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1 June 1984 

Sub-Saharan Africa Report 



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1 June 1984 


Dos Santos Blames Portugal for Poor Relations 
(Luanda Domestic Service, 13 May 84)......... Cobo beeen seees oa 
Former Minister in Court 3 
‘Northern’ Responsibility for Coup Assessed 
(Laurent Zecchini; LE MONDE, 14 Apr 84)......ccccccscccceees 4 
Effect of Abortive Coup on Unity Examined 
: (Laurent Zecchini; LE MONDE, 17 Apr 84).......... bteseossese F 
President Visits New Industrial Enterprises 
(VOZ DI POVO, 14 Apr 60606666 0500060000 00000000% eeeeee#eeesees 10 
Fishing Cooperation With Spain To Be Expanded 
(VOZ DI POVO, 14 Apr SOP cecccceses eeeeee#*e*?s *@eeeenoseeaee*1en*wene*7eseseenee ese @ 12 
Boat From Iceland 13 


Agricultural Talks at Pala Cover Many Fields 
CINFO TCHAD, 13, 17 Apr 84). .ccccccccccccccccces TYTTITTTTy 14 

Yields Key to Self-Sufficiency 
Crop Yield Discussed 

-ae [III - NE& A - 120] 


Swiss Investments Bolster Gold Production Effort 

(Jean-Luc Lederrey; JOURNAL DE GENEVE, 

2D BRE GR) ccccccceces 

Preservation of Traditional Values Urged With Ongoing Reforms 

(Editorial; Mody Sory Barry; HOROYA, 14 

Open Letter to Information Services 

(Nava Toure; HOROYA, 14 Apr 84)........ 


TASS, ANG Sign Techniczl Cooperation Agreement 
Cie? FERSG, F BE GS) vccccssccecsceces 

BOE GR) scccccccccecs 

Council of Ministers Announces Price Rise of Basic Items 

(NO PINTCHA, 7 Apr 84).........20ee0e- ° 




Economy, Debt Rescheduling Discussed 
(Louis Guilain; AFRICA, No 159, Mar 84) 

Coping With Drought in Kitui District 

(Gideon Nzoka; THE KENYA TIMES, 27 Apr 84).......csceesecees 

Moi Urges Reforestation 
(Makokha wa Musebe; THE KENYA TIMES, 28 

Meeting Strengthens Relations With Emirates 
(Editorial; THE KENYA TIMES, 30 Apr 84) 

ROE TA) ic cccvcccves 

Training Facilities Available for Textile Industry 
(Victoria Okumu; THE KENYA TIMES, 30 Apr 84)..........-e00. 

Fuel Shortage Reported 
Bridge Is Swept Away 

Friction Within National Muslim Council Reported 

(THE NEW LIBERIAN, 10 Apr 84).......... 

Country's Banking, Liquidity Crisis Discussed 
(Lawrence Thompson; THE NEW LIBERIAN, 


23 Ane BB) ccccsaces 















Peoples Redemption Council ‘Declares War' on Tax Evaders 
we cance ud THE..NEW LIBERIAN,.. 24,. 26 Apr 84)... ccccccaeaccccacccecscee = 47. 

Liquidity Problems, Corruption, Editorial 
Firing Range Set up 

"Tax Clearance’ for Travel 

LAMCO-LMWV Agreement Gives Workers More Benefits 


Increased Production of Coconut for Export Planned 
SaRees RE GE DOP cesses csbcvesvseseoncsssecas seeueeeseses 52 

Sweden To Train Electrical Substation Operators 
CORPERGEME, AF BOE GR) oc ccccccccccccsscceces pebeeeeeeace bas 54 

Urban Green Zones To Increase Food Production 
(NOTICIAS, 18 Apr BA) ..ccccccccceces bs 6853666056046054058b8 56 

Department for Training Meteorological Experts Planned 
too) Pe 2 ee |} Peewee TTT TTT TTT ee eebaes TTT 58 

Production School Planned for Salamanga 
(NOTICIAS, 19 Apr 84) .ccsccccccccccsccccces Soceseeesesaere 60 


Economic Prospects, Problems That Follow Liberation Viewed 
(Dawid J. Vermeulen; DIE VOLKSBLAD, 4 Mar 84)............- 62 

REPUBLIKEIN Comment on Political Development 
(Editorial; DIE REPUBLIKEIN, 26 Mar, 3 Apr 84)....... oeees 64 

Damara Departure From MPC 

Savimbi Role 

Attitudes of Namibia Leaders 

PDS General Secretary A. Wade on Future Plans for Governing 
(Abdoulaye Wade Interview; WAL FADJRI, 27 Apr-1l Jun 84)... 68 


Detention Deaths; Editorial Policy Discussed 
(BAG, FED Ga) coccvcccccccccccccssocers ceveoeceseevoeececees 74 

Recruitment Strategies To Reserve, Allocate Labor Analyzed 
(Marian Lacey; SASH, Feb 84) .cccccscccccccccsccssecescesesss 76 

Sash Seen Facing Mounting Pressures, Challenges 

Black Sash Affiliation With UDF Mooted 
SED RMON We SUP 8665 o0seceesccccceseseeevencesese 

Significance of ‘komati Accord Discussed 
(FRONTLINE, Apr 84)........ $nbhn50eeeeeeseboseaes seneeeuenes 101 

Realistic View of Bophuthatswana, Mangope Advanced 
(Johann Graff; FRONTLINE, Apr 84).............. eesccces cooce Me 

Analysis of Afrikanerdom Split Offered 
(David Williams; FRONTLINE, Apr 84)............. ecoesceccecs Be 


Recent Events Reviewed; Document Circulates on Campus 
(Passek-Taale; L'OBSERVATEUR, 13-15 Apr 84).......... verre yr 111 


Convicts To be Put To Work on Rural Development Projects 
( THE HERALD, 5 May 84) eeee#e#e#es:s: *eeeeeeneesesenre8eceeese8ee e828 eeee7#s1eeee#e#e#se# 114 

ZNCC To Train Ex-Combatants Engaged in Co-op Ventures 
( THE HERALD, 6 May OP 6666 60056000006606 6600006806008 e@eee#e ee 116 

Minister of Information Scores South African Based Correspondents 
( THE HERALD, 7 May BoP case eeeeee7nee#e7#e#8ee#e#es8e#ee# eee esee*eeeeee# eee7s#es: 118 

New Food-for-Work Program in Buhera Benefits Drought Victims 
(Munyaradzi Chenje; THE HERALD, 7 May 84)........eeeeeee005- 120 

Mazowe Farm People Refuse To Be Evicted 
(William Bango; THE HEKALD, 8 May 84).......ccececceeeeceeee 123 

smn as ‘ ies — ray ey - —_ | wn 

MB141529 Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 0700 GMT 13 May 84 

[Text] Comrade Jose Eduardo dos Santos, the president of the People's Republic 
of Angola, has blamed the Portuguese Government for the deterioration of its 
relations with the Angolan Government. In an interview with the Lisbon weekly, 
O JORNAL, the Angolan head of state said that the attitude of the present 
Portuguese Government with regard to activities by the Angolan counterrevolu- 
tionaries in Portugal explains the present state of relations between the two 

President Jose Eduardo dos Santos divided relations between Angola and Portugal 
into three distinct phases. The first phase covers the period from the inde- 
pendence of Angola in 1975 until 1978, which was characterized by an 170 percent 
increase in trade between enterprises of both countries and by the good develop- 
ment of political and solidarity relations between nongovernment organizations. 
Despite these good relations during this phase, Portugal supported the puppet 
gangsters in their activities, but this support lessened with the spirit of 
Bissau resulting from a meeting between the late President Agostinho Neto and 
General Ramalho Eanes, thus marking the beginning of the second phase. 

The Bissau spirit, President Jose Eduardo dos Santos said, marked a very promis- 
ing period for cooperation between Portugal and Angola. During this perio”, 2 
financial agreement was signed between the Angolan Nationzl Bank and the Ban: 

of Portugal. Also a cooperation agreement in the field of electricity was 
signed. The Bissau spirit was affected by a lenient attitude of Portuguese 
authorities toward the free movement and subversive activities of groups moun:- 
ing armed terrorist attacks against the Angolan people and their legitimate 
government from Lisbon, the Angolan president said. 

The third period in Portuguese-Angolan relations began with the eighth Portu- 
guese government led by Pinto Balsemao, during which the second joint commis- 
sion session was held which reinvigorated cooperation between the two countries. 
The session could not take place earlier due to hostilities against Angola 
which caused a climate of distrust and tension. This was also the case with 
regard to official contacts between both governments. Gen Ramalho Eanes" visit 
to Angola in April last year was also considered by President Jose Eduardo dos 
Santos as having immensely contributed to improving the climate of trust and 
revitalizing economic and socioscientific cooperation between the two countries. 

However, the president of the People's Republic of Angola deplored the present 
Portuguese government of Prime Minister Mario Soares, which has upset the under- 
_ standing as the, government is now permitting anti-Angolan activities in Lisbon. 
This situation has forced Angola to protest strongly to the Portuguese Govern- 
ment and to urge a reevaluation of bilateral relations. 

With the regard to [the] situation in southern Africa, the Angolan head of state 
believes that the diplomatic peace efforts undertaken in the region must be com- 
plemented by efforts by the international community to effectively implement UN 
Security Council Resolution 435/78 providing true independence for Namibia. 

Only in a climate of peace can we increase t'ie regional cooperation within the 
framework of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference to elimi- 
nate the dependence which some countries of the region still have with regard 

to South Africa and subsequently to end backwardness and to also ensure our 
sovereignty in the economic field. This is what President Jose Eduardo dos 
Santos said in conclusion, 

CSO: 3442/365 



FORMER MINISTER IN COURT--For the past four months, the Bujumbura Court of 
Appeal has been conducting the trial pitting the Miniscry of Justice against 
Alexis Ntibakiranya, formerly general director of the SRDI (Regional Develop- 
ment Company of Imbo) and minister of agriculture and livestock raising and 
the people's representative elected from Kayanza Province, who is now being 
held prisoner in the central prison of Mpimba. Five hearings have already 
been devoted to the very complex trial since the beginning of December 1983. 
[Excerpt] [Bujumbura LE RENOUVEAU DU BURUNDI in French 5 Apr 84 p 2] 11,464 

CSO: 3419/599 


Paris LE MONDE in French 14 Apr 84 ppl, 5 
[Article by Laurent Zecchini: "The Lost Wager of the Cameroonian Rebels"] 

[Text] Yaounde--The municipal cemetery is strangely deserted. A few hundred 
meters from the sports stadium, the site, which nature has taken over, is 
peopled with sparse tombs flanked by headstones anc a few crosses leaning at 
an angle. In the extension of the entryway, two unconcealed heaps of laterite 
strike one's eye. Two common graves: One, 10 meters long and 4 meters wide, 
is still empty. The other, covering some 20 meters, has been filled in and 
one can easily detect the tracks of a mechanical excavator. It was here, on 
Tuesday, 10 April, that part of the bodies picked up in the streets of the 
capital following the 6 April confrontations were piled. 

The city is calm, cvlorful, sunny, just as usual. The attempted coup d'etat 
on Friday, 6 April, that shook the regime of President Paul Biya left few 
traces on Yaounde and after a few hours spent crisscrossing the main dis- 
tricts and seeking out the bomb craters and destroyed buildings, one almost 
doubts it happened at all. The fighting with heavy weapons, the strafing 

by the Fouga-Magister planes, the firing from the Gazelle helicopters: Where 
aid it all take place? What city was under siege? By day, Yaounde betrays 
its recent convulsions only by the presence of a few groups of soldiers in 
strategic spots, but at nightfall, detachments of nervous soldiers take up 
their posts nearly everywhere. 

But let us look again. Aha! There indeed! At the Presidential Palace, that 
monstrous birthday cake of a building cautiously overlooking the city and its 
wooded hills. The main gate still stands agape. One bullet-riddled wing is 
partially destroyed. A pile of crushed beams, the remains of two street lamps, 
some debris on the ground. The Yaounde airport is intact, little affected by 
the military presence and at the Douala airport, tiie economic capital, little 
more than routine attention is paid to the passenger list, the baggage. Not all 
the rebels are dead or in prison and the authorities do not want the remaining 
few to slip through their fingers. 

However, they believe they know where the fugitives can be found. La Briquet- 
terie, the voor Haoussa (northern ethnic group) district adjoining the Pamoun 
district, has been surrounded by the army. Several dozen soldiers are 

assigned there or patrol the streets, their American M 16's over their arms 
(unloaded, however). Armored AML vehicles equipped with machine guns or 
20-mm canons control the area. One truck guards the entry to the National 
Police Advanced Training School and, as the government daily CAMEROON TRIBUNE 
(one of whose reporters, Bandolo, said to be dead, revealed the attempted 
coup in a kind of lyric epic poem), "courageous, even reckless children, 
several times helped the forces of law and order to track down the wutsiders 
trying to mix with the civilian population." In short, the informing came 
about quite naturally. But as the same daily writes: "In the hospitals, 
particularly Central Hospital, another atmosphere reigns. The people are 
there, silent, tense, looking hagard, trying to find their loved ones among 
the dead in the morgue. And the bodies continue to pile up, of all ages and 

How many? On Thursday evening, 12 April. the Office of the President pub- 
lished the official figures: 70 dead, including 4 civilians and 8 "loyalist" 
elements; 52 wounded, 1,053 rebels arrested, 265 gendarmes "missing" and all 
the leaders of the rebellion "known to date" captured, except for one low- 
ranking officer, "being actively sought." Diplomatic sources agree that the 
total number killed is clearly higher (without giving one any faith in the 
fantastic figure of 6,000 given in Paris by the UPC [Union of Cameroonian 
Peoples]). Will the exact number ever be known? The people bury their 

dead quickly, almost furtively, especially those from the north, so that their 
neighbors “will not find out.'’ The diplomatic corps has done its figures: 

No Frenchman, no European was killed or wounced. Only one young Lebanese 
about 20 years old, Schidiac, died uselessly for having stopped 20 meters 
after the order of a soldiers’ barrier. One of them fired the fatal shot. 

There were naturally stupid blunders against civilians or rebels who, despite 
their surrender, were killed. But the page has nearly been turned on a trau- 
matized Cameroon. 

But for heaven's sakes, they are saying in Yaounde, let us not revive that 
eternal quarrel pitting the southerners against the northerners! This slogan 
has already been expressed by President Biya. "It is a tiny minority of 
ambitious men hungry for power (LE MONDE, 12 April), who were trying their 
luck. Furthermore, the forces participating in the restoration of the situa- 
tion included Cameroonians of all origins, without distinction as to their 
ethnic, regional or religious affiliation." 

Above all, it is now 1 matter of calming things down. The rebels undoubtedly 
believed -- wrongly -- that the people would immediately go over to them, 
that the army would remain neutral in the beginning and then finally defect. 
But no one did and the army, organized as a social body, did not join the 
rebel elements of the Republican Guard and the gendarmerie. 

Then who and why? Young norihern officers and junior officers of that veri- 
table Pretorian guard of the Cameroonian president, powerfully armed (which 
explains the time it took the "loyalists" to put down the rebellion) and 

whom Biya, after taking power, made the mistake of not reorganizing as he did 
for the army, even though he knew that the Guard had been set up by and for 

his predecessor, Amadou Ahidjo -- in other words, essentially northerners? 
During their trial, the leaders, "who will be tried without delay and pun- 
ished,” will probably supply a partial answer. One can wager that Col Ibrahim 
Saleh, commanding officer of the Republican Guard, Capt Awal Abassi, commanding 
officer of the Guard Artillery Unit, Reserve 2d Lt Yaya Adoum (who read the 
rebels’ proclamation on the radio), Issa Adoum, general director of FONADER 
(National Rural Development Fund), Lieutenant Arouna, of the Koutaba Elite 
Intervention Force, will be “asked” to admit the complicity they enjoyed, 

even the names of those who were behind the abortive action. 

An hour and a half, two hours, is more than enough time to bring off a coup. 
However, the rebels wasted a great deal of that time, which could only work 
against them. As the excessively scattered action went along, the troops 
remaining loval to the regime moved on Yaounde. The outcome given the 
disproportionate numbers involved, was inevitable. Fighting was limited to 
a few sites, which explains why there are no signs of confrontations in the 
capital except for a few blocks of houses: the headquarters of the Guard in 
Obili in the Ndjong-Melen district, the Yeyap Camp, headquarters of the general 
delegation of the gendarmerie, the residence of the chief of staff of the 
armed forces, General Semengue. that of the deputy commander of the Yaounde 
military area, Col Asso Emane, and finally, that of Minister of the Armed 
Forces Andre Tsoungui. 

What will be the consequences of the coup for Cameroon? What role was played 
by those whom the Cameroonian press calls foreign mercenaries (there is a 
great deal of talk of the "Moroccans," but since Ahidjo was received in Rabat 
by the Royal Academy, are not favorably viewed in Yacunde)? It is too soon 

to answer these questions. "The quake is over," one CAMEROON TRIBUNE editor- 
ial noted, stressing that "the authors and protagonists involved in the opera- 
tion are all from the former northern province." For Cameroon to dwell on the 
reemergence of these old demons is not a wager of stability for the future. 

CSO: 3419/599 



Paris LE MONDE in French 17 Apr 84 pp l, 4 
[Article by Laurent Zecchini] 

[Text] Cameroonian authorities have just put their finger on the person they 
believe to have been the instigator of the bloody coup attempt that occurred 
on 6 April in Yaounde. Actually, the news does not come as much of a surprise 
since, according to the minister of the armed forces, the coup's author was 
Ahidjo. The abortive coup was only, he added on 14 April, the extension of 

a plot financed by "Northerners" denaunced in August 1983 and resulting in 

the death sentence meted out to the former president for absconding. The 
sentence was commuted to life in prison by his successor. 

President Biya is now leaving it up to his close aides to resume the campaign 
against his predecessor, who, from his Riviera retreat, immediately and categor- 
ically denied any implication in the uprising of the presidential guard. 

This attitude on the part of the current Cameroonian chief of state suggests 
two possibilities for the time being: Either he has chosen to strengthen 

his image as a rallier, leaving to others --- mainly the military -- the 
thankless task of bringing the supporters of northern revenge into line. 

Or, yielding to pressure from his entourage, mainly in the army, Biya may 
have decided to break up a number of northern bastions, thereby announcing 
demotions in order to weaken the political patronage on which Ahidjo had 
mainly relied. 

Whatever the case, President Biya did not duck the test. He affirmed that he 
wanted to encourage mild changes, admitting that the obstacles to reform are 

too great to enable him to avoid a confrontation with his adversaries. At 
least, this is the version that Ahidjo's successor wants to make people believe. 

Whatever the responsibilities on both sides, Cameroon has experienced very 
disturbing events the past few months. One cannot help wondering about the 
difficult unity of a nation whose importance in Central Africa is obvious. 
Ahidjo was not able to get it going. Nor has Biya faced the challenge. 
Brought forth in pain, Cameroon experienced quite exceptional expansion under 
the iron hand of Ahidjo, but serious tensions again emerged not long after his 

In the immediate future, Cameroonians can mourn for the liberalization pro- 
posed by Biya. Their country will continue to know difficult times because 
it would be astonishing if the Northerrers -- even if the label stems from 
a hasty simplification -- do not try to defend themselves. It is now 
Cameroon's stability that is in question, which can only disturb its weaker 
neighbors or those which face serious problems themselves. 

Yaounde--Coming from any other person, the remarks may have appeared irrespon- 
sible, but the man who spcke that Saturday, 14 April, Andze Tsoungui, minister 
of the armed forces, played an essential role in ensuring the continuity of 
the nation in the hours and days following the abortive 6 April coup. It 

was therefore while weighing his words that Tsoungui made two serious accusa- 
tions: On the one hand, it was the former president of Cameroon, Amadou 
Ahidjo, who was the author of the abortive coup d'etat. Second, it was a 
northern plot. In so stating, the minister could not have been unaware that 
he was making a speech that is radically contrary to the statements by the 
president of the republic, who, on 10 April in a message to the nation, 
stated: "The responsibility for the abortive coup d'etat does not belong 

to any given province or Cameroonian of a given religion." 

Sea:ed near the minister, a short, fat, little man, dressed in military fa- 
tigues without any particular insignias, occasionally spoke to confirm the 
assertions. Div Gen Pierre Semengue, chief of staff of the armed forces, 
echoed the statements of his minister: ("It was the former president who 
trained the rebels, we are certain. That coup was but the extension of the 
plot which the president of the republic denounced on 22 August.") "Without 
being trained by the former president, I am sure they would not have attempted 
the coup." If one is to believe Tsoungui, the leaders of the rebellion 
("captains," according to General Semengue) "wanted to restore power to the 
former supporters of Ahidjo."’ The Republican Guard, which made up most of 

the rebel troops, was made up "of over 99.99 percent of people from the north, 
said the minister. "All che rebels were from the north," General Semengue 

But the conspiracy, which made the Republican Guard the partner of civilians, 
along with elements from the police, gendarmerie and the army, would probably 
not have been possible without the aid of the "businessmen from the north who 
financed" plans for the coup. "One of them," Tsoungui stated, "turned over 
10 million francs to one of the organizers." These "few" northern businessmen 
were "denounced" by the rebels taken prisoner, who "immediately admitted what 
they had done." Of course, the guard close to the chief of state, which 
contained the assault launched by the rebels on the Presidential Palace, was 
not itself made up of a northern majority, but the Cameroonian Army, which 
remained loyal to the regime, is also made up of soldiers from the northern 
provinces who did not hesitate to fire on members of their own ethnic group. 
On the staff, on the other hand, officers from the southern regions are 
largely in the majority, even if, as General Semengue stated, "on my staff, 

I have my 3d Bureau chief, who is a northerner." 

Troubling Effectiveness 

In addition, several elements enable one to assert that the imminence of an 
attempted coup was perfectlv known to certain circles. "We had fragmentary 
information indicating that something was afoot,'' Tsoungui said. On Thursday, 
5 April, the eve of the action, a number of rich Cameroonians reportedly 

made withdrawals of large sums of money from their bank accounts. These 
"normal" withdrawals sometimes amounted to 100 million CFA francs (1 CFA franc = 
.02 franc). According to unofficial sources, Cameroonian authorities reported- 
ly intend to institute ceilings on the amount of liquid assets that can be 
withdrawn, ceilings applying to private persons as well as companies. 

General Semengue also confirmed that changes among the officers of the Repub- 
lican Guard were about to come about. "That was no secret," he said. The 
decision to move these measures up was reportedly made following reports 
alerting the chief of state to the need to take measures concerning the Guard 
and its security services (LE MONDE, 8-9 April). In the current stage of the 
investigation, it would appear that colonels Ousmanou Daouda and Ngoura Bella 
Belladji, respectively chief of staff of the chief of state and commanding 
officer of the lst Military Region, who have just been removed from their 
posts, are simply guilty of disturbing ineffectiveness. "No one saw them 
before the situation was restored to normal," General Semengue emphasized on 
Saturday, adding that "they knew very well what was happening and could have 
alerted the troops." 

The chief of staff of the armed forces believes that the attempted coup had 
been planned far ahead of time, mainly because “orders had been issued (for 
the Guard) for certain equipment." The investigative commission, made up of 
both civilians and the military, began its work on Wednesday, 11 April, 

and will make it possible to shed light on this last point: At what level of 
responsibility, within the army and the government, could the decision to 
order equipment (presumed to be military) have been taken without awakening 
some suspicion somewhere? 

This new intensification of the Cameroonian crisis (the accusation against the 
northerners and President Ahidjo) once again creates the feeling that a certain 
indecisiveness seems to mark the political decisions now being made in Yaounde. 

CSO: 3419/599 


Praia VOZ DI POVO in Portuguese 14 Apr 84 pp 1, 3 

[Text] The secretary general of the party and president of the republic, 
Comrade Aristides Pereira, last Wednesday visited a number of industrial 
enterprises installed in Pra a, accompanied by the minister of economy 
and finances, Comrade Osvaldo Lopes da Silva. The Butane-Gas Filling 
Station in Achada Grande was one of the units visited by the chief of 

The National Equipment and Vehicle Maintenance and Repair Company (SONACOR) 
was the first stop in the visits to the industrial units made by the 
president of the republic. It is a new enterprise already in the final 
phase of completion and occupies an area of 2,619 square meters in Tira- 
Chapeu. Its cost was estimated at about 150,000 contos and its 
establishment is part of the country's dynamics of industrial develop- 
ment and maintenance of the national automobile fleet. This company is 
also responsible for the import and marketing of vehicles, equipment 

and accessories and representation of the trade marks involved. 

Its equipment, which is already in the final phase, as well as the specialized 
training of technicians who are going to insure its operation in this 

initial phase, is in charge of a specialized Swedish corporation SWEDEC, 

with which SONACOR signed a contract. 

The shops are divided into large specialized units: diesel motor section, 
gasoline motor section, recapping section, electrical and auto mechanical 
section, and a foundry shop. It appears that the recapping section will 

be the company's most profitable unit in the immediate future because of 
the guarantee that a recapped tire will operate as if it were new for about 
half the cost. 

At this enterprise Comrade Aristides Pereira learned about the company's 
facilities as well as the condition of the workers from its director, 
Pedro Burgo. 

The president of the republic then visited the Butane-Gas Filling Station 
in Achada Grande, also in the final phase, with the beginning of operation 
scheduled for next May. 


This station, with a capacity of 1,500 tons of gas, should put an end once 
and for all to the problem of breaks in supplies of a market whose consump- 
tion capacity is little more than 3,000 tons per year. This unit belonging 
to the National Fuel and Lubricants Company (ENACOL) was built according 

to the most modern safety conditions which a product of this nature requires, 
the bottle-filling process being quite simple. It has a warehouse to 

receive 3,780 empty bottles and 2,880 full bottles. The gas, which is 
conducted by pipeline from the port of Praia to the pressure depots, 

reaches the filling nozzles by an automatic system. 

The last enterprise visited was the National Pharmaceutical Products Company 
(EMPROFAC), where about 40 different types of medications are produced. 

With the shops operating in the Praia Fospital, EMPROFACT already insures 
the production of a varied spectrum of pills, ointments and medicated 

syrups under the most modern technical and hygienic conditions. Operating 
over these installations, the Directory General of Pharmacy has a 

laboratory where it conducts strict control over the composition of all 

the products manufactured by the company. 

CSO: 3442/354 



Praia VOZ DI POVO in Portuguese 14 Apr 84 pp 1, 3 

[Text] Development of the agreement established in 1981 between Cape 
Verde and Spain was recommended by the delegations of the two countries, 
which met in Praia from 7 to 10 April. 

The two delegations, headed by the Cape Verdean secretary of state for 
fisheries and the director general of the Spanish Foreign Ministry, 
respectively, decided at the same time that there will be another 
meeting this year to implement the actions to be carried out. 

A memorandum which recommends development of the agreement established 
in 1981 between Cape Verde and Spain in the fisheries area was signed at 
the end of the meeting of the Spanish-Cape Verdean joint commission held 
in Praia from 7 to 10 April. 

The secretary of state for fisheries, Engineer Miguel Lima, who headed the 
Cape Verdean delegation, speaking at the opening of the proceedings of 

the joint commission, considered that its primary and principal objective 
was to strengthen cooperation between the two countries in the area of 
fisheries, both in the technical-scientific and material sectors, having 
in view improving that cooperation from what it has been up to the present. 

It should be noted also that it was stated in the final document that the 
joint commission will hold another meeting, possibly this year to implement 
strengthening the actions to be taken. 

CSO: 3442/354 




BOAT FROM ICELAND--The vessel "Fengur" offered to our country by the 
Icelandic Government at the time of the official visit by the president 

of the republic, Comrade Aristides Pereira to Iceland, should arrive in 
Cape Verde on 6 May 6, "PV" learned from the Secretariat of State for 
Fisheries. The "Fengur" is a vessel 27.3 meters in length with a beam 

of 7.4 meters and a gross weight of 140 tons. Itw crew is made up of 20 
men and it has a hold capacity of 50 to 60 tons of fish. This vessel will 
also engage in fisheries scientific research. [Excerpt] [Praia VOZ DI 
POVO in Portuguese 14 Apr 84 p 3] 8711 

CSO: 3442/354 



Yields Key to Self-Sufficiency 
N'Djamena TNFO TCHAD in French 13 Apr 84 p 3 

[Excerpt | The pre-planting meeting ushering in the 1985-1985 farm 
year, which began on 9 April, completed its work yesterday at Pala 
in Mayo-Kebbi. For two days experts from all government depart- 
ments concerned with rural-zone development, the top executives 

of companies operating in the southern zone, the prefects of the 
five southern-zone prefectures, and members of the CNC represent- 
ing these prefectures surveyed the results of the 1983-1984 farm 
year and took a long, hard look at development problems in an 
attempt to find approaches and solutions to them. 

The city of Pala was chosen for these meetings because of the 
tremendous farming potential it contains and, in general, the no 
less promising resources available in the Mayo-Kebbi. [In his 
remarks opening the conference, the prefect of Mayo-Kebbi, Mr 
Pofinet, voiced his pleasure at seeing the conference held in his 
district. This gave him the opportunity to review the farm si- 
tuation in Mayo-Kebbi. Mr Pofinet, who pays particularly close 
attention to the human factor in all matters of economic develop- 
ment, explained that despite the war and the abominable weather 
last year, Mayo-Kebbi, thanks to its human potential, came through 
it creditably at all levels. Even so, the agricultural situation 
in this region is still cause for concern. A 2,000-hectare de- 
cline in arable land, coupled with a shortage of rainfall, meant 
a harvest that fell 210,000 tons below the preceding year's level. 
That shortfall must be compensated for, and the Prefect believes 
that Mayo-Kebbi must be provided with high-yield seed grain. 

As for the cotton crop, the Mayo-Kebbi prefect is pleased: "We did 
better than we have ever done before," he said. With its record 
46,000-ton crop, Mayo-Kebbi produced 30 percent of the nation's 
cotton crop, and that puts it out in front of all the prefectures 
in the cotton belt. The prefect had high praise for the experts 
from the National Rural Development Office (ONDR), but welcomed 
the chance to call the government's attention to the things that 
need doing to improve the quality of life in rural zones. First 


on his list was the obsolescence of most farm equipment. Pofinet 
cited the Sarh recommendation which called for a complete 
rehabilitation of Chad's farm equipment construction company 
(SOMAT). Getting that plant back into operation, says Mr Po- 
finet, would create jobs and, most important, give the district's 
farmers the tools they need to do their job. Most important of 
all, though, in the prefect's view, is the need for government 
to establish dialogue with the rural masses so that they can be 
brought freely and willingly to accept the government's goals 
as well as certain technical innovations that are incompatible 
with their interests. 

Crop Yield Discussed 
N'Djamena INFO TCHAD in French 17 Apr 84 pp 8,9 

[Excerpt | The preparation and planning meeting for the 1984-85 
farm year, which began its deliberations on 9 April, adjourned 
on Thursday after mapping out a comprehensive plan of action for 
the farm year ahead. 

The Pala meeting fits naturally into the mainstream of government 
action on behalf of the rural world. At Sarh in 1983/84 the price 
per kilo of unginned cotton went up 10 francs. Pala has gone 
along with that trend: from 80 francs, the price per kilo has 
risen here to 100 francs. Peanuts "en amande" have also gained 

20 francs on the market, up from 70 to 90 francs per kilo. 

This price rise across the board reflects the government's move 
toward a fair-price policy in order to reward and provide new 
incentive to the farmers' efforts. In an interview with the press 
at Pala, the minister for agriculture and rural development said 
that this action is designed to make room for the establishment 

of large-scale agricultural operations. Once the farmers are get- 
ting a fair price, they will redouble their efforts to produce 
more, said Agriculture Minister Djindingar Dono Ngardoun. 

The record for last year's planting has proved satisfactory. One 
need only look at Mayo-Kebbi's example, so brilliantly presented 
by district Prefect Pofinet, for all doubt on that score to van- 
ish. Mr Pofinet made the point that Mayo-Kebbi, thanks to its 
human potential and despite malign perversity in the weather, came 
through with flying colors. 

Third-ranked last year with a production of 22,012 tons, behind 
Moyen-Chari's record-setting 30,460 tons and second-ranked Logone 
with 23,752 tons, Mayo-Kebbi prefecture boosted its standards 

to hit 46,000 tons, or 30 percent of total national output. 

There has been marked progress in this prefecture from the 1982 
level of 351 kilos per hectare and 811 kilos per hectare in 1983 
to better than 900 kilos last year. 


He also cited maintenance work on some tracks and waterways and 
major repairs to the Bongor and especially the Ere ferries, 
which are the only transportation available to the lawmen as- 
Signed to guard the COTONTCHAD gins and mills in the Mayo-Kebbi. 

The 1983/1984 farm year would have been even better, according to 
Mr Djidingar, had it not been stunted by the early cessation of 
the rains and by the malicious maneuvers of Libya, which tried 
repeatedly to burn crops in this part of the country. The pre- 
dicted crop, which had been estimated at 120,000 tons, turned 
out to be a startling 150,000 tons. The recommendations of the 
previous conference at Sarh, which were never implemented, are 
still a major handicap, including recommendation 3 which called 
for the reactivation of the Biliam Oursi "A" file and for pro- 
viding the "B" file with the necessary resources to work its 
developed acreage. As for the sorry state of farm equipment and 
the shortage of spare parts, reactivation of SOMAT was unani- 
mously urged. 

In the area of food crops, the minister pointed out that the shor- 
tages reported in some sectors and the demand in the major cities 
are going to create a food shortage even in areas where the har- 
vest was adequate. This is why outside help is going to be in- 
dispensable again this year. This must not be allowed to be- 
come an unhealthy habit, warned the minister. Meeting our own 
food requirements must not make us dependent on others. To this 
end, Mr Djidingar urged officials and dealers in food crops to 
spur local production and achieve self-sufficiency in food, 

which is still the prime concern of the government of the Third 
Republic. The minister also stressed reclamation and irriga- 
tion, because we cannot rely on rainfall to water our crops any 
more: rainfall these days, he said, has become a random, capri- 
cious thing, and we dare not gamble with our food supply. 

As for the work of the several committees, we shall report only 
the recommendations of the economic committee assigned to study 
the financial, economic, and social aspects of rural development. 
In order to get food production off to a new start, it advised a 
general awareness Campaign, under the aegis of ONDR, to promote 
food production. COTONTCHAD and the ONVSD [expansion unknown | 
were instructed to offer optimum prices for these products, 

while the National Cereal Grains Office (ONC) must be given the 
necessary funds to play its regulatory role. 


CSO: 3419/615 



Geneva JOURNAL DE GENEVE in French 25 Apr 84 p 4 

[Article by Jean-Luc Lederrey: "Guinea Will Soon Be a Large-Scale Gold 
Producer Thanks to Swiss Investments"™] 

[Text] Guinea's vast gold reserves, to date unmined, 
are beginning to be developed by Swiss interests through 
the Omnium Investment Company based in Freiburg. 

Guinea, which was recently the stage for a coup d'etat following the death of 
President Sekou Toure, is one of the poorest countries in the world and has an 
annual average per capita income of about $300. However, it has significant 
potential wealth, particularly in the area of mining: this country has one- 
third of world reserves of bauxite, about 2 billion tons of high quality iron 
ore, diamonds and even gold. Guinea's gold-bearing deposits are currently be- 
ing developed by Swiss interests. 

The American firm Chevaning Mining and Exploration Ltd, headquartered in New 
York and with a subsidiary in London, has two mining claims in Guinea with a 
surface area equai to that of Switzerland. These claims cover one-fifth of 
Guinean territory and contain 80 percent of the country's estimated gold re- 
serves. Chevaning Mining is controlled by the Swiss Omnium Investment Com- 
pany, headquartered in Freiburg. Laurent Butty, Freiburg's national repre- 
sentative, heads the board of directors. 

The Omnium Investment Company controls several service firms in the banking, 
financial, real estate and maritime fields. In particular, it controls the 
Geneva firm of Atlantis Consulting S.A. which provides service, management and 
consulting in the areas of finance and investment; it is providing management 
services for the gold mining project in Guinea. The omnium also controls the 
Atlantis Bank (formerly the Banking Company for Industry) in Geneva, the 
Zurich firm Fico S.A. (which is active in the area of maritime transport), the 
firm Montreal Omnium (which finds and manages real estate investments in the 
United States and Canada); it also has interests in mining and petroleum 
companies in Africa, Brazil and the United States. 


In its annual accounts as of 31 December 1983, the firm reported a balance sheet 
total of 78 million francs, fiduciary operations of 190 million, receipts of 
7.6 million and a profit of 1.5 million. The stockholders are a group of Swiss 
and Dutch businessmen, with the Swiss in the majority. 

Guinea's First Gold Mine in 1985 

Chevaning Mining and its Swiss backers are currently completing a prospecting 
phase and a feasibility study regarding the development of the country's gold 
deposits. The firm recently decided to continue to the mining production phase-- 
the first mine will be operating in 1985. The firm spent about $5 million during 
the prospecting phase and plans on investing about $10 to 12 million to construct 
the first mine. 

In all, $125 million must be invested in the next 3 to 5 years to open several 
gold mines. In order to finance this development phase Chevaring Mining will 
increase its capital in a few months by issuing public stock so as to interest 
other investors in these Guinean projects. This firm's stock is already traded 
on the unofficial market in New York. 

In addition, Chevaning Mining is currently looking for other industrial partners 
to jointly develop the gold resources in this region, which is too large for a 
single company. It is currently negotiating with one of the largest American 
mining companies. 

No Industrial Development Until Now 

Guinea's gold resources have been studied and partially identified since the 
fifties by groups of French and Soviet geologists, but to date they have not 
been developed on a large scale. Guinean gold is primarily placer gold, which 
means that it is mixed in extremely small quantities (a few grams per ton) with 
alluvial sand and gravel. Until recently (10 to 15 years ago), this type of 
deposit was not mined on a large scale, only vein-type deposits were (in South 
Africa, for example). 

Until now Guinean ore has been used only on a small scale by the local population 
which produces 1 or 2 tons per year according to estimates. 

Large Reserves 

The increase in the price of gold and advances in mining techniques have recently 
made it profitable to extract placer type gold, of which Guinea has substantial 
reserves. The prospecting studies have already identified resources of about 
4.7 million ounces of gold (about 140 tons) on the claims held by Chevaning 
Mining and estimated potential resources are much higher than that. This means 
that Guinea could soon become one of the world's major gold producers. 


The gold will be mined by a joint venture of which the Guinean government will 
constitute one-half. The project, which was set up under Sekou Toure'’s regime, 
has received the blessing of the new Guinean leaders who came to power following 
the coup d'etat of last 3 April. The new leaders in Conakry have decided to 
encourage the liberalization of the country's economy and to be more open to 

the West, which had been tried by the old regime after a long flirtation with 
the Soviet Union lasting from 1959 to 1976. 




Conakry HOROYA in French 14 Apr 84 p l 
[Editorial by Mody Sory Barry: "Change Without Alier tion] 

[Text] The recovery which the CMRN [Military Committee for National Recovery] 
is calling on us to carry out is a long, hard and patient fight, a fight to be 
waged and won. To do this, there are many things that we must give up. First 
of all, there is: apathy, laziness, absenteeism, quick solutions and other 
subjective references that include nepotism, racism, regionalism, demagoguery, 
favoritism, etc.... 

So that the recovery, which the CMRN urges us to achieve and which we enthusi- 
asticaliy support, can be translated into actions, the first step in this 
necessary leap requires a renunciation, a real repudiation of certain practices 
that used to be identified with our daily lives of yesterday. For each and 
every one of us, it is a matter of changing our thinking, habits and behavior 
as well as our hierarchy of values. 

But change does not mean alienation. Far from it! There are value standards 
which are identified with character and which we must preserve as a people, as 
the heirs of rich ancestral traditions and cultures that should be preserved 

as a basis of our pride. It is not by embracing this or that trend, custom or 
lifestyle that we will experience this regained freedom, which is dear to us. 
Frenzied infatuation with everything that is foreign often leads to alienation, 
and alienation has never favored the development of man, much less the develop- 
ment of initiatives. 

What must be avoided above all is the prostitution of our customs in the name 
of a so-called freedom that would actually be only dangerous licentiousness. 
This appeal is addressed in particular to our young people, who rust not abuse 
their regained freedom by replacing yesterday's rigid rules of living with rules 
that are harmful and paralyzing, rules that turn a nation's vital forces away 
from the virtues of effort, honor and responsibility in dignity. 

Change without alienation means that everyone should enjoy all his democratic 
liberties without jeopardizing the harmony and cohesion of our people, our 


country's future and our people's character, without allowing himself to drift 
into degrading pleasures and enjoyments, and finally, without repudiating our 
people's traditions and customs in favor of others that are alienating. 

This is the first and essential step that will enable us to boldly confront 

all the problems of recovery in all sectors of national life. It is this 
approach, a source of harmony in effort, discipline, dignity and responsibility, 
that will mobilize us in the various areas of reconstruction to achieve the 
recovery sought. For as the chief of state pointed out, "The recovery, which 
we urge with all our hearts, will not be achieved by a miracle." 

LSO: 3419/606 


Conakry HOROYA in French 14 Apr 84 p 4 
[Article by Nava Toure] 

[Text] Without a doubt, the date of 3 April 1984 has, openly and unashamedly, 
become part of Guinean history. Although it is more than premature to judge 

the import of the action of the soldiers who took over the vacant government 

on 3 April, after barely 24 hours there remained no doubt as to public support 
for the reasons given and for the general goals proclaimed by the CMRN [Military 
Committee for National Recovery], among which special emphasis was placed on 

the right to free expression of personal opinion. 

It is not my intention to review the deserved praise by the Guinean people for 
the CMRN's action, which opened for them the way to a genuine resurgence that 
began with public enthusiasm in 1958 and was quickly checked and then halted 
between 1961 and 1962. My modest purpose here is to direct the attention of 
everyone, and of the press in particular, to the prerequisit2s for translating 
into social reality the necessity of justice, which cannot be dissociated from 
the existence and actual practice of civil rights, among which freedom of ex- 
pression is in the forefront. 

The CMRN has played an historic role by resolving an apparent impasse that was 
more or less secretly condemned by everyone, including the former regime's 
officials. Now it is up to us to act, to channel (although any idea of control 
and censure is far from my mind) and to use the energy and wealth of this 
terrific effervescence of ideas and thoughts which the Guinean people have 
never lacked, but which unfortunately have always been scorned, if not treated 
ruthlessly, through their authors by the former regime, which paradoxically 
always preached and urged, in its rhetoric, the people to make individual and 
collective efforts in thinking and acting. 

It is obvious that no regime has ever come to power with the express intention 
of oppressing the people; the most noble aims and intentions are always loudly 
proclaimed: liberty, dignity, justice, prosperity. It is in practice that the 
regime's nature becomes clear, not only as a condition of the character of the 
men who comprise it, but also as a result of general spinelessness, which pro- 
duces and propagates hypocrisy. Everyone knows how vigorously the CMRN condemns 
demagoguery in its communiques. Regardless of individual opinions as to the 


longevity of the resolve to establish and guarantee freedom of expression, and 
human rights in general, we must trust in the resolve of the CMRN's intentions. 
Besides, can we do otherwise at the risk of ruining an historic chance, perhaps 
the only chance for a long time to come? 

Thus everyone, and the press in particular, has a great responsibility in the 
resurgence which the CMRN ardently urges us to make, a resurgence which it 
alone cannot achieve. The people's real resurgence must begin with each per- 
son's self-reconciliation in order to have a chance for national reconciliation. 
Each person's self-reconciliation means, first of all, abandoning the brazen 
and unrestrained will to please the government, a will that kills any critical 
spirit and any lucidity or, if not, forces someone to lead a double life filled 
with duplicity: public life with its "truth" and private life with its "truth." 
If demagoguery is a system of flattering the multitude, and thus the people, 

it must be acknowledged that demagogic remarks are, in the final analysis, 

less common among the average Guinean than the panegyric of those in power, 

a modern but natural extension of backwoods shamanism. 

Self-reconciliation is the active acceptance of criticism and argument, which 
create a true public debate, the essential foundation of democracy. 

In this process, the press (HOROYA, radio and television) have an extremely 
important role to play. But HOROYA, radio and television are state-controlled 
institutions, you might say. But this overlooks the long experience of Western 
Europe's state-controlled newspapers, radio and television which, despite often 
superficial criticism, have generally proved to be a positive experience that 
has hardly stifled the free expression of opinion. The men of the press in 
Guinea have an imperative transition to make in order to help the people and 
the CMRN to democratize society and to eliminate the disinformation established 
as a system by the former regime. For the democratic quality of information 
directly contributes to the maturation of public opinion and national awareness. 

Reporting does not mean singing the praises of those in power. Reporting does 
not mean commenting enthusiastically on the actions and decisions of public or 
private officials. Reporting does not mean reciting a litany of stereotyped 
phrases in a wooden language composed of unsurprising statements whose purpose 
is already apparent at the outset. Reporting does not mean getting children 
to say the "statements" whispered to them in front of the microphone or the 
camera. Reporting does not mean avoiding carefully asking officials at what- 
ever level embarrassing questions. Reporting does not mean being merely a 
sounding board without a soul or conscience. 

Reporting means making it unnecessary for Guineans to have their ears glued to 
foreign radio stations reporting on what is happening in their own country. 
Reporting means lifting the doubts engendered by all of the more or less founded 
rumors that our country attracts in such large numbers. Reporting means pre- 
senting reports succinctly and soberly and allowing the various opinion groups 
to express themselves. In short, reporting means intelligently promoting the 
debate by abandoning a tone of harangue and speechifying, which detracts from 
the message. 


The CMRN has opened the door wide for us. Gentlemen of the Guinean press, help 
us to prevent that door from closing again on us! Help the people of Guinea 

to dismantle the mechanism of disinformation, which retards the development 

of public opinion. 

I am not an expert in communication. Perhaps these are some disorganized 
ideas, but they surely express all the--still fearful--hopes hanging in the 
minds of all Guineans who, beyond all of today's events, are attempting to 
make out the country's future through the information system, whose nature 
can serve or harm the cause of democracy. 

I know that the transition for the members of the press will not be easy. It 
is a process that is far from short and which needs the support of all those 
who are good-willed. The Guinean press undoubtedly includes some members-- 
regardless of their sex--of great intelligence and definite competence who 
are willing to change. I hope that they manage to overcome all obstacles. 
The severity of my view, if it is severe, is not at all ill-intentioned. I 
hope that the views of all Guineans will be stern with regard to themselves 
and to others in a positive and constructive sense. 

The press can and should help us, for it should not be forgotten that the 
profession of journalism, when practiced with judgment, intelligence and 
competence, is the noblest profession there is. But when practiced with 
duplicity, lies, sycophancy or presumptuousness, the profession of journalism 
becomes the worst of all. 

Forward to true democracy! 

CSO: 3419/606 



Bissau NO PINTCHA in Portuguese 7 Apr 84 p 3 

[Text] A technical cooperation agreement was signed at the end of Friday 
morning at the headquarters of the Soviet News Agency (TASS) and the Guinea- 
Bissau News Agency (ANG). 

According to the agreement, TASS grants ANG the right to disseminate all 
of TASS's news in Portuguese to its subscribers in the Republic of Guinea- 

For that purpose, TASS will supply a copier to ANG and the teletypes for 
the TASS news subscribers, as well as spare parts. 

ANG will take care of all reception expenses. 

At the same time, TASS will also guarantee to send an engineer to Bissau 
to install the equipment and train ANG cadres. The two sides concur in 
the continuation of the support rendered by TASS to ANG in the training 
of cadres. 

It should be recalled that up to this date TASS has already trained four 
ANG technicians in the area of communication. 

In the meantime, it is envisaged that one journalist and one technician 
from ANG will go to the USSR this year for advanced and middle-level 
training, respectively. 

The present agreement was signed for the Guinean side by Comrade Francisco 
Barreto, director of ANG, and for the Soviet side by Vladimir Zubkol, TASS 
representative in Guinea-Bissau. 

Present at the ceremony were Comrade Joao Quintino Teixeira, chief editor 

of the newspaper NO PINTCHA, in addition to representatives of the NOVOSTI 
and ANOP news agencies in Guinea-Bissau, Oleg Brichakov and Jorge Heitor, 

respectively, and workers of our news agency. 

CSO: 3442/354 


Bissau NO PINTCHA in Portuguese 7 Apr 84 p 3 

[Excerpts] The Council of Ministers met on the 4th of this month under 
the presidency of Comrade Major General Jaao Bernardo Vieira, secretary 
general of the PAIGC and president of the Revolutionary Council. 

Taking up the first item on the agenda pertaining to the organization of 

a roundtable in Portugal, scheduled for 21-23 May of this year in Lisbon, 
Comrade Bartolomeu Simoes Pereira, secretary of state for planning and 
international cooperation, took the floor to present the introductory 
report stressing the need to implement a combination of actions as quickly 
as possible with the aim of finalizing the work leading to holding the 
aforementioned roundtable, for which he proposed the creation of four 

task forces. 

As for the second item on the agenda, Comrade Carlos Correia, minister 
of commerce and crafts, spoke about the new price schedule of some basic 

After listening to the detailed explanation of the minister of commerce 
on the need to proceed with increasing the prices of those products, the 
Council of Ministers discussed this problem, analyzing it objectively 
and deciding that the new price schedule for the products listed below 
will be as follows as of this date: 

Rice - 29 Pg for wholesalers, 30 for retailers 
Oil - 85 PG for wholesalers, 90 for retailers 
Flour - 28 Pg for wholesalers, 30 for retailers 
Sugar - 55 Pg for wholesalers, 60 for retailers 
Soap - 130 Pg for wholeslaer, 150 for retailers. 

In pursuance of that decision, the Comrade President called attention to 
the need to let the goods circulate freely throughout the national 
territory, taking into account the difficulties and the shortage of 
basic products which force the citizens to go from one place to another. 


He declared also that henceforth on supplementary tax can be charged on 
goods intended for consumption, with the exception of the customs 
legislation in effect on this subject which orders the collection of 
general customs fees, coastwise transactions of entry and departure of 
goods by sea, as for example: Bissau-Bolama, Tombali-Cacine and Bissau- 
Farim, and vice-versa. 

The aforementioned tax is 3 per 1,000 on the total value of the goods 

intended for sale. The small amounts for consumption should not pay 
the aforementioned tax. 

CSO: 3442/354 



Dakar AFRICA in French No 159, Mar 84 pp 75-78 
[Article by Louis Guilain: ''The Ivory Coast's Foreign Debt"] 

[Text] After long hesitation, the Ivory Coast has rescheduled its foreign 
debt, a way for it to regain its strength and better attack the crisis. Nor 
should the decision destroy its reputation as a prudent and pragmatic country 
that meets its commitments to pay. 

The members of the Political Bureau of the party, the PDCI-RDA [Democratic 
Party of the Ivory Coast-African Democratic Rally], met in the presence of 
members of the government, presided over by President Felix Houphouet-Boigny. 

The telecaster making the announcement stated that "this meeting, whose purpose 
was to examine the economic situation, enabled the party's top leaders to hear 
a detailed report by the chief of state on the Ivory Coast's domestic and for- 
eign debt and on measures to be taken to overcome the crisis." 

The official bulletin published for the public announced protective measures 
and in particular, the rescheduling of the foreign debt. 

"The Political Bureau, aware of the need to preserve the storehouse of confi- 
dence enjoyed by our country with international financial circles careful to 
avoid any halt in our development, passed the measures to reschedule the 
government's debt and ask the government to undertake the negotiations needed 

for the purpose." 

One will agree that the tone of the bulletin is serious and in keeping with 
the situation that is equally serious and also in keeping with the reflections 
of the Yamoussoukro ram. With firm courage, he is facing an unlikely set of 
circumstances designed to topple his remarkable undertaking, an object of 
unanimous admiration not long ago. 

Over 2 Trillion 

In order to foil destiny, he once again appeals to his people, whose merits 
one will recall: 


"The members of the Political Bureau are pleased that the Ivorians have 
demonstrated a heightened sense of civic duty and patriotism by accepting the 
sacrifices imposed on them by the circumstances." 

Once again, they are asked to understand the government's decisions, as cruel 
as they might be to their pride, and courageously accept the consequences 

of the situation in order to "emerge from the impasse" and "pursue our develop- 
ment in the higher interest of the country." "To emerge" is the blunt phrase. 
The times are not right for a flowery style. 

As soon as one speaks of figures -- the nitty gritty, after all -- only clear, 
concise, dry mathematical language is suitable. We shall therefore speak here 
about a figure equal to or slightly higher than 2.37 trillion CFA francs in 
order to situate the debt, with the service on that debt costing some 405 bil- 
lion CFA francs in 1983. 

Ivorians could find some consolation in comparing their fate with that of most 
developing countries. In 1983, their foreign debt went from 321 trillion 
CFA-francs to 340 trillion. 

Mrs Krueger, vice president of the World Bank, announces an imminent increase 
in the receipts of the developing countries (from 10 to 12 percent a year, 
counting from 1984-1985). In the meantime, like the Ivory Coast,over 30 coun- 
tries have reshceduled their debt between 1982 and 1983 for a total amount of 
42 trillion CFA francs. 

The Ivory Coast's foreign debt more than doubled from 1978 to 1982: 1978, 
968.6 billion CFA francs; 1982, 2,195.200 trillionCFA francs. 

It is interesting to compare these figures with those on the gross naticnal 
product (in billions of CFA francs). These are contained in the table below. 

On 31 December 1983, the Ivory Coast's foreign debt amounted to 2.37 trillion 
CFA francs, including 1.79 trillion for the secured debt. Service on the for- 
eign debt, along with the debt itself, regularly increased: 1978, 38.7 bil- 
lion CFA francs; 1979, 53.2 billion; 1980, 74.1 billion; 1981, 108.3 billion; 

and 1982, 162.5 billion. 

In 1983, service on the debt amounted to 405 billion CFA francs, while reim- 
bursement of interest and commissions totaled 207 billion. Capital reimburse- 
ments totaled 198 billion. 


Given these figures, the regime's critics, the very persons who so highly 
praised it in good times, use no euphemisms to put another nail in the coffin. 

For them: foreigners and nationals alike, the Ivorian debt is the direct 
result of poor management of public affairs. 

What is one to think of their judgment? 


Actually, for nearly 15 years, borrowing has constituted one of the essential 
sources of development financing. 

Prices for basic export products, especially coffee and cacao, provided all 
the necessary guarantees for the policy. 

Starting in 1980, the sudden and vertiginous drop in these prices no longer 
permitted the Ivory Coast to meet its obligations without outside help and it 
therefore began to borrow money to pay the service on its own debt. 

As long as it could, the Ivory Coast tried to maintain its course in order to 
save at any cost the flattering reputation it had acquired abroad. 

However, the deterioration in the terms of trade were joined by more destabil- 
izing factors making all efforts to keep one's head above water futile. 

In chronological order, there was first the international crisis affecting 

all countries that do not produce oil, followed by the rising cost of the dol- 
lar. Nearly 50 percent of the Ivorian foreign debt was contracted for in 

that currency, meaning that when the Ivory Coast borrowed 1 billion CFA francs 
in 1980 (in U.S. dollars), it must now pay back 2 billion, with service on the 
debt increasing in the same proportions. 

Year Debt Percent GNP Percent 
1978 968.6% + 4.5 1,825 + 18.5 
1979 1,074.5 + 10.2 2,050 + 12.3 
1980 re. + 17.7 2,220 + 8,3 
1981 1,826.8 + 44,4 2,300 + 3.6 
1982 2,195.2 + 20.2 2,500 + 8.7 

* The previous year, the total debt (debt plus commitments) amounted to under 
500 billion francs. 

Structure of the Debt (percent) 

U.S. dollar 44.77 
French francs 26.82 
German marks 7.02 
Swiss francs 3.07 
Belgian francs 4.52 
Ecus 3.3% 
Misc. 10.72 

But this is not the whole story of the country's financial problems. In fact, 
the country depends on France economically. Being dependent on the franc 

area was for a long time a considerable advantage, but that is no longer the 
case. The continuous depreciation of the French currency compared with other 
foreign currencies does not facilitate the task of the Ivorians. 

Finally, there was the drought and its harmful effects. The drought, the 
most catastrophic in the past 25 years, has delayed eacao production and 


marketing, resulting in "losses which Minister Sery Gnoleba said were particu- 
larly damaging to the financial equilibrium of the public sector at the end of 

Speaking before the London Club, Gnoleba emphasized certain aspects of the 
Ivory Coast's misfortune: 

"The substantial drop in the level of public and parapublic investments, due 
to the increasing difficulties in obtaining the planned foreign credits to 
finance those investments; the very marked drop in activity linked to the 
decline in investments of the public sector, on the one hand, and to the grow- 
ing difficulties with funding of the different partners of the Ivorian eco- 
nomy; and the decline in tax income during the second half of 1983, due to 

the decline in economic activity." 

Domestic Debt 

The drop in tax revenue is explained by the funding difficulties of the pri- 
vate sector, difficulties partially due to the government's domes ic debt. It 
amounts to over 200 billion CFA francs, based on optimistic estimates. In 
fact, since the Ivory Coast has granted priority to repaying the foreign 
debt, there is local stagnation of enterprises of which the government had 
been a traditional customer. 

Building and public works were the first victims of government austerity and 
were all the harder hit because the government delayed the repayment of debts 
it had contracted with them from month to month. 

Since it is impossible to please all the people all the time, it was difficult 
for the Ivory Coast to satisfy all its foreign and local debtors. The choice 
made led locals to sacrifice themselves for foreigners. With the government 
no longer being what it had once been, a major generous financial backer, the 
public sector went to the banks, which themselves soon grew tired of the red 
ink and turned off the water. Then came the layoffs, wage freezes, failures, 
and so on. 

The crisis was not immediately apparent and it took some time for people to 
become concerned. In 1982-1983, Ivorian industry was content to exceed the 

1 trillion figure in turnover. Nevertheless, there were signs that the machine 
was flagging. 

Draconian Measures 

The government quickly became aware of the gravity of the situation and as 
early as 1980, in agreement with and with the help of the Economic Cooperation 
Fund and the World Bank and with the backing of the International Monetary Fu 
Fund, took measures aimed at setting up a rigorous rehabilitation program so 
as to restore the financial equilibrium without compromising national develop- 


Among these measures is the liquidation or reorganization of national compan- 
ies and parapublic organizations that were often the subject of scandal because 
of their incompetent management. 

Regular and investment exz,enditures of the government were substantially re- 
duced in order to bring about increased public spending. 

It should be recognized that the Ivorian readjustment program did not respond 
to all the hopes placed in it because of the external factors already described 
(deterioration in coffee and cacao prices, spiraling cost of the dollar and 
excessively high interest rates, weakness of the franc). 

On the domestic plane, the death blows stemmed from the stagnation of the 
economy, partially due to the government's austerity policy. One must again 
mention the debt to economic partners established in the Ivory Coast, the 
drought, brush fires, the sometimes scanty harvests and the oil resources 
that fell below initial hopes. 

Rescheduling of Debt 

As a result, it was essential to reschedule the debt, with financiers compar- 
ing the operation with a breath of fresh air. 

One must understand that the debt rescheduling does not involve the multilater- 
al debt (the debt contracted with the World Bank, for example), but only 

95 percent of the bilateral debt. The request officially made to the Club of 
Paris would suspend reimbursement of the principal and interest. 

The results of the IMF work on the Ivory Coast's recovery plan are already 
known. Its conclusions will be presented to Washington by the Fund's board 
of directors. The final report will be passed on to the Club of Paris. In 
particular, it mentions the problems of modifying reimbursement dates and 
the establishment of banking commissions. 

The financial balance can finally be restored on new foundations, making it 
possible to repay the domestic debt and will thereby embark the country upon 
a new path favorable to productive investments. 

In order to achieve this good result, the government is now imposing a budget 
of strict austerity and is preparing to breathe new life into the economy, 
particularly industry, by granting total aid (export privileges in countries 
outside the CEAO, investment code, improved taxation for companies established 
locally, customs tariffs, and so on). 

The mere fact of recognizing the possibility of future economic success would 
tend to prove that the Ivory Coast was not "KOed" by the heavy blows it has 
suffered. Hunkering down, it is regaining its strength. 

Confidence of Business Circles 

The "Old Man" built upon a rock the image of a wise, pragmatic, far-sighted and 
reliable Ivory Coast. It is the fable of the ant, in a sense, and with the 


help of fate, it would turn into a cicada "in order to subsist until the next 

Nevertheless, in the world of finance, they do not reason as they do in the 
world of Aesop or La Fontaine and one does not get rich by paying off one's 
debts too quickly! In this, we join the French moralist, who in careful terms 
warns that too great a haste in paying off one’s debts to others would involve 
a certain amount of ingratitude.... 

The Ivory Coast is not ungrateful, first of all, and it is guarding its 
chances for a new and better start, second. Other countries have confidence 

in it because of what it has already done in the past and also because of the 
Draconian measures it has imposed on itself in order to remedy its afflictions. 

The Ivory Coast's private sector has also faced the facts by providing concrete 
proof of its support for the government, which still has a remarkable technical 
infrastructure in all the fields of activity in the country. It is therefore 
not a matter of starting from scratch, but only of pausing, falling back in 
order to regroup. 

Then there is the oil. 

It is true that it did not respond to the expectations of the country's 
leaders, but its contribution is not negligible. There is talk of 2 million 
tons in 1985, without counting the gas from the "Espoir" deposit. It is not 
Peru, much less Saudi Arabia, but in these times of crisis no profits can 
be neglected. 

We thus come to the conclusion, in response to the claims of the eternal de- 
tractors of the Ivory Coast, accused of mismanagement by them. In truth, we 
could not situate it in time. It would be difficult to place it in the period 
of the "Ivorian miracle." The nation had to handle a crisis that befell it 
from the outside and it is indeed a miracle that it did not succumb to the 
heavy blows. 

CSO: 3419/619 



Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 27 Apr 84 pp 9, 14 
[Article by Gideon Nzoka] 

[Text] The hot sun glares mercilessly over the already scorched earth, 
Slowly and painfully destroying the pitifully little vegetation still 

The rivers have long turned into vast stretches of sand-filled trenches 
that one finds hard to believe ever contained water. 

The few remaining starving cattle have to be driven long distances in 
search of the meagre and continually diminishing supplies of water and 

These are just a few of the manifestations of the 18-month-long drought 

that has hit Kitui district, which has a long history of droughts, so much 
so that quite a number of the older people in the area can pin their dates 
of birth and other important events down to such-and- such a drought, all 

of which are appropriately named. (No one has as yet, however, come up with 
a name for the current drought). 

Kitui district is mostly made up of land that is only marginally productive 
agriculturally and this--and the continued lack of rain--has dealt a severe 
blow to the district's farmers, most of whom are only small-scale subsistence 
farmers without any other source of income. Though the drought has affected 
the district as a whole, the southern parts are the worst hit. 


David Kyalo wa Mutisya, in his late 80s, a farmer in Ikutha location of 
southern Kitui has since last year lost more than 150 sheep and over 80 
head of cattle to the drought at his Matikoni farm. This has drastically 
reduced the number of his livestock (h: now has less than 20 sheep) and 
he fears that he will soon have none left as no end to the drought seems 
to be in sight. 

The livestock and his crop farms are his only source of income, on which 
he has to support a large extended family. He says that during previous 
droughts he was able to move his livestock to better areas and save them 
but now "better places" simply don't exist. 

Kyalo's is not an isolated case. Most farmers in Southern Kitui have lost 
and continue to lose a lot of their livestock to the drought. Compared to 
the rest of the district, the area is one of the most productive agricul- 
turally but is also one of the most vulnerable to the ravages of drought. 
Many a family has to make do with the fruit of the widely grown Muamba tree 
for supper and little else. 

The drought has even made some farmers im the area become poachers. They 
hunt--or send their children out to hunt--the small, starving population 

of dik-dik and other small game, mainly from the nearby Tsavo National Park. 
They use catapults, arrows and other traditional weapons. Said one man 

who requested anonymity: "We know it is against the law and punishable to 
hunt, but then, what else can we do? We have to find some food for our 

Others have to make do with food sent to the area by the government. 
According to the assistant chief of Ndili sub-location, Mr Justus Nzou Mwan- 
zaku, since October last year people have been given free food four times, 
the period between two consecutive hand-outs varying between four months 

and three weeks. For the food to be enough, he adds, it has to be given 

out at least twice a week. The adults in every family are given a kilogramme 
of maize and a kilogramme of beans each. Only those who have been certified 
by the Food Distribution Committee as not having another source of food are 
given the food assistance. 

But Mwanzaku is of the opinion that virtually everybody in the area is in 
need of free food. He also adds that if this year's expected April to June 
rains don't result in high yields for farmers, the Kitui people might need 
government food aid up to April 1985. 

In the past few months the government has given thousands of bags of maize 
and beans to be issued free to drought-stricken wananchi. However, the 
distribution of the food aid has not been very efficient. It has left many 
people complaining of unfairness and corruption. Whereas the District 
Officer, Northern Division, Mr J.A. Kamau says that there was enough food 

to feed all the affected people, the method of distribution in certain 
areas such as Ikutha location, with irregularly long periods of time elapsing 
between the subsequent hand-outs, has left a lot of the locals dissatisfied. 
Kamau points out that the food given to the district by the government "was 
enough" to facilitate weekly handing-out. 

Some locals have also charged that some of the chiefs were asking for two 
shillings from each of the persons receiving food, claiming that they were 
for "transport cost." Gideon Ulembwa, a hides and skins dealer at Migwani 
Market in northern Kitui wonders when these "costs" were incurred since the 
food was taken by government lorries to the affected areas. 


People in Ikutha have also complained of being asked to pay two shillings 
before they got any food. Observers point out that the cost of transporting 
several bags of maize to even the remotest areas of the district, if not 
done by the government, would not cost much more than Sh 200, and wonder 

why chiefs should allegedly demand two shillings from each of the usually 
over 250 recipients of the food aid in any one area. There have also been 
claims that some chiefs were actually selling the food to the residents 

but these reports have not been confirmed. 

The government, in its food aid programme, has also tried to deal with the 
situation by relaxing regulations restricting the buying of maize at whole- 
sale prices from the National Cereals Board to licensed traders, thus allow- 
ing individuals or groups of individuals to buy the maize directly from the 
board depots in the district. 

But there's hope. Already, the long-delayed seasonal rains have started 
falling in some parts of the district and it is the hope of all in the 
district that the rains will grant Kitui farmers at least a iarvest. They 
are in need of one. 

CSO: 3400/974 



Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 28 Apr 84 p 1 
[Article by Makokha wa Musebe] 

[Text ] 

arap Moi yesterday 
urged Kenyans to pre- 
vent desertification for 
the benefit of future 

President Moi made the call 
when he led thousands of Ke- 
nyans on the National Tree 
Planting Day at Kiserian 
plains, Kajiado District, where 
thousands of trees were 

‘“*Centuries ago, places like 
Misri (Egypt) had plenty of 
trees and rivers and as a result, 
people who died could not rot 
due to natural medicines pro- 
vided by trees,’’ he said. 
**Now that there are no such 
trees and the world is turning 
into a desert, people who die 

He banned the commercial 
harvest of timber in Rift 
Valley except for local con- 
sumption only. 

He directed the ministry of 
Natural Resources to ensure 
that trees which did not sur- 
vive were replaced. He also 

CSO: 3400/974 

told them to continue planting 
trees in the remaining area at 
Kiserian. He told the ministry 
Officials not to wait for the 
Tree-Planting Day to plant 
trees but to carry on with the 
exercise throughout the rainy 

Moi cited with disappoint- 
ment the destruction of in- 
digenous trees in Kakamega 
forest. He asked where those 
cutting down the trees would 
get others as the lifespan of 
trees was longer than of a 
human being. 

He urged farmers not to 
cultivate along river banks as 
this would cause more fertile 
soil to be washed into the 
rivers. He cited the Sagana 
river which, he said, had 
washed away a lot of fertile 
soil from Murang’a and part 
of Nyeri. ar 

He said Nairobi University 
students had left a big land- 
mark at Kiserian by planting 
thousands of trees. He 
directed that the site be called 
‘*University Forest — Ngong”’ 
in memory of the good work 
dene by the students. 


The president said that one 
of these days he will join 
students in building gabions to 
prevent soil errosion, to which 
the students shouted ‘‘tomor- 
row, tomorrow’’, meaning to- 
day. However the president 
said they needed a rest before 
embarking on gabions. 

About outside loans and 
grants, the president said 
Kenya was a self-reliant coun- 

He also directed that the 50 
goats he had been given by the 
area’s residents be given to 
Nairobi University students 

Welcoming the president, 
the Minister for Environment 
and Natural Resources, Mr. 
Eliud Mwamunga, said his 
ministry’s target was to plant 
200 million trees per year. He 
said more Meru oak will be 
planted around Mt. Kenya 
and other hardwood trees in 

President Moi arrived at the 
site at 12.45 p.m., accom- 
panied by the vice-president 
and Minister for Home Af- 
fairs, Mr. Mwai Kibaki. 

Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 30 Apr 84 p 6 
[Editorial: "Another Boost for Afro-Arab Unity"] 

[Text ] 

THE three-day state visit last week by the presi- 
dent of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), His 
Highness Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan al-Nahyan, fur- 
ther strengthens Afro-Arab unity and boosts the 
relations between Kenya and the Emirates. Seen 
in an even wider context, the visit has been a prac- 
tical illustration of Kenya’s determination to co- 
exist with other countries of the world on a non- 
2ligned basis. 

Both Kenya and the UAE are already 
culturally linked by Islam. They have in common 
the characteristic of ethnic diversity and unity. The 
UAE is made up of Arabs, Iranians, Pakistanis 
and Indians. They speak different languages, such 
as Arabic, Persian, English, Hindi and Urdu. Fur- 
thermore, as was expressed in the joint communi- 
que issued at the end of the visit, the two coun- 
tries hold similar views with regard to South 
Africa’s apartheid regime, the future of Namibia, 
the Middle East crisis, the escalation of super 
power rivalry in the Indian Ocean, current world 
economic problems and the need for meaningful 
North-South dialogue. 

It was, therefore, only logical and appropriate 
for the two countries to have agreed to set up a 
joint ministerial commission headed by their 
foreign ministers to strengihen Afro-Arab unity 
and examine more closely other issues of bilateral 
interest. Such a commission could become a 
valuable instrument for developing the ties of 
friendship and co-operation between the two 




One of the possible areas of meaningful co- 
Operation between the two countries is in research 
on dry land farming and agriculture. The 
Agricultural Trials Station at Digdagga in the 
Emirate of Ras al-Khaimah, established in 1955, 
has been engaged in continuous research into 
methods of dry land cultivation and livestock rear- 
ing. As a result it is now possible to grow a great 
variety of fruits, vegetables, animal fodder and 
tobacco for local consumption around oases and 
irrigated areas. The UAE department of 
agriculture pays a lot of attention to educating 
farmers in the newly developed methods of 

Very similar effort is being made in Kenya as 
part of the government’s land reclamation policy. 
No doubt a cross-fertilisation of research findings 
and agricultural discoveries between the two coun- 
tries would boost food production and thus 
facilitate greater co-operation. Areas such as Bar- 
ingo, Kitui, Elgeyo-Marakwet, Taita-Taveta and 
others which have been earmarked for arid and 
semi-arid land development programmes stand to 
benefit from such mutual exchange. 

The quickest and easiest way in which Kenya 
could benefit economically from her ties with the 
United Arab Emirates would be through direct 
financial assistance. The Emirates, so richly en- 
dowed with oil, are in a strong position to offer 
such aid. Abu Dhabi, one of the Emirates, is pro- 
bably the richest country in the world in terms of 
income per capita, so we hope that the republic 
will consider increasing financial aid to Kenya to 
catalyse greater economic development and im- 
prove the living conditions of our people. The re- 
cent state visit by the UAE head of state did, in 
fact, indicate the likelihood of such assistance. 



Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 30 Apr 84 p 9 

[Article by Victoria Okumu] 

[Excerpt ] 

FOLLOWING an incubation 
period of over a decade, 
Kenya Textile Training In- 
stitute (KTTI) is now in full 
operation having enrolled the 
first thirty students early this 

The pressure for trained 
personnel in the textile in- 
dustry which is one of Kenya’s 
largest industrial sectors hav- 
ing over 20,000 employees has 
been so great that in 1973 the 
Federation of Kenya 
Employers (FKE) requested 
the government to set up train- 
ing facilities for the textile 


Employees have always 
been forced to get their train- 
ing abroad or learn the skills 
on the job through experience 
from the already trained. 

Following the request, 
Kenya Government made a 
survey for training re- 
quirements and approached 
the Netherlands Government 
for support. 

By 1978, an agreement was 
reached with the Netherlands 
promising to finance training 
of KTTI staff including 
machinery and equipment for 
—— , Pon nen 

A supplier of machinery 
instruction was to be identified 
with an aim to have training 
facilities at KTTI that would 


equip students with knowledge 
in a field full of diverse 
management principles and 

Says KTTI general manager 
Mr. P. K. Kapur, ‘‘each in- 
dustry had what they thought 
to be the best for their com- 
panies and what we really 
wanted to achieve with the 
establishment of KTTI is a 
pniformity to get one certific- 
ate for all that would be 
recognised by all textile 

Kapur explained that 
although textile employees had 
been getting trained it was at 
an institution and level decid- 
ed by the employer. 

The overseas training also 
proved expensive as the 
government had to refund 
training expenses through the 
industrial training levy fund 

Star Industrial and Textile 
Enterpnses Limited, Bombay, 
India was appointed to pro- 
cure and install the machinery. 
Star is a group of companies 
ranked among the top textile 
machinery manufacturing and 
consultancy organisations in 
India, with a turn-over of over 
130 million US dollars per 


Star has in the past built up 
and commissioned textile mills 
in Sudan, Tanzania and 
Algeria among many other 
African countries. 



At the KTTI, Star group 
has not only installed 
machines but were commis- 
sioned to provide advisory 
technical services relating to 
architecture, civil and struc- 
tural design of the Institute. 

_ KTTI has a spinning, weav- 
ing and processing department 
in addition to a laboratory for 
quality testing. Arrangements 
are being made to include 
facilities for knitting machines 
to be part of the training 


KTTI’s spinning depart- 
ment is equipped fully with 
various models of machines 
that a student is likely to en- 
counter in any industry 
around the country. A cone 
winding machine sets the fac- 
tory chain of activities by con- 
verting the incoming cotton 
into cones. 

Machines to twist the cones 
of cotton are installed into two 

‘gets, the old models and the 

newest variety being made 
available for the student to 



There are also smaller 
models of the factory 
machines ‘‘for students to ex- 
periment on’’ if they wish and 
from the models students will 
have some _ ‘‘spinning 
geometry”’ according to Star 
Group’s regional manager Mr. 
C. P. Kainth. 

The machines are not all 
from India; an assortment has 
been made and there is for ex- 
ample a sophisticated cone 
winding machine from West 

The spinning section also 
has a variety of warping 
machines, combers, draw 
frames, right frames, beams 
and looms, and has facilities 
to offer the latest technology 
in spinning called open-end 
spinning.” ; 



FUEL SHORTAGE REPORTED--Nairobi is experiencing a shortage of kerosene and 
wananchi are scrambling for the little that is available in a few petrol 
stations. Long queues of wananchi waiting for kerosene could be seen in 
several parts of Nairobi. Petrol stations visited by The Kenya Times said 
they had not received their supply of kerosene although they had placed 
orders. One petrol station in Eastlands had not received its supply since 
April 15 and customers had to be turned away. Another petrol station along 
Ngong road drained its supply within minutes on receiving it because of the 
many customers who went to buy it. A random survey carried by The Kenya 
Times showed that hundreds of wananchi had to travel long distances carry- 
ing jerricans in search of kerosene. Kerosene was among other petroleum 
products whose prices went up a few days ago. The price hike was attributed 
to procurement, distri ution aid marketing problems as a result of the 
devaluation of the Kenya shilling against the World Bank's Special Drawing 
Rights (SDRS) and other major currencies such as the US dollar which is the 
official oil trading currency. The price hike was announced by energy and 
regional development minister Nicholas Biwott last week in a press statement. 
[Text] [Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 30 Apr 84 p 24] 

BRIDGE IS SWEPT AWAY--A bridge connecting Kitale Town and Kwanza-Namanjalala 
was swept away following a heavy downpour. Communication between the centre 
and the town is now cut off. Rural access roads in the area are also becoming 
impassable because of the rain. The councillor for area, Mr William Wanyama 
Walukhu said flat areas were becoming flooded. He said the situation could 
become dangerous if a solution was not urgently found. Walukhu thanked the 
government for containing security in the area which had been under constant 
attack by cattle rustlers. [Text] [Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 

28 Apr 84 p 3] 

CSO: 3400/974 



Monrovia THE NEW LIBERIAN in English 10 Apr 84 p 16 

[Text] The National Muslim Council of Liberia has reacted sharply to what 
it termed as the unilateral dissolution of the National Muslim Council and 
the setting up of an interim committee to run the affairs of the council. 

In the 13-page document, issued here recently, the council noted that the 
dissolution action by a handful of council members was inconsistent with 
the constitution of the Council and added that on a two-third majority the 
executive committee of the National Muslim Council has the power to make 
decisions affecting the organization. 

The Council said the action was an effort on the part of its opponents to 
"paint us black in the eyes of the Muslim and the public in general." 

Accordingly, the council said this clique of council members recently 
called a meeting at the Executive Pavilion here aimed at mis-presenting 
and mis-interpreting the objectives of the National Muslim Council. 

The council in its reaction contended that its opponents were not "clothed 
islamically or legally with authority to dissolving a duly established 

It then called on all its affiliate members to make every effort and to 
resolve "this unfortunate situation in the spirit of islamic justice and 
fair play." 

The council said despite such "provocative action" it remains committed 
to its objectives of maintaining peace and unity among all M slim organiza- 
tions in the country. 

The National Muslim Council of Liberia founded in 1974 is aimed at coordi- 
nating and monitoring the affairs of member organizations, as well as 
representing them at national and international forums. 

The organization chaired by Alhaji Vamunya Corneh comprises various Muslim 
organizations in the country including the Muslim Congress of Liberia, 

the Muslim League of Salafiya and the Muslim Community of Liberia, among 


However, since April 1980, Alhaji Corneh has been unable to carry out the 
functions of chairman of the Council due to ill health. 

The organization has been chaired by the first vice chairman of the council 
Sekou Bility. 

The council in its reaction said since then, Alhaji Corneh has never informed 
either the acting chairman of the executive committee of his recovery and 
readiness to resume official duty. 

It noted that the cause of agitation has been on the "over-ambitiousness of 
some Council members for the leadership of the Council who have resorted to 
inviting outside forces against the council in order to accommodate their 
personal whims or notions." 

The Council then explained that a candidate for council executive leadership 
should possess "a commendable character and conduct consistent with Islamic 

It pointed out that this quality would not only enable a candidate to know 

the details of Islamic injunction and their application, but also help him 
to appreciate "the basic principles of Islamic laws and its objectives." 

CSO: 3400/976 



Monrovia THE NEW LIBERIAN in English 23 Apr 84 p l 
[Article by Lawrence Thompson] 

[Text] The Governor of the National Bank of Liberia (NBL), Mr Thomas 

D. Voer Hansen, has challenged any of the commercial banks in the country 
to provide evidence that an increase in NBL's reserve requirement was 
responsible for their inability to lend out money. 

Governor Hansen threw the challenge last Thursday during a Chamber of 
Commerce luncheon for banking, insurance and business executives at 
which time the executives demanded that he put in proper perspective the 
current banking and liquidity crisis in the country. 

Many of the banking executives attributed their inability to lend out money 
as well as their refusal to accept government cheques and cheques from 
counterpart banking institutions to the increase in the National Bank 
reserve requirement from 15 percent to 30 percent. 

In his clarification of the matter, Governor Hansen said when the national 
legislature created the national bank the reserve requirement was then 15 

"But when the 15 percent reserve requirement was increased to 30 percent 
by the People's Redemption Council in February 1983, government felt that 
the increase was enough during that particular period," said Mr Hansen. 

He said "if there had been no such increase commercial banks would have 
felt the financial pinch much harder two years back.” 

The governor attributed the liquidity crisis to the decline in exports on 
the one hand, and interest payments on foreign debts on the other. For 
instance, he said exports declined from $600.4 million in 1980 to $430.8 
million in 1983. 

Interest payments on foreign debts according to the governor increased 
from $23.9 million to $50.9 million during the same period. 

"While there are no definite figures to indicate capital flight, the residual 
item in capital outflows of the balance of payments does indicate substantial 
magnitude ranging from $20 million to $40 million per year since 1979," Mr 
Hansen said. 

He said that the Liberian government has been financing heavy deficits 
ranging between $90 million to $99.5 million during the last three years, 
thus, heightening the crisis. 

The governor, however, intimated that discussions were being held between 
the appropriate government ministries and authorities of commercial banks 
to find solutions to the problems. 

Although he declined to disclose the contents of said discussions, he, how- 
ever, promised to inform banking executives as well as the public as to 
the results of those discussions. 

Speaking at the occasion, the president of the Bankers’ Association of 
Liberia, Mr David Vinton, said that government's deficit at the end of 
1970 was $2.6 million as compared to $77.5 million in 1983. 

Mr Vinton who is also president of the Liberia Bank for Development and 
Investment observed that the current liquidity crisis should be tackled 

from the root causes which he said were both national and international. 

He said by all indications government was spending more money than it 

One of the panelists, Mr Dexie Peters, President of the Association of 
Insurers in Liberia, expressed concern over certain provisions contained 
in the decree creating the National Insurance Corporation. 

CSO: 3400/982 



Liquidity Problems, Corruption 

Monrovia THE NEW LIBERIAN in English 24 Apr 84 pp 3, 6 

[Editorial: "PRC Declares War on Tax Dodgers"] 

[Text] The recent decision of the Executive Council of the People's 
Redemption Council (PRC) to summarily execute any member or members of the 
Special Tax Collection Force caught soliciting or accepting bribes not 
only shows the gravity of the nation's liquidity problems, but also the 
depth of Government's frustration over tax-doggers and corrupt officials. 

At stake is $26 million due the Government of Liberia in taxes ranging 
from real estate tc corporate, income and excise taxes. 

The deadline has been set for April 28, 1984; and, slowly but surely a 
process that might have an indelible mark on Liberians' sense of honor, 
responsibility and accountability is being put into motion. 

Whatever the end result, if this is made a standard practice or a standing 
order, Government would have assured the redemption of our lost honor and 
patriotism from those who are tempted to sell national interests for piece- 
meals and personal aggrandisements. 

To understand the situation that led to this decision would require an exami- 
nation of the various efforts and measures by the Government in general, 

and the Ministry of Finance in particular, adopted to ensure prompt and 
effective collection of taxes. 

Despite the best of these measures and efforts, some Liberians directly 
and indirectly connected with the collection of taxes have still found ways 
to evade, help foreign residents and businesses evade taxes and thwart 
Government's efforts. A great disservice to the nation. 

Based on the unpatriotic attitude of these corrupt officials and individuals, 
certain groups of foreign residents and businessmen have beer encouraged to 
flout government's regulation with impunity. These have gone as far as 
paying patronages to these individuals to ensure effective and continuous 
perpetration of this act. Understandably, some Liberian businessmen have 
also joined the ranks of tax-doggers. 


Government's decision relative to the collection of her collectable is indeed 
most welcome, even though to some it may be too hard a line. However, it 
is known that a chronic disease deserves a drastic cure. 

In this regard, Government would do well to look keenly at the myriad of 
stores both LPA and non-LPA, both foreign and local. In the Monrovia City 
alone there are over one thousand of these stores owned by the Lebanese, 
Indians, Fullahs, and Nigerians in addition to the Liberian-owned stores 
and shops. Most of these are not paying. If they are, to who? 

Another area to look at would possibly be beer booths and parlors that are 
either not paying any taxes or paying for a shop while practically running 

a regular club to all intents and purposes. These are areas that either have 
been neglected, overlooked or wilfully left out of the tax-paying sphere. 

The declaration of war on tax-doggers by Government is, however, a short- 
term high effect program. While it is going on, it is also high time that 
the tax-collection machinery of this country be overhauled. If necessary, 
let's discard the old system and develop a system that would be effective 
and conducive to our particular situation. 

We also need to take a closer look at the issue of rural taxes. True, the 
Hut Tax was abolished because it contained many flaws, but it has become 
imperative at this point in our history that every Liberian has to take 
some responsibility in the running and maintenance of the country. 

The rural masses have on several occasions signified their interest and 
desire to pay some sort of tax towards the upkeep and maintenance of the 
nation. Let's give them a chance. After all, the Republic of Liberia is 
not limited to the City of Monrovia nor are her citizens only in Monrovia. 

A tax of $5.00 per head per month for every eligible citizen of voting age 
would not be out of place. Rather, it would make them have a sense and 
feeling of being part of the system. More than IT IS THEIR CIVIC DUTY TO 
Keep up the good work. 

Firing Range Set Up 
Monrovia THE NEW LIBERIAN in English 24 Apr 8&4 p 1 

[Text] The Liberia Electricity Corporation (LEC) yesterday erected utility 
poles where tax evaders or those found receiving bribes would be executed. 

Last Friday, the Liberian leader constituted an ll-member committee of 
senior PRC members including 200 military and paramilitary officers to 
collect taxes owed government amounting over $26,000. 

The nationwide tax collection campaign which started yesterday will last 
until Saturday, April 28. 


The Liberia Electricity Corporation erected nine utility poles at the 
Barclay Training Center beach site to constitute the firing range fc. the 
execution of tax evaders and their accomplices. 

The Head of State's directive followed a meeting Sunday of the Executive 
Committee of the ruling people's Redemption Council (PRC), and the special 
task force at which time the Liberian leader stated that anyone found 
accepting bribe during the tax collection campaign will be executed by 
firing squad without delay. 

The decision, according to an Executive Mansion release, applies to council 
members, police officers, soldiers, as well as revenue and custom officers 
of the finance Ministry and Liberian businessmen. It said that foreign 
businessmen found in the act would be deported and their properties confis- 

"Tax Clearance’ for Travel 
Monrovia THE NEW LIBERIAN in English 26 Apr 84 p 8 

[Text] Liberians and foreign residents wishing to travel will now have to 
obtain a tax clearance before being allowed to leave the country, the 
Ministry of Finance announced yesterday. 

A press release issued late yesterday evening signed by Finance Minister 
G. Alvin Jones said "failure on the part of any individual to obtain said 
clearance will leave the appropriate authorities with no alternative but 
to deny such individual exit visa to travel." 

The release attributed the decision to "the ensuing tax collecting drive" 

which was recently Launched by the PRC Government. 

CSO: 3400/976 



Monrovia THE NEW LIBERIAN in English 27 Apr 84 pp 3, 12 

[Text] A collective bargaining agreement was Wednesday signed between the 
Lamco Joint Venture Operating Company and the LAMCO Mine Workers' Union 
(LMWU) at the Ducor Intercontinental Hotel in Monrovia. 

Among several benefits to be enjoyed by the workers as a result of the 
agreement are wage increment, improved medical facilities and improvement 
in annual leave. 

Other terms of the agreement also centered around better housing facilities 
which include the construction of 40 additional housing units for the workers 
at the Buchanan operation, and the renovation of workers' dwelling houses 

at the Yekepa operations. 

Under the agreement which will last for two years, there has also been an 
increment of twenty seven cents in labourers' wages and vacation travel 
allowance of $25.00, while the retirement pension benefit has increased by 
ten percent. 

Signing on behalf of the LMWU was its president, Mr Aloysius S. Kie while 
the General Manager of LAMCO Mr John Pervola signed for the company. 

In remarks, Mr Pervola hoped the signing of the agreement would create an 
atmoephere of mutual respect between management and workers. 

He said such gesture would pave the way for cooperation between them so as 
to make things easier and better for both parties. 

For his part Mr Kie said that the aims and objectives of the union was to 
create and preserve a balance in industrial relations in order to maintain 
industrial peace. 

Among other objectives of the union, he said it was to coliect and dissemi- 
nate information regarding problems which they face in connection with 
labor-management relations. 


Deputizing for the Minister of Labour John G. Rancy, the Deputy Minister 
of Labour Ayun Cassell said the revolution can only be a success when 
there was understanding between management and the workers. He assured 
both parties that law and order will be maintained in the management- 
workers relations. 

CSO: 3400/982 



Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 17 Apr 84 p 3 

[Text] Raising the production and productivity indices and consequently 
achieving the financial recovery of the SOCOCO Plant in the province of Zam- 
bezia are the immediate tasks assigned by the FRELIMO Party Central Committee 
member and provincial secretary of the party organization for Zambezia to the 
recently appointed board of directors of that enterprise, which produces and 
exports grated coconut. The appointment of Cassam Gulam Hussein, according 
to the provincial secretary, is a part of a party and state strategy to 
strengthen the leadership on the production front in the province of Zambezia. 

The SOCOCO plant, built in 1970, has experienced successive financial crises 
since 1976, when state intervention took place, as a result of poor manage- 
ment and the now ancient equipment with which it was operating. 

These two factors, linked with low production and the constant breakdowns of 

the factory equipment, forced the enterprise to undertake numerous debts with 
the bank to guarantee its survival. By the end of 1979, SOCOCO had a deficit 
of 6,144,500 meticals. 

If indeed the reason for contracting this volume of debt was the factors 
mentioned, the lack of good sense and a proper economic and financial 
approach contributed to the size of the debt total reached. 

Use of the Old Equipment 

As the secretary of the provincial committee of the party in Zambezia 
stressed at the installation of the new board, there has previously been no 
concern at that enterprise for the full utilization of all of the capacity of 
the factory equipment and the raw material, coconuts, as well. 

Another factor contributing to the fact that the SOCOCO has until the present 
been in a difficult financial situation was the market price of grated coco- 

nut, which never allowed the enterprise a profit margin sufficient to offset 

production costs. 

In order to produce 1 ton and 700 kilograms of grated coconut (the capacity 
of the factory at the time), the production unit needed to process 20,000 
coconuts per day. This volume cost the enterprise 50,000 meticals, while the 
market price for grated coconut ran about 30 meticals per kilogram. 


Financial Recovery of the Enterprise 

At present, thanks to the rise in the price of the product to 50 meticals per 
kilogram, the profit margin of the SOCOCO has increased to 25,000 meticals. 
However this has not as yet enabled the enterprise to pay off all its debts, 
with the deficit totaling currently more than 5,000 contos. 

The secretary of the Central Committee of the party organization defined the 
financial recovery of the enterprise, an increase in production and produc- 
tivity and utilization of the full installed capacity of the plant, as the 
immediate tasks to be carried out by the new board. 

"We must seek immediate measures which will lead us to full utilization of 
the coconut,'' Omar Luis Francisco said at the installation of the new SOCOCO 

According to the outgoing plant director, the installed capacity is 30 tons 
of grated coconut per month. However at the present time, the daily produc- 
tion of the SOCOCO is estimated at a ton and a half of grated coconut. 

This level could only be achieved thanks to the improvements made on all the 
factory equipment between 1977 and 1979, during which period the factory was 
shut down for repairs. Even with the completion of this work, the SOCOCO 
only succeeded in producing 50 percent of its total capacity. 

In the view of the new enterprise director, the repair of the equipment is 
one of the prior conditions for guaranteeing a good production rate, and thus 
the financial recovery of this unit, the only one of its kind anywhere in the 
country. Another fact which hinders the harmonious development of enterprise 
activities, we were told, is the lack of production means. 

At this time, the enterprise is faced with enormous difficulties in getting 
the coconuts from the purchase area to the plant. "The lack of transporta- 
tion is one of the difficulties the enterprise encounters," the outgoing 
director commented. 

In fact, the SOCOCO does not have a single vehicle for the pursuit of its 
productive activities. To bring the coconuts from the purchase area to the 
plant, the enterprise has had to use rented trucks, which pushes production 
costs up. 

CSO: 3442/344 



Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 17 Apr 84 p 8 

[Text] A group of five students in the specialization course for Electric 
Power Company of Mozambique (EDM) substation operators are to travel to 
Sweden in the middle of May, where they will complete their training. After 
their return, they will engage in a practical apprenticeship in the substa- 
tions of this enterprise in the northern part of the country, a source in the 
vocational training sector of that body informed NOTICIAS. 

The specialized training of these future EDM cadres began last 20 March, 2 
days after the conclusion of the English course which served as a basis for 
the beginning of the specialization phase. 

The students had completed various stages of training, specifically orienta- 
tion and integration, in addition to the basic training in the electrical 

While the five to be chosen from among the best students will continue their 
training in Sweden, others will be assigned to the substations and still 
others will work in the underground cable sector. 

Apprenticeship in the North of the Country 

"Thirty days is the scheduled period for completing the specialized training 
of the five students. During this period, they will deepen their knowledge 
in this sector, and after their return they will work for some time at the 
Caia, Alto-Molocue, Mocuba, Nacala, Quelimane and Nampula substations," the 
Same source explained further. 

This same official informed our reporter that at the present time, an equal 
number of workers who completed the first specialization course are employed 
at those substations. According to the schedule set by the EDM training 
sector, they will attend another training course on the maintenance of sub- 
station equipment. 

Aid From NORAD 

The training programs being implemented there have the support of the NORAD. 

As a specific example, the dispatch of the five best students at present to 
take the substystem operators specialization course is cited as an example. All 
of the expenditures will be covered by this agency (NORAD). The decision to 
send them there, moreover, was the result of an offer by that agency. 


Underground Cable Sector Course 

Another course, for underground cable operators, is also planned for this 
year. It is scheduled to begin within the next few months. It is designed 
for enterprise workers only, and financing will be provided by the ENEL 
[National Electric Power Agency], an Italian enterprise in the electrical 

As the EDM source explained, this enterprise proposes to provide aid ranging 
from materials to advisers and other requirements. 

The training of cadres for this sector is regarded as of primary importance, 
based on the fact that at present only the city of Maputo has trained workers 
for the sector, and in limited numbers even so. 

It is with this in mind that the workers who will take the course will be 
selected throughout the country. 

It is hoped that by the middle of May, the documents for acceptance in this 
course will be ready. The course is scheduled to begin immediately after the 
end of the specialization course for substation worker-technicians. 

Smoothing the Edges 

The training of cadres in the EDM through programs conceived for the purpose 
began in 1981, with the first operation of the center for the purpose. From 
then until the present, clearly defined goals have been achieved thanks to 
the efforts made by the leadership in the sector, in particular where the 
organizational aspects are concerned. 

"We have been following the training process step by step, and there is even 
efficient coordination between us and a project official on the level of the 
support bodies, as is the case with the NORAD,” our interlocutor told us in 
this connection. He noted however that the greatest difficulty faced by the 
Vocational Training Center is, on the one hand, the lack of teaching mater- 
ials and, on the other, space, which is increasingly inadequate as the need 

CSO 3442/344 



Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 18 Apr 84 p l 

[Text] In order to intensify the organization process in the green zones 
sector and guarantee that the urban districts will be used as a basis for 
planning and the production of foodstuffs to supply the city, the agrarian 
institutes have just been strengthened with technical cadres capable of 
dynamizing crop and small animal species production in the capital of the 
country. This measure was announced yesterday at a meeting Maputo City 
Executive Council President Alberto Massavanhane had with the administrators 
of the urbandistricts and the new cadres assigned during this process. 

The majority of these cadres are individuals with higher agrarian training 
and individuals with experience and a reasonable approach to farm production 
in the cooperative, family and private sectors. Their appointment comes 
within the current stage of reorganization of the green zones as such, with a 
view to ensuring the harmonious development of the sector. 

Combatting Hunger 

As Alberto Massavanhane stressed at the meeting, this action comes within the 
general process of urban development organization based on the new adminis- 
trative division. It is designed to involve the green zones more actively 
and to equip them better so that, through intensified support of the agrarian 
institutes, they can more effectively direct the productive units, thus 
making it possible to derive the maximal yield from the resources available 
in the urban districts. 

Alberto Massavanhane spoke of the need to reactivate production of truck 
garden crops, fruits, grain and beans and the raising of small animal 
species, in order to raise the protein content of the diet of the people 
within the process of combatting hunger. 

"On this matter, the concern of the party and the government isto raise the 
organizational level of the green zones such as to be able to involve all of 
the urban districts in our city more actively in this process of producing 
food to reduce hunger," this official said. 

On the basis of this concern, the present priority is to guarantee that the 
existing potential can be realized in tangible fashion in terms of more food 
for the people produced by the people themselves on the basis of the urban 
districts, either in the cooperative, family or private sectors. 


Reorganization of the Green Zones 

All of this effort is based on the reorganization of the green zones them- 
selves, the director of this body, Jorge Tembe, stressed when he spoke at the 
meeting: "On the central level of the green zones' office, it has become 
necessary to create a strong, dynamic and functional structure capable of 
guaranteeing all of the support needed by the agrarian institutes," Jorge 
Tembe emphasized. 

As a means of promoting production activity in the urban districts, follow- 
ing the bad weather phenomena (drought and floods) Maputo has suffered, a 
survey has become necessary, to be jointly coordinated with the recovery 
activities to be carried out immediately. Another later measure to be 
adopted, in coordination with the districts themselves, should be a survey of 
the potential to be found in each zone, in order to determine to what point 
rational utilization can be effected. 

New Cadres 

On the basis of the new administrative division, the city of Maputo has a 
total of eight urban districts, covering the Inhaca, Catembe, Matola, 
Laulane, and Mahotas districts and others around the city. 

With the exception of the urban and suburban areas, where in addition to the 
raising of small animal species, the type of crop production to be intensi- 
fied will be studied, but not until later, the activity now being pursued is 
limited to the surrounding areas. 

In this connection, the following directors of agrarian institutes were 

Urban District No 1 (Catembe)--Agronomical Engineer Gertrudes Mavie; Urban 
District No 4 (Laulane and Mahotas)--Agronomical Engineer Maria do Ceu; Urban 
District No 4 (Jardim)--Mario Alves; Urban District No 6 (Benfica)--Dionisio 
Mavie; Urban District No 7 (Machava)--Agronomical Engineer Marina Pancas; and 
Urban District No 8 (Matola)--Liuzi Domenico. 

CSO: 3442/344 



Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 18 Apr 84 p 8 

[Text] A study with a view to the establishment of a vocational training 
department has just been drafted by the Meteorological Service of Mozambique, 
in order to be able to meet the qualifaction levels required for the sector 
on the international level. This project will only be viable if, because of 
its importance, it wins support from information bodies. 

On the basis of information provided to NOTICIAS by Sergio Ferreira, an 
official of the Meteorological Service of Mozambique, what is wanted with the 
establishment of the vocational training department, the executive vehicle 
for the process of training meteorological technicians, is the definition of 
an overall and permanent training policy, duly structured. 

The main concern in connection with this goal is the pursuit of training and 
qualification activities for cadres in this sector, while guaranteeing peri- 
odic retraining of the technical cadres for the Meteorological Service of 

On the other hand, Sergio Ferreira said, the curricula should be oriented 
toward training on various vocational levels, standardizing the guidelines of 
the Secretariat of State for Technical Education with those of the World 
Meteorological Organization, so that the technicians will be trained in 
accordance with international standards. 

"In order to improve the capacity of the Meteorological Service of Mozambique 
to respond to the need, this project will be oriented toward training based 
on the vocational profiles for the sector in terms of the curricula of the 
World Meteorological Orbanization. We also plan to introduce vocational 
training courses linking the technical with the practical such as to be able 
to train cadres with the internationally required qualification levels," 
Sergio Ferreira said. 

NOTICIAS further learned that within this framework, only specific training 
for the careers of meteorology and geophysics will be provided. The training 
of cadres for the administrative technical support sector will be provided by 
other bodies pursuing activities in this field. 


Adapting Training to National Development 

By the end of this decade, the Meteorological Service of Mozambique wil! need 
200 employees at secondary level stations in the meteorological sector (ele- 
mentary level) and !.: weather observers (middle level). On the higher 
level, the enterprise needs 50 working meteorologists (baccalaureate level) 
and 15 meteorologists with diplomas. 

"In the geophysical sector, we need 42 geophysical observers on the middle 
level and 10 working geophysicists on the higher level (baccalaureate), as 
well as four geophysicists with diplomas," Sergio Ferreira said. 

We were also informed that general training in meteorology will be provided, 
with orientation toward certain fields assigned priority, such as aviation 
meteorology, climatology, aerology and agrometeorology. 

Sergio Ferreira said that, in a second phase, the possibility of some 
specialties will be contemplated. On the basis of the priority assigned, the 
training of cadres specializing in agrometeorology will be pursued. Only 
observers with 2 years’ experience or more will qualify for the specializa- 
tion courses. 

According to this source, courses will be offered every 2 years between 1984 
and 1988, and beginning in that latter year, regular courses will be offered 
in accordance with the need, not only to maintain the qualification of the 
cadres but also to keep up with the development of the sector. 

CSO: 3442/344 



Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 19 Apr 84 p 8 

[Text] Construction work is scheduled to begin soon on the production school 
planned for the Salamanga zone in the district of Matutuine. Currently, 
preparations are already rather well advanced, and plans call for the drill- 
ing of a well to supply the future school with water. According to Brigit 
Holm, the representative of the People to People Aid and Development Organ- 
ization (ADPP), the institution sponsoring the project, the materials needed 
for the main project will be prepared simultaneous with the drilling of the 

In a project begun about a month ago, 2 hectares for the growing of tomatoes 
were prepared and planted, and preparations are planned for the planting of 8 
hectares of kale. Part of both the tomato and kale production will be sold 
since, Brigit Holm said, the school will need to purchase various materials. 
The money obtained from the sale of these commodities will go basically to 
cover these expenditures. 

The preparations for the construction of the school were begun about a month 
ago. At that time, a team of 20 Danes from the People to People Aid and 
Development Organization paid a visit to the site where the school will be 
built. Together with another group of 20 future students, they launched the 
production activities. 

The ADPP representative informed us that another group of 20 Danes from that 
organization has already arrived in Maputo. This group will remain in our 
country for 6 months, the period during which construction of the schools 
should be completed. 

Meanwhile, the selection of students for the future school has been begun. 
This activity is being coordinated by the OJM [Mozambique Youth Organiza- 

tion] structures in the city of Maputo and the party committee on the city 

"The number of students who will attend the school is 30, half of them from 
the OJM in the capital, while the other half will be selected by the district 
structures," this same source said. 


Construction Along With Study 

The production school, which will be located at the Salamanga State Farm 
Enterprise, our interlocutor reported, will train cadres in four specialties: 
construction, carpentry, mechanics and agriculture. 

The fact that the school will be built in connection with one of the study 
phases merits special mention. Brigit Holm explained that this means that 
"the future students--those pursuing the carpentry specialty, for example-- 
will work alongside the teachers in this area in producing the window frames 
and sashes, doors, etc. 

"The same will be the case with the construction students, because it is they 
who will do the building. Where the students in mechanics are concerned, the 
Salamang@ Farm Enterprise has some inoperative tractors. Thus the future 
mechanics will work on the repair of this and other machinery, obviously,” 
Brigit Holm said. 

Also in connection with the initial work of preparation, we learned that 
ground is being prepared for raising tomatoes, sweet potatoes and lettuce. 
Some difficulties, mainly caused by the recent rains, are being encountered 
in the production work. In the view of the ADPP representative, "the soil is 
rather heavy, but despite this we are proceeding with the work.” 

CSO: 3442/244 




Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 4 Mar 84 p 13 
[Article by Dawid J. Vermeulen: "“SWA in its Dilemma of Liberation"”] 

[Text] South Africa is working purposefully at beginning 
to extricate its hands economically from SWA. This results 
in heavy demands on the area's own means, and considerable 
development is thus of great importance. A civil engineer 
from SWA, Mr Dawid J. Vermeulen, looks in this article at 
particular stumbling blocks in the road to development. 

An engineer and an architect were sitting on the same airplane, on their way 
to the same construction project in the backveld of SWA. The engineer was 
going in order to inspect the headway made in laying piping to a block of 
washrooms. The architect was going in order to present plans for the expansion 
of the complex of buildings. A part of these plans included the demolition 
of these very washrooms. 

This type of contradiction characterizes tke development of SWA rather well. 
Such situations arise due to the lack of coordination between the various 
agencies involved in the development campaigns. 

On the eve of its liberation, SWA is already entrapped in the dilemma into 
whici a number of countries fall only after independence. The development 
possibilities of the area are intertwined in contradictory planning campaigns 
which are being pursued by the multitude of second-level institutions. 

Moreover, SWA has developed out of balance over a specific period of time 
because the emphasis has been on civil engineering work at the expense of 
developments in the social needs of the population. It was not until around 
1980 that a turmaround took place and the emphasis began to fall on creating 
schools, hospitals, sewage disposal works and water rirveyance, projects 
that are more labor intensive than the highly mechanized construction of 
roads and airports. 

Because of the shift in emphasis, heavy engineering equipment at a value of 
some 24 million rands is practically unused, but the government has nonethe- 
less budgeted for the acquisition of heavy engineering construction equipment. 

By renting out the available unused equipment to the private sector, consider- 
able savings could be effected, while this could greatly help the construction 
industry, which is going through a crisis. 

A further problem is the lack of routine maintenance of completed projects. 
Black Africa is full of monumental projects which do not work because there 
has not been proper maintenance. Disrepair is the order of the day in Africa, 
even with less sophisticated assets, such as roads. 


In SWA, the north-south lifeline is subjected to excessive axle weight, as 

if its carrying capacity is unlimited. The replacement value of SWA's asphalt 
roads is today approximately a billion rands and it will cost approximately 
300,000 rands to build one kilometer of asphalt road. Because of the over- 
loading of the raods, large amounts will be necessary to keep the north- 

south lifeline in reasonable condition for use. 

Better maintenance is necessary, and SWA can benefit from it greatly if the 
transiti.n is made early to contract maintenance, rather chan doing it through 
government departments. If this is not seized upon early, it may develop into 
the area's Archille's heel. 


The vested interest of the fragmented population in maintajning small ethnic 
authorities with their own administrations also provides stumbling blocks 

in the road to proper development, development in which use is made of labor 
intensive methods, not only to involve the community in development, but 
also to combat unemployment and to increase skills through on-the-job 

CSO: 3401/68 




Damara Departure from MPC 
Windhoek DIE REPUBLIKEIN in Afrikaans 3 Apr 84 p 4 
[Editorial: "Stays Offsides"} 

[Text] The more the Damara Council tries to give reasons for its withdrawal 
from the VPK [Multi-Party Conference], the more blurred the affair becomes. 

Mr Justus Garoeb says that his party has no quarrels with the VPK, but he 
had to withdraw from it because the VPK has infringed upon the mandate of 
the Damara Council. 

This may well be, but why did Mr Garoeb not issue warnings within the VPK 

in time? As long as he sat there @greeing, everyone must have indeed been 
under the impression that it was in accordance with the "mardate" of the Damara 
Council. Isn't it so? The VPK leaders certainly cannot read minds: 

SWAPO did not attack the Damara Council, because that organization saw that 
the Damara Council is fighting a fair fight, Mr Garoeb said. 

{fs SWAPO fighting just such a "fair fight?" And is it fair to say one week 
that there is no talk of a breakaway from the VPK, and then the following to 
turn to such a step? 

We are afraid that Mr Garoeb is playing out the game in an offsides position! 
Savimbi Role 

Windhoek DIE REPUBLIKEIN in Afrikaans 3 Apr 84 p 4 

[Editorial: "Right Note’ 

[Text] Dr Jonas Savimbi unmistakeably did not hit a false note when he 

pointed out over the weekend that the independence of SWA/Namibia is most 

closely connected with a settlement in Angola. 

It is simply a fact that the Cubans are in Angola for ideological reasons. 
They form a part of the Russian attack on Angola. And in addition, SWAPO, 


which is an organization connected with SWA, is likewise under the thumb of 
the Russians. 

Where does the assertion of free will for the people of SWA enter in? And this 
is what is at stake since the days of the Mandate Agreement. 

The exercise of South-West Africans' right to self-determination is not pos- 
sible as long as there is a new colonial danger assembling at our borders. 
For that reason, Angola must come clean--clean of Cubans and Russians and 
also clean of terrorists. 

The MPLA government of Angola will have to recognize quite clearly one truth, 
and that is that its only chance for survival is together with Savimbi, and 
not against Savimbi. 

The MPLA is welcome to learn this lesson from the SWA people, parties and 

In this country, it has long since become clear that the population groups 
and the political parties are one another's best allies; there can be no 
friends better than those tied to you by blood and soil. 

But the MPLA apparently does not yet grasp this essential truth. And this 
is the basis of Dr Savimbi's appeal that negotiations with UNITA must be 
carried out for the sake of the Angolan people. 

Savimbi's vision includes a double process of peaceful negotiation: one in 
SWA/Namibia and one in Angola. And in neither of these two countries is 

there room for military intervention from outside. 

It is indeed crystal clear that no democracy can be achieved unless intimi- 
dation and domination through violence are done away with. 

However, the irony of the matter, as has often been pointed out, is that Angola, 
which was an important factor in a peaceful settlement in SWA, has itself 
never had a free election. Wherever it talks about a free election in Namibia, 
it is speaking out on a matter which it fears as much as the devil. 
South-West Africans cannot count on such a cloudy judgment. 
Attitudes of Namibia Leaders 
Windhoek DIE REPUBLIKEIN in Afrikaans 26 Mar 84 p 6 
[Editorial: "Leadership"] 
[Text] Moses Katjiuongua and Andreas Shipanga have [word or words missing] 
last week as it befits political leaders, and this is to say candidly what 

must be said. Fearlessly. And without first looking to see whether someone 
else's sensitive toes are accidently being stepped on. 


As opposed to this candor, which makes politics into a rough game, there were 
also in SWA politics the guack politicians, who always tried to patch every- 
thang up. And that is no good. 

A leader who strongly and forthrightly marks a course runs the risk that he 
sometimes loses some of his people. Sometimes it is necessary for him, for the 
sake of his convictions, to even break away from the old-established world in 
which he has long been living. 

It was not many years ago that a certain Dirk Mudge had to take such a step. 
It would certainly not be easy. But it was necessary; it was for the sake of 
SWA/Namibia of the utmost importance. 

And so there are several other leaders in our SWA politics who at a particular 
moment had to pursue a course different from the one on which they had long 
been moving. 

Take, for example, the late Clemens Kapuuo. 

When he saw that new circumstances bring new hope, he did not hesitate to 
make an adjustment and to help in the building of something that this country 
had never had before. 

Perhaps this attitude among our political leadership is the biggest reason 
for the successes which have been achieved in rebuilding the political struc- 
tures of the country. Perhaps this is also one of the most important reasons 
why changes in our community life were able to take place so quickly over 

the last 10 years. 

It is indeed a bloodless revolution which has taken place here; things have 
happened that quickly. 

And where the times again demand rapid progress, there is no getting around 
the fact that political leaders often must move quickly where other people 
would be afraid to even budge an inch. 

What gratifies the people of SWA/Namibia the most is that their leaders 
are not open to bribery or threats. No political leader who is trusted by 
his people needs to beg from another political figure, or depend on his 

Sam Nujoma and company are welcome to take note of this. 
We will provide for our own leaders; they need not depend on second-hand 
money smuggled in here by the Marxists, the World Council of Churches or 

the UN via Nujoma. 

We know only too well that that little stream of money will very quickly dry 
up after the radicals have achieved their goal. 

Why then have so many other African states become impoverished? 


Why are Angola and Mozambique not swimming in money? Why do their leaders 
no longer have the foreign wealth that Nujoma has? 

When poverty arrives, it hits hardest the man who has eaten out of Russia's 

We and our leaders would rather be, as Katuutire Kaura put it, thin and free 
than fat and enslaved. 

Moreover, Nujoma's slaves will not be fat, nor will they be free. 

As long as SWA's leaders are strong and honest, they can be sure that they 
have the power of the people behind then. 

CSO: 3401/68 



Dakar WAL FADJRI in French 27 Apr-1 Jun 84 pp 12-15 

[Interview with PDS General Secretary Abdoulaye Wade by Hassan Toure with the 
assistance of Ruben Biyick (BINGO) and Sidi Lamine Niasse (WAL FADJRI); date 
and place of interview not specified] 

[Text] The political climate of today's Senegal is highly agitated. With the 
balance of trade still showing a large deficit, plus the drought, the keenest 
anxieties have gripped every Senegalese. All opposition political groups 
agree that a change is necessary, but what kind of a change? 

To learn more about what these various parties propose, we are starting a new 
section: "It Is up to You, Gentlemen, To Govern." The purpose of this new 
section is to establish the policy of the party invited to express its views, 
if its leader were elected president of the Republic of Senegal. 

In this setting, we interviewed Mr Abdoulaye Wade, national general secretary 
of the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), as he was the first to respond to 
our invitation, 

[Question] Abdoulaye Wade, if you were elected president, what would be the 
primary concerns of your government? 

[Answer] Feeding the people, thus bringing in rice and selling it much cheaper, 
and at the same price in both Dakar and the interior of the country. I will 
eliminate the 20 percent tax per kilogram of peanuts formerly levied on farmers. 
I will also abolish the poll tax on farmers, since the farmer's real income 
should be taxed. My government will implement these measures within 2 months. 

[Question] Can we expect a major change from the present government's domestic 
policy and the one that you will establish? 

[Answer] First of all, the conditions should be created for the recovery of 
Senegal, which is on its knees and overindebtec; we have had to make a third 
rescheduling of payments within the Club of Paris and another rescheduling of 
the private debt of the Club of London. 


I will assemble all political parties for a roundtable discussion, for above 
all, my government's recovery plan is political rather than economic, in view 
of the fact that 40 percent of annual export revenues must be spent for the 
foreign debt, which is 650 billion CFA frances. 

I should nevertheless tell you that the criterion for a political party is not 
only the people, but the nature of the party and what it wishes to do. Discus- 
sion with other parties does not mean that my government does not have the 
solution; on the contrary. 

I will establish a national commission for recovery, which will have the 
mission of providing all of the parties participating in the discussion with 
a recovery plan, which shall lead to a government program affecting all sectors. 

I will appeal to some political parties in my future government, and to others, 
to support the overall program. Indispensable measures include those having 
to do with the life of political parties and trade unions. 

I intend to reestablish the conditions of democracy. Thus a national commis- 
sion for formulating an election code will be established so that there will 
be no more election disputes. 

In the process, I will help the political parties contributing to the expres- 
sion of national opinion and which are liaisons between the government and the 
people. Political practices must be cleaned up. 

I have no intention at all, for example, of imprisoning those who have diverted 
public funds, quite simply because circumstances must be taken into account. 

On the other hand, I will take future measures for administrative control, 
which will make such diversions of funds impossible. 

[Question] You plan to work together with all parties and even with the 
current government's party. Considering the famous plan of the Front of 
Rejection, however, don't you think that could revive that unsuccessful 

[Answer] As I see it, it is my party's duty to call on others to support my 
government's policy, although with the agreement that we will have formulated 
the government's program together. And in doing so, my government will be 
obliged to apply that program strictly, otherwise the endorsing parties will 
be free to withdraw. 

The Front of Rejection was comprised of 11 parties right after the elections 
and they made postelection political demands; this is in no way comparable to 

the present situation. 

[Question] Does this mean that you are going to establish a government of 
national union? 

[Answer] Absolutely. 


[Question] In exactly what context are you going to appeal to the other 
parties? Isn't that a sign of weakness? 

[Answer] When you ask a nation to sacrifice, you have to come to terms with 
the largest possible number of citizens. 

Let us suppose that I form a homogeneous government and we make decisions, 
of course, but we cannot expect those decisions to be supported by other 
parties which could oppose us. 

But since we have assured all political parties of a fair and democratic fight, 
I think that we can obtain some sort of consensus, some sort of social peace 
(social contract). The problem is that we have to make sacrifices to pay our 

[Question] Will the constitution remain unchanged, in particular with the 
defunct Article 35 and the law reducing the term of office of the president 
of the assembly? 

[Answer] In this regard, we have included a constitutional revision in my 
government's plans. I will have to again consult with the other parties and 
submit this new constitution to a public referendum. There are fundamental 
issues on which Senegalese do not agree, just to mention Article 35 as an 
example. Consultation with the people on a number of problems is necessary. 

[Question] Do you plan to change the law on the secularity of the government? 

[Answer] There is a great deal of confusion surrounding the notion of secular- 
ity. Secularism is a christian notion: that is, the government must not be 
dependent on religion. Today, separation of church and state is what is meant 
by secularism. 

Secularism is not an antireligious concept. Nor is it a concept that is 
totally neutral on religion. It is a notion that evolved from a religious 
and sectarian concept. If we have gotten to the point of secularity, it is 
because it was demanded by an historic evolution (the Revolution of 1789). 

This does not mean that the theoretical existence of an Islamic state must be 
rejected: that is, ruling out the possibility for Moslems to arrive at a 
notion of secularity by starting out from an Islamic concept, a notion of 
secularity that is comparable to the secularity derived from christianity, 
that is, comparable to the concept of a state that is dependent on a religious 

However, christian secularism must not be carried over to the level of an 
Islamic state, but it must be acknowledged that the concept of an Islamic state 
could evolve to arrive it that notion. As for me, I share that philosophy. 

Otherwise we will arrive at a situation in which the marabout will necessarily 
be the "chief of state” because his conduct is necessarily preferable as a 
chief of state. If that situation occurs in Senegal, the chief of state will 
be the ore who interprets the religion best. 


As for me, my government and I will construct a secular state guaranteeing 
the independence of the state and religion. Of course, that will not prevent 
me from giving my children a religious education, just as others will do. 

[Question] [by] BINGO (a monthly published in Paris): What do you think about 
the rise of religious fundamentalism, especially in Senegal? 

[Answer] I draw a distinction between mysticism and fundamentalism. I have 

a lot of respect for mysticism, which is a valid refuge with God. All of the 
Senegalese people's current problems are favorable to the development of 
mysticism. As for fundamentalism ... I ask myself this question: does funda- 
mentalism really exist in Senegal? The more I note that there is a development 
of mysticism, the more uncertain I am that fundamentalism, as it is defined, 
exists in Senegal. 

[Question] Isn't it time to establish a reconciliation with the people on whom 
secularity has been imposed and who firmly believe in Islam as a plan of society? 

[Answer] I wasn't elected on the basis of an Islamic platform, but rather on 
the platform of the PDS. I was elected because I am a layman and that is very 
significant. A distinction must be made between Islam and the "Islamic church," 
that is, a distinction between Islam as a religion and as a philosophy, which, 
in its pure state, is a repository of fundamental, reliable values, of certain 
social institutions that are very debatable, as are their sociological features 
in the Islam of Senegal or elsewhere. Islam's sociopolitical trappings vary 
according to the country. 

[Question] Islam is not only a collection of cultural practices: it is also 
a plan of society, the best suited for mobilizing the masses in Senegal and in 
strongly Islamicized countries. It has rigid rules, on one hand, and on the 
other it has others that are flexible and change according to time and space. 
But if we understand you correctly, it is this Islamic plan of society which 
you question, as does the current president, who has his own definition of 
secularity. Yet your concerns with regard to a multidenominational society 

in Senegal are resolved by Islam, which is a tolerant religion by nature. 

In view of all that, what is your idea of secularity and do you think that 
institutions can be Islamicized in order to conform to the will of the people? 

[Answer] I don't believe that it is necessary to Islamicize institutions. 

I am the first one in all of Africa to have tried to draw inspiration from 
religion as a philosophy of development. I wrote an economic brochure on 
Mouridism, being a member of that religious brotherhood and a believer in its 
values ... thus I am obliged to draw inspiration from religion. 

The peoples who are mainly Moslem must be mobilized, but going from there to 
the Islamicization of institutions is a big step! And then Senegal is a multi- 
denominational country; there aren't only Moslems, even if they are the most 
numerous--we represent 95 percent, perhaps more--but I don't believe that is 
a reason.... 


I still adhere to Bamba's message, that people must be convinced through per- 
suasion rather than imposing a religion on them from above! Setting up an 
Islamic state and obliging the christians, the animists and all the rest to 
conform isn't right, first of all, I think.... 

[Question] I think that you are well aware of Islam's view on this issue. 
Your secularity does not differ from that of the present government, which 
has its own concept of it. 

[Answer] Listen, it's possible that I agree with or that I support the same 
view of secularity as the government of Abdou Diouf or of Senghor. It's also 
possible that my views coincide with their on other issues ... since these are 
things that they did not invent. All that dates back very far, to the 18th 
and 19th centuries. 

[Question] What are the main features of your foreign policy? 

[Answer] In the case of foreign policy, my government will support African 
nationalist policy. For us, nationalism and pan-Africanism mean belief in 

and priority for African values. We must first rely on our own resources, 

on what we have, on our people and on Africa. In our foreign policy, there 
are priorities, the first of which remains African unity, for which we will 
sacrifice everything. 

We want a confederation of united African states and from today on I will strive 
to convince my counterparts in West Africa to bring this about. It won't be 
like the Malian Federation, either in form or composition. 

The presidency of this federation will be filled in an alternating fashion in 
its initial stage and we will establish three or four joint ministries. Among 
others, a ministry of information, telecommunications and education. 

This is the only reliable foundation that we can leave to our children. I will 
recommend to the OAU chairman the creation of a number of structures on the 
continental scale, in particular certain professional schools or certain 
services of a continental nature. 

I will make everything subordinate to strengthening the CEAO and ECOWAS. With 
regard to Europe, my government will seek to reduce dependence on all countries 
that dominate us politically or economically. 

Of course, we can be independent only by paying our debts. My government is 
in favor of increasing trade on a basis of respect and equality with all coun- 
tries of Europe, America and elsewhere. 

{Question} Do you plan to revise your policy concerning Europe? 
[Answer] The government that I will establish will be a regime whose main aim 

in foreign affairs will be independence and control of our economy and our 

[Question] What will happen to bilateral relations between Dakar and Paris? 

[Answer] It is essential that we stop thinking of Paris as the capital of 
Senegal or of Africa. Progress toward African unity requires the construction 
of road infrastructures and the development of telecommunications. 

It is misleading to talk about African unity when you can't get in a car and 
travel to Bamako, Conakry or elsewhere in Africa. I urge all African chiefs 
of state to build roads up to the border of each of our adjacent countries and 
to develop trade. 

[Question] What are the main axes on which your economic program will hinge? 

[Answer] My government will carry out a revolution in this regard. Senegal's 
development has been based on industry that encourages further borrowing and, 
naturally, creates some jobs. Full employment for Senegalese lies in agri- 
culture. My government will tackle the problem of finding enough water for 
irrigation and to enable farmers to grow crops at all times, which will make 
it possible to assure food self-sufficiency as well as food independence. 

Only agricultural development can reduce economic dependence. We will create 
national industries. We will deliberately give preference to national corpora- 
tions. We will take measures so that 80 percent of our capital is held in 
Senegal and by Senegalese. 

[Question] What solution do you recommend concerning Senegal's indebtedness? 

[Answer] There aren't several ways to pay off the foreign debt; it can only 
be paid by producing and exporting. We must develop export crops. 

[Question] What would be the best strategy? 

[Answer] The foreign debt must be reduced. Mv government will simply halt 
foreign borrowing. We import 400,000 tons of rice from abroad; by promoting 
this crop, we can reduce our rice imports by 25 to 75 percent, which will save 
us money. We will also have to vary our diet, which is based particularly on 

We will take the country's trade balance and reduce all major imports. We 
will terminate relations with the IMF. 

PDS Press Conference: Four PDS Proposals Concerning Situation in Casamance 

On 18 April at the party's headquarters in Dakar, Mr Abdoulaye Wade met with 
the domestic and international press. Once again the Casamance problem was 
brought up, this time with the proposals of the PDS, which believes it can 
restore peace in Casamance. 

The party's proposals hinge on four points: the surrender of arms to authori- 
ties by independence advocates, total amnesty, the withdrawal of law enforcement 
forces and maintaining them at a normal level, and guarantees that the will of 
the majority will be respected in parties and on the national level. 

11915 73 
CSO: 3419/627 



Johannesburg SASH in English Feb 84 p 1 

[Editorial ] 

[Text ] 

ince Dr Neil Aggett died on February 5, 1982, four others have died in detention: 
Ernest Dipale, Simon Tembuise Mndawa, Paris Malatje and Samuel Tshikudo. 

Public outrage is minimal when little-known people die in detention and when this hap- 
pens it is our duty to protest that much more vigorously. 

Already there are different lists, all over the place, of those who died in detention. This 
would not be so if proper attention, and, may we say, proper respect, had followed each 
eerie and horrible detention death. We have all been remiss in that there are no published 
photographs or biograpies of many of the 56 men who have died since the 1962 amendment 
to the General Laws Amendment Act. 

We are grateful to the Rand Daily Mail for sending a reporter to Venda to interview the 
family of Samuel Tshikudo who died there in January. We hope other newspapers will in 
future follow this example; for as long as detention exists there will be death in detention 
and those who are thus martyred should never be insulted with the kind of negligence 
which turns them into mere statistics. 

While remembering those who died in detention, let us never forgot those who are cur- 
rently in detention, and therefore at risk. 

owards the end of last year an American professor wrote to Sash to say that he had 

been worried for some time about the direction the Black Sash was taking; that he 
thought Solveig Piper’s article ‘Recession: capitalism to blame’ (vol 26 no 1, May 1983) 
should never have been published in our magazine; true, there had been a replying article 
but this had only been perfunctory: surely there was an editorial board which vetted Sash 
articles, and would we take his name off our subscription list. 

We believe the Professor’s criticism would have been more valid had he stood it on its 
head, for we should be publishing much more of this sort of controversy. 

The capitalist/socialist debate has many permutations and perhaps the greatest and most 
significant point of stress is between social democrat and neo marxist. It has debilitated 
political parties and human nghts organizations all over the world and we would be a poor 
and half-dead lot if it didn’t affect us too. But it 1s unlikely to debilitate us. Fortunately we 
don’t have the time to waste trying to resolve a possibly unresolvable argument (have a 
look at Koestler’s theory of the ‘withering away of the dilemma’ on page 19) and in any case 
we have become quite amiably expert at consensus over the years -— by not concealing dis- 
agreemenis within our ranks. 



We haven't got an editorial board and only the editonal has to be approved by the na- 
tional committee. Most articles flow directly from Black Sash activities but there are often 
others which we believe will interest our readers but which by no means reflect ‘Black Sash 

Recently we have encouraged debate in our columns, believing this should re-enforce 
our habit of consensus: and although the more thoughtful articles are obviously the most 
valuable, the present editor has a weakness for the odd slanging match, which she doesn’t 
think does any harm but rather livens up the magazine. 

There is, however, one issue that we do have to resolve at this year’s conference from 
March 15—18 in Johannesburg. We shall have to define our relationship with the United 
Democratic Front. Helen Zille has outlined the arguments for and against affiliation in a 
careful article on page 21. Please read it before the conference. 

Inevitably, whatever conference decides, many members will disagree. We ask of them 
neither silence nor acquiescence, but just the usual hard work. 



Johannesburg SASH in English Feb 84 pp 7-13 

[Article by Marian Lacey: 

[Text ] 

There are no jobs here. What must we do? Our children 
are starving... before we could look for work for 
ourselves and then come back and join. We can’t do this 
anymore since this independence thing. Some of us have 
been waiting now for over a year... Things are getting 
worse and worse... the only hope is for work on the 
farms, not even the mines want us now. 

(Interview: workseeker, Herschel district, October 1981) 

n October 1981, when this interview was conducted, 

South Africa was experiencing an unprecedented but 
short-lived boom, a boom which barely affected recruii- 
ment in the bantustans. If anyihing the position had wor- 
sened. In the space of five years recruitment had drop- 
ped by well over 850 000 registrations. 

By mid 1982 a recession had set in leading to the re- 
trenchment of tens of thousands of workers. An inestim- 
able number found that when their contracts enced 
these were not renewed. Retrenchments and dismissals 
became the order of the day across the countrv and in al- 
most all sectors. 

Particular sectors hit were those employing large 
numbers of contract workers. A brief survey of selected 
headlines in 1982 gives a stark picture: Slump hits metal 
workers; Sats (South African Travel Services) cuts no of 
workers by 7 000 — thousands will loose jobs as reces- 
sion takes its toll; Sats cutback on 20 000 jobs; East Rand 
foundry to retrench 200; Benoni plant retrenches 600 
workers; Lay offs sweep East Rand industry; 2 000 af- 
fected in Anglo American coai mines; Iscors’ cream 
souring — 10 000 workers to be slashed; 5 000 reduction 
m Metal industry — unions fighting lay-offs; 1 000 work- 

7s at Highveid steel; Union lashes motor plant over re- 
trenchments — 800 Sigma men sacked; 39 workers re- 
trenched Good-Year, Ford 507 workers in June, 1982; 


"Feudalism in the Age of Computers”] 

Volkswagen retrench 315 workers ——- April 1982; 250 
Leyland workers laid-off; Giant Chemical Group to re- 
trench 500; 10 500 textile workers soon jobless; Garment 
workers unite; Emplovees sacrifice jobs to save col- 

Add to this, the massive crackdown on ‘illegals’, the 
continued and rising number of pass law arrests since the 
moratorium in 1979; and the ruthless brutality used 
against people said to be squatting illegally in urban 
areas and a picture very different from the much 
heralded ‘liberal reform era’ can be painted. 

Essentially, what I hope to show in this paper, is that 
Riekert’s proposed reforms with regard to urban blacks, 
which occur alongside the continued mass relocation 
scheme and the present tightening-up of labour recruit- 
ment and control of bantustan residents, are not con- 
tradictory, but part of a process of adapting the system of 
labour control to meet specific interests and changing 
economic, political and ideological circumstances. 

Furthermore, I hope to show that the large reservoir 
or reserve army of labour, which has been built up in the 
bantustans, is and must be seen as an integral part of the 
workforce and not a marginal category of unemployable 
people beyond it. The streamling and tightening-up of 
the labour allocation and recruitment system, as de- 
scribed in this paper, must therefore be seen as part of 
the State’s present concern to incorporate all workers 
into a single integrated system of control. 

The Riekert commission was appointed to carry out 
this task. As Riekert in his Report has shown in great de- 
tail and as subsequent steps taken have proved, what is 
required is a far more complex and coercive system of al- 
locating and reserving a supply of labour to different 
categories of employer — defined variously by sector, 
industry and location. 


In the past decade an urgent need to devise new labour 
strategies arose in response to increasing labour mili- 
tancy and changed conditions for capital expansion in 
Scuth Africa. This, along with both a massive cutback in 
recruitment from South Africa’s neighbouring states 
and the uprootal and removal of some 31/2 million Afn- 
cans (SPP estimate) from so-called ‘white’ rural areas 
and towns, served to disorganise capital’s traditional re- 
serve army of labour. All sectors were equally affected 
by the contraction and relocation of their traditional 
labour pools as the following discussion makes clear. 

a) Revised recruitment strategies in the mining 

The mines, in the wake of the withdrawal of 100 000 
mineworkers by the Malawian government after the air- 
crash in 1974 and the establishment of an avowedly Mar- 
xist government ‘n Mozambique the following year, saw 


a massive reduction in their recruitment of foreign inde- 
ntured workers. Recruitment of foreign workers for all 
sectors in 1974 dropped from a total of 763 674, of whom 
231 666 and 227 619 were from Malawi and Mozambique 
respectively, to 301 758 in 1981, of whom only 30 602 
were Malawians and 59 391 Mozambicans. The Cham- 
ber of Mines recruitment statistics for the period 
1973-1979 illustrate the cutback in recruitment of 
foreign indentured mineworkers, and the urgent need, 
particularly between 1974 and 77, to replace those lost, 
with local workers. The number of foreign workers on 
the mines fell from just over 80% of the workforce in 
1973 to barely 40% in 1979. 

The urgency of the mines’ position was realised in 
1976, when, despite the substantial wage increases after 
1973 and accelerated unemployment in the wake of the 
world-wide recession in 1974/75, the mines found they 
were unabie to attract local workers. Only 4 000 novices 
presented themselves in 1974 to replace the 100 000 
Malawians ordered to leave by Banda in that year, while 
overall recruitment suffered a shortfall of over 58 000 

To break down traditional resistance of local workers 
to minework, state intervention was essential. This took 
various forms, the principal ones being: manipulation of 
nationality, citizenship and immigration laws so as to 
create an internal reserve of legally designated ‘foreign’ 
workers. As ‘foreigners’ they could be denied free access 
to certain categones of work and so be channelled into 
mining. In addition to this the state could also zone 
labour supply areas from mine recruitment only, and in 

so doing, build-up a reservoir of labour for the mines to 
draw on. Once a district was unofficially zoned in this 
way, categorization of workers in zoned districts became 
possible and overtime, wastage, associated with the 
training of novices, would be greatly reduced. 

A variation on this method in use was through the 
selective distribution of requisitions. Areas where the 
mines recruited heavily were by-passed in the distribu- 
tion of requisitions on the grounds, as one labour officer 
in the Transkei put it, that, ‘we have to give all districts a 
fair chance, so as requisitions are short we leave out min- 
ing areas’. (Interview: labour officer Butterworth Oc- 
tober 1981). 

Over and above these measures, the Chamber of 
Mines has also tightened-up on its own recruitment prac- 
tices. In a bid to stabilize the local workforce, ‘bonus 
cards’, pioneered by the Anglo American Group in the 
60s, have been extended throughout the industry; all 
mineworkers have been brought under a highly cen- 
tralized system of computerized control enabling the 
mines to determine the level of skill, experience and 
work record of every worker in its employ. 

With the steady implementation of these revised 
strategies, Theba officials report that today they have 
more than a 101% compliment and more in reserve. 
‘Fences are being flattened’ and ‘gates are kept locked’ 
to keep out the hundreds of workers clamouring for 
minework. (Giliomee 1982). As one senior Theba offi- 
cial described the position: 

Gone are the days of hectic active recruitment still 

seen in '76. We are building up our local reservoir 

of workers. They are accepting longer contracts, with 

shorter rest periods between... In fact to be a mine 

worker in the Transkei today, you are considered a 

privileged person. 

(Interview: Theba official Butterworth October 1981) 

There is little doubt that the destitute conditions in the 
bantustans, accelerated unemployment and better 
wages on the mines, have helped to break down earlier 
resistance to minework. But above all, it is argued, it is 
the real absence of any choice, even in boom times, 
which acts to secure an inexhaustible supply of labour 
for the mines. 

b) Revised recruitment strategies in the farming 

Not only the mines’ foreign reserve army was disor- 
ganised by these events. In 1970, farmers were still re- 
cruiting 45 000 workers from outside South Africa. By 
1977 this number had dropped to 16 000 and with step- 
ped-up security in the wake of increased ANC activity, 
at the end of 1982 only 9 000 Mozambicans were given 
permission to return to work on the farms. 

Within South Afr:ca itself, the mass resettlement 
scheme executed over the past two decades, has resulted 
in the removal of an estimated 660 000 Africans from 
white farms, while steady expropriation of ‘black-spot’ 
and ‘badly situated areas’, has resulted in the relocation 
of a further 450 000 people from the ‘white’ areas. With 
this mass relocation of former labour and cash tenants 
and their families, farmers have had to shift from main- 
taining the largest possible labour supply on the farm to 
meet their variable labour requirements, to one of rely- 
ing on a smaller core of permanently settled skilled 
workers, supplemented by extensive recruitment of 
casual/seasonal labour from the bantustans. 

With the present oversupply of unskilled workers in 
the bantustans, the farmers too have an inexhaustible 
supply from which to draw on. If given the choice how- 
ever, workseekers from the bantustans continue to resist 
farm work. Resistance to low wages still paid by many 
farmers and the fear of permanent classification in the 
farm worker category were suggested as reasons why 
some farmers still experience difficulty in securing a 
steady supply of seasonal workers. 


But many thousands more are gradually being denied 
this choice. Evidence collected during extensive re- 
search in the eastern Cape and Transvaal bantustans re- 
vealed that a high correlation exists between the level of 
destitution in a particular area and the type, and often 
the absence of requisitions sent to those areas. In some 
instances areas remote from either the labour bureau or 
town were declared unofficially ‘closed’ to all recruit- 
ment bar farming. The farmers have a field day in such 
areas. They, or their private recruiting agents, are able 
to move into such areas to pick up men, women and chil- 
dren, and are assured of their suppiy. A worker whose 
reference book was still endorsed ‘farm labour only’, de- 
spite the fact that he had been relocated 10 years earlier 
to Sada, described his position thus: 

Before some of us here always worked on farms in 
this area (Queenstown-Whittlesea)... then we were 
moved here over ten years ago. We were forced to sell 
our cattle and land to plough... In the first few years 

after the farmers were finished with us, many of us 
would get work for cash on the roads or the govern- 
ment... now not even those jobs are for us... we must 
just starve for the six months after they throw us back 

(Interview: Hewu labour office, February 1980) 

Even workers relocated from the farms find them- 
selves still tied to farm work, but immeasurably worse 
off. Dispossessed of land, stock and wage contributions 
from more than one member of the household under the 
former labour tenancy system, once relocated, they re- 
turn to the farms as ‘single’ workers and become sepa- 
rated from their families, trapped as they are in the mig- 
rant labour system. Seasonal work lasts only from a 
three to six month period, so casual farm employees re- 
main severely under-empioyed. Those who commute 
daily to farms, as an ever increasing number do, are no 
better off. Competition for jobs is intense in many areas 
SO wages are low, some are even being forced to accept 
payment in kind for their services. As one woman who 
commutes daily to a tomato farm bordering the Lebowa 
bantustan explained: 

We women here and even our children are forced to 
go and pick tomatoes on the farms nearby. What can 
we do, there is ne other work for our men and even 
the farmer doesn’t want them. If we work on the 
farms we will maybe get some food and then we can 
sell the tomatoes that the farmer uses to pay us. 
Without this little bit our children wall starve. 
(Interview Moketsi distnct, Lomondokop resettle- 
ment area April 1982) 

The Farm Labour Project in their submission to the 
Manpower Commission reported conditions similar to 
this in other commuter farm areas. As found elsewhere 

casual workers were being paid a derisory wage of any- 
thing from 50c to R1 a day. Men on the whole continue 
to resist being forced into farm work, but for women, 
trapped in the bantustans, who in the majority of in- 
stances have no other source of income, there is no other 
option but farm work. | 
Clearly farmers have benefitted from the creation of 
resettlement areas remote from towns or border indust- 
rial growth points. This, alongside the trend to zone 
labour supply areas for farm recruitment only, and the 
more recent practice of setting up assembly points run by 
administration board officials in mobile vans, rather 
than widely dispersed tribal labour bureaux, has meant 
that even fewer requisitions than in the past will ever 
reach remote bantustan districts. In time, the farmers 
too will be assured a steady stream of seasonal workers. 

Attempts however, to secure a permanent core of 
fuiltime wage labourers on the farms has proved far 
more difficult. Although desertion to the towns has all 
’ but stopped as a result of strict influx controls which pre- 
vent farm workers from moving from non-prescribed (ie 
rural) to prescribed urban areas, farmers complain that 
many thousands more eventually get to the towns by first 
relocating themselves to the bantustans. As early as 1964 
attempts were made to solve this problem by creating a 
separate rural and industnal stream along a non-pre- 
scribed/prescribed divide. But as the Deputy Minister of 
Bantu Administration and Development made clear in 
1968, it was not the solution that was at fault, but the far- 
mers’ failure to register all their employees. Opening the 

Agricultural show at Middleburg he stated: 

It is not only government policy that Bantu labourers 
may not move from the farms to the urban areas to 
work there, it is also clearly laid down in the relevant 
regulations. The greatest difficulty, however, lies in 
the execution of these regulations and here I fear large 
sections of the farming community are making their 
own labour positions more difficult as well as 
complicating our task to prevent illegal infiltration 
into the cities. 

He then went on to detail how the system operates in 

A record of every registered Bantu farm labourer in 
your service is kept in a central register in Pretoria, 
and the position is that the labourer cannot be 
employed in the urban areas, because as soon as his 
service contract must be registered, it will be estab- 
lished that he is a farm labourer, and then he cannot 
legally be taken into service. The whole control 
machinery with reference to Bantu farm labourers 
revolves therefore around the single cog of the 
registration of each labourer in your service at your 
local Bantu Affairs Commissioners’ office. 


This exact system is still in operation today, but far - 
more efficiently run. Not only have farmers been com- 
pelled to expel all surplus workers, labour tenant and 
Squatters thus simplifying the registration procedure, 
but all workers have now been brought under com- 
puterized control. So even farm workers who try to get 
to the towns via the bantustan escape route could find in 
the future that their former ‘farm labour only’ classifica- 
tion is a bar to other work. Far more research in this area 
will have to be done to establish this trend with any cer- 
tainly, but as far as fulltime farm workers are concerned, 
it is suggested that with their numbers rapidly shrinking 
attempts will be made to ‘Riekertize’ their position in a 
bid to stabilize a permanently settled core of more skil- 
led farm workers needed on highly mechanized and agri- 
business farms. 

c) Revised recruitment strategies in the manufac- 
turing sector 

Revisions in the labour system have also been demanded 
by the manufacturing sector — especially its most capital 
intensive multi-national component with its growing de- 
mand for a skilled and stabilized workforce. 

Thus, combined with growing worker militancy and 
popular struggles against the degraded living and work- 
ing conditions of urban workers, necessitated a revised 
strategy towards Africans who qualify for permanent re- 
sidence rights. 

The revised strategy, embodied in Riekert’s propos- 
als, aimed firstly to reduce rigidities in the labour supply 
by allowing section 10 rights to be exercised throughout 
urban areas as Jong as employment and housing are av- 
ailable and secondly to move away from a system based 
on race and control via the police, blackjacks and pro- 
secution of pass offenders, to one based on citizenship 
and control by employers and registered house owners/ 
tenants. An extension of these controls will be the con- 
tinued deprivation of citizenship via ‘independence’ of 
the bantustans; and critical to these moves is the need to 
bring all workers inder computerized control. Hence 
the crackdown on ‘i'legals’ through the 1979 moratorium 
which put the onus on employers to ‘register’ workers as 
section 10d workers on contract under threat of a R500 

Similarly the Crossroads ‘concessions’ brought people 
under control since they had to register to claim entitle- 
ment to jobs and housing. Nyanga shows the other side 
of the coin, as immigration laws were invoked to expel 
those who were said to be ‘foreigners’ from the ‘indepen- 
dent’ bantustan in the Transkei. 

Further, the use of housing as an instrument of control 
has been refined by the decision to make house-owner- 
ship under 99-year leasehold a condition of urban sec- 
urity. Proof of approved accommodation is thus being 

selectively used in various ways: first to shunt the poor 
and the economically inactive (in state parlance the 
‘superflous appendages ) out of the urban areas; second 
as a means to further reduce social costs by shifting the 
cost of reproducing labour-power away from the wage 
packet to workers and their families living in the bantus- 
tans. Third, to further reduce the number qualifying for 
section 10 rights by transforming as many people as pos- 
sible into ‘frontier commuters’; and last, by encouraging 
house-ownership. Not only is the state trying to foster the 
growth of a stable ‘middle class’, but a docile working 
class as well. In the case of the latter, once in occupation 
of houses built, subsidized or financed by loans by their 
employers, their dismissal could mean eviction and then 
endorsement out of town. The government’s current 
programme to sell off 500 000 housing units, will win 

much sought-after secunty for the more affluent urban 
resident, but for the homeless and poor the consequ- 
ences will be disastrous. 

These proposed reforms are to be extended to a mere 
5 300 000 urban Africans who qualify for section 10 
rights and who can afford to maintain them. Equally im- 
portant, they must be seen as being inextricably linked 
to measures geared to ensure the efficient exploitation 
and control of bantustan dwellers who have been denied 
even these few concessions. Urban gains are thus at the 
expense of the majonity of Africans condemned to live in 
destitute bantustans. 

The manipulation of citizenship and immigration 
laws as an instrument for allocating and reserving 

By December 1981, with the granting of ‘independence’ 
to the Ciskei bantustan, all Xhosa-Tswana and Venda- 
speaking people had been deprived of their South Afn- 
can citizenship. In the space of five years, eight million 
South African were declared legal ‘foreigners’ — aliens 
in the country of their birth. 

The numbers game has undoubted political and 
ideological advantages for the white minority in South 
Africa, whose fear of black majority rule ts legion. This 
deprivation of millions of South Africans of their citizen- 
ship must also be seen as a ‘non-negotiable’ aspect of 
South Africa’s present policy which aims to create an 
ethnically based pe)litical partition of South Africa along 
either federal or confederal lines. (H Zille, Sars, 1982). 
Connie Mulders’ classic formulation in 1978 spells out 
the ultimate fate of all Afncans in South Afnmica. In this 
he stated: ‘If our policy is taken to its logical conclusion 
as far as black people are concerned there will be not one 
black man with South African citizenship... Every black 
man in South Africa will eventually be accommodated in 
some independent new state in this honourable way and 
there will no longer be a moral obligation in this Parlia- 
ment to accommodate these people politically.’ (quoted 
in Zille ibid.) 


But what of the State’s economic and social obliga- 
tions? How does the loss of citizenship and the manipu- 
lation of immigration laws have any bearing on the re- 
vised system of labour reservation and allocation? 

Winterveld may be characterised as a squatter/com- 
muter camp housing more than half a million ‘internal 
refugees’ of the apartheid system. Sited within the ‘inde- 
pendent’ Bophuthatswana border these refugees have 
been deprived of their South African citizenship. But 
the majority living there are non- Tswanas who have re- 
jected that bantustan’s ‘citizenship’. This renders them 
‘stateless’ in the legal non-sense. 

Their removal to their putative ethnically appropnate 
bantustan has been stalled, as most families living there 
have one person or more in their household working and 
commuting daily to the PWV and surrounding areas. 
Between the South African state and the Bophuthats- 
wana bantustan administration a conflictual, but still 
happy marriage of convenience has been consummated. 
In this, neither partner will take responsibility for the 
health, welfare, education or housing of the Winterveld 
refugees spawned by the system. While both sides drag 
their feet millions of rand are being saved the taxpayer. 
But the real and immediate beneficiaries of this 
partnership are the profit-minded capitalists who at pre- 
sent reap enormous benefits from having a highly vul- 
nerable and docile reservoir of commuter labour to draw 
from — without the social costs involved in reproducing 
labour power. 

The mushrooming of similar squatter camps on the 
borders of all bantustans within commuting distance of 
towns and growth points is significant in another way: it 
proves the success of influx control via the bantustan ‘in- 
dependence’ policy. In the long term, these vast squatter 
slums could become potential hotbeds for political vio- 
lence. But segregated far out of sight and mind of whites 
in South Afmnca, they can be effectively and easily 
policed and controlled. Ironically, even apartheid’s 
most virulent critics ignore the plight of these ‘internal 
refugees’ — because they happen to be living in an ‘inde- 
pendent’ bantustan which the international community 
refuses to recognise. 

As declared ‘foreigners’ they .re subject to new con- 
trols. Entry into ‘white’ South Africa of ‘foreigners’ will 
be more strictly policed. Freedom of ‘foreign’ workers to 
choose jobs or mines on which they wish to work can be 
severely restricted. As ‘foreign’ workers they can be 
forced to accept jobs shunned by local workers — these 
are usually the lowest paid menial tasks for which safety 
and health conditions are poor and often dangerous; 
where hours, especially in the case of shift work, are not 
congenial for men settled with their families in the 
towns. Similarly, industnes such as agriculture, clo- 
thing, textiles, building etc, highly vulnerable to cyclical 
and seasonal demands, will benefit from this system. 


They will be able to recruit workers as ‘foreigners’, then 
hire and fire them at will. 

A policy of assimilation or integration would destroy 
this mobility — ie :he workers’ re-exportability and dis- 
pensability. To sum up then, the ruthlessness with which 
workers from the Transkei were deported from the 
Nyanga bush site in Cape Town; the abrogation of finan- 
cial responsibility towards squatters living within ban- 
tustan borders; the massive reductions of the migratory 
labour force during the present economic down-swing 
and the crackdown and expulsion cf ‘illegals’, is proof 

that the influx control system, refined via the logic of 
bantustan ‘independence’, functions as it is meant to. 

As the remaining ‘self-governing’ bantustans are 
forced to take ‘independence’, so the state’s capacity to 
control and police the entry and repatriation of migrants 
will become easier. In the meantime, the state has re- 
sorted to other mechanisms of controlling and allocating 
labour to which we now turn. 

Job categorization and the zoning of labour supply 

In the pre-Riekert era, it was the workseeker from the 
bantustan who had a far wider choice of jobs than the 
urban dweller. The latter was tied to jobs within the ad- 
ministration board area in which he resided. Employers 
moreover were encouraged to recruit widely for their 
additional labour needs. 

This position is now being reversed. Today, with the 
greater mobility of urban workers, combined with the 
enforced local labour preference policy and the zoning 
of labour supply areas. the numbers of workers recruited 
from the bantustans is being massively reduced. In addi- 
tion the category of jobs open to bantustan workers Is 
being steadily narrowed. 

As a direct consequence of these strategies, the urban 
unemployed countrywide have become the principal 
source of industnes reserve army. Hence the massive 
cutback in bantustan recruitment. Once the computers 
in the 14 Administration Board areas are aligned to one 
another, greater mobility of this urban reservoir will be 
effected. The local labour preference option will operate 
more efficiently, and the number of bantustan requisi- 
tions for urban employment can be expected to drop 
even more dramatically. 

To enforce the local labour preference policy, the 
power of ABs to decide who, and for whom a work- 
seeker may or may not work has been greatly enhanced. 
This, together with the high unemployment and deepen- 
ing recession have made it easier for ABs to push 
through their plans to restructure the workforce along 
an urban/bantustan divide. 

Their first step in this process, was to crackduwwn on ‘il- 
legals’ through the moratorium in 1979. This brought all 
unregistered workers under computerized control. 

Once this was achieved, the ABs moved to close certain 
jobs to contract workers. Local workers in turn were 
coerced into taking jobs normally shunned by them, by 
the soaring costs of basic necessities, transport and ser- 
vices — just as Riekert in his report predicted would 

On top of this, the housing shortage is being used as 
one of the chief instruments of control to enforce the 
local labour preference policy. ABs, on the grounds that 
no ‘suitable’ accommodation is available, have in- 
structed employers to recruit locally. As a result, some 
workers recruited annually under the automatically re- 
newable call-in-card system have reported that their 
contracts have been cancelled. This accounts for some of 
the cutbacks in bantustan recruitment. 

The key to efficient computerized control of all work- 
ers is their registration. The R500 imposed on employers 
of ‘illegals’ has undoubtedly curbed the practice of en- 
gaging unregistered workers. As a consequence more 
and more workers are being forced back to the bantus- 
tans where they have to wait to be officially recruited, at- 
tested and computenzed. 

This crackdown on ‘illegals’ and the containment of 
workseekers within the bantustan boundaries has, 
moreover, opened the way for a far more efficient sys- 
tem of zoning labour supply areas. Workers in the re- 
mote bantustan areas are beinz shored-up to be channel- 
led into the mining and farmir g sectors. 

A more recent and sophisticated trend in zoning 
labour supply areas is emergirg however. This appears 
to be based on the strategy that ethnicity will eventually 
become a fundamental organising principle in the canali- 
sation of labour. Such a trend is well illustrated in the 
emerging pattern of recruitment by the Drakensburg 
and Port Natal ABs over a three-year penod. 

As the table below shows, there Ks been a steady cut- 
back of workers from beyond Natal. 

Seen in a political context, this rezoning of labour sup- 
ply areas along ethnic lines fits in well with Prof Lom- 
bard’s belief, that the successful launching of a federal 
scheme will depend on the state:’s ability to regulate the 
demographic distribution of its workers. He argues, that 

iabour must be allocated in a way that would ‘keep the de- 
scendants of the different major African chiefdoms living 
in and around their original areas of settlement.’ (Zille, 
Sars, 1982) 

Moreover, as the regional decentralization prog- 
ramme, foreshadowed in both the Carlton and Cape of 
Good Hope Conferences, is elaborated to coincide with 
the political decentralization of metropolitan areas, so 
the trend to channel labour within zoned AB areas could 
be extended further 

The zoning of labour supply areas was however first 
used to stabilise the labour supply in border areas. The 
relocation of entire urban communities to dormitory 
towns within bantustan borders was one of the main 
mechanisms used to reduce the number of people qual- 
ifving for section 10 nghts. The scale of such relocation 
can be seen from the rapid growth of bantustan towns 
and the concomitant increase in the number of ‘frontier 
commuters’. According to Smit and Booysen, there 
were only three towns within the bantustan borders in 
1900. These had a total population of 33 468. By 1970 
this number had grown to 594 420. Eight years later in 
1978, the population had more than doubled reaching an 
estimated 1,5 million people. 

Alongside the growth of these towns the number of 
people commuting daily to work also grew phenomen- 
ally. Mastouroudes, in his report commissioned for Unit 
for Futures Research. estimated that in 1981 almost 
740 000 people commuted daily to work. Assuming all 
these commuters were in registered employment it 
would mean that out of a total of 1 161 494 jobs regis- 
tered in 1981. less than half, viz 420 794 were for non- 
commuter labour. In both the Ciskei and KaNgwane 
there were proportionately a far higher number of com- 
muters than migrant workers — 37 100 commuters and 
only 9 288 registrations for Ciskeians countrywide. In 
KaNgwane more than half the number of registered 
workers were commuters, while KwaZulu was able to 
boast a commuter population of 400 600 out of a total of 
492 131 recruited (from an analysis of figures supplied by 
Sheena Duncan: HAD May 1983). 

Drakensbu | Port Natal 
as 1979 1980 1981 | 1979 1980 1981 
LODOWS oecececcseseseseeeseeeeee | 712 766 18 
I i cecinasnsiciecininneniinl 642 625 - 
aaa 1168 283 503 2518 2904 3 
Ka Ngwane ...............000+ 703 366 302 1020 1144 96 
eee 172154 225372 255 120 282 220 303 297 348 285 
Kwa Ndebele .................. 419 114 165 68 47 16 
SE reo 34 18 73 = hk. 
huthatswana ............ 24 388 501 
row ae 379 1752 1526 573 460 16 
a 14310 20 026 25 807 47 980 34 358 21731 
189 191 248 319 284 003 335 841 348 680 368 336 



When dormitory towns were first created to serve bor- 
der industrial growth points, workers relocated were 
guaranteed a preferential access to jobs in the towns 
from which they were removed. This guarantee has 
back-fired. Today, with the more sophisticated and sys- 
tematic zoning system, these same workers are im- 
mobilized as trapped pools of labour to serve the needs 
of employers zoned in their area. The example of It- 
soseng illustrates the fate of these workers. 

Itsoseng was established as a commuter area for towns 
in the western Transvaal. It lies 40km west of Lichten- 
burg on the main Mafikeng road. Population estimates 
vary between 30 and 50 thousand and unempioyment 
stands at over 50 per cent. Competition for jobs 1s in- 
tense, and wages, traditionally low in platteland towns, 
are depressed even further. As Itsoseng 1s zoned to sup- 
ply labour to towns and farms which fall within the west- 
ern Transvaal ABs area only, workseekers are tied to 
yobs in these towns. There ts no escape as requisitions for 
other areas are nnt distributed in Itsoseng. Employers in 
turn stand to reap enormous benefits, to say nothing of 
profits, from having an inexhaustibie, but stabilized re- 
servoir of labour to draw from. The creation of these 
zoned pools is being duplicated throughout the country. 

To sum up then. In the post-Riekert era, a far more 
complex and coercive system of allocating and reserving 
a supply of labour has been devised. This has ensured a 
steady supply of low-cost labour to different categones 
of employer — defined variously by sector, industry and 
location. In devising various strategies, the state’s prior- 
ity has been to incorporate al! workers into a single com- 
puterized system of labour allocation and control. 

What the above analysis has shown is, that, despite 
the declarations made by arartheid apologists that 
South Africa has entered into a new era of ‘liberal re- 
forms’, there is little doubt that workers from the ban- 
tustans and the associated reserve army, are being far 
more effectively manipulated and controlled. So much 
so, that it can be argued instead, that South Afncan ra- 
mal capitalism can stil! be characterized as a forced 
labour system — a new ‘feudalism’ in the age of the com- 



Johannesburg SASH in English Feb 84 pp 18-19 

[Article by Jill Wentzel: "Avoiding Intellectual Fascism--The Dream of Orwell 
and His Contemporaries” ] 

[Text ] 

A S we prepare for our 1984 National Conference in 

ohannesburg on March 15 facing the same issues 
which worned George Orwell and his contemporaries, 
we might in many ways be guided by them. Some of us 
might be heartily sick of Animal Farm and 1984, for al- 
legory can be tedious, once it has made its point. We 
should now look at the rest of Orwell’s most delightful 
writing, and the works of men like Kafka, Thomas 
Mann, Huxley, Malraux, Koestler, Camus. 

Their warnings, their misery and their tentative hope 
for humanity were spawned by circumstances similar to 
ours and we as a human mghts organization can learn 
perhaps some wisdom from this intensely humanist gen- 
eration of authors. Wnting in the aftermath of the Rus- 
sian revolution they saw human freedom diminished and 
threatened on two fronts: by the post revolutionary ter- 
ror in Russia and by the menace of fascism in Spain, Italy 
and Germany. Similarly, while living with the Orwellian 
controis of the Nationalist Government, particularly in 
relation to labour manipulation (see Manan Lacey’s ar- 
ticle on page 7) we are already, on the other hand, bom- 
barded by the liberatory language of Animal Farm. 

Especially relevant to us, now, as we find ourselves in 
the midst of the capitalist/socialist debate in all its per- 
mutations, and as we face the problem of having to de- 
fine our relationship with the United Democratic Front 
and the rest of the liberatory movement, is Camus’ The 
Rebel and Koestler’s essay, The Right to say No. 

Camus in The Rebel expounds the contradition at the 
core of our work, the point at which we feel restless 
about simple protest, somehow static and isolated and 
incomplete unless we move towards a closer association 
with the liberatory movement 


Camus expiains that within our NO to injustice is a 
YES to a better order of things. The suthoritarian 
dangez lurks in the YES. Within the highly individualis- 
tuc act of rebellion against an unjust order is contained a 
conforming affirmation of an alternative and perfect 
scheme of things, carrying with it the desire to subject, 
and compel others to subject, all individuality to the 
needs of the new order. * 

We cannot avoid this dilemma, for it is a schizophrenic 
contradiction at the core of our work and our thinking, 
but by recognizing it we can with rationality control the 
excesses to which it might otherwise lead us. The solu- 

tion, Camus believes, is consciously to chose rebellion, 
which he connects with outrage, protest and a limitation 
of objective in order to keep in touch with reality, mod- 
eration and ordinary life, and shun revolution, which he 
connects with romanticism, utopianism and ultimately 
the feeling that one is justified in killing some and forc- 
ing the rest into an ideological framework for their own 
future good. 

Camus’ injunction, his theory of limitation, is to settle 
for imperfection and limited objectives and not to lose 
touch with ordinary people. The Black Sash is well 
placed to do this, for our work in the advice offices and 
among rural communities is grounded in individual suf- 
fering and anxiety. Also, because the Black Sash, as well 
as the UDF, manages to accommodate people with dif- 
ferent political «'2as, it may be said that a significant 
number of people seek to avoid the pitfalls of blind 

There is another sense in which progressive organiza- 
tions in South Africa practice the discipline of limitation 
— and that is by means of an almost fanatical insistance 
on internal democracy, especiaily within their educa- 
tional programmes. (And one might argue that Samora 
Machel has done the same thing by seeking some kind of 
accommodation with South Afmca for the sake of the 
economic well-being of his people). 

To the totalitarian threat and its fanaticel creed we 
oppose an absolute and unconditioned No. But our 
Yes to the civilisation which we are defending leaves 

Koestier, The Right to Say No. 

*The Freedom Charter represents this yearning for affirmation, and 
criticism of ‘bourgeois individuality’ the yearning for conformity. 

The great question is, can this sober discipline survive 
the pressures already generated by our society? The 
Black Sasti will be increasingly subjectec to these pres- 
sures. We are used to confronting white South Africa 
with the effects of apartheid. Can we confront liberatory 
South Africa, including the much fiercer overseas liber- 
tory movement, with the pessible effects of its ideology 
on ordinary people? Are we prepared to examine cniti- 
cally the effects of sanctions and boycott in all its forms? 
Are those leaders who over-use ‘the oppressed masses’ 
running the risk of turning people into proles? Do ordi- 
nary people really believe their best interests are served 

by boycotting elections? Do they properly discuss the al- 

ternative » or are they increasingly afraid to do so? Does 
the Freedom Charter express the will of the people or 
seek to entrap the will of the people (so that one day they 
will be told, ‘this ts your will, now you've got it and it 
must be consolidated within a one-party sate, sO no 
more of the kind of elections that will allow you to 
change your mind’)? If we don’t know the answers, or if 
we think we do know some of the answers, will we insist 
on the discipline of continuously reassessing strategies? 
O: will we, through romanticism on the part of some 
mem!.2rs and fear of opprobr‘um on the part of others, 
fail to do so? 

Far from being a form of romanticism, rebellion on 
the contrary, takes the part of true realisan. If it 
wants a revolution, it wants it on behalf of life and 
not in defiance of it. That is why it relies primarily on 
the most concrete realities — on occupation, on the 
country village, where the living heart of things and 
of men are to be found. Politics, to satisfy the demands 
of rebellion, must submit to the eternal verities. 
Finally, when it causes history to advance and 
alleviates the sufferings of maakind, it does 0 
without terror, if not without violence, and in the 
most dissimilar political conditions. 

Camas, The Rebel 

Are we prepared to acknowledge the integrity of men 
like Alan Paton, Dennis Beckett and John Kane-Ber- 
man together with many of our leader-writers and jour- 
nalists who, like the Orwellian writers, are prepared to 
face the opprobrium of orthodox leftist opinion by 
acknowledging limitation and reality, and who are not 
afraid to explore the unspectacular, imperfect yet possi- 
bly significant advantages of piecemeal reform? Or 
would we prefer to keep such people at arms length? 

Camus wrote, ‘The logic of the rebel is to want to 
serve justice so as not to add to the injustice of the 


beyond a certain point negates itself, there is in effect 
a measure by which to judge evens and men. 
‘Camus, The Rebel 

human condition, to insist on plain language so as not to 
increase the universal falsehood, and to wager, in spite 
of human misery, for happiness.’ Are we in the Black 
Sash, sitting on platforms at mass meetings, going to in- 
sist on plain language so as not to increase the universal 

The Black Sash cannot ignore the economic debate in 
all its forms, from capitalist/socialist through to socialist/ 
marxist. It might be, as Koestler claimed, anachronistic, 
but it is nevertheless still alive in the conflict between 
west and east and the third world, and within the western 
world of Thatcher, Reagan and Tony Benn. The signific- 
ant point of stress seems to be between social democrat 
and neo-marxist, which is most vividly played out in the 
British labour party and which debilitates political par- 
ties, civil rights and protest organizations all over the 

world. Within the Black Sash we might guard against 
getting bogged down by it, remembering Koestler’s 
theory of the withering away of the dilemma: 

‘It is a further fact that some of these great idealogical 
conflicts are never decided; they end in a stalemate. 
In successive centuries it looked as if the whole world 
would either become Islamic or Christian, either 
Catholic or Protestant, either republican or monarch- 
ist, either capitalist or socialist. But instead of a 
decision there came a deadlock and a process which 
one might call the withering away of the dilemma. 
The withering or draining of meaning always seems 
to be the result of some mutation in human con- 
sciousness accompanied by a shift of emphasis to an 
entirely different set of values — from religious 
consciousness to national consciousness to economic 
consciousness and so on.’ 

In the meantime, the great question is, can both sides 
reacting on each other mutate creatively? That this is 
possible, and that the results will be vastly important for 
mankind, was the great prophetic hope of the Orwellian 
writers. This is what Koestler was talking about when he 


‘The real content of this conflict can be summed up in 
one phrase: total tyranny against relative freedom. 

~ Sometimes | have a feeling in my bones that the 
terrible pressure which this conflict exerts on all 
humanity might perhaps represent a challenge, a 
biological stimulus as it were, which will release the 
new mutation of human consciousness; and that its 
content might be a new spiritual awareness, born of 
anguish and suffering. If that is the case, then we are 
indeed living in an interesting time.’ 

And Camus had the same dream: 

‘Then, when revolution in the name of power and of 
history becomes that immoderate and mechanical 
murderer, a new rebellion is consecrated in the name 
of moderation and of life. We are at the extremity 
now. However, at the end of this tunnel of darkness, 
there is inevitably a light, which we already divine 
and for which we only have to fight to ensure its 
coming. All of us, among the ruins, are preparing a 
renaissance beyond the limits of nihilism. But few of 
us know it.’ 

If the Black Sash can hold on to its consensus during the 
coming conference and the challenges of the next few 
years we might find by muddling through somehow we 
might have made some contribution, and maybe even a 
unique one, to that light at the end of the tunnel. 

2 Rome me 

Authentic acts of rebellion will only consent to take 

up arms for institutions which limit violence, not for 
those which codify it. A revolution is not worth dying 
for unless it assures the immediate suppression of the 

Camus, The Rebel 
This is an individual article. It does not represent Black 
Sash thinking. 

cso: 3400/978 



Johannesburg SASH in English Feb 84 pp 21-24 

[Article by Helen Zille: "UDF--Affiliate or Cooperate?"] 
[Text ] 

hould the Black Sash affiliate to the UDF? This is one 
of the ‘cutting-edge’ issues in the Sash at present — 
and has been for the best part of eight months. 

This is not particularly remarkable. Much the same de- 
bate has taken place within several other organisations 
opposed to the government’s attempted restructuring of 
apartheid through the new constitution and ‘Koornhof 

And they have reached widely divergent conclusions. 
Some believe it is time to pool their strength and re- 
sources with other groups under the umbrella of the 
broadest anti-apartheid front since the nationalists came 
to power. Others believe their effectiveness lies in their 
independence, without which they cannot fulfill their or- 
ganisational objectives. 

Within the Sash, the ‘UDF debate’ has been particu- 
larly long and intense. It has sparked off deep feeling on 
both sides in what has become one of the most controv- 

ersial issues in the Sash’s history. 

This article is an attempt to draw out the arguments on 
both sides, to air and circulate the issues before the na- 
tional conference in March when a decision is likely to be 
made. (According to the Sash constitution a two-thirds 
majority is needed for the Sash to affiliate to the UDF.) 

No doubt by that time fresh arguments and considera- 
tions will have arisen and new compromises forged. In- 
deed, it is the purpose of this article to stimulate further 
debate, as the lengthy, healthy and sometimes painful 
process of internal democracy runs its course. 


Arguments for affiliation 

Many Sash members are strong proponents of affilia- 
tion. The Natal Coastal region has already made the 
move — with the majority support of its regional mem- 

Many supporters of affiliation make the following 


South Africa has reached a political watershed. Over 
the past decade, the National Party, sensing an impend- 
ing political crisis ou all fronts, devised a sophisticated 
plan to restructure apartheid, drawing in coloureds and 
Indians as its junior partners while entrenching the polit- 
ical exclusion of Africans. 

- At the same time, through the three Koornhof Bills, it 
is attempting to divide a relatively privileged group of 
African urban ‘insiders’ from the majority in the home- 
lands who will face tightened influx control and increas- 
ing unemployment. 

This political strategy demar.ds an effective and or- 
ganised counter strategy. Indeed, it has made such an or- 
ganisation a pressing necessity — now, while the govern- 
ment is still trying to win legitimacy for its plans and im- 
plement them bit by bit. Individuals are isolated, vulner- 
able and incapable of effective opposition on their own, 
and so are organisations. Unless a unified front can 
mobilise its forces and pool its resources to oppose the 
implementation of restructured apartheid, the govern- 
ment will have a clear run, assisted by isolated and di- 
vided opposition groupings each doing its own thing. 

The Sash has a unique opportunity to become part of a 
non-racial opposition movement that could influence 
the government’s attempts at restructuring apartheid, 
simultaneously symbolising the alternative to apartheid: 
a process of non-racial, democratic co-operation and de- 

Indeed, this would be a logical step for the Sash to 
take, having played a pivotal role in analysing the shift 
from traditional to neo-apartheid, exposing the myths of 
reform, teasing out the real intentions of constitutional 
change and the Koornhof Bills. 

Nor need the Sash sacrifice its autonomy and internal 
democracy. It is part of the very nature of the Front that 
affiliated organisations retain their own identity, policy 
and objectives — while co-operating on a limited 
number of issues of mutual concern. If this were not tiie 
case, the Front would collapse within a very short time 
because many organisations besides Sash would not tol- 
erate interference in their internal affairs. 

Mindful of the dynamics within its affiliate organisa- 
tions, the UDF attempts to take decisions by consensus 
— and if consensus cannot be reached the issue is refer- 
red again to the individual organisations for discussion. 
This is what happened at the recent National General 
Council where the UDF failed to reach consensus on 
whether to participate in a possible referendum to test 


‘coloured’ and ‘Indian’ opinion of the new constitution. 

Of course, absolute unanimity may be unattainable, 
and therz are times when decisions must be taken on 
common objectives. It is also conceivable that the Sash 
may not concur with the position adopted. But the very 
nature of democracy means abiding by a majority deci- 

Nor is it valid to argue that the UDF has no specific 
constitutional and economic policy. As a Front, it 
shouldn’t have. It consists in a number of different or- 
ganisations with a range of policies, supporting a shared 
set of principles embodied in the UDF declaration. Yet 
it is inevitable that economic and constitutional issues will 
be discussed by the UDF in pursuing common objec- 
tives. If the Sash wishes to make an input into the de- 
velopment and growth of the non-racial opposition 

movement, it can best do so from within. Moreover, af- 
filiation would bring to a wider circle of Sash members a 
heightened awareness of (and participation in) the ongo- 
ing debate on economic and constitutional issues beyond 
the confined circle of white, middle-class women. This is 
an essential complement to the Sash’s service role — 
particularly as the initiative of political opposition is in- 
creasingly centred in the organisations of the oppressed. 

Finally, at a time when many young people have left 
the country, seeing armed struggle as the only remaining 
option for change in South Africa, it is remarkable that 
so broad an organisation could be launched committed 
to peaceful, non-racial methods of working for political 
transformation. As the Sash’s primary objective is the 
non-violent struggle against apartheid, its logical place is 
in the UDF. 

Arguments against affiliation 

Many Sash members have indicated their opposition to 
affiliation — for a wide variety of reasons. They do not 
all necessarily subscribe to every reason listed below. 
But they all believe that the disadvantages of affiliation 
will outweigh the advantages. 

The arguments run as follows: 

The Black Sash’s effectiveness is rooted in its indepen- 
dence. It has jealously guarded this independence since 
its inception, refusing to becom< tied to any political or- 
ganisation or movement. This has given the Sash the 
freedom to co-operate with any political grouping on 
specific projects; to criticise their decisions a:id actions 
when necessary; and to serve as an independent catalyst 
for people of differing political views. Most significantly 
it has given Sash a high level of credibility in performing 
its essential service functions through its advice offices 
and its analysis of legislation ana political trends. 

During the past years this independence has become 
all the more important due to the deepening differences 
between Black opposition movements. The Sash would 


jeopardise its role and its credibility if it sided with one of 
them — particularly as some (such as Inkatha) are 
excluded from affiliation even though they also oppose 
the constitution and Koornhof Bills. Such exclusivism 
prevents the UDF from being a genuine Front of organi- 
sations with differing policies and strategies. It indicates 
that the UDF is not primarily concerned with promoting 
unity around common principles, but of laying down the 
line on the goals and tactics of different organisations. 

Nor has it been necessary to affiliate to the UDF to 
support particular campaigns and objectives. During the 
referendum the Sash played a leading role in the ‘No’ 
vote campaign — as did Nusas, a prominent affiliate of 
the UDF, to the mutual benefit of both organisations. 
However, had the UDF advocated abstention (as ini- 
tially seeined likely) the Sash, following its own internal 
democratic decision, would have found itself advocating 
a different strategy. Had it been a UDF affiliate, severe 
problems would have arisen. 

It is entirely probable that similar situations could 
arise in the future. The UDF has its own internal struc- 
tures and office bearers through which decisions are 
taken, implemented and announced via the Press. This 
process may well take place democratically — but this 
cannot prevent a contradiction arising between the in- 
ternal democracy of Sash and that of the UDF. If Sash 
were to affiliate, it could easily find itself unable to iden- 

tify with a UDF decision or statement. This would give 

Tise to an untenable position: either Sash would have to 
publicly dissociate itself, to the severe detriment of both 
organisations, or remain silent, risking the loss of a sub- 
stantial number of members. While Sash, as a small or- 
ganisation, could not hope to influence the decision- 
making process in the UDF it would run the risk of im- 
pairing its own internal democracy. 

Another problem concerning the UDF is its lack of a 
clearly defined constitutional and economic policy 
(beyond its widely worded declaration.) Inevitably in 
the course of time, UDF congresses will adopt more de- 
tailed resolutions on these issues. As a UDF affiliate, the 
Sash would automatically be associated with these deci- 
sions and statements, whether or not it supported them 
or had any part in their formulation. To rush into a polit- 
ical organisation without a clearly defined constitutional 
and economic policy would be as naive as signing a con- 
tract without reading it. 

It is no secret that many of the UDF’s leading affiliates 
subscribe to the Freedom Charter, giving the organisa- 
tion strong Charterist leanings. This has unavoidably re- 
sulted in symbolic associations with the African National 
Congress. It also gives the movement a socialist flavour, 
as the Charter advocates the nationalisation of certain 
industries and banks as well as the transfer of agricul- 
tural land to public ownership. This identification by as- 
sociation could cause internal problems for Sash — par- 
ticularly amongst its liberal members who would resist 
such implications. 


In short, by affiliating to the UDF, Sash would run the 
severe risk of undermining its own membership base, in- 
dependence and credibility. As a crippled organisation, 
it could add little to the strength of the UDF. 

The compromise position 

A compromise position is rapidly developing on both 
sides of the debate. There are proponents of affiliation 
who baulk at the possibility of splitting Sash or evoking 
mass resignations. They are working ‘or a compromise 
that would involve endorsing the UDF’s declaration of 
principles, and pledging co-operation in fighting the 
constitution and Koornhof Bills — but stopping short of 

On the other side there are opponents of affiliation 
who don’t want to place themselves in opposition to the 
UDF. They believe a straight YES/NO answer on affilia- 
tion would have the same implications as the ‘Do-you- 
still-beat-your-wife’ question. They also favour a com- 
promise that would involve endorsing the UDF declara- 
tion and pledging co-operation, while maintaining 
Sash’s independence. 

Then there are those who don’t fall into either camp. 
They are genuinely convinced by certain arguments on 
both sides and believe that only time can provide the 
right answer. This group also favours a compromise for 
the present. 

Sure, it’s an attempt at having your cake and eating it. 
But then, as someone put it: ‘Who would want to have a 
cake and not eat it?’ 

W..: is the United Democratic Front? 

It is a Front of some 400 widely divergent organisa- 
tions (ranging from trade unions and community or- 
ganisations to sports clubs) that have come together 
in a common commitment to resist the implementa- 
tion of the new constitution and the ‘Koornhof Bills.’ 

The most notorious of these Bills is the Orderly 
Movement and Settlement of Black Person’s Bill, 
currently undergoing revision, that seeks to intensify 
influx control. 

According to Mr Popo Molefe, national secretary 
of the UDF, there are two conditions for an organisa- 
tion to affiliate to the Front. 

It must: 

* Support the UDF declaration 
* Work outside government created structures 


The UDF declaration: 
This is a widely-worded document consisting primar- 
ily of a rejection of apartheid in its traditional and re- 
structured forms. It commits the UDF to work to- 
wards unity in opposing restructured apartheid, par- 
ticularly as it is manifest in the constitution and 
Koornhof Bills. The declaration sets as its goal a ‘un- 
ited, democratic South Africa based on the will of the 
people’ and an end to ‘economic and other forms of 
exploitation.’ " 

The UDF has not formulated a detailed constitu- 
tional and economic policy. 

Working outside govarnment-created struc- 
tures: 7 

The phrase ‘Government-created structures’ refers to 
homeland governments, community councils, Parlia- 
ment etc. UDF officials have described this condition 
as ‘flexible.’ It is not a hard and fast rule that would be 
used to exclude, for example, community leaders in 
rural areas who had traditionally used official struc- 
tures, such as village councils, to resist forced remov- 

‘Our criteria are that an organisation must not, in 
its use of platforms and structures, become part of the 
oppressive system,’ said Mr Molefe. Each case, he 
said, would have to be evaluated on its merits. 

However it seems clear that the UDF will not ac- 
cept participation in homeland governments or in 
central government structures created under the new 

The structure of the UDF 

The UDF has a decentralised federal structure with five 
established Regions: Transvaal, Natal, Border, Western 
and Eastern Cape. Plans are also afoot to escablish reg- 
ional structures in the Northern Cape and Orange Free 

Affiliation to the UDF is open to organisations only. 
Individuals who wish to join can only do so by becoming 
involved in ‘area committees,’ which, together with or- 
ganisations, are represented on a Regional General 

All regions are linked by a National General Council 
consisting of representatives from different regional or- 
ganisations. Area Committees are not represented on 
the NGC, giving organisations a significantly stronger 
role in the highest decision-making structures. 

It is also the stated intention of the UDF to give grea- 
ter weight to larger affiliated organisations, known as 
‘main-line’ organisations. However a formula to give ef- 
fect to this decision is still to be finalised. 




A national conference will be held every two years at 
which executive members will be elected. The first na- 
tional cor.ference co-incided with the official launching 
of the UDF on August 20, 1983. 

Would the Black Sash be weicome in the UDF? 

There has been some debate within the UDF, particu- 
larly in the Western Cape, over whether the Sash, ‘a 
middle-class organisation of white women’ should be ac- 
cepted as an affiliate. However it appears likely that a 
majority of regions would support Sash’s affiliation. 

Said Mr Molefe: The history of the Black Sash shows 
that it is an organisation that has played a significant role 
in the struggle against injustice in South Africa. It has 
been shown to have a very profound insight into legisla- 
tion affecting black people, and has demonstrated a 
strong commitment in defending the victims of these 
laws. The Black Sash has also played a significant role in 
squatter and relocatio. :ssues. We regard the Black Sash 
as one of the most informed organisations and it has won 
itself a place in the hearts and minds of the majority of 
South Africans opposed to injustice.’ 

Mr Molefe was well aware of the present debate 
within Sash on affiliation to the IiDF. 

He said the UDF had been formed as a wide Front to 
oppose the constitution and Koornhof Bills as effec- 
tively as possible. ‘Of course we would like organisations 
to affiliate to strengthen this objective. But we under- 
stand that different organisations have different internal 
dynamics and that for this reason they may not see their 
way Clear to affiliating at this stage.’ 

Affiliation, he said, was noi a pre-requisite for partici- 
pation in UDF campaigns. ‘While affiliation would be an 
advantage, the UDF does not regard it as a priority. Our 
major priority is co-operation with various organisations 
in our campaigns.’ 




Johannesburg FRONTLINE in English Apr 84 p 11 

[Text ] 

HOTGUN or not, and no matter 

ow unequal the contracting 
parties, it is unequivocally in the 
interests of all in Southern Africa that 
none of its states be prey to bands of 
marauding saboteurs. Nkomati is good. 

However, this apparently platitudinous 
observation is less representative of South 
African opinion than a reading of the 
media would suggest. 

The Accord, we are told, is a great 
political triumph for Mr P.W. Botha. In 
the broad view, yes. And perhaps also in 
the judgement of the history books, even 
though more detached analyses are likely 
to view the way the Accord was achieved 
more harshly than is common here and 
now. The principle that clandestinely 
destabilising a puny neighbour into 
despair will make him come forth with 
the olive branch may be tactically excel- 
lent, but it does not promote ideal 
international relationships. 

But it is worth noting that in hard 
electoral terms Nkomati does not hold 
out roses all the way for Mr Botha. In his 
own party, as well as among the Con- 
servatives who also officially supported 
the Accord, let alone the HNP which did 
not, there are rumblings. All three parties 
contain people who quite seriously see 
“communists” as irredeemably villainous 
and as virtually a separate species from 
th. human race, with whom no dealings 
other than outright combat can be enter- 
tained. Some senior Nationalist office- 
bearers have evidently been taken aback 
by the extent of grassroots disaffection. 


Confident after having run into less of 
this than they expected over the consti- 
tution, here they anticipated hardly any 
and have encountered much. One 
possible explanation of this is that white 
South Africa’s level of private gut racism 
is not as high as the public structure 
suggests, whereas the assiduously incul- 
cated anticommunist hysteria of many 
years has sunk in deeper than some of its 
architects thought. 

This disaffection has hardly been 
exposed to the light of day, but this may 
say more about the attitude of the media 
towards recognising a groundsweil 
opinion which none of its members have 
an interest in promoting than about the 
significance of the groundswell itself. 

Then there is the reaction of many 
blacks. It is rare to hear black people 
speak in favour of the agreement, and 
even then it is usually in a tone of regret. 
Machel had to do it, they'll say sorrow- 
fully, because Mozambique was being 
beaten into a pulp. 

Far more common is the attitude that 
this is a betrayal of the liberation move- 
ments. As Azapo has put it: “We admit 
that Mozambique had big problems with 
destabilisation, but the liberation of the 
sub-continent is a major priority which 
should not be jeopardised.” This line 
finds a firm echo in the attitudes of the 
ordinary black people in the street, and 
any white South African who cares to 
inquire as to those attitudes is likely to 
be taken aback by the extent to which 
the euphoria in verligte/opposition circles 

is matched by upset in black ones. 

Which raises questions. First; how 
realistic is this upset? 

Very little. The “liberation move- 
ments” may provide psychological solace 
to blacks, but stand no chance of actually 
achieving their aims for a very long time 
to come. White respect for a viable, suc- 
cessful, Mozambique will do more to 
facilitate liberation here than any amount 
of ANC forays. Angry blacks need to 
draw a distinction between what serves 
the interests of the liberation movements 
as such and the more modest processes 
which serve the cause of real liberation. 

Second; if blacks reject a development 
which moderate whites as self- 
evidently beneficial, are ‘they being 
simply bloody-minded? 

Not at all. It is natural that biacks 
should pin their faith on the hope of a 
sudden transformation. The white people 

who see this as despicable treason would 
do the same in the same circumstances. 
To SA blacks Frelimo meant a neigh- 
bour committed to the principle of un- 
diluted black citizenship. Children were 
named after Machei. A rally to welcome 
his accession precipitated the arrest and 
lengthy imprisonment of several people. 
Now those people see their erstwhile hero 
signing treaties with the government 
which took such offence at their support- 
ing him; 2 government from which they 
are as far excluded as ever. The disap- 
pointment is understandable. It should 
not be misread by whites as grounds for 
abandoning hope of rapport. The 
prospects of achieving effective rapport 
are fine, once we surmount our fixation 
with the idea of our security depending 
on denying democracy. e 

CSO: 3400/978 




Johannesburg FRONTLINE in English Apr 84 pp 22-23 

[Article by Johann Graff: "Outgrowing the Pigeon-holes"] 

[Text ] 

OPHUTHATSWANA gets widely 
varying reactions these days. To 
some BophuthaTswana’s president, 
L.M. Mangope, is a man who has sold his 
(and his countrymen’s) birthright for a 
mess of pottage. He is a sell-out, a corrupt 
puppet of the Pretoria regime, a traitor to 
his people. To others BophuthaTswana is 
an island of racial peace, economic 
development and democratic justice in a 
sea of oppression, exploitation and a 
string of other no-no’s for which SA has 
become famous. 

To others still, BophuthaTswana is 
puzzling. It seems to be dislodging some 
important cornerstones of the apartheid 
system. The New York Times correspond- 
ent, for example, was surprised to find six 
copies of Frantz Fanon’s “Wretched of 
the Earth” in the University of Bophutha- 
Tswana’s library — on open shelf. (There 
are a lot more suprising things than that 
in the library if he hed only cared to 
look.) In 1982 the BophuthaTswana 
courts threw out Section 6 of SA’s Ter- 
rorism Act as being incompatible with its 
Bill of Human Rights. The constitution 
prohibits discrimination on the basis of 
sex, race, colour or creed. An ombuds- 
man has been appointed to inv stigate 
bureaucratic irregularities in the govern- 
ment service. (People actually do get dis- 
missed for corruption and inefficiency as 
a result of his activities.) Group Areas, 


Immorality, Prohibition of Mixed Mar- 
riages and Separate Amenities are all SA 
horrors that have been eliminated. The 
Thumber of appointed (as opposed to 
elected) chiefs sitting in parliament has 
been halved. At Mafikeng and Sun City 
casinos and pale blue movies run even on 
Sundays. And so the list could continue. 

And it is not only Eugene Terre 
Blanche’s AWB who are traumatised by 
such developments. The farmers, mine- 
workers and dominees of the Western 
Transvaal along BophuthaTswana’s 
borders are also finding their necks get- 
ting red and itchy at the thought. Can 
Mangope be a puppet if he is irritating 
such bastions of the “system’’? 

The truth is that Mangope is a shrewd 
man who plays his cards cautiously (some 
would say, far too cautiously). Within the 
present SA context he has delivered 
tangible goods for his people which few 
others, Black or White, can match. With- 
out being a Tutu on the one hand, nor a 
Sebe, on the other, he is playing off one 
part of the “system” against the otxers 
and making patient but remarkable head- 

But let’s start from the beginning. 
There is no denying that Bophutha- 
Tswana is a creation of the apartheid 
system. It is intended to make so many 
million Blacks political foreigners i.e. 
non-voters, in the land of their birth, and 

it does. It is intended to be a dumping 
ground for the unemployed, the “‘idle’’, 
“surplus appendages” and residents of 
“Black spots’’, and it ir. It is intended to 
be a labour reservoir for the PWV- 
complex, and it is. 

At the same time, it is not very helpful 

to call Mangope a puppet of the SA 
regime. Machel is also a puppet. So is 
Quett Masire. Their freedom of decision 
is substantially limited by Pretoria’s wish- 
es. What is interesting is how Bophutha- 
Tswana’s position has changed since 
independence, how a puppet has become 
less of a puppet (and done a whole lot of 
things that weren't intended). Before 
independence, Mangope and his Tswana 
Territorial Authority were faced with the 
notoriously verkrampte Department of 
Bantu Administration (BAD). Today, 
Mangope flanked by some very shrewd 
advisers, negotiates with the notoriously 

Department of Foreign Affair:. 
Given the distance between these twc 
wings of the National Party, that is “co 
small gain. 

The same explanation lies behind 
BophuthaTswana’s agricultural, industrial 
and TV enterprises. In the bad old days 
of BAD, these things would simply not 
have been permitted. In short, Mangope 
has been using the verligte wing of the 
National Party plus certain sectors of 
private enterprise to by-pass the ver- 

Now that doesn’t get him to Utopia or 
Azania. But it puts him three lengths 
ahead of most Black leaders and about 
2% ahead of van Zyl Slabbert. It does a 
lot more than waiting in the sidelines 
developing ulcers of frustration (like 
Motlana), getting shot by SA police (Saul 
Mkhize), being blown up by letter-bombs 
(Abram Tiro, Ruth First), dying of 
“natural causes” in Secvtity Branch cells 
(too many to name), or being raided by 
SA paratroops. It is difficult to think of 
anyone, Black or White, who has achieved 
as much for his people in concrete tang- 
ible terms as Mangope. 

It is, of course, not only Mangope who 
gets accused of being a sell-out, of helping 
the “boere’’ (maburu) to oppress the 
Blacks. Anyone living and working in a 
homeland today is liable to be attacked. 
Students at some Black universities refuse 
to have contact with those at the Univer- 
sity of BophuthaTswana (UNIBO), be- 
cause UNIBO students, so they say, are 
part of the cpartheid system (while, 


amazingly , Turfloop is not, so they say!!). 
Staff at the university have also been 
refused access to overseas universities on 
the same grounds “You are part of the 
formal state structure of apartheid,” sc 
they said. 

The irony of it (and the frustration) is 
that the University of BophuthaTswana is 
the only Black university in the country 
which is not directly or indirectly con- 
nected to Bantu Educaion. A great 
number of the staff are there precisely to 
escape the apartheid system — some be- 
cause their marriages are mixed, some 
(Whites) because they have adopted Black 
children, some because they have been 
refused entry to SA, most of them simply 
because they detest the whole “formal 
state structure of apartheid”. Sure, you 
could say UNIBO is an institution put 
there by an institution (the Bophutha- 
Tswana government) which was put there 
by Pretoria. Bu! that is two steps remov- 
ed from Pretoria. You couldn’t say as 
much for Wits, UCT or even FOSATU. 

Look at it another way, radicals from 
Soweto are scathing adout Mangope 
and BophuthaTswana. But Soweto has no 
political say and no tax-base. Mangope 
has quite a bit of both. Soweto falls 
under WRAB cnd Bantu Education and, 
to date. has a say over only the most 
mundane affsiss. BophuthaTswana has re- 
designed its whoie education system and 
exclusively controls the allocation of 
funds for its own development. (In 1983 
it relied on Pretoria for only 6% of its 
funds.) In Soweto you can buy a house 
only on 99-year lease, but not the land. 
You can get arrested for not carrying a 
dompas, etc. etc. Coming into Pretoria/ 
Johannesburg from Mafikeng is quite a 
shock , even for a White. 

And if, one day, the charade of 
sovereign independent “national states” 
becomes too ponderous even for Pretoria 
to sustain, (and to me, that seems in- 
evitable) and homelands are re-integrated 
into the SA political system in some 
federal form, in other words, if “foreign- 
ers’”’ become SA citizens again, what will 
have been the use, then, of waiting in the 

Of course, there are problems. One 
might have liked to see far more public 
sympathy from Mmabatho for the Black 
opposition cause in SA. One hears too 
often of people dismissed or promoted 
sideways for belonging to the wrong 
political party or for other doubtful 


reasons (the Ombudsman notwithstand- 
ing). Also Mercedes Benz and BMW are 
thriving companies in Mmabatho. 

At the same time, one hears other 
stories of Mangope personally intervening 
on behalf of the little man, even down to 
government drivers. 

One personal experience of mine 
shows some of the complexity, the 
humanity of the man. The university 
course which I teach offered a block of 
lectures on Black Consciousness during 
the 1980 academic year, the first year of 
the university’s existence. A number of 
more conservative government members 
reacted strongly to this. After all, the 
BophuthaTswana government buildings 
had been burnt down during the 1976 
riots. Many felt this topic, even the whole 
department, should be excised from the 
university. Mangope’s reaction was intri- 
guing. He invited a number of university 
staff (myself included) and government 
members to his house for dinner where he 
initiated a round-table discussion on the 
topic of Black Consciousness and the 
relevant department, Development 


When, towards the end of the evening, 
someone remarked, “But, Mr President, 
you can’t stop a department from being 
critical. That is in the nature of a univer- 
sity,” Mangope turned on him quite 
abruptly. “If that is the case, we'll close 
the university,” he replied. On that 
ominous note we all left, not knowing 
whether we were due for dismissal or 
what. Two weeks later, however, we were 
again invited for dinner and further 
round-table discussion. After a long even- 
ing in which views of quite astonishing 
frankness were aired, Mangope signalled 
to bring the meeting to a close. He had 
hardly spoken all evening. Just sat and 
listened intently. 

He explained in a quiet voice how 
some of his own children had rejected 
him on the grounds of the Black Con- 
sciousness ideology. That had affected 
him deeply ‘“‘as a father’. But, he said, he 
had been convinced by the arguments put 



in favour of Development Studies. They 
should continue with what they were 
doing. And, anyway, this was a university 
matter. It had nothing to do with the 

As an expression of the principles and 
practice of democracy and academic free- 
dom, the whole episode was an impressive 
one. It made us forget that Mangope had 
intervened in the first place although pro- 
bably under pressures that we were un- 
aware of. 

Some critics say Mangope has 
abandoned his Black brothers to suffer 
alone the humiliations and violence of 
apartheid. But, then, suffering in itself 
never changed anything — much less an 
oppressive regime. Others say, home- 
lands entrench ethnic identity, put 
Black against Black, and play into the 
Whites’ divide-end-rule strategy. The 
available research does not support this. 
Blacks don’t forget their brothers so 
easily. Others again would say, by taking 
independence Mangope threw away the 
one mejor bargaining card left to a Black 
leader. A man who holds out longer 
against independence could negotiate a 
far better deal for his people. Past experi- 
ence shows, however, that Pretoria quite 
easily forgets, breaks or sidesteps pro- 
mises made at independence. (Remember 
that the Minister of Plural Affairs at the 
time of BophuthaTswana’s independence, 
Dr Connie Mulder, was himself unaware 
of what his own civil servants were up 
to.) Mangope’s negotiating power has 
been increased far more by the compet- 
ence and efficiency of his own advisers 
and by the fact that CAD has been re- 
placed by Foreign Affairs. Refusing to 
take independence has, in fact, meant 
peanuts to the Pathudis and Buthelezis of 
the world. Relocation, harrassment and in- 
flux control have all continued unabated. 

To repeat, all this does not mean that 
BophuthaTswana and Mangope are with- 
out faults. It does mean they are not as 
easy to write off or pigeon-hole as some 
people would have liked. e 



Johannesburg FRONTLINE in English Apr 84 pp 28-31 

[Article by David Williams: 

[Text ] 

is classless. They have skilfully put 

it about over the years that no 

member of the tribe regards himself as 

better or worse than any other. And we 

English, consistently ignorant of the ways 
of other South Africans, believe them. 

I abruptly stopped believing them 
when I wes up in the Soutpansberg, 
listening to the Conservative Party victory 
chants on polling night. Standing next to 
me was a top Cape Nat who’d been 
imported for the campaign. He was appal- 
led at the crowd’s behaviour — appalled, I 
realised, because of a class difference, not 
merely one of opinion. Perhaps it was the 
old Cape/Transvaal rivalry; maybe he 
thought he was better dressed (he was): 
the point is that he simply felt superior to 
other Afrikaners. 

This set me thinking. In fact, the 
Afrikaners display considerable class 
awareness, The differences between them 
are just as great ac those found amongst 
the English — only more subtle. For a 
start, spoken Afrikaans is not all the same. 

Cape Afrikaans is the sparkling white 
wine, Northern Afrikaans is the Castle 
Milk Stout, and in Bloemfontein they 
speak brandy-and-coke. The voice slips 
deeper and deeper the further north you 
go. The Cape Afrikaner speaks from the 
front of his mouth: this make the voice 
high-pitched, seldom going below a light 
tenor. The lips are tight, and the jaw is 
mobile because it does all the work. The 
throat and chest are hardly used. Words 

A FRIKANERS like to think the volk 


"North and South Are Poles Apart] 

don’t come from far down, so they flow 
quickly. This gives the impression that 
Cape Afrikaners think faster, which is 
why the Transvalers resent them. 

At the other extreme, up in the 
Bosveld, all expression starts below the 
ribcage. Perfect exponents are ex-Minister 
Fanie Botha and newsreader Nic Swane- 
poel. The words have a long way to travel, 
so they pick up richness and body on the 
way. Just before ejection, they rumble 
the jowls with their weight, and then roll 
off the lips, which are well-developed to 
weather the force. Northern sentences are 
full of moss and boulders. Up there, they 
say things like Soutpansberg in a way that 
makes broody crags loom before you. 

This is why the far-northerners frown 
so much: their eyes crinkle and their 
brows furrow with the gravity of the 
utterance. Cape Afrikaners have clear 
faces because they don’t have to delve 
about in the chest, disturbing the dust of 
the Great Trek; Cape Afrikaners also have 
less manly maturity, because they never 
had to get ox-wagons over the mountains. 
Fanie Botha looks like your uncle; Dawie 
De Villiers like a nephew. 

So much for the general trend. On the 
local level, language is closely linked with 
social habit and status, especially in the 
Cape peninsula which has been lived on 
so long that things have had time to settle. 

Uppercrust suburbs like Oranjezicht 
and Tamboerskloof encourage a very 
refined accent. French and Dutch 
influence has disappeared, of course, but 

it’s nice to remember and pretend. The 
vowel sounds are light and airy, and when 
they clear the palate for the scrape in 
words like gaan, it’s quite gentle — more 
like kaan with a tickle in the K. Take a 
sentence like “Ons gaan hardloop by die 
see”. Ons avoids the northern weight of 

Oaarns!, and hardloop has no vigorous 
rolls. In the north, they say harrhdlooerp! 
but in the Cape it’s more like haadloep — 
light and whippy. By die becomes bayrie, 
and see is pronounced sie, unlike the 
northerns who buck and veer through 
their words — see-yer! So: “O’s karn 
haadloep bayrie sie.” Dis gawrf, ne! 

The man you hear speaking like this is 
probably a well-educated professional of 
18th Century stock, or thinks he is. He 
spells his name Pierre De Villiers and pro- 
nounces it Pee-yeah Diffelyeer — never 
Pierrie, as in boxers. The Diffelyeer sons 
go to the Paul Roos Gimnasium, the 
daughters to the wine belt to be married 
off. The whole family is found chatting 
to the Province players after matches at 
Newlands. Diffelyeer drives an avocado- 
green Mercedes. His wife Susan(ne) looks 
after the bulbs she found at Kirstenbosch 
and pampers the twin German watchdogs 
(Hans and Fritz) and the Jack Russell 
terrier (Jack). Susan(ne) also prepares 
terribly elegant dinner parties, where she 
displays rare Estate reds — the kind that 
don’t get the three thin stripes on the 
bottleneck because they’re too good. 
Good names to have on the invitation list 
are Graaff and Barnard; possibly a Botha 
from the Transvaal if he’s a Deputy 
Minister. This is what is left of the Cape 
liberal tradition, whatever that’s worth. 

The Diffelyeers have their counterparts 
in Waterkloof and Randburg, of course 
but these are less easily identified — all 
Transvaal Afrikaners sound the same. 
Refinement is not achieved simply by 
speaking correctly, so the posh Transvaal 
Afrikaners try harder. To get class you 
need: a doctorate from UNISA; a son 
who’s got a BA from UNISA and is a 
rising star in Foreign Affairs; and a 
daughter whose idea of liberation is her 
job at Navy headquarters. (Only in South 
Africa could Navy HQ be 60 km from the 

Status in Pretoria is complicated and 
subtle, and depends very much on your 
uniform. The trouble is that the status 
accorded by the uniform to its wearer is 
evident only to others who wear it. Navy 
officers really swank it up, proud of their 


individuality and tradition; everyone else 
thinks their white shorts and bare knees 
rather immature — apart from resentment 
at the way Navy officers insist on confus- 
ing the rest in winter by wearing their 
rank at the end of the sleeve instead of on 
top of the shoulder. Below the Navy men 
come the rest of the SADF, and the SAP; 
and in third place the green of the Railway 
Police and the khaki of the Prison 
Officers. A long way behind them are the 
men who wear the green suit/yellow tie 
combination which identifies the Civil 
Service. In some cases, the suit is not 
green, but it is invariably shiny. No-one is 
quite sure where the traffic cops fit in, 
but they are more powerful and more 
macho than the rest put together. 

A house in Waterkloof is a guarantee 
of status, unless it’s on the air base side. 
True distinction is if your address book 
includes an ambassador’s unlisted number. 

Another Pretoria residential rule is to 
be somewhere where you cannot smell or 
see the pollution from Iscor. There is a 
massive shortage of accommodation. This 
is because young professional Pretorians 
have become liberated enough to move out 
of their parents’ homes but not liberated 
enough to live with their girlfriends, 
which would halve the demand. So a flat 
of your own in the city centre is a big 
status symbol, Pretorians are not only 
over-crowded — they have an inferiority 
complex because they know the capital 
of South Africa is really Johannesburg, 
and the pretence is a strain. 

The Randburg Afrikaners are more 
exclusive, simply because they’re in the 
minority in greater Johannesburg. This 
gives them an automatic start, but there 
are drawbacks — the only career advance- 
ment is at RAU or the SABC. If you’re an 
academic, the minimum is a doctorate, 
preferably with 2 professorship. At the 
SABC, real status is only achieved if 
“Direkteur” appears somewhere in your 
title — surrounded with Adjunks and 
Assistents if necessary. You also have to 
be high enough to tell Cliff Saunders 
what to do. 

The Transvaal Afrikaners who want 
class have to work harder, because 
academics and motor mechanics have the 
same accent and motor mechanics earn 
more. The Cape Afrikaner of good stock 
knows he was born superior, so he can do 
without a doctorate in Traffic Manage- 

Transvaal class allocations have also 
been thrown out by computerised 
numberplates. Before, those with 
pretensions could always jeer at cars from 
TDK and TK. Now you could be from 
Alberton and no-one would know if it 
wasn’t for the dashboard decoration. On 
the other hand, you could be a Sanlam 
executive living in Sandton and no-one 
would be any the wiser if you sneaked 
south to see Charles Bronson at the Top: 
Star Drive-In. Motoring in the Cape is not 
deceitful — pass a CY car and you know 
it’s a cowboy from Bellville. 

Bloemfontein is the only city where 
Afrikaners are never irritated by uni- 
lingual shop assistants. There are English- 
speaking people who claim to come from 
Bloemfontein, but no-one believes them. 
Here the spoken word is a happy medium 
— it originates in the throat, not the teeth 
or the stomach. There is only one real 
status symbol in Bloem: to have dinner 
with an Appeal Court judge. A doctorate 
in Township Administration can some- 
times serve as a consolation as long as its 
a KOVSIE degree. If you got it from 
UNISA nobody will even talk to you. 

Doctorates are important because they 
demonstrate advancement. Sometimes 
they also demonstrate learning. For a 
doctorate from Leyden or Heidelberg 
(anyone over 60 ) or Oxbridge ( 30 to 60) 
all the rules bend. That’s status. Local 
universities are fighting valiantly to 
achieve the same status among under-30s 
with the BA (Communications/Kommu- 
nikasieleer), which is for students on 
rugby scholarships and aspirant news- 

Out in the urban satellite towns and 
suburbs, a doctor is what you see when 
you’re sick. North and South, they are 
very similar. The only difference between 
Bellville and Krugersdorp is again the 
voice-source — “Belil” is said rapidly in a 
whiny cackle, whereas ‘“Krewersdoarp” 
a stony rasp. There is more crude swearing 
than in Linden, with great reliance placed 
on one particular word whose versatility 
is astonishing. More important, if an 
English word comes to the lips naturally, 

it is used without guilt. At the Station 
Bar in Langlaagte or the Railway Hotel in 
Salt River, the discusssion covers the 
winning numbers for the jackpot and the 
tjerrie who will be taken to the Ladies’ 
Bar on }*riday night. 

Women are important out there in 
Boksburg and Parer-Goodood. Someone 


has to look after the car keys while the 
men are playing darts, and someone has 
to drink Babycham or Advokaat-and- 
Lemonade. After an evening at the 
Hotel, it’s off in the Fairlane and home 
to Ma and coffee on the lounge suite 
from Lubner’s. The furniture is homely 
and comfortable, thanks to the attentions 
of fox terriers called Stompie and 
Alsatians called Wagter. 

Kempton Park is the blasted heath of 
Afrikanerdom. The inhabitants have well- 
paid jobs at Atlas Aircraft, Jan Smuts 
Airport and Modderfontein dynamite 
factory. The houses are neat and new, but 
there are no trees; the subuids are 
bordered by dry veld and the dogs bark 
all night. This area is only noticed by 
people who fly over it on the way to 
Europe. Women’s Lib in Kempton Park 
means a girlfriend who doesn’t have to 
wash the car on Sunday, and she can 
choose which dress she’ll wear. 

Moving out to the Platteland, where 
so many — Afrikaner tribal myths 
Originated, there are some intriguing local 
variations. There’s Karakul Afrikaans in 
SWA — hard, metallic and guttural, 
spoken by teenagers who have never seen 
rain; the breigh of Malmesbury and Piker- 
berg, with the throat very prominent; and 
the curiously soft bilingualism of the 
Eastern Cape in places like Graaff-Reinet. 
In the Groot Marico, it’s still possible to 
notice the life which gave Herman Charles 
Bosman his stories, even though there are 
now more cigarette reps on the roads 
than farmers. You can still sit in the dark 
on the stoep, beer in hand, and listen to 
the farmer tell you how the Government 
is neglecting him, and how he knows how 
to evade the speedtraps. 

But the Platteland has lost much of 
its character. All the small towns look the 
same. Every main street now has its 
Edgar’s, Foschini, CNA,  Russell’s, 
Checkers — they have taken over from 
the Algemene Handelaar and the Slaghuis. 
The Post Office has proudly installed 
direct dialling in most places, so people 
can’t keep in touch by listening in on the 
party line. The dorps that aren’t worth 
modernising are left alone, and their 
populations are dwindling. Local 
character is not handed on, and the oom 
who sits on the stoep in his vest while the 
crickets chirp will not often be replaced. 

Afrikaners still maintain outposts in 
Natal. But they’re cross because their pre- 
sence there is always a surprise to every- 

one else, who torget they have been there 
since the Trek. They are also upset with 
all the Zulu names and the anglicisation 
of Maritzburg (which sounds as if it was 
named after anyone but a Voortrekker). 
So they’ve retreated to Newcastle (Iscor) 
and Ladysmith (big railway town), and 
for the rest are found in pockets like 
Amanzimtoti and the Bluff, and South 
Beach in season. 

The opposite applies in Port Elizabeth. 
It used to be strictly English, but has 
been invaded by car workers who have 
seen to it that Uitenhage is no longer 
pronounced Yootenhaig. As for East 
London — if there are any white people 
left in East London they are presumably 
taking courses in Xhosa. 

Engelsing. You can tell how far an 
Afrikaner has verEngelsed by how 
vehemently he denies it. 

Afrikaners still left differ from one 
another far more than they used to, or 
would like to pretend. The Nationale 
Party no longer means what it says: it is 
now a faction which seeks alliances out- 
side the volk. The drift from the farms to 
the cities, the second Great Trek, has 
divided Afrikaners into groups like 
workers and managers and bureaucrats. 
Their sentimental ties and traditions are 
no longer threatened, the language and 
the people are firmly established. The 
paradox now is that confidence means 
disintegration. With nothing left to work 
for, the speech and habits of the volk 

The Afrikaner population is constantly 

reflect a ing i irections. It’ 
dwindling, through the pr at ier scattering in new directions. It’s 

a fascinating process. @ 

How Toothless Gums Boosted Brandy Shares 

The reason bottle-stores are closed on election day is that otherwise the volk 
would fight and throw chairs; or forget to vote, or vote for the wrong Botha 
on the ballot paper. Or all three, depending on the constituency and if a 
dominee is one of the candidates, (Dominees always inflame passions more than 
advokate or doktors). With English voters, these problems do not arise. They 
just get tanked up at home and don't bother about voting. 

One Afrikaner drinking habit that has to be explained is the preference for 
brandy-and-coke. (Although a sporting minority always liked brandy-and- 
Orange juice--a taste acquired at Ellis Park and Loftus when it used to be 
necessary to inject the oranges to get the liquor past the police). 

The Volkskas director will take a whisky; the heroes at the cricket will 
guzzle dozens of Castles so they can crush the cans and howl at the girls; 
but your actual barfly likes brandy-and-coke. The tradition began in the days 
when many Station Hotel patrons had no teeth. This made intelligible ordering 
difficult, especially as the evening drew on. After a time of pointing at 

the upside-down bottles and slurring feebly across the gums, they discovered 
it was easiest to pronounce brandy-and-coke. Try it--wrap your lips around 
your teeth, and say "branny-n-co."" Only a new young barman wouldn't under- 
stand the first time. Now try saying "Cane, Passionfruit and Lemonade, 
please, barman," and you'll see what I mean. The barman will either throw 
you out or just give you a brandy~and-coke. 

A common Afrikaner attitude to drink is revealed in the language used to 
describe consumption--you "use" alcohol. For example, SADF Chief Constand 
Viljoen once wrote in Paratus that he never "uses" alcohol. Even though 
this is a direct translation of gebruik the word implies a serious intent 

unbeknown to English. 


A curious footnote here is that an Afrikaner seldom orders a drink in 
Afrikaans, and has never shown any desire for beers called KASTEEL or 
LEEU. It's probably tied up with the total absence of any racehorses 
with Afrikaans names. Is this an ancient puratinism? If the vices of 
gambling and drinking are expressed in another language, do they somehow 
remain foreign and unwelcome, present only as temporary coruptions? The 
Afrikaans word for "jackpot" is "boerpot''--but you never hear anything 
except "jackpot" at Turffontein. When the manne are chalking their cues 
at the snooker saloon in Bok Street, there's no Afrikaans equivalent for 
"black ball game." Why? This needs further investigation--now there's 
a thought for a UNISA thesis... 

CSO: 3400/978 



Ouagadougou L'OBSERVATEUR in French 13, 14, 15 Apr 84 pp 10-11 
[Column by Passek-Taale: "A Letter for Laye"] 

[Excerpts] Dear Wambi, 

Age quod agis. Alea jacta est. 

The government daily SIDWAYA, whose launching was one of the high points of 
the International Information Seminar held in Ouaga from 2 to 6 April 1984, 
made its appearance on Thursday. 

"For a first attempt, it was masterful!" 

Monsignor Anthyme Bayala, bishop of the Diocese of Koudougou, was taken from 
us on 3 April 1984. He was 59. May he rest in peace. 

Beginning on 1 April as a prelude to Warld Health Day, the National dealth 
Seminar came to close on Saturday, 7 April. 

As part of Revolutionary Customs and Merchants Month a Customs Political 
and Ideological Seminar began in Ouaga on Monday. 

A group of volunteers from Guebwiller in Alsace (France) visited Monomtinga 
in the Department of Kombissiri from 23 March 1984 to 11 April 1984. They 
financed construction of an out-patient and maternity clinic there. Labor 
was supplied by the local population. 

The Boeing 707 P. Air that has been much in the news made its first loading 
on Friday, 6 April 1984. On board were ten (10) tons of mangos and ten (10) 
of green beans. 

These Upper Voltan products were shipped to Lyon, France. With this plane, 
which will later bear the name "Naganagani,'' Upper Volta now has adequate 
transportation for its foreign trade and our production. 

As .a result, the entire world will probably be able to enjoy the products of 
Upper Voltan peasants, for "Naganagani" is within reach of all those interested 
in commerce. 


Green beans, mangos and other products will never again spoil in Upner Volta. 
Point Air Volta 'Naganagani" is a great instruuent to open up our regions. 

Let us move on to the National Trade Union of African Teachers in Upper 
Volta (SNEAHV). No need to remind you that the members of that union have 
gone out on strike. No need to tell you either that they were simply laid off. 

What I am writing to you now is the list published by the government daily 
SIDWAYA in its edition of Thursday, 12 April 1984: 

Bourkina 216 Zoundweogo 31 
Houet 195 Sahel 17 
Yatenga 138 Ghagna 17 
Oubritenga 132 Kenedougou 14 
Sissili 93 Passore 7 
Sourou 83 Gourma 1 
Namentenga 80 Bam 0 
Sanmatenga 78 Tapoa 0 
Boulgou 60 Soum 0 
Kossi 56 Poni 0 
Comoe 55 Nahouri 0 
Bougouriba 53 Ganzourgou 0 
Moun-Houn 45 

Total 1,380 

Naturally, this list is disputed by SNEAHV. The fight is on. 

On this same subject, Kone Batiemoko, member of the SNEAHV National Bureau, 
was detained and questioned at the Gendarmerie on Tuesday, 3 April. He was 
still there yesterday. 

According to BULLETIN QUOTIDIEN No 622 of 12 April 1984, a fatal accident 
occurred Wednesday evening at around 1900 hours on National Highway 5 (Upper 
Volta-Ghana, via PO). 

A 504 Break transport vehicle registered in Upper Volta ran into a group of 
soldiers crossing the road coming out of the CNEC [expansion unknown}. 

One person was killed outright and another has been hospitalized in Po. 

A total of 11 persons were wounded seriously and 9 were taken to Ouagadougou 
that same night. 

Among those wounded -was the driver of the 504, Liliou Adoui and one of his 
four passengers. The two dead are Mahamoudou Zongo, from the Revolutionary 
National Guard, and Kossi Ouattara, from the Engineers and Firemen's Battalion. 

The group of soldiers had arrived in Po that very evening for training. The 

accident occurred as they were leaving the CNEC for a maneuver, scarcely two 
hours after their arrival from Ouaga. 


Dear Wambi, like everyone else, you have probably heard that the members of 
the old regimes have been called before the Revolutionary People's Tribunals. 
The hearings will only take place in Po. It is truly a trial in the right 
place, especially since it will take place in the hotbed of the Upper Voltan 

Dear cousin, let me tell you that I have heard about a document being distri- 
buted openly on the Ouagadougou University Campus. 

Among other things, that document calls for the establishment of a Revolution- 
ary Trade Union Confederation and comes out against any reduction in the pur- 
chasing power of workers and any questioning of democratic and trade union 

Who signed it? The following trade unions: the SNAID (Taxes and Public 
Lands); the SNTER (National Education and Research); the SNTSHA (Human and 
Animal Health); the SNTGMIH (Geology and Mines); and the UGEV (Students). 
There you have it! That's life! See you soon. 

Your cousin, 


CSO: 3419/619 



Harare THE HERALD in English 5 May 84 p 3 

[Excerpt] Three major themes of Zimbabwe's development process emerged 
at yesterday's session of the provincial governors’ seminar in Harare. 

The Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, Dr Eddison 
Zvobgo, announced that prisoners would be made available to work on 
provincial development schemes; the Minister of Home Affairs, Dr Simbi 
Mubako, announced that Government was considering establishing more border 
posts to control movement in and out of the country; and the Minister of 
Youth, Sport and Culture, Dr Simba Makoni, said his ministry regarded 
unemployment among thousands of young Zimbabweans as its major problem. 

Cde Zvobgo told the second seminar of provincial governors, heads of 
ministries and Ministry of Local Government and Town Planning provincial 
administrators that if any governor with other local authorities came up 
with projects which could be carried out by prionsers, he should forward 
these to Cde Zvobgo's ministry. 

Prisoners should work very hard and a prison term had to be an experience 
which no Zimbabwean would want to repeat, Cde Zvobgo said. 

The whole exercise had to be systematically organised. One of the most 
important issues was to ensure that prisoners did not escape whie working 
on these development projects. 

"We must combine our offices to have prisoners routinely on public works," 
Cde Zvobgo said. 

He said his ministry had initiated a brick-moulding programme by all 
prisoners which had already started at Chikurubi and Khami prisons. The 
programme would be expanded to cover other prisons. 

The bricks would also be made available for construction projects recom- 
mended by the governors but they would be sold at the "cheapest price in 
the country.” 


Cde Zvobgo said they would be sold because his ministry would have put the 
initial capital for the purchase of cement and other equipment necessary 
for the moulding, and needed to recover some of this money. 

Dr Mubako told the seminar there were insufficient border stations to deal 
adequately with people entering from neighbouring countries. 

Cde Mubako singled out the eastern border as needing more stations. Funds 
were available to set up additional border posts. 

The minister also said Government intends to increase the number of police 
in rural areas. 

CSO: 3400/980 



Harare THE HERALD in English 6 May 84 p 4 

[Text] The Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce is stepping up its efforts 
to give training in basic business methods to ex-combatants engaged in 
co-operative ventures. 

After nearly a year's delay the ZNCC has received confirmation from the 
Ministry of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare and the Demobilisa- 
tion Directorate that Government departments will assist in recommending 
ex-combatants for attendance at regular basic business courses held by the 
ZNCC at regional centres throughout the country. 

Mr Ambrose Chikukwa, chairman of ZNCC's training committee, said the chamber 
last year responded to a call by the then Minister of Labour, Cde Kumbirai 
Kangai, to help introduce demobilised ex-combatants to business practices. 

The call was made at the May business forum at Victoria Falls and a 
training sub-committee was formed to draw up proposals for approval by the 
ministry which would have cleared individual co-operatives for assistance 
and pinpointed areas where advice and expertise was most needed, Mr Chikukwa 

The Government's approval was not received until recently and in the interim 
some co-operatives faced collapse because of depressed economic conditions, 
drought and the lack of management skills to meet their difficulties. 

Although the sub-committee was now moribund the ZNCC hoped that under the 
auspices of the ministry and the Demobilisation Directorate ex-combatants 
would take full advantage of the free weekend courses given by ZNCC volunteer 


"The many difficulties facing emerging enterprises are shared by all those 
who venture into business--lack of starting capital, lack of assets to 

raise loans, lack of working capital to raise loans and, above all, the lack 
of experience to understand the processes and methods of business," Mr 

Chikukwa said. 


The ZNCC committee's programme of seminars offered training in basic 
bookkeeping, records, stores and stock control, costing, price control, 
cash flow and budgeting and the management of finance and working capital. 

Courses this month are to be held in Chinhoyi, Masvingo and in Victoria 
Falls to coincide with this year's ZNCC business forum there. 

"The courses are nowhere near comparable to full-time business courses, 
but they can be of great service to new enterprises, many of which even 
have no books and, therefore, no way of telling whether they are making a 
profit or loss," said Mr Chikukwa. 

The courses include instructions on sales tax, income tax and other revenue 

While drawing up its training proposals for ex-combatants last year, the 
ZNCC held several meetings with the Demobilisation Directorate. 

Under the proposals the ZNCC would appoint advisers to co-operatives where 
needed, with Government approval. "We did not hear from the ministry until 
recently which is rather late, as some co-operatives of ex-combatants are 
in bad shape," he said. 

Mr Chikukwa said the ZNCC was now appealing to retired businessmen to step 
forward to help the committee run more courses throughout the country. 

"There is a lot of goodwill among Zimbabweans and I am hopeful a good number 
sill volunteer for this noble cause." 

CSO: 3400/980 



Harare THE HERALD in English 7 May 84 p 1 

[Text] Harare-based foreign correspondents have enerally done a good 

job of reporting the Zimbabwe scene--unlike thei: south African counterparts 
who have been guilty of distortion, lies and sensationalism, the Minister 
of Information, Posts and Telecommunications said yesterday. 

Dr Nathan Shamuyarira, who was speaking at a cocktail reception and lunch 
for 14 visiting West German journalists and representatives of tne Harare- 
based Reemtsma tobacco company, said: 

"There are 22 registered foreign correspondents here. We don't censor what 
they send out. There is no censorship in the country. The only time we 
see what they have written is when our representatives overseas send us 

"We have few problems with local foreign correspondents. Our problem is 
with the corps of South African-based correspondents who engage in sensa- 

"Generally we have had a bad Press overseas. The overseas Press has not 
shown the progress we have made in integrating the three armies, in recon- 
ciliation, in economic progress." 

South African-based foreign journalists preferred to come to Zimbabwe for 
a few days and then return to their bases where they seem to delight in 
writing negative stories. He said they liked to write stories claiming 
that Zimbabwe was on the verge of economic collapse, that the country's 
ethnic groups were at each other's throats or that whites were being 

In spite of these negative stories Zimbabwe had left the offending journalists 
alone--except for banning a West German couple and an American magazine 

Cde Shamuyarira said the Government had been annoyed by the tendency of some 

Western reporters to refer persistently to the North Korean-trained Five 
Brigade without pointing out that the other four brigades were British-based. 


Even Five Brigade, he said, had received British training. 

"The army does a good job. It is a professional army. But if there are 
unjust incidents we investigate them," he said. 

The minister said the army had been successfully integrated with 10 to 12 
percent of its members being former Rhodesian soldiers, about 30 percent 
being former Zipra combatants while the rest were former Zanla guerillas. 

The only reason there were more ex-Zanla combatants in the Zimbabwe National 
Army than other groups was "because Zanu had a larger guerilla army," said 
Cde Shamuyarira. 

The reception was also addressed by Mr Anthony Taberer, chairman and 
managing director of Tabex, who said tobacco was Zimbabwe's most important 
single industry. 

Tobacco accounted for about 25 percent of gross domestic product, supported 
over 400 000 people, earned about 23 percent of the country's gross foreign 
exchange (more than $200 million a year), and accounted for 40 percent of 
Zimbabwe's total agricultural export. 

"Tobacco makes a very significant contribution to the national fiscus and, 
although it is not possible to decipher tax data, excise revenue on cigarette 

and pipe tobaccos alone results in duties of approximately $24 to $25 million 
per annum." 

CSO: 3400/980 



Harare THE HERALD in English 7 May 84 p 5 
[Article by Munyaradzi Chenje] 

[Text] The Government's new food-for-work scheme is meeting an enthusiastic 
response where it matters most--from the people on drought relief in Buhera, 
where the plan is being piloted. 

The scheme was launched at the beginning of this month and already some of 
the 54 300 people on drought relief in Buhera are working on community 

And the rest are raring to go. Those interviewed by The Herald in Buhera 
last week said the programme was long overdue. 

Cde David Mukosi of Buhera said: "We thank the Government for giving us 
this chance to work for our country. Drought relief only gave us food, 
but now we can get money to send children to school, buy soap, sugar and 

People expressed their satisfaction at being able to do socially-useful work 
and being rewarded, instead of just "fellowing beer" as one of them put it. 

"We are very happy with this new scheme and we hope the Government will 
continue with such programmes," Cde Mukosi said. 

The scheme--the Rural Public Works Programme--was launched on Tuesday by 
the Minister of Local Government and Town Planning, Cde Enos Chikowore. 
It pays those who have been on drought relief $4 a day for working on 
community projects. 

"We don't want our people to develop some kind of beggar posture or concept 
where they just get things free," said Cde Chikowore about the programme. 

And the drought relief scheme has proved costly for Zimbabwe's coffers. 

In October last year, the Department of Social Services in the then Ministry 
of Labour and Social Services, said in a statement: "Drought relief food 
has so far been handed to about 2,1 million people in Zimbabwe's communal 


Between April 1 last year and April 30 this year, the Government had 
estimated that it would need $120 million for the drought relief programme 
but only $45 million could be allocated to it. 

To meet such a massive budget, Government had to divert money earmarked 
for other projects to drought relief, and some projects did not even get 
off the ground because of this. 

The scheme not only benefits the affected people but will bring a greater 
circulation of money to the rural areas, strengthening the "provo's" 
buying power. 

Shops, butcheries, grinding mills and beer halls will now have a wider 
market thereby strengthening their viability. In many communal areas 
such businesses survive from hand to mouth. 

By upgrading facilities like roads, clinics, schools, dams and irrigation 
schemes, the local population in each area will help raise its living 

The people will also acquire skills which should benefit them as and when 
the food-for-work scheme is no longer necessary. Although most of the 
technical work will be done by experienced people, the workers will learn 
basic trades. 

By introducing this scheme, the Government will create employment in rural 
areas and indirectly stem the urban drift. 

Since independence, communal people have been involved in self-reliance 
projects designed to develop their areas on a voluntary basis, and it is 
feared by some that the new project may kill this voluntary spirit. 

Others argue that $2 per day is not enough and that people may prolong 
projects so that they can get more money. 

Two dollars a day for a person, who works for 20 days a month, can bring 
him about $40, and by rural standards, this is considered a lot of money. 
If in a family, two people were to work on this programme, the family would 

have $80 a month. 

The basic food ration for a family of five for a month has been calculated 
as 5 kg of beans ($7,200), 75 kg of mealie-meal ($14,70) and 2,5 litres of 
cooking oil ($3,98) totalling $25,88. So if a family gets $80 each month 
and spends $25,88, it would be left with $54,12. This family would still 
end up being the winner. 

To avoid the people from delaying their projects for their own benefit, the 
District Development Fund, which is administering the exercise, must assess 
the period a particular project takes to ensure that workers complete the 
job in the laid-down period. 


DDF'S past record and achievements speak well of its capabilities, and it is 
no surprise it has been chosen to administer these projects. 

"Both the ministries of Local Government and Town Planning and of Labour, 
Manpower Planning and Social Welfare will ensure that there is no corruption," 
said Cde Chikowore when he outlined the plans for the scheme last week. 

"Stringent measures will be taken to ensure that only people on the drought 
relief register are employed and paid.” 

If all goes well, the Government will have saved its people and the people 
themselves will be proud of their own newly-acquired capabilities. 

CSO: 3400/980 



Harare THE HERALD in English 8 May 84 p 1 
[Article by William Bango] 

[Text] More than 150 families, some of whom have been living on a Mazowe 
farm since 1934, have vowed to resist any attempts to evict them. 

The families claim that farmers in the area have allowed them to stay 
"for all this time after realising that we have the right to this land." 

The original owner of the farm, a Major Pilkington (who has left the country) 
sold the property soon after independence in 1980 to Mr John Mathews. Mr 
Mathews has since been battling to evict the families. 

He told The Herald yesterday: "All those people do not work here. They 
must move so that we can grow food for the country.” 

The ZANU (PF) political commissar for Mazowe district, Cde Daison Banda 
said he came to live on the farm in 1953 and had had no problems with the 

"It is unfortunate that this place was bought by Mr Mathews. He no longer 
wants to see us here although most of the people have lived here since 1934. 

"We are going to resist any attempts to move us out because this is our land," 
said Cde Banda. 

He said only a few residents were employed in the area. Most were either 
self-employed or worked in other tcwns and cities. 

Mr Mathews said arrangements were being made to accommodate those residents 
working in Mazowe. "But the rest must go. We plan to develop the 220 acres 
they are occupying illegally," he said. 

The families, who were meant to leave at the end of April, have set up a 
committee to deal with anyone who wants to evict them, and to negotiate 
with the farmer and Government about their future. 

Last week, said Cde Banda (the committee chairman), they went to the Ministry 
of Local Government and Town Planning which told them they should move out 
soon because they were on private property. 

"We also saw officials from the Ministry of Lands, Resettlement and Rural 
Development but they told us the same thing." Alternative accommodation 
should be found “otherwise the problem will not be solved,"' said Cde Banda. 
Mr Mathews refused to say what his plans were if the families refused to 

be evicted. He said the matter had been reported to the police and any 
further problems would be referred to the ZRP at Mazowe. 

CSO: 3400/980 END