMAINS AT VARIANCE ON POLITICAL STRATEGY
Buenos Aires LA NACION in Spanish 11 Sep 79 p 12

[Text] The internal status of the Popular Christian Party [PPC] has been ex-
pounded on the basis of three events which took place this week: the meeting
called by the group's president, Dr Enrique de Vedia, to determine the poli-
tical line and the internal dissent; the decision made on that occasion to
request that the National Junta convoke the supreme party entity, namely,
the national convention; and a document published by the current opposition
to Vedia, directed by Dr Jose Antonio Allende, wherein the different strate-
gies regarding the party's leadership are set fort’.

The meeting called by Vedia was informal, and the opposition did not attend
it. Nevertheless, there was general agreement on upholding the political
position advised by Vedia and criticized by Allende. The fact of having
then transferred the discussion of strategy and the internal situation to
the national convention would mean a delay in dealing with these matters;
because convening that entity requires that the leaders from the interior
part of the country travel to Buenos Aires.

Authority of the Junta

As may be recalled, Allende's sector has on several occasions asked for the
convocation of the other party entity, the National Junta, to come out in
favor of Vedia's strategy or that of his opponents who are calling for
civilian-military convergence.

Now, Vedia will have to convoke the party junta so that it, in turn, may ar-
range the meeting of the national convention. According to the account given
by this same source, the followers of Allende may take advantage of this
occasion to discuss within the junta the problem which Vedia wants to submit
to the party's convention members. But the latter maintains that the junta
does not have sufficient authority; while the Allende backers claim that,
owing ‘to the operational difficulties entailed in holding the convention,

its auchority was conferred upon the National Junta some time ago.

29

As for the document which was published by the Allende sector (national move-
ment), it stresses the urgent need to prepare a plan for institutional nor-
malization “that cannot and must not be minimized by the municipalist pro-
posals which have meager practical results;" and it cites the need for en-
larging the margins for convergence during an intermediate phase.

After claiming that the final phase of institutionalization must be, simulta-
neously, an expression of reconciliation and the people's free will, the do-
cument of the Popular Christian Party's national movement calls for a “humane
and vital" economic policy, the development of which requires normalization
of the trade union and business owning sectors.

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1980 BUDGET PROPOSES TO HOLD DOWN PUBLIC EXPENDITURES

Buenos Aires LA NACION in Spanish 16 Sep 79 Sec 3-a pp 2-3

[Text] With the initiation of the preparatory work on the national budget for
fiscal year 1980, a difficult task began, which was put to the test a few
days ago, and which will undoubtedly have to continue for the remainder of
the year. The test consisted of the submission of the programs on expendi-
tures of the various areas of the public sector, with substantial increases
(over 50 percent in some instances) in terms of constant currency, with res-
pect to the disbursements for this fiscal year of 1979, despite the precise
instructions agreed upon within the national cabinet to cut public spending
as much as possible. The proposals were resolutely rejected by the Secreta-
riat of Finance, and now a more exact requirement has been established: Each
area must reduce its spending programs by a minimum of 10 percent, in real
terms.

In fact, both the Presidency of the Nation and the Ministry of Economy have
proven determined to impose a definite limit on the spending of the public
sector. They are aware that, if this is done, they will be responding to a
veritable outcry from increasingly larger economic sectors; that 1980's will
be the last budget to be calculated and executed by this government and this
economic team; that the next government will have great difficulty in dealing
with a sizable revision of the state's dimensions; and also that, during the
new fiscal year, it will be necessary to face a particular resistance, because
the officials responsible for the various areas generating public spending
also realize that this is their last fiscal year, and they want to lend their
own administration the greatest brilliance.

Among the economic team, these circumstances have mobilized a trend of opin-
ion which aspires to launch a head-on attack in 1980 on the excesses in the
state's structure. Inasmuch as, in the 1978 budget, a lisi of nationalized
firms which were to be returned to private hands was included (a proposal

which, after some delay, is about to be implemented in 1979), it would be
fitting now to prepare a certainly longer list of public agencies which have
no further reason to exist in an economy that ‘is attempting to intensify

the role of private enterprise and to reduce the state's participation,

which has been estimated as exceeding the equivalent of 41 percent of the
gross national product. To be sure, the resistance has been remarkably strong.

31

Anything that is done in this direction, with a long-term view, will merit
praise, and will prove that the government is consistent with the rundamen-
tal principle of the state's subsidiary status. However, its effects on
the financial and monetary program for the new fiscal year will be reduced
if there is not a substantial curtailing of the public sector's investments,
which would allow for a real cut in the disbursements throughout 1980, and,
as a result, would hasten the absorption of funds (whether by way of taxes
or through credit) by the treasury.

In this regard, the president of the Central Bank, upon his return from Basel,
where he attended the 418th meeting of the governors of central banks convok-
ed by the International Bank of Adjustments (this is the first time that Ar-
gentina has attended and spoken at this forum), told the members of the eco-
nomic team about the surprise of the head of the German delegation, Otto Enm-
minger, at the low percentage of the deficit in the Argentine public sector
(4 percent of the GNP in 1979); because, in his country, the percentage is
considerably larger. The conclusion is that the German economy, which is
far more monetized, since there the monetary funds must be relatively equi-
valent to 60 percent of the GNP, allows for financing of public spending
amounting to about 6 percent of the product, as something normal. In our
country, on the other hand, the monetary funds do not exceed 20 percent of
the GNP, despite the obvious upward trend during the past 3 years; so that,
in order to finance the fiscal deficit, it is necessary to direct approxi-
mately a fifth of the monetary funds to the public sector. It is a well-
known fact that there have been bids on treasury bills equivalent to over

$1 billion in recent months.

The intention of settling the state's accounts during the new fiscal year of
1980 includes the idea of minimizing the use :f temporary advance payments.
Although, this year, they have almost always been liquidated within each
monthly cycle, the size of the funds involved caueed considerable displace-
ments of money which often destabilized the financial system. It is also
hoped to make the selling of bills and other public securities an instrument
for monetary regulation, and not merely a mechanism with which to supply funds
to the treasury.

For a purpose that is more related to order than to finances, the plans for
1980 include the extension of the tax on added value. The financial results
of this extension should be minimal, if one considers the fact that, in the
opinion of the economic team, the tax pressure should not exceed the current
limits; in other words, about 22 percent of the gioss national product.

From an overall standpoint, the added valve tax wi!l perhaps provide revenue
amounting to 40 percent more chan at present, partly because of the exten-
sion of the base of taxpayers, and partly because of the better chances of
combating evasion. The IVA [added value tax] represents approximately a
third of the treasury's tax funds; hence, the expansion would mean an in-
crease of about 12 percent in its tax revenue. The difference, in the tax
pressure as a whole, will be offset by the elimination of 43 smaller levies,
most of which are aimed at funds earmarked for certain purposes.

32

The purpose of this measure related to order is obvious, because it will
eliminate autonomous sources of expenditure governed not by the criteria of
priority adopted for the entire public sector in general, but rather by

the availability of funds which at times are disproportionate, by the ca-
pacity for liquidation of those who control those funds (they often exceed
the liquidation capacity of the pertinent agency, and are devalued in cur-
rent account, or they attempt to avoid that devaluation by circulating
through the financial market), and even by the ability to achieve an ex-
pansion in those funds, even when they are not really necessary.

The same thing will happen in the case of the taxes levied on imported pro-
ducts, which will be added to the tariff, without changing the actual tariff
and hence not the cost of importing either.

The original inte: tion of putting these changes into effect during the final
months of this fiscal year now appears to have been somewhat delayed.

The Increase in Foreign Exchange Reserves Is Easier

Thus far this year, the Central Bank has incorporated into its international
reserves about $35 million; they are more or less equivalent to 10,000 on
the exchange market, and the price of the dollar is maintained through them
in accordance with the program planned until the end of the year, the ex-
tension of which to the first quarter of 1980 is anticipated next month.

That 35 million (in other words, a monthly rate of about $70 million) is
equivalent to approximatley half of the revenue for last month, and perhaps
a quarter of the average revenue for the second quarter, when the reserves
increased at a remarkable rate.

The increase is due mainly to the foreign trade surplus: During the first
7 months of the year, the receipts from exports (an item which does not ne-
cessarily coincide with the value of the goods shipped) totaled $6.15 bil-
lion, no less, a figure which, if maintained throughout the year, would re-
sult in over $10 billion; and which, in any event, avi still taking into
account the seasonal decline in exports during the third quarter, could
bring us close to $9 billion. The amounts for the first 7 months represent
a 31 percent increase over the level during the same period in 1979.

Imports (or, rather, the payments abroad for imports) alse show a substantial
gain of about 44 percent, since they increased from $2.4 biiliop to $3.47
billion during the first 7 months of this year. The cumulative surplus for
that period is, therefore, nearly $2.7 billion.

Insofar as imports are concerned, we have been noting a sharp increase in
those of capital goods which, according to the estimates of an official
source, are exceeding $100 million per month. The upward trend occurred
toward the middle of the year in particular, because of the effect of the
tax exemption ordered for the entry of equipment and machinery; and it will

33

apparently tend to accelerate as we approach the end of the period, at
the beginning of next year.

The imports of capital goods do not have a great effect on the balance of
paysents over the short term, because they are generally made with loans
which, on the average, should be for somewhat under 5 years.

The Guarantee for Deposits

Last Thursday, the board of directors of the Central Bank discussed the mat-
ter of guaranteed deposits in the institutionalized financial system, for
the purpose of completing the regulations of the recent law which is due to
go into effect in mid-November, that is, in 60 days, and which will apply to
all transactions concluded thereafter.

Noteworthy progress was made at the meeting, which warrants the prediction
that the regulations may be made public this very week; but the prolongation
of the matternecessitated a fourth interval, lasting until tomorrow. The
main problem to be solved(the rules are essentially those with which a read-
er of LA NACION would already be familiar) is said to be the status of the
balances in the clearing houses; because the change in the system of guaran-
tees will virtually coincide with the transfer of bank clearing to private
hands. The Central Bank has already notified the entities which use it that
it will s-op rendering this service as of 31 October, as a peripheral means
of private control.

Therefore, the bank coordinating committee is hastening the search for solu-
tions, not only for the problems posed by making the clearing private, but
also for the presence of unguaranteed deposits in the clearing houses for
periods of from 24 to 2 hours.

The Minimal Capital

We have already stated previously that, on the financial market, as much or
more importance is attached to the matter of the requirements for minimal
workable capital than to that of guarantees. The financial companies have
been the entities most active in analyzing this matter (and also the ones
most affected by the rise in demandable capital); and they have, on more
than one occasion, demanded that it be computed as a part of the capital
liability for the net profits which the entities have been generating each
month during their activity.

The fact that such funds are not allowed to be included in the computation
of the capital is a situation lecking in equity: Whereas the capital demand
is indexed, doing the same with the entities’ working capital is precluded,
because the incorporation of those profits, in the current context, does not
mean plowing back profits, but rather the maintenance of the value of the
capital, in accordance with a theory which is shared completely by the mone-
tary authorities in many other respects. The situation may perhaps become

quite obvious if one considers a financing entity which would only grant in-
dexed loans: In each repayment it would not be accruing profits, but merely
recovering its updated capital.

To avoid what would represent considerable damage, certain entities have

found the beginnings of a solution: to bring the date of the closing of

their balances closer to the date on which the Central Bank requires the
updating of the minimal capital; in other words, 1 January. So, if an entity
has changed the date of the meeting, it can plow back the profits from the
fiscal year before the end of the year, and then include them in the compu-
tation of the capital liability. Some entities have already changed the date
of the closing of their fiscal years for this purpose, which only goes to show
the merely ostensible nature of the obstacle to incorporating the general
profits during the fiscal year into the capital.

Petroleum and Petrochemicals

With regard to reductions in public investment, the president of Government
Oil Deposits [YPF] made mention of a point which is often obviously disre-
garded: Wot all investments can be reduced or eliminated; and there are some
which it would be unpardonable to curtail.

In the case of YPF, for example, to stop investing in drilling would mean
giving up oil which could be extracted at a cost of between $30 and $60 per
cubic meter, and having to import oil costing over $160.

The head of the company confirmed his confidence in achieving self-sufficiency
in oil by 1982. The fact that, even then, it will still be necessary to im-
port certain types of oil or certain byproducts is not important (and, be-
sides, it appears to be inevitable); because those imports will be offset

by exports of other types of oil or other byproducts. The essential thing

is that the country be protected from the severe fluctuations which have
occurred in recent years in the prices and the supply of hydrocarbons, quite
often subject to pressure and to factors of a preeminently political nature.

The country should gain that same security and that same peace of mind with
respect to all petroleum byproducts. Self-sufficiency in oi) is only a de-
sirable goal insofar as it represents self-sufficiency in all its byproducts.
And it comes as no surprise that petrochemical byproducts are becoming in-
creasingly important in mdern economies. The price list that the president
of YPF gave, and the feasibility of making the country free from an extreme-
ly risky market, indicate that petrochemicals are one of the sectors in
which our ccuntry could have comparative advantages, even without being a
preemisentiv oil-producing country.

To be sure, this idea should not lead to the development of a petrochemical
industry at any cost, but it should accelerate the development programs; be-
cause our country has already been subjected to a long delay in this area,
the most obvious example of which is unquestionably that relating to Bahia

5

Blanca Petrochemicals and the entire complex in which it is included. But
that is not the only one. For over a year, the Secretariat of Industrial
Development has been analyzing plans for the construction of a polypropy-
lene factory, and it is clear that the proponents of it are demanding a

decision.

2909
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36

INTERNAL SECURITY: ECONOMIC CRIMES, POLICE GROWTH, PRISONERS
Theft of Cigarettes
Havana TRABAJADORES in Spanish 14 Jul 79 p 3

[Article by Lazaro Bravo]

(Text] The Penal Chamber of the People’s Court upheld the 15-year prison
sentence for Santiago Acosta Romero and Sergio Terry Goire pronounced by
the Third Criminal Chamber of the Oriente Provincial People's Court for
armed robbery.

Santiago Acosta Romero and Sergio Terry Goire, who have previous criminal
records and no revolutionary commitment, approached the terminal of the
Cuban Railroad Company at Jesus del Sol and Jose Antonio Saco streets in
Guantanamo and went directly to Car No 16072-2.

Once there the above-named criminals broke the seal of the car and made
off with 9,160 packages of Populares cigarettes, with a market price of
14,675.60 pesos, which they took home after dividing then evenly between
then.

Theft of Auto Parts, Tools
Havana TRABAJADORES in Spanish 17 Jul 79 p 3
[Article by Lazaro Bravo]

[Text] The Criminal Chamber of the former People's Regional Court of
Mayabeque sentenced Rafael Linares Hernandez to 18 months in prison for
stealing.

On various occasions in August and September 1977, the accused, Rafael
Linares Hernandez, taking advantage of his exployment in the automobile
clutch shop in the village of Palos, stole tools and auto parts manufac-
tured there, all of which belonged to the Cuban Government, in the amount
of 658.35 pesos.

The suspect took the above-named goods little by little to his home, which
is located a short distance from his work.

* 37

In the search conducted by the police, an electric drill, a bench lathe,
and an electric motor, among other objects, all belonging to the shop,
were seized. With these implements he repaired clutches of private cars
without a license.

The Supreme People’s Tribunal, in Sentence No 2338-79, declared that the
charge of multiple theft was correct and rejected the appeal presented by
Rafael Linares Hernandez.

Counterfeit Refrigerator Purchase Permit
Havana TRABAJADORES in Spanish 19 Jul 79 p 3
[Article by Lazaro Bravo]
{[Text] The first criminal chamber of the former people's Regional Court
of Central Havana sentenced Lazaro Janet Fuentes to 6 months and a day for
forgery of a personal document.
Some time before 27 April 1976 a person to date unidentified concocted a

permit similar to those issued by the CTC [Central Organization of Cuban
Trade Unions] as a merit award for the acquisition of a refrigerator.

Thus, the permit in question was made out to Lazaro Janet Fuentes, adult,
with unit number 241-03-06 of the old Plaza de la Revolucion regional
committe.

In verifying the number it was found that the code number belongs to the
unit in the Sacre Light Industry factory, located at Amargura 10, corner of
Pepe Antonio Street, in Guanabacoa, but it was also learned that Janet
Fuentes never worked there, despite the fact that the logo of the firm and
another, illegible mark appeared on the permit.

Previous to this the accused appeared at the La Victoria store in this city
and, aware that he was presenting a forged document, purchased for his own
use an Antillana refrigerator for the sum of 650 pesos, thus circumventing
the legally established method of purchasing such electric household appli-
ances. The court described the facts, which it declared were proved, as
constituting forgery of a personal document.

The Supreme People's Court, in Sentence No 2634 of 1978, rejected the
accused's appeal.
Housing Swindler Penalized
Havana TRABAJADORES in Spanish 24 Jul 79 p 3
[Article by L. Bravo]

[Text] The Criminal Chamber of the Villa Clara People's Court sentenced
Luis Pastor Portieles Mollinedo to one year in prison for swindling.

38

The accused appeared at the home of farmworker Emilio Castellon Orozco in
July 1977, a man with little education, and he made the proposition that

if he gave up his land to the state and 900 pesos, he would give him a room
in his home.

After thinking it over Castelon Orozco decided to accept the offer, and
he gave Portieles Mollinedo 900 pesos as a down payment.

As time passed and he was not given the room or his money back, which he
had demanded more than once, the farmworker filed charges.

The Provincial People's Court described the proven facts as constituting a
swindle and levied the above-mentioned sentence, together with related
penalties and the corresponding civil liability.

The accused appealed to the Supreme People's Court, which rejected it, in
Sentence No 2962 of 1978.

Deficiencies in Education

Pinar del Rio GUERRILLERO in Spanish 24 Jul 79 p 4

{Article by Agnerys Sotolongo]

[Text] "In the coming year the relentless struggle to insure compliance with
the Revolution’s standards in the educational field, through methodological
instruction, resolutions, and norms, will be continued, as will the struggle
against softness, favoritism,and the deficiencies apparent in the schools."

These were the words of Leonel Valdes Alonso, member of the Executive Bureau
of the Party in the province in a speech closing the meeting of the symposium
analyzing the work of the Education Workers Union for the school year 1978-79,
which was held recently at the Consolacion del Sur municipal building. The
leader declared that “now is the time to put an end to irresponsibility and
other deficiencies in the schools."

He said also that “there are schools that are practically impossible to
enter at the end of the year because of the condition in which they have
been left after the close of the academic year. He stressed that nobody can
afford to squander the efforts of the people, no one can afford to squander
the efforts of the Revolution in building and furnishing the schools.

Academic Progress Will Be Required From the Beginning

Valdes Alonso said that in the coming school year academic progress will be
required from the first testing and thus the course must be organized from
the beginning, and measures taken from the start, so that no one can later
blame the results of the first tests on the organization week, the late
starting up of activities, and other justifications without foundation.

“1¢ we want to achieve better results," he said, “we have to improve the
leadership mechanisms and take ever greater advantage of the organization,
discipline, and resources which the Revolution has placed in our hands.
This would be the categorical response to the suggestions of the Commander
in Chief, Fidel Castro, in which he called for all to make the requirement
an order to be fulfilled."

In referring to competition he termed it necessary to improve the checking
and activities connected with it, as well as reviewing and perfecting the
methods applied to selection, which occasionally do not function with
enthusiasm and organization. "We have to get competition started in each
school,” he said, "and for this we must have the principle of example: the
most enthusiastic one should be the secretary general of the union unit; the
most enthusiastic one should be the school principal." He said, "If we want
enthusiasm, let us foster it; if we want organization, let us take the
measures that lead to it; if we want discipline, let us work to achieve it.”

MININT Officers, Sergeants Promoted
Pinar del Rio GUERRILLERO in Spanish 29 Jul 79 p 7

{Article by Agnerys Sotolongo]

(Text] The ceremony marking the promotion of officers, warrant officers, and
sergeants of the Ministry of Interior took place on the parade grounds of

the Army Corps of Pinar del Rio, and a large group of members of that armed
institution who had distinguished themselves in the performance of their
duties and missions received their respective promotions.

The MININT promotion-order was read by Maj Angel Trnjillo, chief of cadres

of the organization, which takes in matters related to the granting of military
ranks. This makes possible proper ranking of the cadres and is an example

of recognizing the results obtained in executing assigned activities.

Maj Jose Olivera Perez read a message on behalf of the high command of the
MININT which stated that “it is right to promote those who, in one way or
another, have distinguished themselves in the struggle against the enemy and
on other fronts and who at the same time make the building of socialism and
communism in our land possible.”

The document also said that "in the framework of the 20th anniversary of the
victory of the Revolution and the establishment of the organs of state
security, let us swear to be faithful to the principles of Marxism-Leninisn,
to raise the efficiency of our efforts, and to comply with the guidelines of
the Revolution and its highest leader, Comrade Fidel Castro.

The concluding remarks were made by Lt Col Manuel Puentes Alea, chief of the
MININT Political Section, who said that "the principal mission of the
Ministry of Interior is to protect the triumphs of the working class, and

40

therefore it is necessary to constantly raise efficiency in protecting and
maintaining security and internal order."

In regard to the proposals made by the Eighth Plenum of the Central Committee
of the Party, by Fidel Castro at the National People's Government Assembly,

and later by the Resolution of the Political Bureau to its base organizations,
Puentes Alea pointed out that “it is necessary to redouble efforts and
organize work better; this, together with the better use of the working day and
demanding better performance, will raise the level of efficiency of this force."

Original members of the National Revolutionary Police and those who have
served over 15 years were also decorated.

Also present were Col Jose Sosa Diaz, provincial chief of the MININT; Roberto
Hernandez Mosegui, member of the Executive Bureau of the PCC [Cuban Communist
Party]; and Emilio Pimienta, vice president of the Provincial People' s
Government Assembly, among other provincial leaders.

Police Patrol Graduates
' Havana GRANMA in Spanish 10 Aug 79 p 2
[Article by Enrique Sanz Fais]

[Text] Over 400 students of the first basic course of the PNR [National
Revolutionary Police] Patrol Unit in the city of Havana graduated yesterday
in a ceremony held here, following satisfactory completion of their studies.

Our National Anthem-started off the ceremony and then lst Lt Vega Aldana,
chief of troops, read the report to Col Pascual Rodriguez Brasa, chief of the
PNR, who presided over the event.

Following this, Capt Juan M. Padron, director of the school, read the report
on the results of the course, which cited the most significant achievements
and shortcomings.

Then the three highest ranking students received their diplomas in representa-
tion of all the students. They were Luis M. Costa, the head of the class,
Roberto Hervis, and Rigoberto Neyra. Then the leading student, Luis M.

Costa, read the graduate oath.

In summing up, Lt Col Fernando Tosar, PNR chief in the city of Havana, stressed
the links that "we should maintain more and more with the working people since
if we do not rightly base our support on them, we will not be able to attain
the degree of effectiveness required.”

He referred to the need to strengthen the war against common crime, which is
a concern of all our workers. Therefore, he said, it is a duty and a task
of all to confront this responsibility with integrity, dedication, and
sustained revolutionary combativity."

41

eee

“We members of the National Revolutionary Police must be much more demanding
in our work, elevating the level of response to criminal acts and anti-
social demonstrations. We must be more demanding, more energetic in the
fight against common crime. We must be more demanding with ourselves," he

added.

Finally, he congratulated the graduates in the name of the MININT high command
and exhorted them to continue excelling.

Also presiding over the ceremony were Col Octavio Garcia, chief of the
General Directorate of Training of MININT, and other leaders and officers
of the Ministry of Interior and the PNR. .

Political Prisoners

Montevideo EL PAIS in Spanish 19 Aug 79 p 15

{Text} The inhuman conditions of thousands of opponents of
the regime of Fidel Castro have been revealed in New York.
The Spanish language paper EL DIARIO-LA PRENSA published a
supplement with testimony on the repression in Cuba that
states that at least 20,000 men and women are in jails.
“Agent of the CIA" is the most common charge made against
citizens who try to reestablish democracy in Cuba.

Some 20,000 persons are confined to the jails in Cuba and are subjected to
tortures as a result of their opposition to the communist regime of Fidel
Castro. The latest revelations of the oppressive situation reigning in
Cuba were published by EL DIARO-LA PRENSA of New York based on information
from the Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom and the Paris
newspaper Le NOUVEL OBSERVATEUR.

In a special supplement the morning daily published in Spanish in New York
presents eloquent accounts of repression in the Caribbean country.

"There are not 3,000 prisoners, as Castro said arrogantly in a recent
interview, but 20,000," said Dr Frances Grant, specialist in Latin American
affairs of the General Secretariat of the Inter-American Association of
Democracy and Freedom in an article entitled, "What Is Going On in Cuba and
With Its People?"

“While there are 5,000 actually in maximum security prisons, with all the
most modern techniques of human torment,” she stated, “there are another
15,000 in an equally humiliating and hard situation participating in
"rehabilitation' projects, which means, in other words, forced labor, brain-

washing, etc.”

Dr Grant notes that “it is confusing to us to note that Senator McGovern,
protector of the weak, so passionately defends the lifting of the trade
embargo against Castro, a brutal violator of human freedom." She asked,

42

“Why were Congressman Jonathan Bingham and his wife so delicate in questioning
Fidel Castro about his political prisoners, and why that frivolous disdain
for human feeling which the flood of tourists to hear Havana jazz concerts?"

The Subject Avoided

She added that “the question of the political prisoners continues to be
carefully avoided by official visitors from the United States who go to see
Castro. Senator Frank Church apparently has joined in the silence in his
admiration for the charms of Fidel Castro, the same charm that has dulled
the humanitarian sensitivity of other congressional visitors."

"Nor have we heard expressions of repugnance concerning the recent revelation
that Cuban officers served as torturers of American prisoners in the Vietnam
war. .

Dr Grant said finally that “the United States is now celebrating the
anniversary of women's suffrage. It is a good time to remind our government
especially of the Cuban women who are maltreated and often gravely ill in
Castro's prisons."

Accusation and Prison

The supplement to EL DIARIO-LA PRENSA also included a note from NOUVEL
OBSERVATEUR of Paris, which presents the case of Martha Frayde under the
headline "Dangerous Enemies of the People?"

“An endocrinologist_and gynecologist of international renown, she was a leader
of the revolution from the beginning and was arrested and sent into exile
by the Batista regime," said the article. Fidel Castro named Martha Frayde
director of the National Hospital of Havana. She was elected president of
the Peace Movement, she accompanied Fidel Castro to the United States, and
he received the Order of Lenin from her hands in 1959.

"But as the Cuban regime turned into a police state, Martha Frayde became
increasingly concerned,” LE NOUVEL OBSERVATEUR indicated. "She confided
her concerns to Fidel Castro. In 1967 she obtained permission to leave the
country--without breaking her ties with her nation but deeply worried about
its future--to exercise her profession in Europe. But 13 days before her
departure the police confiscated her passport on orders from Castro. For
10 years she remained in Cuba, always under suspicion and subjected to
continual harassment. She was arrested in 1976 and after a brief trial was
condemned to 29 years in prison. Naturally she was described as a CIA
agent.

“after being under house arrest for awhile, Dr Frayde was sent to the Nuevo
Amanacer prison for common criminals. Her personal possessions were
confiscated and her library was destroyed. In prison Dr Frayde suffered
malnutrition and the lack of decent sanitary conditions. As a result of a

43

serious stomach poisoning Dr Frayde was transferred to another prison, La
Banefica. It was there that they tried her and sentenced her to 29 years
in prison.

"But all this is not a joke. If Martha Frayde is sufficiently well known
among intellectuals and scientists in Paris, Madrid, and other capitals of
Europe for it to be understood how ridiculous the accusation against her
is and how excessive the punishment meted out to her, one must consider
how many more of these unknown “enemies of the people” languish in Cuban
prisons.

"If Fidel Castro really wants to erase the shame of all these years of
repression,” concludes LE NOUVEL OBSERVATEUR, Martha Frayde and the
thousands like her who are incarcerated or detained in concentration camps
must be freed. Every one, absolutely every one of then.”

9015
cso: 3010

MILITARY DEVELOPMENTS: GRADUATION, MANEUVERS, AVIATION
Largest Academy Graduation Class

Havana VERDE OLIVO in Spanish 29 Jul 79 pp 42-43

[Article by Jorge L. Blanco: "The Largest Graduation Class")

[Text] Army General Raul Castro, Second secretary of the Central Committee
of the party and minister of FAR [Revolutionary Armed Forces], persided over
the graduation ceremony of various courses of the General Maximo Gomex FAR
Academy.

This is the largest class ever graduated from this center of higher military
education since its founding in 1963. It also represents 26 percent of the
total number of officers graduated from the academy throughout its entire
16 years in existence.

The completed programs include a Graduate Academic Studies Program, the first
of its kind offered by this institution, The results obtained are encouraging
in that they demonstrate the advantage of this approach to preparing the
military for the FAR cadres, enabling them to attain advanced educational
levels without interfering with the carrying out of the functional duties to
which they are assigned.

During the ceremony, Lt Col Moises Velazquez Gonzalez read out the class
standings.

Subsequently, the minister of FAR presented awards to the four comrades who
had earned the summa cum laude with gold medal for having maintained a grade
of 5 throughout each of the courses in their programs of studies. They were:
Lt Cols Israel Evora Capote, Sergio Luis Alvarez Alamino and Ivan Perez
Herandez, and Maj Jorge Ramon Gomez.

The concluding remarks of the commencement were delivered by Brig Gen Leopoldo
Cintra Frias, member of the Central Committee of the party, who after refer-
ring to the positive results being obtained by the FAR Academy emphasized
that the knowledge acquired by its graduates prepares them to fulfill the
functions to which they may be assigned. However, he said they must bear

45

in mind the words of Commander in Chief Fidel Castro when he said that “an
officer must never cease increasing his knowledge, must study all his life,”
in view of the degree of complexity and automation of the weapons and tech-
nology with which the FAR are being equipped.

At another point in his remarks, he told the graduates they should devote
particular attention to what the first secretary of our party had said during
the most recent session of the National Assembly of the People’s Power in
regard to exigency--which has always been a characteristic trait of FAR
officers but upon which it is never too much to insist-—-toward oneself above
all and toward one's subordinates: be demanding, objective, and above all
fair and human.

"In accordance with the resolutions adopted in our party's first congress,”
said General Cintra Frias in the course of his remarks, "the Far have in
recent years been equipped with an appreciable quantity of modern technology
characterized by a high degree of firepower, maneuverability, and automation
of their components.

"To you, graduated comrades," he underscored, “is being given an important
role in the effective employment of these characteristics, in the manysided
and ever more intensive training of our fighters in the mastery of modern
techniques, in the constant raising of the level of knowledte of the con-
temporary art of war, of Marxist-Leninist theory, and of the politicoeduca-
tional task."

Then Army General Raul Castro said a few words to congratulate the graduates
and to announce that the comrades who had earned the summa cum laude with
gold medal would be advanced by 2 years in grade toward promotion to the next
higher grade, and thos diving earned the summa cum laude by 1 year.

Besides the second secretary of the party and minister of FAR, the following
officials were present at the commencement: Div Gens Senen Casas Kequeiro,
first vice minister and chief of the EMG [General Staff], and Abelardo Colome
Ibarra, vic: minister of FAR; Brig Gen Sixto Batista Santana, vice minister
and chief vf the Central Political Directorate; Vice Adm Aldo Santamaria
Cuadrade, vice minister and chief of the MGR [Cuban Revolutionary Navy ]--
all members of the party Central Committee; Div Gen Julio Casas Regueiro,
chief of the Eastern Army and alternate member of the Central Committee;

Col Juan B. Pujol, director of the General Maximo Gomez FAR Academy; and
other high-ranking officers of the FAR,

The Effort was Arduous

Lt Col Ivan Perez Hernandez entered the FAR 19 years ago through the National
Revolutionary Militias.

"Undoubtedly," he said, "increasing my military knowledge during the years I
studied at the FAR Academy has meant a great deal to me as an individual,
but principally it has meant being generally able to continued working in

46

the interest of strengthening the defensive capability of our country by in-
creasing the combat readiness of the FAR, the military arm of the Revolution.

"Yes, of course I am happy to have earned the summa cum laude with gold medal.
The effort to attain that goal was arduous, involving many hours of study,

in the awareness that all our military cadres must continually improve their
knowledge, as our commander in chief ‘ad occasion to state.”

Following the Same Road

A goodly number of comrades among the graduates completed the first Grad-
uate Academic Studies Program, Lt Col Israel Evora Capote is one of them.
Summa cum laude with gold medal. Just words, but they actually reflect
this 37-year old first-class officer's interest, and the dedication he has
shown, in taking fullest advantage of the opportunity to increase his
know ledge.

He says it was difficult to keep up at the same time with the studies he
had undertaken and the functional duties of his assigned position as deputy
chairman of a professorship and assistant professor within che FAR Academy
itself, but that it in fact demonstrates once again that the two tasks--
work and study--can be accomplished perfectly well provided the interested
person fully understands the benefits he contributes to the Revolution in
this manner.

This is not his last goal. Others loom for him. Continuation along the same
road to excellence. And along the same road to efficiency. In the way he
now does, as he proudly views his medal...

What a Difference!

Lt Col Sergio Luis Alvarez Alamino could not contain his happiness as Army
Gen Raul Castro handed him the medal rewarding his effort.

"Do you know," he said, "In that moment I remembered the days of our people's
victories at Playa Giron, where I was with the batallion of leaders of the
militias. What a difference between my military knowledge then and now!

Yes, the study program I iiave just completed gives me the necessary knowledge
to be able to contribute to enhancement of the combat readiness of the FAR.

A properly trained military cadre is necessary to deal with the developmental
level attained now by the FAR,

What We Still Have to Learn
"Major, what is your name?"

"Jorge Ramon Gomez.”

47

“Age?”
"31."

"Meaning you are the youngest of the four comrades who received the gold
medal.”

“In fact, yes."

“P leased?"

"It goes without saying. We have acquired new and valuable knowledge that
will enable us to improve our work, putting it on a more precise and scien-
tific basis. But now is when we realize how much we still have to learn...
And we will go on learning...That is our irtention...

Military, Patriotic Education Association

Havana GRANMA in Spanish 10 Aug 79 p 3

[Article by Diana M. Sosa Diaz: "District Level SEPMI Organizational
Assembly Proceedings Completed")

[Text] District assembly proceedings of the Association for Aid to the FAR
[Revolutionary Armed Forces] have ended, and with the realization of the
meetings of those associetions at provincial level the final steps will
have been taken for the constitution of the Military and Patriotic Education
Association [SEPMI] in December.

This information was released yesterday by Col William Galvez, chairman of
the National Organizing Commission for the Constitution of SEPMI, who dis-
cussed the future plans of the association, which includes among its objec-
tives that of taking part in the tcaining of youths and of the population
in general for the defense of our socialist nation,

Other aims of SEPMI mentioned by the colonel are: to assure the active

participation of ite members in patriotic and military work, and to edu-

cate them in the spirit of unreserved loyalty to our party, patriotisna,

proletarian internationalism and friendship among peoples, constant readiness
10 defense of the nation, and love for the PAR,

ihe ‘ganization plans for disseminate military knowledge and the heroic
trad.cions of our people and their armed forces, work systematically on the
training of our youth for active military service, and promote the develop-
ment of technical military sports.

Galvez pointed out membership in SEPMI, whose statutes are to be approved
by the association's national constituent assembly, is open to all workers and
students over 14 years of age.

46

SEPMI will be attached to the FAR and will replace the Far's Patriotic and
Military Working Group, which is currently active on three working fronts:
patriotic and military education, training of minor specialists for the FAR,
and development of technomilitary sports.

Galvez indicated that there are now 270 district Associations for Aid to the
FAR, with 41,839 members, throughout the country. He also said there are
117 technical and military sporting clubs dedicated to sports marksmanship,
radio sports, nautical sports, parachuting, model airplane and many other
activities.

The first provincial assembly will be held on 16 September in Santiago de Cuba
and the last of them throughout the country will end on 10 October. The
SEPMI national constituent assembly will be held in Havana.

Moncada 26 Military Maneuvers
Havana VERDE OLIVO in Spanish 12 Aug 79 pp 37-39
[Article by Mario Sarraff and Othoniel Gonzalez: "Moncada 26")

[Text] Many work centers bade farewell with justified jcy to a goodly number
of their workers who would be avay for several days at orientation meetings
which would be followed by the "Moncada 26" military maneuvers, a well de-
served tribute to the fighters of the Central Army on the 26th anniversary

of 26 July.

A substantial portion of the country's material and human resources vere
transferred to the FAR in accordance with the nation's defense plans, but
this did not prevent maintaining, with growing enthusiasm, the required
levels of productive commitments. This was made possible by the perseveri:,¢
effort of the trade movement, the cooperation of the political organizations
and of the masses, and the continued proper guidance and cooperation of the
party.

Meanwhile, at orientatio.s meetings, soldiers, sergeants and officers
refreshed their theoretical knowledge and reviewed their functional duties
as they improved their aptitudes and skills for field work as a means of
achieving optimum combat readiness.

The experience of the more “veteran” hands was channeled toward those who
were confronting the difficult and complex tasks of the contemporary art of
war for the first time,

By the time the signal was given for the start of the "Moncada 26" maneuver
its success had already been assured by those who remained in the factories
carrying on the work of their mobilized comrades, and by the called-up
reservists ana fighters, who prepared and ensured every aspect of this
important mission.

49

Today

It is hard for these reporters to describe to their fullest extent the opera-
tions carried out in the tens-of-kilometers-long “battle zone,” where the
motorized infantry, artillery, tanks, landing and assault forces and those

of the DAAFAR [Revolutionary Air Force and Antiaircraft Defense} brought to

a successful conclusion the operation which ended the 1978-1979 training
year.

As had been planned, after marching to the staging area and organizing and
planning the order of battle in the allotted times, our troops went into
combat action and quickly broke through the forward defenses of the "enemy,"
which had succeeded in landing and digging in.

Artillery fire, superbly simulated, together with the work done by the sappers,
cleared the way for the tanks and motorized infantry.

This put to a test the fighers’ capabilities for taking advantage of the
natural features of the terrain, hand-to-hand combat and cooperation be-
tween small units.

One of the most complicated missions carried out by our forces consisted of
knocking out a water obstacle,

The “enemy” had dug in on the west bank of the riber and its well-emplaced
machinegun nests were disrupting our forces. Facing the situation with
audacity and valor, the fighters managed through hazardous actions to cap-
ture several points of resistance, enabling the engineer units to move in
with their forces and equipment and, after hours of gigantic effort, to
create the necessary conditions for the main body of our technology and men
to neutralize the water obstacle.

Here the students of a training regiment deserve citation for their action
as the "enemy" which gave greater reality to the maneuver.

The repelling of the “enemy” counterattack was another impressive moment.
The infantry, tank and artillery units, supported by fire from our planes
and helicopters, completely stopped the action undertaken by the "invading"
forces,

Meanwhile, in another sector of the theater of operations, landing and assault
units had annihilated a missile group. Our young parachutists, acting with
Singular bravery, showed the degree of training they had attained and the

fate that awaits anyone who might seek to stain our native soil.

The "Moncada 26" maneuver demonstrated once again the high fighting spirit
and qualities of the personnel of the FAR, their solid mastery of techniques,
and the magnificent cooperation under fire among larger and smaller units.

50

Tomerrow

With the inner satisfaction of having accomplished their mission, the reserve
fighters return to their work centers and take their places in the productive
process. Their fellow-workers talk of the production goals achieved, and
they, in turn, of the success of the military operation.

Meanwhile, at permanent military installations, weapons and technology re-
ceive the necessary maintenance to ready them for the carrying ofnew and
important missions.

The “Moncada 26" maneuver will always be remembered in the military units
and work centers as a deserved tribute to the fighters of the Central Army--
to those who on the morning of that historic day did not let Marti die in
the Year of the Centennial--to those who did not beg for freedom but con-
quered it by force of arms,

Angolan Armed Forces Anniversary
Havana VERDE OLIVO in Spanish 12 Aug 79 p 56
[Article by Jorge L. Blanco}

[Text] The Revolutionary Armed Forces [FAR] marked the fifth anniversary
of the founding of the People’s Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola
(FAPLA) with a ceremony held in the FAR central Headquarters and presided
over by Div Gen Sonen Casas Regueiro, member of the party Central Committee
and first vice minister and chief of the General Staff.

Speaking in behalf of the Angolan students in our country, Amaru Matias,
among other things, underlined the importance of the task that awaits them
upon their return to their native land in regard to building a new society.

Col Jesus Bermudez spoke for the Revolutionary Amred Forces. “The exper-
iences of Cuba, Angola and other peoples," he said, “demonstrate that to
achieve their goals of national and social liberation, the revolutionary pro-
cesses need people's armed forces capable of defending the goals conquered
and of at the same time serving as a protective shield permitting the
revolutionary process to take root..."

At another point in his speech, he pointed out that the FAPLA fighters are
not only comrades-in-arms of the members of the FAR but also in ideals, and
that they will know how to defend to the last ditch the conquests of the
revolution and of the Angolan people.

The concluding remarks were provided by Luis Neto Kiambala, charge d'affaires
of the People's Republic of Angola in Cuba, who affirmed that the creation
of the FAPLA had taken place at a time when imperialism was unleashing all

its forces against the MPLA [Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola],
and that in spite of this it was able to emerge as the military arm of the
Angolan people in the struggle for their independence from colonialism and
racism.

Later in his speech, he said that the MPLA, the labor party, dedicates special
attention to strengthening the defensive capability fo the country, because
“it guarantees the development of work, freeing the worker from anxiety and
permitting him to perform his tasks aware that nothing can perturb hia."

Lastly, he referred to the help the People’s Republic of Angola receives
from Cuba's party, its government and its people, within the framework of
proletarian internationalisn.

Besides General Casas Regueiro, the attendees included vice ministers,
chiefs and officers of the FAR, and officials of the Angolan Embassy in
Cuba.

Western Army Artillery Competition
Havana VERDE OLIVO in Spanish 12 Aug 79 pp 56-57
[Article by Juvenal Balan]

[Text] The Western Army's sixth artillery competition was dedicated to the
26th anniversary of the storming of the Moncada barracks and to the sixth
summit of nonalined countries, Taking part in it were a substantial number
of first-class and junior officers, warrant officers, sergeants and privates
of that branch.

During the event, the participants displayed the skill and mastery with which
they handle their vehicles, weapons and equipment.

The celebration of this competition contribures to improving the combat
readiness of the artillery units, and foments a high emulative spirit

among the participants which in turn brings improvement in the quality of
instruction and in operational cohesiveness among the personnel of the small
artillery units.

This event, like theprevious ones, included a Study Materials Program [BME]
competition with the object of highlighting these advanced facilities for
raising the level of instruction. A novel feature was the inclusion of the
singing-and-marching competition which added color and patriotic toning

to the event.

The winners were the 3234th, 178lst, and 265lst units; and in the BME and
singing-and-marching contests the honors went to the UM 2100,

52

During the presentation of the awards, Col Jose A. Morffa, the General Staff
Headquarters commandant, was presented with a replica of a 19th century
artillery cannon. This gift will go to enhance the displays of the
Artillery Section of the Ernesto Guevara Palace of the Pioneers, which was
recently inaugurated in Lenin Park.

At the conclusion of the activities, the artillerymen of the winning units
were photographed together with members of the reviewing group headed by
Brig Gen Ulises Rosales del Toro, commander of the Western Army and member
of the party Central Committee.

Medical Brigade to Nicaragua
Havana VERDE OLIVO in Spanish 12 Aug 79 p 57
[Article by Marta Cabrales]
[Text] In Santiago the reply was a simple question: When do we leave?"

This was the affirmation concurred in--regarding the spirit that prevails
among the public health workers in that province with respect to aiding

our brother people in Nicaragua--by Drs Alberto Ibietatorremendia and Miguel
Sarmiento, who left for that country a few days ago.

Ibietatorremendia, the former physician of the Mario Munoz Third Eastern
Front and now a member of the party's Provincial Committee, expressed his
satisfaction at being able to offer in that Latin American country his
skills as a orthopedist and his experience as public health specialist under
war conditions.

This is his second international technical aid mission, having been, in 1965,
among the first groups of Cuban doctors who served in Algeria.

Sarmiento will be offering his skills as a pediatrician to another people
for the first time, and will be helping bring back to Nicaraguan children
the smiles torn away from them by the Somozist hordes.

He is currently serving in the public health section of the Santiago city
administration and considers it an honor to be one of the first Santiago
professionals chosen to help immediately heal the wounds inflicted on the
Nicaraguan people by the genocidal war.

Both men cite the enthusiasm and excitement aroused in the public health
units by Commander in Chief Fidel Castro's words when, during the main
event commemorating the 26th anniversary of the storming of the Moncada,
he referred to cooperation with victorious Nicaragua in the field of public
health,

It is this state of mind prevailing in hospitals, polyclinics and the other
centers of this sector that has given rise to the decision to form an inter-
nationalist medical brigade to carry its solidary aid, under the name of
Carlos Ulloa, the Nicaraguan hero who fell on the battlefield of Playa Giron,
to the soil of Sandino.

Ibietatorremendia and Sarmiento explain that this group will include well-
known specialists of standing who currently hold responsible positions in
charge of various units, and that the number and specialities of the personnel
on its staff will depend on the aid needs of that country.

The desire that motivates the doctors, nurses and health technicians of
Santiago has given rise to overwhelming requests in the meetings being held
that the brigade be sent to the most seriously affected places where the
help of the Cuban health workers is most urgently needed.

On the support which this task must receive from those who remain behind,
Ibietatorremendia pointed out that “though it will be an honor and a distinc -
tion for those who go, it will also be an honor and a distinction for those
who remain behind, those who through their efforts to cope with the increased
workload and to achieve and surpass our health program goals, will make
possible the presence of the Carlos Ulloa Brigade in Nicaragua."

The two Santiago doctors convey in these words the state of mind that per-
meates that sphere of the province, and are the standard bearers of the
solidary abnegation and sacrifice that will be the brigade's reason for
being.

For them, an undertaking will shortly commence that will become a milestone
in their professional careers and in their activities as revolutionary and
internationalist workers.

Graduation of Pilots
Pinar del Rio GUERRILLERO in Spanish 20 Jun 79 p 1
[Article by Pedro Gutierrez]

[Text] Commencement exercises of the ninth graduating class of Cuban civil
aviation pilots will take place on 7 July at the Capitan Carlos Ulloa National
School of Aviation in Sandino, Pinar del Rio.

The class includes the first group of foreigners to be graduated from this
training center--all Guyanese, including one woman. Three instructor pilots
will also be graduated and assigned to the school’s permanent faculty.

The school's students are busy decorating and preparing the center for the
commencement ceremony, one of their many tasks being to participate competi-
tively in the making up of charts, diagrams and models for the Study
Materials Program,

5

The commencement festivities will include children's parties, a sports
marathon, and a dance activity in Sandino.

The head of the school, Neftali Izquierdo, highlighted the fact that the
institution had earned the Competitive Promotional Center llth Festival award,
and that it had broadened its studies programs, which now also include the
Ilyushin [L-14,

He also pointed out that many tasks are being carried out by the school's
workers for the 28 June celebration of Transportation Workers Day.

San Cristobal Military Exercise
Pinar del Rio GUERRILLERO in Spanish 28 Jun 79 p 1
[Article by correspondent Jose Mena Perez]

[Text] The demonstration exercise on the activities of calling up, staging
and delivering the mobilization resources assigned to military units, which
was carried out in the municipality of San Cristobal, was characterized by
the Pinar del Rio Provincial Military Committee Command as very well done.

The concluding remarks to the exercise were provided by Capt Arcangel
Gonzalez Estevez, head of the Provincial Military Committee, who said that
this exercise represented one of the principal functions performed by the
Revolutionary Armed Forces to provide practical training to the Organs of
People's Government in the military responsibilities that have been assigned
to them by the party and the Revolutionary Government.

He also underlined that the qualification earned by the San Cristobal muni-

cipality is basically owing to the combined effort dedicated by the collec-

tivity of military leadership, reservists, government organs and enterprises,

and especially by the party and the People's Government, to this exercise.
MININT Graduation

Havana GRANMA in Spanish 13 Aug 79 p 1

[Article by Enrique Sanz Fals]

[Text] “In the work of diminishing the levels of criminal activities and
accidents, you can contribute a great deal by putting into practice the things
you have learned during this course," said Brig Gen Enio Leyva, vice minis-
ter of interior, in his concluding remarks to the graduation ceremonies of

the third and fourth police-training courses at the First Lt Antonio Briones
Montoto National School of the PNR [National Revolutionary Police].

This commencement, the largest ever effected at the medium-advanced level

by the Ministry of the Interior [MININT], served also as the central commence-
ment for all those that have taken place in the last few days in the various
PNR schools throughout the country.

The large group of graduates received specialized instruction in police in-
vestigative, secret operative and sector chief work and will be assigned
immediately to police work in their respective units.

Maj Jorge de la Rosa Beceiro, head of the school, read the report on the
academic results of both classes, which stated that the total number of gradu-
ates represents 98.3 percent of total class enrollments.

Jose R. Carrillo Varela, second-ranking graduate in the Company | class
Standings, read the military oath, immediately following which the first-
ranking graduates of the four companies, as representatives of their comrades,
accepted delivery of all the graduation certificates. They were: Miguel
Ramos, first-ranking in Company 1; Angel Napoles, first-ranking and recipient
of the "vanguard" award in Company 2; Medardo Sanciiez, first-ranking and
“vanguard” winner in Company 3; and Jesus Sosa, first-ranking graduate in
Company 4,

Remarks by Enio Leyva

In his concluding remarks, Brig Gen Enio Leyva affirmed that, "You will be
immediately confronting the pursuit and curbing of delinquents, at a stage
at which you must apply diligence and zeal to carrying out the directives
of our commander in chief, so as to eradicate the deficiences that slow
down the accelerated development of the Revolution,

"For this reason,” he added, “you must bear in mind the importance of exigency
and revolutionary intransigence, of resolutely confronting all wrongdoing,

and of frontally combating irresponsibility, superficiality, self-indulgence
and all the other things that generate the deficiences with which we must

cope today.

"We exhort you to continue working with greater creative spirit to obtain
even better results in future courses, and to contribute to the improvement
of the MININT training system,"

The vice minister of interior concluded, "To all of you--students, profes-
sors and specialists in the various fields, who in one way or another have
contributed to the development of these courses--I extend, in the name cf
the minister of interior and of the MININT High Command, our warmest con-
gratulations."

56

New Soviet TU-154B Aircraft
Havana JUVENTUD REBELDE in Spanish 15 Aug 79 p l
{Article by Clara Mayo]

[Text] The new Soviet TU-154B plane, which arrived at the Jose “Marti inter-
national airport on its first trip to the American continent, will depart
for Holguin on its first national flight tomorrow afternoon.

This aircraft, which is equipped with the most modern instruments and has

a maximum capacity of 160 passengers, will remain in our country 3 months,
leased by the Cuban Aviation Enterprise to provide an increased number of
domestic flights as well as flights to and from Caribbean and Latin American
countries.

The TU-154B is one of the latest types of aircraft produced in the USSR and
is more comfortable than the Ilyushin IL-62, according to information
provided to JUVENTUD REBELDE by Vladimir N. Sorvin, Aeroflot instructor
pilot, and Vladimir R. Klimenko, Aeroflot general representative in Cuba.

Its advantages include: less noise as a result of a smaller number of motors;
a more modern air conditioning system; improved onboard kitchen facilities;
and a higher speed of 950 kilometers per hour, which is faster than the other
plane mentioned above.

The TU-154B also has good takeoff and landing characteristics, making it
suitable for short runways of not less than 2,400 meters, a commercial cargo
capacity of 18 tons, and uses the fuel normally used by all jet planes.

In the Soviet Union, this plane is being used for international flights of
not more than [figure illegible] kilometers, the equivalent of 4 1/2 hours
of flight time.

FAR Documentation Center
Havana VERDE OLIVO in Spanish 26 Aug 79 pp 44-45
[Article by Elsa Blanquier]

[Text] Im today’s world, science is an indispensable ingredient for develop-
ment in every conceivable sphere of human activity, and its importance in
the military sphere is growing daily.

The scientific and technical revolution has poea! new problems to the
military science cadres, Changes that had already taken place have had to
be assimilated and conclusions drawn as to probably future developments in
this sphere, especially as concerns means and methods to be employed in the
conduct of combat actions,

57

Many other questions also require the application of scientific methods,
such as those related to the daily life of troops and their combat, moral
and psychological readiness.

in their never-ending pursuit of ever more effective solutions to the prob-
lems of military theory and practice, the Revolutionary Armed Forces [FAR]
have created the necessary conditions for the development of scientifico-
military work in their cadres.

This is demonstrated by the FAR Scientifico-Military Documentation and Infor-
mation Center, the principal organ of the Scientifico-Military Information
System which in turn has branches in the advanced military training centers;
in the industrial military enterprises; in the Doctor Luis Diaz Soto Military
Hospital, which heads all the other military hospitals throughout the country;
as well as in the ICCC [Cuban Institute of Geodesy and Cartography], the

MGR [Revolutionary Navy] and the DAAFAR [Revolutionary Air Force and Anti-
aircraft Defense]. The center systematically serves all of these information
organs.

As the axis of a special subsystem of the national system, this center is
also the organ in which national and foreign scientifico-technical and mili-
tary information is concentrated, and hence the organ that makes it available
according to the needs of the various commands.

Its creation goes back to the 1960s. After a long process of developmental
improvement, it is now in the process of maturing in its functions.

“Being an information center means not only storing scientifico-technical and
military literature for the FAR but also having it duly organizes, classified,
and ready for accessing in the shortest possible time," explained First Lt
Jordi Prat Saun of the center's headquarters.

Then he told us that this center must fulfill the functions, among others,

of providing collective and individual users, with a high degree of efficieny
and quality, the various types of information of interest to the FAR; achiev-
ing compatibility and interrelationship with the other components of the
national system, in accordance with the requirements of nationwide demand;
improving its operations by instituting modern information processing and
reproduction methods within the limits of existing capabilities; abstract-
ing and analytically processing national as well as foreign scientifico-
military information, including the unpublished. Its functions also in-
clude generalizing the benefits of our experience and results achieved and
encouraging their further applications; as well as carrying out research
directed toward resolving real problems of practical interest in the strength-
ening of the defensive capability of our socialist nation,

Currently, the center is engaged in editing the volumes of the Military
Bibliographic Collection and the EL OFICIAL and RT™ periodicals, the latter
two in cooperation with the hi.ediquarters and seciions of the MINFAR [Ministry

56

of Revolutionary Amred Forces] and the EMC [General Staff] and other commands
of tne FAR.

Its library of books, periodicals and newspapers currently includes more
than 6,000 scientifico-technical and military books and reference materials
(dictionaries, encyclopedias and reference literature) and more than 100
periodicals on the various subjects of interest.

Everything is properly organized and easy to find. The most important
articles of the periodicals have been abstracted into orderly registers
that have been bound by automated means.

Users can consult these registers and request the article(s) of interest to
them, to be used within the center itself. They may also request the services
of interpreters, if required, in Czechoslovakian, French, German, Russian,
Polish, Romanian, English and Hungarian, and access to the bank of FAR
technical translations.

A selective information service, compiled according to topics specifically
requested by the various user headquarters, is being offered and has been

extended to individual cases where a prioritized topic has been accredited
for a scientific research project.

Lieutenant Prat explained that all civilian cadre officers of the FAR can
utilize the facilities of this center, which is located at 1414 47th Ave
between 14th and i8th, Miramar, between 0800 and 1700 hours or consult by
telephone by calling 22-3435.

A wews bulletin will be published soon, as a supplementary service, which
will list the titles of new books received, and the tables of contents of
periodicals that may be of major interest to the different specialities.

One of the successes achieved by the center has been the uninterrupted
maintenance over the past 6 years of a system of storage and automatic re-
trieval of the information contained in the periodicals, based on a word
code according to subject matter, encbling users to rapidly locate articles
of interest to them,

It also has a register of information needs, compiled with the help of the
EL OFICIAL and RTM support groups, which facilitates the grouping of ma-
terials by specialty and sending to units requesting tiis service.

The facilities offered by this center to our cadres dedicated to scientifico-
technical work are many. This is made possible by the decisive work contri-
buted by its staff of workers, who through their efforts are helping to
develop our Revolutionary Armed Forces, loyal defenders of our socialist
State.

59

Medical Services in Aviation
Havana VERDE OLIVO in Spanish 2 Sep 79 pp 34-37
[Article by Gilberto Guerra]

[Text] Modern air combat requires highly trained pilots, skilled in tactics
and faultless in the handling of their plane. The swift dynamics of combat
action place a heavy demand on resoluteness and ezotional stamina. Every
combat pilot must show self-control and 2 cool head under the most trying
conditions, must think clearly and logically, regicier in his memory a

great amount of detail concerning the situation, and make rapid calcula-
tions.

Given the conditions inherent in their basic function, it is obvious that
fighter pilots must sustain heavy overloads, be invulnerable to dizziness,
bear up under extreme psychological stresses, etc. Acquisition of these
qualities depends heavily upon training. However, their base is rooted in
the physico-psycho-emotional state of the pilot, which must pass a number
of very rigorous medical tests.

The ‘Loop,’ the ‘Spinner,’ and the ‘Exerciser’

Next to us, the flight medical officer watches a fighter pilot's movements
in the “loop.” The exercises he performs in this device create flight-
like conditions, and help to adapt the pilot's system to the effects of
vertical acceleration and of positive and negative gravity. They are very
effective against dizziness.

Nearby, a young officer diligently spins, strapped into a circular metal-
lic device. This is the “spinner.” As its name implies, it spins the
pilot about an axis to condition him against dizziness.

The “exerciser” is a emall complex in which the pilot performs every kind
of physical exercises designed to develop strength, flexibility and agility
of movements.

All exercises performed in these various devices are directed and monitored
by the medical officer.

"We keep a book for each pilot," says the medical officer, "in which we
record all his activities from a medical viewpoint. For example: results
of his ground training activities, sporting activities, and preflight,
interflight and postflight checkups.”

Checkouts in the Simulator
For a pilot to successfully carry out his missions, he must have regular

ground training exercises, The results of these enable an evaluation of
his general flying fitness.

To evaluate a pilot's fitness, he is placed in the cockpit of a simulator
where he completes a mission exactly as he would under real conditions.

Assusing simulation of an enemy fighter intercept mission, its accomplish-
ment can be divided into four stages. The first of these begins with the
pilot's receipt of his orders and ends at the point of takeoff. The pilot's
emotional reactions begin in this stage: preoccupation with successful
accomplishment of his orders, interpretation of the iratructions received.
Superposed on this is the operation of starting up his palne and taxiing it
out to the runway. He is of course still on the ground and the tension is
minor.

The second stage consists of the take. ‘ and flight toward the intercept
zone. The situation is now more complex. The takeoff requires skill. Time
is pressire and the pilot's attention is exceedingly taken up by the onboard
instrumentation. During the flight to the intercept zone, the pilot must
refine his intercept plan and respond to orders received from the ground,
all of which augments his anxiety about accomplishing his mission. More-
over, he now feels alone in his plane and responsible for all that my
happen.

The third stage is the most complex for the pilot. From a medical viewpoint
it is the one requiring the most thorough evaluation. In it, the pilot

must concentrate on his instruments, seek out the enemy, prepare for the
attack, try not to be spotted by the enemy, etc.

This point of climax in the operation demands that the pilot conduct his
actions almost automatically. He will not have much time for meditation,
since speeds are swift, the air situation dynamic, and changes in the
situation abrupt.

The fourth stage is the return “home.” This constitutes a moment of satis-
faction over having accomplished his mission. He experiences relief.

The physician records his observations on all the psychological and stress
changes undergone by the pilot throughout the simulated mission and, upon
completion of the mission, analyzes the conduct of the pilot and his reactions
under the different sets of conditions.

In the Flight Line

In the flight line, the fighter pilots are again subjected to preflight,
interflight and postflight checkups.

This is one of the flight doctor's greatest moments of responsibility, in
that he must decide whether or not the pilot is in proper condition to fly.
At that moment he holds the responsibility for a man's life and for a very
expensive fighting machine.

61

In a matter of ginutes the planes will again be climbing into the blue.
During the checkup, the doctor chuts vith a young pilot about his health,
his rest, etc. Besides satisfying himself as to the pilot's physical condi-
tion, he must also reach a conclusion as to the latter's psychological state
before takeoff.

Instruments in hand, he now checks the pilot's blood pressure, temperature,
pulse, respiratory frequency, weight... Any abnormal variation in one of
these parameters is sufficient to ground the pilot and investigate the
causes.

But this does not end the flight physician's task. If the pilot sust don

a high-altitude flying suit, the doctor is at his side as he does so, check-
ing that everything is in order, taking part in the testing for airtightness,
and finally accompanying him to the plane, where he checks the pilot's

comfort in his seat, the oxygen supply, and the pilot's emotional state toward
the accomplishment of his mission.

Clear y, we have highlighted only a few of the high points in the work of
flight phyeicians with air combat pilots. They assure the safety of our
pilots and the successful accomplishment of combat missions.

9399
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PREVISORA BANK EMPLOYEES DENOUNCE ABUSE OF POWER
Quito EL COMERCIO in Spanish 22 Sep 79 p 3

[Text] Guayaquil, 21 September--The Eaployees Enterprise Committee of the La
Previsora National Bank of Credit has publicly claimed that, during the ai-
litary dictatorship, those who occupied the position of minister of govern-
ment, particularly Gen Bolivar Jarrin Cahuenas, and all of the nation's po-
lice authorities disregarded the various orders issued by the sixth penal
magistrate, Dr Carlos Romo Moran, for the arrest of those implicated in the
penal process being handled by that magistrate. The Enterprise Committee
added that, on certain occasions during the military dictatorship, the judge,
Dr Romo, was summoned by the governor of Guayas Province, or by the minister
of government himself, “in an attempt to intimidate him, so that justice
would not be properly administered.” It stated that the magistrate in ques-
tion had even been summoned to the office of Dr Gonzalo Karolys, while the
latter was serving as president of the Supreme Court of Justice.

Dynamite

In the public expose, the Enterprise Committee reported to the country that,
as * result of the articles published by the columnist, attorney Alfredo
Pim rgote Cevallos, concerning the La Previsora case, his car was dynamited;
and, when that writer protested, he was jailed and subjected to orders from
the police superintendent in office at the time, Jaime Vernaza Trujillo,

in «compliance with orders from tne minister of government.

It was also stated that, during the time of the special superintendent of
liquidation, Mauro Intriago Dunn, there was 4 massive liquidation of workers
from La Previsora, taking advantage of the circumstances surrounding that
banking institution, and violating their rights. On that occasion, it re-
quested an exhaustive investigation for the purpose of penalizing, to set
an example, those responsible for the economic crisis affecting the La
Previsora National Bank of Credit, particularly those in high-ranking gov-
ernment positions. The latter were forced to impose immediate corrective
measures to prevent misuse of the funds of the Ecuadorean people, amounting
to nearly 4 billion sucres, a sum which the Central Bank had to provide

to meet the obligations of La Previsora, both in the country and abroad.

63

The judge, Dr Romo Moran, whom, it was claimed, an attempt was made to in-
timidate, imposed sentences of 7 years’ imprisonment on nine individuals
involved in the La Provisora case, and jail terms of between 13 and 21
months on three other individuals.

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6l,

ECUADOR

BUCARAM SCORNS MISUSE OF CENTRAL BANK FUNDS
Quito EL TIEMPO in Spanish 21 Sep 79 p 1

[Text] A series of exposes concerning irregularities in the handling of the
funds of the Central Bank of Ecuador under the previous government were
made by the president of the National Chamber of Representatives, Assad
Bucaram, who stated that he intended to turn over the “mountain of docu-
ments” on these matters to the investigating committee for its information.

In statements made yesterday morning at his office in the Legislative Palace,
Bucaram noted that the nation's bankruptcy which has been cited by several
officials of the present government was due precisely to the ill-advised
debts and to the fact that public funds were not properly managed during

the previous regimes. He added that the National Chamber of Representatives
has done little to investigate these matters, and that the first thing that
should be done is to notify the Chamber's investigating committee of who

has committed fraud and how it was committed.

Squandering of Funds

Moreover, he remarked that he had a series of detailed reports on how “hun-
dreds of millions of sucres from the Central Bank of Ecuador were given as
gifts to friends and relatives of people favored by the officials of the
issuing institution,” and on the purchase of land which was of no use to
the bank. By way of a question, he said: "How could bankruptcy be avoided
with this squandering?”

To back up his statements, the supreme leader of the CFP [Concentration of
Popular Forces] and president of the Chamber submitted to newsmen a folder
which, he said, contained the documents concerning donations made by the
Central Bank "in sucres and dollars to a group of people," as well as on
the purchase of land in Riobamba and Esmeraldas, and of the fair grounds
in Guayaquil, and on the indiscriminate tax exemptions of certain imports.

He explained that all these irregularities had taken place during the ad-
ministration of Dr Rodrigo Espinosa Bermeo as manager of the Central Bank,

without giving the names of the alleged beneficiaries of the irregularities.
He declared: “I shall report this to the investigating committee, and until
that time 1 cannot cite names.”

The La Previsora Case

In this connection, Bucaram said that it is up to the investigating committee
to submit to the courts the cases of which he is not knowledgeable, but that
it was not the Chamber which would penalize. He commented: “Any citizen is
entitled to believe that Mr Bucaram is implicated in the La Previsora case,
because, at one time, here (in the Congress), the CID [Democratic Institu-
tionalist Coalition] voted the same as the CFP, or ID [Democratic Left], or
any other party, in which case the involvement includes the entire Chamber.
It cannot be claimed,just because three maladjusted individuals are attempt-
ing to complicate the entire Congress and not only a legislator, that we
promised to assign the judges best suited for the case. The judge who is
hearing the La Previsora case may possibly be the one who drafted that ex-
pose because he wants to remain in his position. I did not give any consi-
deration to the ministers who should be in the Superior Court of Justice of
Guayaquil, much less being able to promise to assign judges who suit the
gentlemen from La Previsora, so that justice would not proceed to be ad-
ministered properly." He added: “Anyone who claims or insinuates anything
concerning my behavior is a wretch, who deserves not only my scorn, but also
a punch in the mouth from me; but I am not punching anyone in the mouth.”

Bucaram also cited an act of “illicit enrichment,” involving the Philan-
thropic Bank which, to recover a loan of 1.4 million sucres granted to a
family named Gomez, “took 40 hectares of land worth 350 million sucres.”

He added: “This is illicit enrichment, in addition to being a criminal act;"
stating that he intended to expose those who committed this offense.

It Is Not Demagogy

Commenting that there is a sector of public opinion which feels that the
majority of the decrees approved by the Chamber are demoagogic, he respond-
ed: “It is not demagogy to reduce the price of medicines in a country where-
in they are so badly needed; it is not a demagogic act to restore the cor-
porate status of the UNE [National Union of Teachers], or to give compensa-
tion to the teachers who were unjustly persecuted for so long under dicta-
torial regimes. With regard to the 40-hour work week, this will give other
persons who are unemployed a chance to work on Saturdays and Sundays. In
this way, we shall have less unemployme:t in the country.” Then he added:
"It is not a demagogic act to acknowledge what is written by the poor peo-
ple in Guayaquil living in the mud, nor is it demagogy to want teachers to
earn a base pay of 5,000 sucres.”

Meeting With Gonzalez Alvear

Elsewhere in his remarks, the president of the Chamber mentioned the meeting
which he had held yesterday morning with Gen Raul Gonzalez Alvear, and which
he claimed was for the purpose of allowing the latter to voice his concerns
to him; “and it was right for me to listen to him." He said: "General Gon-
zalez Alvear expressed to me his concern over the bill for reinstatement of
the officers who took part in the uprising of September 1975 against Gene-
ral Rodriguez Lara.” He noted: "Many have expressed the view that it was

a fascist coup, and others claim that it was a matter of one dictatorship
over another dictatorship. But I think that it was a semi-fascist type
coup. However, those people have a right to be heeded, but not in the case
of promotions, as the bill wants. If that coup had succeeded, I would have
been th: main victim of the coup; because, wherever I was, they would have
hunted me to put me in the Garcia Moreno Prison. But I am not viewing mat-
ters from a personal standpoint; we must analyze everything that is just.
Still, I don't think that they are entitled to any promotion."

Supreme Court

In commenting on the statements made by Dr Victor Hugo Bayas after Dr Ar-
mando Pareja Andrade‘s appointment as president of the Supreme Court of
Justice, noting that there was collusion in that selection, he said that

he had not expected Dr Bayas to become so irate about the defeat that he
suffered in the Supreme Court, whose members could not elect two or three
presidents. He said that, if Dr Bayas had been named president, the collu-
sion would have been good, at the most; and that it is inadmissible to claim
that Dr Armando Pareja could not be president of the Supreme Court because
he is a member of the Liberal Party. He remarked: “What is involved is
that, as a member of the Supreme Court and president thereof, he might act
as a Liberal and not as a judge; which would warrant criticisa."

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67

EDITORIAL CALLS FOR MODERATION IN CHAMBER DISPUTES
Quito EL COMERCIO in Spanish 23 Sep 79 p 4
(Unsigned editorial: "Defense of Democracy"]

[Excerpts] The articles in the Quito and Guayaquil newspapers relating to

the session in the Chamber of Representatives last Friday morning had mean-
ingful headlines such as these: "Verbal Violence and Threats in the Chamber,”
“Many Verbal Attacks in Congress," "Violence and Insults," "Stormy Session

in the Chamber” and "La Previsore Bank Case Was a Bomb Which Shook the Cham
ber.” Actually, for over 30 days scandalous incidents have been taking place
in the Chamber of Representatives, but with slight repercussions. However,
as soon as the La Previsora case started, the violence reached reprehensible
extremes. Nothing has been clarified as yet. Conjecture and serious pre-
sumptions are floating about, as well as doubts and suspicions which may
perhaps not be given the complete explanation that is required.

In any event, what matters is not so much to reproach the promters and lead-
ers of the scandals, but rather to determine responsibility and, furthermore,
not to confuse what could be the outburst of heated personal views with the
process of democracy. The serious or ridiculous episodes which are observed
in parliamentary activity,something that is, as a rule, agitated everywhere
in the world, cannot be sufficient reason to claim that democracy lends it-
self to the unleashing of passions and the use of violence, which is by no
means a dialectical method. Democracy as a system, as a type of government
and as an ideal cannot be judged by the mistakes, abuses or foolishness of
this or that politician.

It is necessary to criticize all the improprieties, large and small, and to
repudiate and rebuff attitudes of a bullying type. But, at the same time,
we must firmly believe that democracy is not and will not be jeopardized

by the blameworthiness of quarrelsome politicians; because, transcending
partisan interests, there are many hundreds of thousands of Ecuadoreans

who will manage to defend it, inasmuch as they are convinced of the unfor-
tunate results of totalitarian dictatorships and regimes, whether communist
or fascist. Democracy must be defended with its own spiritual force. And

the citizens who are foes of coup situations must battle against everything
represented by a malicious or irresponsible negation \r warping of democracy.

What is beyond any doubt is the need for a stringent presence of the citizens
as a whole and of public opinion, that will save democracy from the political
schemers who seek to be its monopolistic beneficiaries. We have yearned for
an essentially new kind of politics, and for that very reason we must achieve
the organization of a democracy without blindly impassioned violence or out-
bursts. Neither vested interests and their proponents, nor common demagogy
can be factors in an authentic democracy, which needs to be far removed from
destroyers and ambushes.

2909
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NICARAGUA

NATURE, STRUCTURE, GOALS OF CDS EXPLAINED
Managua BARRICADA in Spanish 23 Sep 79 p 3

[Text] What are the CDS [Sandinist Defense Committees]? They are a broad
and democratic organization of the Nicaraguan people created to defend

and consolidate the revolution. Through them the broadest popular masses
make revolutionary changes, seek soluticns for their needs, defend their
interests and prepare to participate directly in the exercise of people's
government.

They are the Hands, Eyes and Ears of the Revolution

The participation of the CDS, which are led by the vanguard of the people,
the FSLN [Sandinist National Liberation Front], was very important in
the victorious insurrection of the Sandinist people.

They emerged before the insurrection as an urgent need for defense against
the dictatorship and as a support of the FSLN. The defense committees
were the most effective guards of the districts in ridding them of the
regime's thugs; they were the nurses, the clandestine clinics, the secret
presses with people's wooden mimeographs, subversive stores and so forth.
The people prepared themselves in all those actions for participating and
winning the struggle to the death, which led us to the overthrow of the
bloodiest dictatorship in America.

The participation of the Defense Committees, led by the Sandinist Front,
was very important for the victorious insurrection of the Sandinist people.

They Are More Necessary Today Than Ever Before

The insurrectional struggle was victorious against an overt enemy. Today
the struggle is against hidden internal enemies, who by subterfuge and
tricks attempt to wrest the victory from the people, however, it is also
the struggle against the enemy of all peoples: imperialism. The struggle
today must be directed in such a way that the organized people can resolve
the serious economic and social problems left to us by the rottenness of
the overthrown regime. The struggle today must be such that the masses
will organize better and better and make a reality of all their aspirations,
defend themselves from their enemies and conslidate the revolution.

70

The CDS also have the task of developing true revolutionary values, respect
among neighbors and collective work.

Promote Work for the Community, and the Nation and the Defense of the
Sandiriist Revolution!

By organizing the CDS we are organizing the people's government, which
means that the masses will be creating their own means for resolving their
political, social and economic problems. The fact is that plans do not
advance in the revolution, revolutionary changes do not progress if they
do not have the participation of the CDS, if they do not make a reality

of them under the leadership of their vanguard, the FSLN. This people's
government shall be that which will insure that the political and economic
demands of the masses are fulfilled, not only by requesting or demanding,
but by having an active participation through its structure.

The tasks which the CDS should now promote aud accomplish to consolidate
the revolution and maintain its gains are:

1. Defend the Sandinist revolution won at the cost of our people's blood
and sacrifice and that of their vanguard, and not allow hidden national
and foreign enemies to atte«pt to wrest the gains achieved.

Maintain a militant support of the revolution through political demonstra-
tions and mobilizations, letting all the world know of the fighting readi-
ness of our SANDINIST REVOLUTION.

The CDS must make the defense of the revolution more and more effective
by putting into practice the orientations of our vanguard.

Let Us Defend Our Revolution, Death To Counterrevolution!

2. Maintain the defense activities of the people's organization. As we
said, the CDS are the eyes and ears of the revolution. The revolutionary
vigilance of the people must be orien.s4 toward detecting and fighting
the enemies of the constructicn of the new country. The redoubts of
Somozism, the paramilitary groups, sabotage, Somzist infiltrators in

the revolutionary and popular bodies, ministries ani so forth, must never
be allowed to revive.

Let us Control Somozism. Let us Defend the Revolution!

3. Participate in the solution of the serious problems left to us by

the rottenness of the dictatorship; a disastrous economy and grave social
problems. We must find in the CDS the means for ever-increasing par-
ticipation, to the limit of o strength, for raising the standard of
living, for promoting the solutions of health and everything that makes

a reality of the hopes of the people.

7a

Revolution is Reconstruction

4. Consolidate the mass organizations, the CDS and others, to safeguard
the gains of the revolution so as to begin to create the people's government.

The Watchword is Organization, Organization and More Organization:
Who it is That Is Joining the CD..

For a people in a revolution, the most important thing is to be organized,
because a people, no matter how great their enthusiasm, their morale, their
fighting spirit, if they are not organized and united, if their forces are
not coordinated, will not be able to use them to fight the enemies which
beseige our revolution, nor will they be able to make a reality of all its
aspirations.

Each Man, Each Woman, Each Youth Must Join Where he Works, Where He
Studies, Where he Lives!

The People, the Real People, Organize to Defend and Create the Sandinist
Revolution!

The revolution must be the great union of all the persons who produce for
the people, who work for the people. The revolution must not be repre-
sented by political hacks, agents of Somozism, the climbers. They cannot
be, nor should they be, in the CDS.

The CDS Are the Organisms of the People Ready to Defend the Revolution!
How the CDS Are Formed

The CDS are organized by blocks, walkways, letters or by groups of houses,
depending on how the families in the neighborhood or region are dis-
tributed.

The CDS are made up by the dwellers in each block, walkway, square or
group of houses, who are determined to defend the revolution. The repre-
sentative of that committee is elected democratically in each CDS. This
representative should be elected among the residents of the area because
he is known by his honesty and his willingness to contribute in the work
of the community. This companero will coordinate with representatives
of other CDS to promote tasks and he must pass on to his CDS all the
agreements and discussions effected in the higher bodies.

Coordinators for health, propaganda, provisions, culture and sports,

community work and any other task, depending on the needs of the sector,
must be elected in addition to the representative.

t2

If there are fewer than 15 CDS in the district or region, the representative
of each of them will form the Sandinist District Committee [CBS] or the
Sandinist Region Committee (community or group of houses).

In those regions in which the houses have no regular patteru, the CDS
should be formed of 15 to 25 houses to each CDS. It must be sought that
the houses which make up each CDS be those which are the closest together.

The Councils of the CDS

If the district has more than 15 CDS, it is divided into groups or incre-
ments and the CDS Council is formed. In a district divided into three
groups, for example, there will be three CDS Councils. The CDS Council is
responsible for coordinating 411i CDS activities in one group or increment
of the district or region.

it is made up of the representatives of each CDS of its respective group.
Coordinators for health, provisions, culture and Sports and community vork
shall be elected in the council. They will work closely with the coor-
dinators in their same field in each committee; for example, if vaccinations
are going to be promoted, the person responsible for health in the CDS
Council will meet with the persons responsible for health in each CDS
Council. From one to four delegates (depending on the total number of
Councils which there may be in the district or region) are elected by
popular vote in each CDS Council to make up the CBS or Region Committee.

The basic function of the CDS Council is that of transmitting all the
concerns and suggestions of the CDS to the Sandinist District or Region
Committee and, in turn, inform each CDS of its group or increment of the
plans and orientations being made.

The Sandinist District or Region Committee

it is the highest representative body of each district or egion. It is
the authority elected democratically by the inhabitants of a sector and
it must faithfully reflect their will. In case it does not represent
the inhabitants or fails to represent their interests, it should be
changed.

It is the intermediate body between the ministries and the inhabitants
that puts into effect all the plans which allow a standard of living and
make a reality of the political program of the revolution. It is the
political guide of the CDS for the defense of the revolution, closely
linked to the guidelines of the FSLN in the Zone Councils of Sandinist
District or Region Committees.

13

NOTES:

l. Within the Sandinist District or Region Committee, two represent-
atives to the Zone Council and coordinators for health, provisions,
propaganda, culture and sports and commumity work or any other activity
which may be taking place in the area, housing for example, must be
elected. These coordinators shall be those who will work with the
persons responsible for the various tasks in each Zone Council of each
CDS.

For example, for the vaccination campaign, the companerc in charge of health
for the District Committee sust meet with all the persons responsible for
health in each CDS in his district and plan where the vaccination census

is going to be made, how it is going to be made, and who is going to take
care of all the children who attend, and so forth.

The CBS is responsible for the administration of all the money collected
by the CES [As published, presumably means CDS]. This money will be used
for the principal needs of propaganda, organization and others the CBS
believes necessary.

Any activity accomplished must be under the authorization and supervision
of the CBS.

Zone Councils of CBS or Sandinist Region Committees. These are formed by
city zones. It is important that there are no more than 25 districts or
communities in each council. The Zone Councils of the CBS are made up
of two democratically elected representatives from each district, elected
in their respective CBS. These two representatives are permanent and must
fulfill the task of taking to the council those problems, positive ex-
periences and plans which are being found in their district or region.
Moreover, they must pass on, in their CBS or Region Committee all the
agreements, orientations and discussions of the council so as to achieve
a unity of agreements throughout the organization of inhabitants. In
addition, an effective coordination of all the forces of a zone will be
achieved in that manner.

They are decision-making bodies of a zone and therefore represent a
leadership body of the masses. With the creation of the zone council,
the foundations for the organization of the people's government are being
cast.

After the Zone Councils of the CBS or Region Committees, the Municipal
Councils have been consolidated and are prepared for that step. The
CBS is formed in Small Districts of 15 CDS.

Operation

1. The Zone Council of the CBS should meet once a week to make general
plans for each zone and to seek solutions to problems. The Zone Councils

7h

must keep minutes of their meetings and each representative must trans-
mit the discussions and agreements to the CBS and Sandinist Region
Committees.

2. The CBS must meet one day per week after the meeting of the Zone
Councils. This committee gust also present the minutes of its neetings
to the Council.

3. The CDS Councils must meet once per week, a day after, or the day
following, the CBS seetings.

4. The CDS gust meet once per week as a minimum. An attempt should be
made so that all the CDS meet on the same day in the district or region.

8908
CSO: 3010

NICARAGUA

REGULATIONS TO NEW PRESS LAW PUBLISHED

Managua BARRICADA in Spanish 24 Sep 79 p 3

[Text) In Clause 5 of Article 7 of the General Mass Media Law, the
Ministry of Culture of our revolutionary government has decreed re-
gulations that will govern all mass media in national territory.

Adhering to revolutionary justice, the regulation is very different
from the press law under the Somozist dictatorship. The notorious
and hated black code which journalists and all our people fought
against will never again be used. Fines have become illegal and the
revolutionary conscience of all the men who play a role in our revo-
lutionary process by properly guiding our people will be the basis
of the regulation.

Following is the decree,

The Ministry of Culture, through the powers conferred on it by
Clause b of Article 7 of the General Mass Media Law,

Decrees:

The following regulation under the General Mass Media Law:
Section One

General Provisions

Article 1. When the present decree uses the letters LOM, this
thould be understood as the General Mass Media Law.

Article 2. The Mase Media Office under a general coordinator is es-
tablished to carry out the prerogatives that Article 7 of the LOMC
grants to the Ministry of Culture,

76

That office will consist of the following departments:

A) Concessions and Licenses;

B) Technical Advice; and

C) Other departments that may be created.

Article 3. The general coordinator of gass media is in charge of the
administration of the Mass Media Office as well as general coordina-
tor of all the departments under it and those that may be created
later.

Article 4. The general coordinator of the Mass Media Office will:
I. Obtain from all the radio and television stations the linkage to
which Article 7, Clause d, of the LOMC refers, except in cases of
manifest eme: gency when he can delegate this to the Publication and
Press Office of the Junta of National Reconstruction.

II. Indicate broadcasting priorities for the programs made } gov-
ernment branches and public organizations which will be broadcast
during the time reserved for the state on radic and television
stations.

III. Insure that transmissions follow the provisions established in
the LOMC and the present regulation.

IV. Grant permission for direct transmission of programs from abroad.
Section Two

Chapter I

Concessions and Licenses

Article 5. The Concessions and Licenses Department will:

T Grant and revoke concessions and licenses for radio and televi-
sion stations and assign them frequencies,

II. Declare the nullity or expiration of concessions or licenses and
modify them in cases included under this law.

Itt. Im coordination with the Technical Advice Department, authorize

and supervise the functioning and operation of stations and their
services and other gases media to which this law refers.

(7

IV. Participate in the lease, sale and other acts that affect the
ownership of radio and television stations.

V. Carry out other prerocatives that the law grants.

Article 6. In order to grant concessions or licenses, the Concessions
and Licenses Department will determine the nature and objectives of
the radio and television stations which might be commercial, official,
cultural, experimental, radiotelephonic or any other type.

Commercial radio and television stations will need concessions; the
others will only need licenses.

Article 7. Concessions for commercial AM or FM radio and television
stations . ill be granted:

I. Only to Nicaraguan citizens or legal persons whose partners or
associates are Nicaraguan,

II. If it is a corporation with shares, these will have to be regis-
tered shares, nonconvertible to bearer and transferable, ws: ia the
owner is alive, only to natural or legal persons who meet the require-
ments of the present regulation and with authorization from the Min-
istry of Culture. In case of death of the owner, the heirs must meet
the conditions in the above clause.

III. The request nust be presented in writing and include the fol-
lowing data:

Name of request¢«r or business name, date of constitution of the busi-
ness, residence, capital stock, duration and names of the people on
its board of directors and management personnel,

The request must be accompanied by documents that verify the above
data.

Article 8. The rights acquired by radio and television stations
will be respected as long as they adhere to the technical criteria
and the norms included in this regulation. They will have to demon-
strate to the Concessions and Licenses Department that they meet the
requirements set forth in Article 7 of this regulation.

Article 9. All mas, media must be registered at the Mass Media Of-
fice and pay that oifice the sum of two thousand (2,000) cordobas
per year for operation.

Article 10. Concessions for radio and television stations will in-
clude at least the following:

I. Assigned channel or frequency;

II, Location of transmission equipment;

III. Authorized power;

IV. Broadcasting system and technical specifications;
V. Schedule of operations;

VI. Name, class or indicator;

VII. Distribution system: telephone line or FM;
VIII. E8xpiration date;

IX. Deadlines to initiate and terminate construction of installa-
tions: and

X. Deadline to initiate transmissions.

Article 11. The concession cannot be for more than 2) years; however,
the concessionaire will be given preference for renewal over third
parties.

Article 12, The charactezistics of the concessions and licenses can-
not be altered except by administrative resolution dictated in con-
formity with the law or in compliance with judicial resolutions.

Article 13. ‘Cession, transfer, mortgage or crnveyance of any title

to the concession or license and transmission equipment will not be
valid unless done with prior authorization from this department.

Chapter II

On News Media

Article 14, In order to work as a professional journalist with any
mass media, proot of affiliation with the UPN [Nicaraguan Journalists
Union| will be required. Radio journalists in Managua only need
proof of affiliation with the Managua Union of Radic Journalists.
Chapter III

Nullity, Expiration and R®vocation

Article 15. Concessions and licenses that are obtained or issued

without carrying out the proper procedures or in violation of the
provisions of the prosent regulation are null and void.

19

Article 16. Concessions granted for the operation of radio and tele-
vision stations will expire for the following reasons:

I. failure to initiate or terminate construction of installations
within the deadline and extensions indicated, except for justified
cause.

II. Failure to initiate transmissions within the deadline in the
concession, except for justified cause,

Article 17. Causes for revocation of concessions are:

I. Change of location of transmission equipment without prior author-
ization from the Concessicns and Licenses Department.

II. Change of channel or channels, frequency or frequencies assigned
without authorization from the Concessions and Licenses Department.

III. Conveyance, cession, transfer, mortgage, use as collateral or
encumbrance of any type, wholly or partially, of the concession and
the rights derived from it and the transmission equipment without
approval of the Concessions and Licenses Department.

IV. Unjustified suspension of services of the broadcasting station
for a period of more than 60 days.

V. Change of Nicaraguan nationality by the concessionaire or re-
quest for support from any foreign government, enterprise or persons.

VI. Modification of the business contract in violation of the provi-
sions of this law.

VII. Any lack of compliance with the conditions of the concession
not specified above,

Article 18. Licenses for the operation of radio and television sta-
tiens can be revoked for the following reasons:

I. Change of location of transmission equipment without authoriza-
tion from the Concessions and Licenses Department.

It. Change of channel or channels and frequency or frequencies as-
signed without authorization from the Concessions and Licenses
Department.

III. Failure to give cfficient, accurate or regular specialized
service after a warning.

[Iv omitted as published]

V. Modification of the business contract in violation of the provi-
sions of this law.

VI. Any lack of compliance with the conditions specified in the
license,

Section Three
Chapter I
Technical Advice Department

Article 19, The Technical Advice Department will be in charge of
technical couxdination and operation of mass media in conformity
with the norms indicated below,

Article 20. Mass media cannot suspend transmissions except for un-
foreseen contingencies or overriding factors. The concessionaire or
licensee must inform the Technical Advice Department of:

I. Suspension of service;

II. Use of emergency equipment during the contingency that causes
the suspension; and

III. Normalization of service when the emergency is over.

This notice to which the above clauses refer will be given, in each
case, within 24 hours.

Article 21. The technical operation of radio and television stations
must meet the conditions indicated in the provisions dictated by
this department in accord with required engineering norms,

Article 22. This department will dictate the necessary measures to
avoid interference in radio and television broadcasts, Every sta-
tion, all scientific, therapeutic or industrial equipmen*: and those
installations that radiate sufficient energy to cause disturbance

to authorized broadcasts must stop that interference within the term
established by the department.

Article 23. This same department will prevent interference between
national and international stations and will dictate appropriate
measures, making sure that the stations that operate are protected
in their authorized service area,

It will also determine the limits of the bands for different ser-
vices, the tolerance or deflection of frequency and amplitude of the

81

frequency bands for every type of broadcaster if not specified in
the respective agreements.

Article 24, Sporadic radio diffusion phenomena will not be consid-
ered objectionable interference.

Article 25. For technical and safety reasons, radio and television
stations must locate their installations outside cities. The broad-
casters that still operate within a city must relocate their in-
stallations within a maximum term of 6 months from this date.

Article 26, The Technical Advice Department can carry out technical
inspections of radio and television stations exclusively to verify
that the operations adhere to this regulation.

Article 27. There can also be technical inspections whenever they
are considered necessary and the concessionaire or licensee must
heed the observations made in writing.

Article 28. Technical inspection and supervision will be done by
department specialists.

Article 29, The data that the inspection personnel obtains during
their visits or because of them will be confidential.

Article 30. If the existence of technical defects is verified, the
department will inforv the concessionaire or licensee in writing

for prompt correction. If not done, the department will have the
defects corrected at the cost of the interested party.

Chapter II

Programing

Article 31, There is a right to information, expression and recep-

tion through the press, radio and television; consequently, they will not
be the object of prior censorship or any judicial or administrative
investigation or limitation,

Article 32, Tne directors or owners of news space on radio and te-
levision are obliged to indicate the following in their registration:

I. The name of the newsman;

II. The name of the station or stations on which he will broadcast;
and

III. The schedul”) and number of times broadcast.

82

Article 33. The directors or owners of ne s space are equally sub-
ject to the provisions contained in Artic.e 14 and to the annual pay-
ment of five hundred (500) cordobas to the Ministry of Culture for
registration.

Article 34. Nevertheless, radio and television stations must make
free daily broadcasts of up to 30 continuous or discontinuous minutes
for educational, cultural, social, economic and sports themes in ac-
cord with the general gquidelines that the Ministry of Culture will
elaborate and during hours that do not affect regular programing.

Article 35. The concessionaires of commercial radio stations and
the licensees of cultural, official, @xperimental and radiotelephonic
stations are obliged to broadcast the following for free and with
priority:

I. Bulletins from any authority related to national security or de-
fense, the preservation of public order or measures intended to fore-
cast or correct any public disaster.

II, Messages or any notice related to ships or airplanes in danger
that request help.

Article 36, Cigarettes or alcoholic drinks cannot be advertised.
However, production, distribution and sales enterprises of ci-
garettes and alcoholic drinks can sponsor programs of avy type and
mass media can identify them as sponsors.

Article 37. Radio, television and the press will preferably direct
their activities toward the strengthening of oo.» revolutionary con-
quests, defense of our revolution, expansion o1 »opular education,
diffusion of culture, extension of knowledge, propagation of ideas
that strengthen our principles and traditions, stimulus to our capa-
city for progress and the creative power of the Nicaraguan through
the arts and analysis of national affairs from an objective point of
view using appropriate guidelines that affirm national unity.

Article 38, Radio and television programs must not present series,
stories, plays or films that are immoral or lead to violence or ra-
cial, political, economic and social discrimination. They are also
subject to the prohibitions included in Article 3 of the LGM,

Chapter III

On Personnel

Article 39, The Concessions and Licenses Department will be under

a director who is responsible for the department and who rust fulfill

and make others fulfill everything established in Section Two of
this regulation,

Article 40. The Technical Advice Office will be under a director who
is responsible for technical advice. He must fulfill and mai:: others
fulfill the provisions in Section Three of this regulation.

Article 41. In order to carry out their duties, the directors of the
Concessions and Licenses and Technical Advice Departments can hire
the technical or administrative personnel that they consider necessary.

Chapter IV
On Infractions
Article 42. Infractions of the present law include:

I. Failure to comply with the obligations in Articles 2 and 3 of
the LGOMC.

It. Failure to lend services of national interest included in the
law and this regulation.

III. Operation of a transmitter with different power than assigned
without authorization from the Concessions and Licenses Department.

Iv. Failure to comply with the provisions in Article 9 of the LGMC
and Article 14 of the present regulation.

Article 43. The general coordinator of the Mass Media Division can
order the suspension of any type of publication, projection or trans-
mission in the cases included in Article 3 of the LGMC while waiting
for a resolution from the Special Permanent Council. That already
published, transmitted or projected cannot be considered crimes under
future regular legislation or laws of national emergency. This last
is in compliance with Article 7 of the LGMC, There can never be
courts of exception for journalists.

Article 44, Infractions to Ordinmals II and III of Article 42 will
result in the suspension of transmissions for a maximum of 48 hours.

Article 45. Mass media that incur the infractions included under
Ordinal IV of Article 42 will be suspended until they adhere to the
provisions of the LGMC and this regulation.

Article 46. Reoccurrence of infractions of Ordinals II, III and Iv
of Article 42 can lead to temporary or permanent suspension and re-
vocation of the concession or license of the mass media by the Spe-
cial Permanent Council following the procedure established in Arti-
cle 11 of the LGM.

Cc}
>

Article 47. The present regulation will go into effect today, from
the moment of publication by any mass media without aff. -:ting its
subsequent publication.

Given in the city of Managua on 18 September 1979
"Year of National Liberation"

Ministry of Culture

Ernesto Cardenal, minister

7717
cso: 3010 END

END OF
FICHE
DATE FILMED

NbW- 14-79
JC