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PRS Report— 

Soviet Union 

Political Affairs 

Soviet Union 
Political Affairs 

IPRS-UPA-8Y-04] CONTENTS 27 June 1989 


Deputies View Tasks Facing New Congress /Ye.K. Malkova; TRUD, 23 May 89] cocoon 
Law on USSR Citizenship Under Review /Y. Khanga; MOSCOW NEWS, 4-11 Jun 89] cocoons 4 
Letters to Estonian Supreme Soviet Presidium Analyzed 

er FT, SET Wg ZT Of rte 5 
Mikk Titma on Estonian Political Developments /M. Titma; SOVETSKAYA ESTONIYA, 30 Apr 89/ ....... ) 
Debate on Brauzauskas Plenum Report Published /SOVETSKAYA LITVA, 23 Feb 89) coccccccccccccce 12 
ArSSR First Secretary 23 Feb Discussion with Republic's Intelligentsia 

A, SI, Ce FT GT tcsceensscssicenssevevececcszsvisevsssersseineresssenessensssssensbinescesannseasicessseiese GB 
Kazakh CP CC Discusses Means to Combat Trade Speculation 

[KAZAKHSTANSKAYVA PRAVDA, 8 Apt 89) ....scsssssresscsosssccccessevesscessvevseecessesscscssscveseesseeseevssssesssccsssssssseees DO 
Tajik Buro Discusses Draft Language Law /KOMMUNIST TADZHIKISTANA, 7 Apr 89] ooccccccccccccce 32 
Ligachev Tashkent Speech /Ye.K. Ligachev; PRAVDA VOSTOKA, 13 May 89] coccccccccccccccccccccceeecseesseeeens 38 
UzSSR: First Secretary Nishanov on Regional Economic Ties 

/R.N. Nishanov; PRAVDA VOSTOKA, 14 M@y 89] cocccccccccccccccccccccessssseesessesenseesseeseeeseeeeccseseesueeececessuenecneenes 42 



Ex-Helsinki-86 Member Founds Catholic Movement /C. Massans, PADOMJU JAUNATNE, 15 Apr 89] . 46 
Metropolitan Filaret Discusses Church Social, Political Activities /PRAVDA UKRAINY, 16 Apr 89/_....... 47 

Komsomol Actors Raise Funds to Restore Church /M. Zakharov; MOSCOW NEWS, 4-1] Jun 89/ ......... 50 
Writer Supports Return to Morals, Religious Faith //. Grekova; MOSCOW NE! S, 4-11 Jun 89) occ... 50 
Rovno Authorities Block Believers’ Attempts To Have Church Returned 

[S. Vlasov; NEDELYA No 20, 15-21 May 89] .....ccccccccccsssscsscccssssssessesssssssssssesssssessssssesssecaesssssssceeeeceuesnaessanes 53 

Draft Charter of USSR Writers’ Union Published /LITERATURNAYA GAZETA No 12, 22 Mar 89] ...... 56 
Philosopher Defends Films Labeled ‘Pornographic’ 

[R. Rykova; ARGUMENTY I FAKTY No 19, 13-19 May 89] ...ccccccccscsssssssscsessesssesscsseseseesssesseeseeeeesenecsersesees 63 
Director Gives Views of Perestroyka in Theater /E. Lazarev; IZVESTIYA, 11 May 89] ......ccccccccccccceee 65 
Tennis Star's Contract With ‘Proserv’ Delayed /A. Novikov; KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA, 27 Apr 89/ 

/A. Novikov; KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA, 27 Apr 89] .cccccccccscessesssssssessessesecsseeseesssesseseeseseeeeeaeeeeeaseasseeees 66 
New Complex Proposed for Old Arbat /A. Ritin; LITERATURNAYA GAZETA, 17 May 89] ........c0000000 67 
Librarians Strike State Library for Foreign Literature 

[Ye. Kuzmin; LITERATURNAYA GAZETA, 17 May 89] .........ccccsscssssssssssssssssssssesscssssessssssessssssessessessessessees 68 


Mironenko on Komsomol CC Buro Discussion of Draft Law on Youth 

[V. Mironenko; KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA, 17 May 89] ....ccccccccccccccccsccessesseessecsseessceseesesseeeeeeeseecssneenes 69 
Alienation of Soviet Youth, Corrective Measures Discussed 

[L. Radzikhovskiy; UCHITELSKAYA GAZETA, 28 Mar 89] .....ccccccccccssscsssssessessesseseccsesseseseseseeeseeeeseeeeaneees 74 
Crusading Prosecutor Reinstated /L. Nikitinskiy; KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA, 19 May 89]. .........006- 75 
Correspondent in Geneva Examines Attitudes Toward Soviet Human Rights Issues 

[M. Maksimov; LITERATURNAYA GAZETA, 17 M@y 89] ....cccccccscsscssssessessessesseeseeeeseseecseseteeseeeeeeneeeseseeees 78 
Legal Scholar Kartashkin on Human Rights /V.A. Kartashkin; TRUD, 3] May 89] ........ccccccccccecccccceseesenes 82 
‘Pamyat’ Member Detained in Riga /SOVETSKAYA MOLODEZH, 12 May 89]  ........cccccccccccecccccceceseceneeees 84 
UkSSR OVIR Official Discusses Changes in Emigration Procedures 

[H. Tuhay; RADYANSKA UKRAYINA, 16 Feb 89] ....ccccccccccccccccscccessessessssesseesscsseeeseccseeescenscsesaceceeceeucesenecees 84 

UkSSR Education Official on Restructuring Higher, Secondary Education 
Se PURE CST OPREL, BO GO OU ganccss sisi ssrsineses i rcistasesenstenanstiesesndedicsnscanasnnnnins 86 


27 June 1989 2 Political Affairs 

Homebrew Operation Becomes Full-Fledged Business in Uzbekistan 

FD. ATMAGNGIGY: FATA FECA, FO AGF GEE ccscscssessrersvecesersessserscvsssresssvscessssvsscecesssesceneresnecsoonesessssorsee 88 
Crime Increase in Uzbekistan Attributed to Alcohol, Narcotics Use 

[S. Zapoiskaya; SOVETSKAYVA KIRGIZIVA, 11 Apr BQ) visscessssssssssserscesssssescesseesessssesssessesessssssesscees 89 
Alcohol Treatment, Prevention Centers Deemed Outmoded, Ineffective 

[A.Kheruvimskiy; SOVETSKAYA LATVIYA, 18 Apr 89] coccccccccscsccsesesceeseseeeeeeeneenens DAR NEIaGHNANIE 90 
Leningrad Red Cross Proposes Soup Kitchens to Feed Hungry 

[M.Kushnir; SOVETSKAYA KULTURA, 29 Apr 89) ...cssscssssssssscscccsesssssssessesssesssssesseesssnsseesssssseseseseseeeees 9] 
Deplorable Living Standards Contribute to High Infant Mortality 

[SOVETSKAYVA KIRGIZIVA, 4 May 89) ......scccccsscosssssssssccsssoecsssssse sssssssessevssssessessessssssssessessassessesseseseseseeseons 92 


Kuybyshev Deputies Prepare for Congress /A. Solarev; SOVETSKAYA ROSSIYA, 24 May 89] ..cccccccce 95 
Lensoviet Creates Inter-Ethnic Commission /LENINGRADSKAYA PRAVDA, 12 M@y 89] voces 97 
Readers Evaluate Newspaper’s Coverage //. Kosenkova; LENINGRADSK+ YA PRAVDA, 12 Feb 89]. ....... 97 
Currency Exhange Regulations Changed /Yu. Vishnakov; PADOMJU JAUNATNE, 25 Apr 89] .occcccccecceees 98 
Rationale of New Constitution Proposed /R. Stanislovaytis;s SOVETSKAYA LITVA, 14 Apr 89] ....cccccceee 99 
Presidium of LiSSK Supreme Soviet Meets /SOVETSKAYA LITVA, 23 Apr 89] cocccccccsccccscsscseseeseeeeeeeeeees 102 
Family Insurance Coverage Amended /Y. Berzhinskas; SOVETSKAYA LITVA, 29 Apr 89] ..ccccccccccececeees 103 
Joint Enterprise Products Exhibited /A. Pipiras; SOVETSKAYA LITVA, 29 Apr 89] c.cccccccccccscesccceseeeeeees 105 
Reader Asserts Children Lack Opportunities to Learn Ukrainian 

FO, CA: CAG PUIG, Ge AD GD sesisscccsccscccccsssssccsescosecssesssoseccessescessesosescssasescesssensessees 105 
Academician on Eliminating Blank Spots in Ukrainian Economics 

[P. Leonenko; RADYANSKA UKRAYINA, 3 Feb 89] vocccccccccccssessssssesseessesesseseseesesecseseeneesesseseseseeeseeseeneesess 106 
Newspaperman Asserts Moldavian Culture Better Attended to Than Ukrainian 

TEP GUS CUO, FO GD TE vesscssssccssessesscnssesssascncessencsseosesscoocscessnonssnsssissscavenseseeas 107 
Reader Asks That Ukrainians in Other Parts of USSR Be Remembered 

[V. Obodnyuk; RADYANSKA UKRAYINA, 24 Jan 89] ...ccccccccssscsscssssssesessssessesessesessessecsesseessssssssssenseeseenses 108 
Ukrainian Readers Informed of Developments in Estonian Press 

[V. Desyatnikov; RADYANSKA UKRAYINA, 28 Feb 89] ......ccccccsssssssssssssessesessensessesecesssssessssessesessesseeeeesens 108 
ArSSR Council of Ministers Chairman Markaryants on Priority Tasks 

[V.S. Markaryants; PRAVITELSTVENNYY VESTNIK No 4, Feb 89] ccccccccccccscssssssesscesessesstsescseeseseneennens 110 
Unauthorized 20 Feb Yerevan Demonstration Reported /KOMMUNIST, 22 Feb 89] ...cccccsccssseesseeseees 111 
Official Report On Dispersion of 8 Mar Yerevan Disturbances /KOMMUNIST, 10 Mar 89] .........c00000. 111 

Roundtable With ‘Nevada,’ ‘Green Front’ /L. Baydman; KAZAKHSTANSKAYA PRAVDA, 15 Apr 89] . 112 
Deputy Interviewed on Work of Group Investigating Tbilisi Events 

[Ve. Vatovety; RAGLGBEEM GRUGH, FO AGP OTT nn. .csssssssscsssssccsssssccccsecsssessessesressescsescesscssersscsvesssessooneess 120 
Tajik Student Teacher Riot Described by Victims; Cause Still Unresolved 

[M. Lebedev; KOMMUNIST TADZHIKISTANA, 24 Feb 89] ....:ccssscsscsssssssscsscsssesssesssssssssssessssseseeesenesens 123 

27 June 1989 

Deputies View Tasks Facing New Congress 
18001102 Moscow TRUD in Russian 23 May 89 p 2 

[Interview with Ye. K. Malkova, foreman at Moscow 
Workroom No 5 of Factory No | of the Siluet Produc- 
tion Association; E. A. Pamfilova, chairman of the trade 
union committee of the Central Repair and Maintenance 
Plan’ of Mosenergo [Moscow Rayon Power-Engineering 
Administration}; Academician O. T. Bogomolov, direc- 
tor of the Institute of the Economy of the World Socialist 
System; V. Ye. Kurtashin, general director of the Krio- 
genmash [Cryogenic Machinery] Research and Produc- 
tion Association; and Doctor of Economic Sciences G. S. 
Lisichkin, under the rubric “Meeting in the Editorial 
Offices”: “Facing Problems”; interview conducted in 
TRUD editorial offices in Moscow; date not given] 

[Text] In a few days the USSR Congress of People’s 
Deputies will open in Moscow. It will be the first Con- 
gress in the context of the reform of the political system 
that is being carried out in the country. The fortunes of the 
country will depend on its decisions and its carefully 
weighed and thought-out judgments. The deputies are 
arriving for the Congress armed with directives from their 
constituents, and their firmly expressed will to provide a 
new impetus for restructuring. 

What problems facing society are attracting special atten- 
tion from the people’s deputies, and what decisions do 
they expect from the Congress? This was the topic of 
discussion at a meeting of a group of people's deputies 
held in the editorial offices. Participating in it were Ye. K. 
Malkova, foreman at Moscow Workroom No § of Factory 
No 1 of the Siluet Production Association; E. A. Pamfi- 
lova, chairman of the trade union committee of Mosener- 
go’s Central Repair and Maintenance Plant; Academician 
O. T. Bogomolov, director of the Institute of the Economy 
of the World Socialist System; V. Ye. Kurtashin, general 
director of the Kriogenmash Research and Production 
Association; and Doctor of Economic Sciences G. S. 

Today we relate the exchange of opinions thai took place. 

[Bogomolov] I realize that we cannot even touch on here 
all the questions that the Congress will face. So I shall 
dwell only on a few. Our constituents, the people, are 
placing tremendous hopes on the Congress of people’s 
deputies. And our first concern is how to carry out their 
directives and how to justify those hopes. What can the 
Congress do? Unfortunately, we have no experience in 
parliamentary activi.y. Yet what is intended is the exist- 
ence of what amounts to two bodies of authority in the 
parliament: a Congress, which is a very large body and 
therefore not very capable of making short-term deci- 
sions, and a professional legislative body that is rather 
narrow, and generally accountable to the Congress; that 
will be the Supreme Soviet. Right now we are deputies to 
the Congress. And what rights will we possess? What will 
we be able to do and demand, and what problems will we 
be able to raise? All these are seemingly procedural 


questions bul are actually questions concerning the orga- 
nization of government in the country. In my opinion, 
one contradiction 1s that the Congress has been declared 
to be the supreme body of state authority, and it adopts 
the laws, But laws are also adopted by the Supreme 
Soviet, that 1s, by the 542 people who will be elected to it. 

Many of us today are concerned about how to find the 
organizational forms that will permit the tremendous 
political potential of the people's deputies to be utilized. 
I do not know whether there will be many who are ready 
to cease being a steel worker, stage performer, major 
physician, or active scientist for the sake of parliamen- 
tary work. And if that is the case, will the Supreme Soviet 
largely consist of those same apparatus employees who 
have occupied other positions up until now? The idea is 
to keep there from being “two grades” of people's 
deputies: one grade that is part of the Supreme Soviet, 
and the other that is not. Everyone is a people's deputy, 
with equal rights. 

[Malkova] It cannot be otherwise. In general, attempts to 
divide up deputies—say, from territories or public orga- 
nizations—according to some sort of arbitrary ‘‘scale of 
quality” are absolutely improper. 

[Bogomolov] And in order to prevent that, we ought to 
establish Congress bodies, committees on the most 
important state issues (perhaps instead of Supreme 
Soviet committees) that could operate on a permanent 
basis, convene for a relatively short time, include people 
with immense political and civic potential, and make the 
greatest possible use of their knowledge and capabilities 
without taking them entirely away from their basic 
occupations. And then each deputy might find a job for 
himself on one of these committees, do regular work, 
raise questions, and participate in the drafting of laws. 
( therwise, what happens? The Congress meets once a 
year, votes, and that is all. If that is the case, I will not be 
able to justify my constituents’ confidence. 

[Kurtashin] What sort of questions should be discussed 
at the Congress? Well, first of all, the state budget. At 
present that is a closed area. Even some ministers say 
that they know nothing about budget matters. Yet the 
deputies should know everything. For example, there are 
plans to build a petroleum and gas complex in Tyumen 
that will cost 50 billion rubles or more. Why? In order to 
then ship raw material abroad? That is completely 
unwarranted wastefulness. And what do the deputies of 
our Supreme Soviet, which is now already giving up its 
powers, think about this? The Congress of People’s 
Deputies should know where money 1s going: how much 
for defense, how much for aid to other countries. The 
budget must be strictly examined. And especially con- 
struction. After all, what is the practice in our country? If 
there is not enough of some sort of product, how does a 
minister react? A new plant must be built. But it takes 10 
years to build a plant. And he has used that to protect 

27 June 1989 

himself: I'll have a plant built, and I'll solve the problem, 
And money is wasted, and the amount of unfinished 
construction work 18 increased. 

[Pamfilova}.. believe that we are obliged to take a very 
informed and intelligent approach to the formation of 
the cabinet of ministers. It may be that we should 
drastically reduce the number of ministers and restruc- 
ture the management of the national economy, otherwise 
we will still have an immense managerial apparatus with 
a good many people who are being fed at the expense of 
labor collectives and yet do nothing useful at all. To the 
contrary, the swollen bureaucracy .as no need for any 
restructuring in the economic sphere, much less a radical 

You know what especially disturbs me? It is true that 
people are expecting a great deal from the Congress. And 
it will probably disappoint some of them in some 
respects. Because it will be impossible during the time 
the Congress is in session to solve the huge number of 
anguishing problems that presently face society. Yet to 
single out what is most important and unite on what is 
most important in order to extricate the country from its 
grave situation is very important. 

But in addition to the strategic problems, certain painful 
social problems ought to find a solution right now. They 
are reflected in our trade unions’ election platform. They 
include the pension question, low-income people and 
families, and pricing policy. They must be solved, in 
part, by reallocating the budget. For example, Gosplan is 
proposing to reduce prolonged construction projects by 
7-8 billion rubles. Yet scientists say that they could be 
painlessly reduced by 40 billion rubles. There are some 
reserves. And what about reduction of the managerial 
apparatus? Take the structure of our ministry as just one 
example: it has been cut and cut again, yet the apparatus 
has grown. 

{Malkova] Moreover, we talk about independence, yet 
the structure of the managerial apparatus as it presently 
exists provides no possibility of being independent. Take 
our branch, for example. We speak of a two- level or, at 
the maximum, three-level management system. Yet a 
four- level and even five-level management system has 
been created in our branch. Take a look. A store, a 
cafeteria, a workroom—that is the first management 
level, since they all have executives, managers or shift 
foremen. The next level consists of the enterprises, which 
combine several of those cafeterias and several small 
stores and workrooms. The third level is the association, 
which gives orders to those enterprises. The fourth level 
consists of the main administrations, and the fifth is the 

I went into a store and, as a deputy, spoke with the 
manager. She said to me: “Tell me, why do I need that 
main administration? Every day I take documents home 
in order to write reports. Yet I myself know how many 
workers I need, and how much to pay them. I do not 


need a structure handed down from above, | myself can 
manage the funds and give more to the city budget, 
which would benefit from that. But | am given no 
opportunity to do so. The rayon administration 
demands payments, and the association demands them. 
The ministry does too—and it is the one that develops 
the strategy for the services sector.” 

[Bogomolov] Why should the ministry develop the 
“strategy” for the services sector? Every workroom can 
do that. 

[Malkova] That's what I think, too. Sensible members of 
cooperatives define that same “strategy” without any 
sort of red tape. Every employee, including an enterprise 
director, an economist, or a minister, Ought to be directly 
answerable for the results of his work. They it would be 
clear to everyone: if a person does not produce, that 
means he should go. 

[Pamfilova] I read in the press that in other countries a 
code of honor exists. | liked that a lot. If a minister, say, 
fails in his job, he resigns. And that is not just the moral 
aspect; that’s a principled evaluation of his performance. 

[Kurtashin] You get the impression that the network of 
the bureaucratic apparatus often provides no possibility 
for people at the local level to implement the ideas of 
restructuring. It lets nothing get by. And it won't let it. 
Because the bureaucrats are taking a wait-and-see posi- 
tion: what will happen, and will I be occupying my chair? 

I believe that the ministries right now are to all intents 
and purposes doing nothing. If they are to be eliminated, 
people need to be told so definitely. It is impossible to 
drag out restructuring and the reorganization of indus- 
trial management this way. In my view, we must pre- 
serve a minimum epparatus, completely eliminate 25-30 
percent of the ministries, and the rest, perhaps, reduce by 

[Bogomolov] Yes, the voters are right when they stress 
that we need fewer people who do nothing but manage 
things. Yet at the present time agriculture alone has more 
managers than the United States has farmers, who feed 
the entire country. 

[Lisichkin] | would like to say something about agricul- 
ture in particular. And here is why. For decades we have 
been investing immense amounts of money in it, but we 
are not getting a return. And I think that is primarily 
because we invest money but do not know what we are 
investing it in and do not consult the peasants. Our 
entire policy in the area of agriculture, I would say, is “to 
protect the weak.” A person does not know how to work, 
and we give him money, machinery, fertilize, loans, etc. 
But we have to recognize that if we want to get resulis we 
have to set up a different chain: people-technology, and 
only after that come capital investments. 

27 June 1989 

The way people figure it in our country is that if you 
build a livestock section, all questions have been 
resolved; or you set up a machinery pool, and results are 
ensured, Yet that is not the case. There may be a 
livestock section | ut poor livestock, or there may be 
livestock but no feed. We invest money, but with no 
results. And no matter how much machinery, fertilizer, 
and mixed feed we provide the place with, the results are 
the same: zero or negative results. 

{[Kurtashin] The countryside is our pain, the whole 
country’s pain. We have destroyed agriculture and 
destroyed the peasantry. But what is the situation right 
now? We cannot drag anyone into the peasantry. We 
build homes, but no one goes. | traveled throughout 
Tula, Ryazan and Tambov oblasts: new cottages have 
been built there, but no one is hurrying to occupy them. 

[Lisichkin] I would like to read a letter from Lvov Oblast 
from S. Orlyuk, deputy secretary of the party committee 
on the Progress Kolkhoz. “I read the CPSU Central 
Committee's May Day appeals, and | immediately came 
to a stop: ‘Long live the working class, our society's 
leading force!’ Well, what about the other part of our 
society—the peasantry, say, to which we are presently 
promising to repay our debts? What are they supposed to 
do—continue to go around with an inferiority complex 
and look with envy on the leader?” I want to support 
Orlyuk, because the inequitable position of the peasantry 
is encoded, if one may put it that way, in economic 
policy. | want to call attention right now to parity of 
prices, which reflects that inequality. Just look. In order 
to acquire | ,000 bricks, a farm in Stavropol Oblast has to 
sell the state 350 kg of meat or 6.5 quintals of wheat. A 
Kirovets tractor “costs” 8 tons of meat or 140-145 tons 
of grain. A Niva combine costs 4 tons of meat or 70-72 
tons of grain. 

We say that the production of meat is unprofitable in our 
country, and now potato production is too. How could it 
be profitable with such prices? And why do we put our 
industry in such a privileged position? No matter what it 
makes—a combine, a tractor, or poor-quality mixed 
feed—its production will still be highly profitable in 
terms of the plan. And all the money that is allocated to 
agriculture will in one way or another be returned to 
industry. That is an abnormal si:uation. That needs to be 
talked about bluntly from the Congress rostrum. 

[Kurtashin] I want to add something. The situation with 
respect to the storage of agricultural products is abso- 
lutely terrible. There has been a decision, but no one is 
dealing with this problem. A miserable percentage of 
vegetables and fruits are stored in a regulated, gaseous 
environment. That is paradoxical. The equipment exists: 
capitalists from Australia buy it from us. But in our own 
country we cannot solve the problem. I have been 
around to all the offices—I have appealed to the Moscow 
Obkom, to the Ministry of Installation and Special 
Construction Work, and to the deputy minister. Ware- 
houses of this sort must be set up. So far there is only an 


agreement to do so by 1991. If we introduce the storage 
of agricultural products at such a pace, we will lose 30-40 
percent of what is grown. Industry would also seem to be 
to blame, but | would say blamelessly to blame. 

And sense we have started talking about industry—one 
more question. We pay little attention to the growth in 
labor productivity. Yet our whole economy depends on 
it. | am concerned by attitudes of dependency. Take a 
look at how conferences and sessions of councils of labor 
collectives have been going lately. Everyone says only 
“Give!” “Give us a swimming pool, give us an apart- 
ment, build something, increase women’s leave. But no 
one thinks about how to increase profits. And without 
that, there will be neither pensions nor swimming pools. 
We talk about self- financing and say we have made the 
transition to the second model. But all that is in some 
respects pro forma. Until workers genuinely run the 
enterprises, and until everyone knows that he will 
receive a certain share of the profits, labor productivity 
will not grow. 

[Bogomolov] When we speak of a proprietary attitude 
toward business, it is appropriate to recall cooperatives. 
They are presently drawing a lot of criticism—both for 
their prices for products, and for their wages. It is true 
that speculation and all sorts of other things take place. 
But we have a good many indusirial and construction 
cooperatives that have been performing well. 

{[Kurtashin]} Very few. 

[Bogomolov] No, according to the statistics I have, they 
probably make up 60-70 percent of the total number of 
cooperatives. Of course, wages account for a higher 
percentage of their output than they do at enterprises. 
But the intensiveness of their work is higher. 

We need cooperatives. But we launched this movement 
without laying the most elementary groundwork. We 
adopted a fairly decent Law on Cooperatives. But we made 
no provisions for a financial auditing system, without 
which cooperatives’ activity can lead to abuses. No tax 
system was worked out, either. That, of course, immedi- 
ately created a mass of distortions. And, of course, ques- 
tions of quality control were not raised at all. Throughout 
the whole world a strict system exists: in some places, since 
the Middle Ages, in order to become a brewer and be 
allowed to join a brewers’ shop, one has had to pass a strict 
examination. Yet in our country if someone wants to make 
garments, he is welcome to do so. 

Furthermore, we practically pushed cooperatives onto a 
path of ail sorts of illegal operations and speculation by 
depriving them of legal rights to be supplied. Although 
the Law on Cooperatives and all of our ideology proceed 
from the premise that there are not supposed to be two 
types of ownership in our country, and that cooperatives 
are also socialist ownership, in practice they are placed 
in inequitable conditions. And consequently we have 

27 June 1989 

compromised the movement. All this should receive 
attention from the new parliament. In my view, we 
should give the branches of light industry and the food 
industry, and the services sector the same freedom that 
cooperatives have, preserving only one control—over 
prices. After all, we have first-rate factories where we pay 
a worker 150 rubles for good output. Yet a cooperative 
member receives 2,000 for doing the same thing. Why 
can't we grant the same rights to garment and textile 
mills and to many workshops? Go ahead and cut your 
personnel, and if you want to earn 2,000, work well. 

[Pamfilova] Evidently, cooperatives might also work in 
heavy industry, might they not? 

[Bogomolov] Here I would not hurry. Because a sharp 
rise in earnings in the branches that produce consumer 
goods does not threaten to create inflation. They have 
already produced a product that has gone onto the 

[Pamfilova] The word trade unions should be spoken 
firmly in the Congress. They should develop a fully 
independent position and not share with economic man- 
agers responsibility for labor productivity, the level of 
technology and plan fulfillment: they should, first and 
foremost, protect the working people's social interests 
and present the government with demands connected 
with wages, low-income families, the living standard, 
inflation, and other “sore points.” Otherwise you get 
total irresponsibility: everyone—both the economic 
managers and the trade unions—is responsible for every- 
thing. And if that is the case, in essence no one is 

The trade unions have let the questions of price control 
slip away. At some enterprises strikes have been taking 
place, and the trade unions are in confusion and, to all 
intents and purposes, have no position. Yet we should be 
able to foresee and master the situation, and in order to 
do that, we should have exhaustive sources of informa- 

{Malkova] I shall touch on a more genera! question— 
labor collectives and the rights of the collective and the 
enterprise. To all intents and purposes, the Law on the 
Enterprise is not working, and it will not work until we 
finally get rid of command methods. Let us not forget: in 
the final analysis the fortunes of restructuring will be 
decided in the labor collectives, where items of material 
value are created and where the person who possesses 
vocational experience, knowledge and a civic stance is 
reared. If we are able to liberate the economy and instill 
in people a proprietary attitude toward their business, 
then we will be victorious. That is the attitude with 
which we are going to the Congress. 

The deputies spoke ardently and with concern about the 
country’s affairs and the fortunes of restructuring. Of 
course, as Academician O. Bogomolov emphasized at the 


very outset, the discussion could not cover all the prob- 
lems. But it outlined certain key point’ And, in addition 
to everything else, it attested to the active stance of the 
people's deputies and to their desire and readiness to 
discuss and work to resolve all of the most pressing, most 
complex questions that life has raised. 

Law on USSR Citizenship _ ader Review 
18120101 Moscow MOSCOW NEWS in English 
No 22, 4-11 Jun 89 p 5 

[Interview with Anatoly Kovler, department head at the 
Institute of State and Law of the USSR Academy of 
Sciences by Yelena Khanga] 

[Text] “The new law (the current law was introduced in 
1978) has been worked on by a team of legal scientists 
and representatives from law-making bodies with the 
cooperation of experts from the USSR Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs. Their task is to se that the draft law 
should be in accord with existing international laws. 

“For example, Article 18 of the current law 1s in contra- 
diction with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 
and the International Covenant on Civil and Political 
Rights. That article states that a ‘person may be stripped 
of his or her USSR citizenship oniy by way of exception 
and through a decision of the Presidium of the Supreme 
Soviet of the USSR, following his or her actions which 
dishonour the distinguished title of a Soviet citizen and 
injure the USSR’s prestige or security.’ However, the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims 
(Article 15, Par. 2) that ‘no one shall be arbitrarily 
deprived of his/her nationality nor denied the right to 
change his/her nationality’. Undoubtedly. this legal 
norm wi!l be needed in the process of designing the new 

“In the current law there is a point which 1s clearly 
outdated. It dismisses the possibility of dual citizenship, 
although in fact it exists. Soviet consulates in certain 
West European countries and in the Near East grant 
Soviet passports to persons already possessing passports 
issued in the country of their residence, especially in 
cases of multinationality marriages.” 

Question: To elect and be elected is one of the most 
important civil rights. For the first time, our compatriots 
residing abroad were given the chance to participate in 
the elections of people’s deputies of the USSR. 

Answer: This is a long stride forward, undoubtedly. Yet 
few people could actually use the possibility due to the 
poor work methods of the Soviet consular staff. Accord- 
ing to the returns of a special quick poll, only one or two 
per cent of Soviet citizens abroad took part in the 
elections. Polling stations were set up in almost 50 
countries, but voter licts were mainly made up of the 
staff of Soviet organizations operating in those countries, 
and other people were not properly informed about their 
voting rights. 

27 June 1989 

Question: Lots of Soviet women who have once married 
foreign subjects now want to return to the USSR, for 
various reasons. Do they find it easy to return? 

Answer: Judge for yourself. Lyudmila Ch., a Soviet 
citizen, spent 23 years in the Sudan living with her 
husband. She was a senior lecturer at the university 
where she taught Russian. Now, after the death of her 
husband, she dearly wishes to return. A Moscow cousin 
is willing to share her residence with Lyudmila. How- 
ever, the Moscow authorities disagree to give their 
consent to that, because Lyudmila is not gainfully 
employed in Moscow. Yet, she cannot get a job here 
because she has no Moscow residence permit. Obviously 
this is a vicious circle. 

Soviet women often find their rights denied. Widows can 
claim nothing of their late husband's property in the 
majority of deveioping countries. Neither can they claim 
alimony after divorce when they leave for the USSR. 
Their work abroad is not included in their employment 
record. These women should be legally guaranteed social 
protection. That should be specifically stipulated by 
Soviet law. 

Question: How many foreigners have come to the USSR 
to live here? 

Answer: To a certain extent this information is classified 
in this countr According to foreign sources, over 
500,000 people have left the USSR and about 300,000 
(mainly former Soviet emigrants) have come here since 
World War II. 

Question: Is the new law going to be based on different 
principles in the matter of conferring USSR citizenship? 

Answer: The draft law envisages a more flexible and 
precise procedure for conferring USSR citizenship on 
foreigners, as well as for the withdrawal or regaining of 
USSR citizenship. 

Last year, several hundred former Soviets returned to the 
USSR from various countries. Almost all of them had to 
face formidable economic problems. For example, they 
had had jobs and an abode before they left the USSR. 
But they've lost them. Now the state has to provide them 
jobs and new lodging. However, the task is rather diffi- 
cult. It might be a good idea to have a relief fund for 
repatriates. Of course, those Soviets who have never left 
the country and still have to live in inferior flats may 
protest: ““Why should the repatriates be taken care of 
when there are people in the country who still lack good 
flats?”” That may be a fair complaint. Yet the repatriates 
in rebecoming Soviet, are entitled to all the rights 
granted by our Constitution. 

Emigrants of the first and the second waves of emigra- 
tion who wish they could live the rest of their lives in the 
USSR, contact Rodina, the society for cultural relations 
with compatriots abroad, and propose that they be 


allowed to have boarding houses built for them (with 
their own money) in Central Russia and have a room or 
a flat there. Such proposals are currently being studied. 

Question: There's also a number of problems connected 
with foreigners who come to the USSR to work. 

Answer: You are right. Once I happened to guide a group 
of young French unemployed people to the Baikal-Amur 
Railway project. Having worked for one month there 
they were so happy that they wished they could remain 
for several years more. | had to explain to them that they 
couldn't stay if they had no adequately serious reasons 
for staying. 

At the Karakumstroi Turkmenian civil engineering 
department headquarters I was told that several dozen 
truck drivers, never mind their nationality, would be 
welcomed there and offered housing to boot. 

If the country lacks work force in some areas and if there 
are foreigners who agree to be paid in roubles, not in 
hard currency, for working in tough conditions, then why 
shouldn't we offer them that opportunity? I think that 
this should also be allowed in the new Law on USSR 
Citizenship. By the way, I believe that Soviets able to go 
abroad to work there as specialists should have that right 
as well. Incidentally, that right has been provided in a 
number of international covenants. 

Letters to Estonian Supreme Soviet Presidium 

18001007 Tallinn SOVETSKAYA ESTONIYA in 
Russian 9 Apr 89 p 3 

[Article by I. Lepp, head of the Reception Room of the 
Presidium of the Estonian SSR Supreme Soviet: ““The 
People State Their Opinion’’] 

[Text] On 31 March, a session of the Presidium of the 
Supreme Soviet of the Estonian SSR summed up the 
results of examination and resolution of petitions, pro- 
posals, and demands submitted by citizens, public move- 
ments, organizations, labor collectives, and soviets of 
people’s deputies to the Presidium during 1988 and the 
first quarter of 1989. 

The population of our republic demonstrated unprece- 
dented activeness in 1988 in discussing socio-political 
and economic problems and in making proposals on 
questions on the agenda. 

During last year, the Presidium of the Estonian SSR 
Supreme Soviet received a total of 40,760 collective 
letters, minutes and resolutions of meetings, sessions, 
and rallies, and also statements of citizens. In 1987, it 
received 1,614. 

Most of the appeals were during the discussion of the 
draft law on additions and changes to the USSR Consti- 
tution and the draft law on elections of USSR people’s 

27 June 1989 

deputies, that is, before the special session of the Esto- 
nia SSR Supreme Soviet on 18 November 1988. The 
Presidium of the Estonian SSR Supreme Soviet received 
25,583 letters, minutes, resolutions, and decrees on these 
issues. The majority of the letters were collective letters 
with tens and hundreds of signatures. 1 wo-thirds of the 
population of our republic expressed their opinion on 
these dratt laws. 

Appeals with proposals on recognizing Estonian as a 
State language came in second in number, with 11,625 
letters, minutes and resolutions of meetings received. 
Passage of the Law on Language was supported not only 
by Estonians, but also a fairly significant portion of 
representatives of other nationalities living in our repub- 
lic. But there were also letters that objected to passege of 
the Law on Language or the demands to amend this 
draft, and also the recognition of the Estonian and 
Russian languages as state languages or recognition of 
the Russian language as the language of interethnic 
communication. But the number of letters of this sort 
was not very large. 

Afier passage of the Estonian SSR Law on Language, we 
began receiving letters containing opinions on this law. 
These letters also came in from the RSFSR and other 
union republics. Some of the letters approved of the Law 
on Language, others denounced it. But those people who 
support the right of nations to self-determination and the 
need to protect and develop national languages and 
cultures welcome the passage of the Law on Language 
and express the opinion that all union republics should 
follow suit. We received letters of this sort from the 
Ukraine, Belorussia, Latvia, Lithuania, and so fort. 

In addition to the above, citizens also touched upon the 
following socio-political issues in their letters: 

—passage of a Estonian SSR law on citizenship and 
putting an end to migration; 

—creation of a sovereign and cost-accounting Estonia; 

—approval of a national flag, national symbol, and also 
a national anthem of the Estonian SSR; 

—rehabilitation of people deported and subjected to 
non-judicial repression and compensation for dam- 
ages from confiscation of property; 

—a ban on mining of phosphorites; 

—the inapplicability in our republic of USSR laws on 
rallies, meetings, and demonstrations; 

—establishment of a time zone; 

—expression of distrust of certain top-level officials in 
the republic; 

—creation of Estonian territorial military units; 


—improvement of the working and living conditions of 
reservists from our republic working at Chernobyl. 

Some of these sore points have already been eliminated 
or are being eliminated. We received more than 600 
letters supporting and recognizing successful solutions. 
The people are awaiting resolution of the remaining 
issues from the Estonian SSR Supreme Soviet, its Pre- 
sidium, the Estonian SSR Council of Ministers, and 
other bodies. 

There were somewhat more appeals in 1988 from citi- 
zens to the Presidium of the Estonian SSR Supreme 
Soviet with personal concerns or On issues oi ocal 
importance than there were in the preceding year. 7 here 
were 1,693 of this sort received in 1988, and 1,609 
received in 1987. The number of petitions for rehabili- 
tation increased significantly. There were 84 received in 
1988, while there were 8 in 1987. Applications for 
rehabilitation increased following M.S. Gorbachev’ 
statement at the grand session of the CPSU Central 
Committee, the USSR Supreme Soviet, and the RSFSR 
Supreme Soviet on 2 November 1987 that restoration, 
suspended in 1960, of the rights of citizens repressed 
without reason during the cult of personality should 

We now have the Law “On Non-Judicial Mass Repres- 
sions in Soviet Estonia between 1940 and 1950,” passed 
by the USSR Supreme Soviet on 7 December 1988. 
Based on this law, all citizens expelled from Soviet 
Estonia between 1940 and 1950 have been rehabilitated. 
We also have the | January 1989 Ukase of the USSR 
Supreme Soviet on the rehabilitation of citizens who 
were subjected to non-judicial repressions. In their appli- 
cations, citizens usually petition both for rehabilitation 
and for the return of or compensation for property 
confiscated. Since the Estonian SSR Council of Minis- 
ters passed a resolution on 20 February 1989 on the 
procedure for returning property and compensating for 
damage to victims of mass repressions, this problem is 
being resolved now, too. 

The ispolkoms of Tallinn, Tartu, and certain other cities 
and rayons have established additional restrictions on 
residence permits for citizens arriving from outside the 
republic in order to halt migration. As a result, the 
migratory balance in Tallinn was cut almost in half in 
1988 compared to 1987. In 1988, the migratory balance 
was 2,149 people, compared to 4,307 in 1987. During 
the first months of 1989, Tallinn had a negative migra- 
tory balance for the first time in many decades. This 
attests to the effectiveness of the measures taken by the 
Tallinn Gorkom and its ispolkom. Certain other cities 
and rayons in the republic have also begun to implement 
measures to block migration. 

The number of applications to emigrate from the USSR 
and to visit relatives or friends living abroad continues 
to be great. There were 137 such applications in 1987, 

JPRS-U PA-89-041 
27 June 1989 

and 136 in 1987. Some of them are collective applica- 
tions and contain a petition to leave the USSR for 
religion reasons (Christians of the Evangelical faith, 
Buddhists, and members of the “Word of Life’). They 
substantiate their desire to emigrate by the fact that in 
our State they lack the opportunity to. propagandize their 
faith, teach their children the word of God, obtain 
religious literature, or to improve in the field of theology. 
There were 17 applications received from citizens peti- 
tioning for authorization to leave and to give up USSR 
citizenship because they do not like our system and the 
poor living concitions. They want to emigrate to Swe- 
den, Israe|, or do not indicate where, but the main thing 
is that they just want to leave. Some of the applications 
petition for authorization to visit relatives or friends and 
contain requests for an explanation of the procedures for 
completing the paperwork for this. Documents for leav- 
ing the USSR and the decision associated with these 
issues are handled in our republic by the Estonian SSR 
Ministry of Internal Affairs. Beginning last year, the 
procedure for filing travel documents has been simpli- 
fied considerably, and it is easier to obtain permission to 
leave. Thus, a large portion of the corresponding peti- 
tions are now being satisfied. 

The number of applications on questions of public 
health and social security, trade and public catering, 
education, transportation, and municipal services has 
increased, but especially those on social and political 

We received 16 applications on questions of public 
health. A meeting of Pyarnu physicians are petitioning to 
step up the pace of construction of a new hospital in 
Pyarnu. Patients of the Kokhtla-Yarve Dermatological 
and Venerological Clinic denounce the unsanitary con- 
ditions that prevail in the clinic in their collective 
petition. The collective statement, containing 40 signa- 
tures, to leave the veterans’ hospital at Seli subordinate 
to the republic. A citizen of Toomsalu, on behalf of 
patients at the Pyarnu Hospital, expressed outrage at the 
shortage of medicines. Each statement raises some spe- 
cial issue. As a rule, they are sent to the Estonian SSR 
Ministry of Health for resolution. 

There were 70 appeals on questions of social security. 
Citizens request assistance on recalculating pensions, 
granting personal pensions, providing material assis- 
tance, including imprisonment time in labor service, 
granting handicapped vehicles, and so forth. These 
applications are sent to the Estonian SSR Ministry of 
Social Security or to the appropriate ispolkom. 

There were 51 appeals on questions of trade and public 
catering. In 7 of them, large families petitioned for 
permission to purchase either a minibus or a Volga 
pickup; 28 citizens petitioned for permission to purchase 
a motor vehicle; and | expressed concern with the way 


rural population is being supplied with food products. 
The remaining 15 contained complainis about the 
behavior of waiters, violation of trade rules, and other 
negative phenomena. 

There were 28 statements On national education issues, 
and 55 on various questions of transportation and 
municipal services. They are under jurisdiction of either 
the appropriate ministry or ispolkom. 

The number of appeals on questions of housing, agricul- 
ture, Communications, environmental protection, con- 
sumer services, awards, and clemency has decreased. 

There were 424 appeals on housing issues this year, and 
595 in 1987. Whereas the number of housing appeals 
ranked first for many years, in 1988 there were more on 
questions of law and order—478. 

In 1988, 489 citizens visited the Presidium of the Esto- 
nian SSR Supreme Soviet. 

Citizens consulted city, rayon, village and _ rural 
ispolkoms of the Estonian SSR 43,465 times: 21,433 in 
writing and 22,032 orally. In 1987, these figures were 
54,857 and 23,871, respectively. 

In the first quarter of 1989, the Presidium of the Esto- 
nian SSR Supreme Soviet received 799 appeals from 
citizens, minutes, and resolutions. More than half of 
them, 430, concerned social and political questions. The 
people continue to actively make proposals and advance 
demands on still-unresolved problems. Authors of the 
more than 45 letters already received this year, many of 
them collective letters, support passage of the Estonian 
SSR Law on Citizenship and make suggestions on the 
content of this law. The authors of the letters are most 
interested in who will become a citizen of the Estonian 
SSR. The statements supporting the establishment of 
citizenship still do not have unanimity or distinct opin- 
ion on the conditions for obtaining Estonian SSR citi- 
zenship. But the authors of virtually all letters favor 
passage of the law on citizenship. O. Rakovskiy, a 
resident of Tallinn, bases his proposal on the need for 
passage of the law on the fact that the absence of such a 
law has led to a situation in which people are running for 
the office of USSR people’s deputy who have not lived in 
the republic very long and are not at all able to represent 
the interests of the native population. Many of the 
statements support the point of view stated in the letter 
from the Popular Front support group of Pydrangu 
Sovkhoz: “We should pass a law on citizenship that 
would ensure that priority is given to native residents in 
resolving issues of the economy and social policy.” 

The draft law on citizenship is nearing completion, and 
the time is not far off when it will be submitted to the 
people for discussion and then for passage. 

27 June 1989 

The 21 March 1988 Ukase of the Presidium of the USSR 
Supreme Soviet on taxation of owners of means of 
transport and other self-propelled vehicles and 
machines; based on it, beginning this year, the tax on 
means of transport has increased significantly, and it 
should be recalculated into the USSR budget for con- 
struction and modernization of roads in the RSFSR. 
According to forecasts of the Estonian SSR Ministry of 
Finance, this sum will be approximately 5 million rubles 
from residents of the Estonian SSR and 15 million rubles 
from enterprises, institutions, and organizations a year, 
for a total of 20 million rubles. The 32 collective letters 
with 2,132 signatures argue that the roads in Estonia are 
also in poor condition and that this money should be 
used entirely for putting them in order and building new 
roads. The letters petition the Estonian SSR Supreme 
Soviet and Council of Ministers, in accordance with the 
16 November 1988 declaration on sovereignty, to speak 
Out against the arbitrary actions by the central authority. 

For the second time now, the United Council of Labor 
Collectives [OSTK] and Intermovement are evoking the 
dissatisfaction and protest of many labor collectives by 
their appeals and resolutions adopted at meetings and 

The first wave of protest came in mid-November of last 
year, when the OSTK and Intermovement called upon 
the deputies of the Estonian SSR Supreme Soviet to vote 
at the special session against the amendments to the 
Estonian SSR Constitution, the Law on Language, and 
the program of republic cost-accounting being discussed. 
In response to these appeals to hold rallies on 15 Novem- 
ber 1988 in labor collectives to support these demands, 
400 collectives sent to the Presidium of the Estonian 
SSR Supreme Soviet minutes, resolutions, and decisions 
of their meetings or simply letters, in which they 
denounce the activities of the OSTK and Intermovement 
aimed at splitting the residents of Estonia, express sup- 
port for the positions of the | 1th Central Committee 
Plenum of the Communist Party of Estonia and the 
activities of the Presidium of the Estonian SSR Supreme 
Soviet, and express confidence in Vayno Vyalyas, 
Arnold Ryutel, and Indrek Toome. 

A new wave of protest was caused by the speeches and 
decisions at Intermovement’s first congress in Tallinn on 
4-5 March and at a rally at the Tallinn City Hall on 14 
March, organized by Intermovement and the OSTK. As 
of 28 March, the Presidium of the Estonian SSR 
Supreme Soviet had received 329 collective letters, deci- 
sions and resolutions, meetings of labor collectives, 
statements, and so forth, which denounce the ultima- 
tums and slanderous accusations made at the above 
measures against the Estonian people and the leaders of 
the republic, as well as atternpts to speak on behalf of the 
entire working class of Estonia. These appeals express 
support for the leadership of the republic and demand a 
stop to the activities of Intermovement, strike commit- 
tees, and the OSTK. 


Many of the letters sent to the Presidium of the Estonian 
SSR Supreme Soviet express gratitude for proclaiming 
24 February Independence Day and for raising the blue, 
black and white national flag on Dlinyy German Tower. 
Other opinions are also stated. For example, certain 
Structural subdivisions of labor collectives of the Esto- 
nian State Regional Electric Power Plant, the Estryb- 
prom Association and the Estonian Maritime Steamship 
Line, and also the Tallinn Council of Party Veterans 
believed that replacing the state flag with the national 
flag on Dlinyy German Tower was a political mistake 
and an anti-Soviet provocation. 

Dozens of letters express support for the Union of Labor 
Collectives and the Popular Front. A resolution of the 
Third Plenum of the Pylva Party Raykom petitions to 
make public N.S. Khrushchev’s report at the 20th CPSU 
Congress on opening archives, reconsidering sentences 
from the times of Stalinism, and so forth. The Valgaskiy 
Rayon Soviet adopted a decision on 14 February in 
which it proposes establishing Estonian SSR citizenship, 
putting an end to importing manpower, banning the sale 
of homes to citizens of other union republics, and halting 
the exchange of apartments outside the Estonian SSR 
and residency permits for service members retired in the 
republic. Members of the Tammsaare Branch of the 
Estonian Society for Protection of Nature got 1,585 
signatures to raise again the question of phosphorites 
and demand that republic’s supreme organ of power not 
authorize mining of phosphorites in the area of Toolse 
and Rakvere. 

An analysis of the letters and statements received shows 
that, under conditions of perestroyka and glasnost, citi- 
zens are devoting serious attention to the problems being 
resolved for the future of our republic and people. But 
the people’s day-to-day concerns are not disappearing, 
and if something is not resolved in an timely manner or 
if a decision, explanation or negative response from the 
ispolkom of the local soviet, enterprise, institution or 
organization, ministry, and so forth does not satisfy a 
citizen, he usually appeals to a higher body, hoping for a 
favorable decision. In most cases, these appeals are not 
justified because the real capabilities and existing proce- 
dures have already been taken into account at the initial 
stage of resolving the issue. But in individual cases, such 
appeals nevertheless have speed up resolution of the 
matter in favor of the citizen or determination of a 
fundamentally new decision. 

The population of the republic played a decisive role in 
preparing the acts adopted at the November-December 
1988 and January 1989 sessions of the Estonian SSR 
Supreme Soviet. 

During summation of results, the Presidium of the 
Estonian SSR Supreme Soviet expressed gratitude to all 
citizens, public organizations and movements, and also 
labor collectives who with their proposals and support 
contributed to the passage of just legislative acts that 
earned the approval of the people. Those proposals that 

27 June 1989 

have not been used are on record in the Presidium of the 
Estonian SSR Supreme Soviet and will be considered by 
the working groups and commissions created for this 


The hours citizens are received at the Reception Room 
of the Presidium of the Estonian SSR Supreme Soviet 
have been approved: 15:00-19:00 Monday; 10:00-13:00 
and 15:00-19:00 Wednesdays; 10:00-13:00 and 15:00- 
18:00 Fridays. 

Mikk Titma on Estonian Political Developments 
18001146 Tallinn SOVETSKAYA ESTONIYA in 
Russian 30 Apr 89 p 2 

[Interview with Mikk Titma, secretary of the Estonian 
Communist Party Central Committee, conducted by 
correspondent G. Rozenshteyn: “ ‘In Politics Responsi- 

bility Is the Most Important Thing’”’; date and place of 
interview not specified] 

[Text] Mikk Titma, secretary of the Estonian Communist 
Party Central Committee, answers SOVETSKAYA 
ESTONIYA’s questions. 

[Correspondent] The press, radio and television are 
frequently criticized for creating an unhealthy atmo- 
sphere in the republic. What is your attitude toward such 

[Titma] I think this is a case in which the subjective 
element obscures actual processes. That is expressed in a 
concentrated form in the general claim that the mass 
news media are creating an unhealthy atmosphere. The 
idea here is that if they did not arouse the people, life 
would follow the norm. Yet we are adults and know 
perfectly well that real life by no means follows the norm, 
that life is full of contradictions and conflicts among 
interests, which, as they say, sometimes occur. One must 
see both the interests and these people and correctly 
evaluate them. 

[Correspondent] In their letters readers express disagree- 
ment with some ideas you expressed in your 22 February 
SOVETSKAYA ESTONIYA interview this year. Do you 
still hold to your previous positions? 

[Titma] I understand what you are talking about. The 
priority of the Estonian nation is the first thing. | 
consider that position fundamental, and I was not the 
first one to state that. That is not just the position of the 
Estonian intelligentsia, as some people try to claim; that 
position is also expressed unequivocally in Marxism. 
Specifically, it is this: in a national republic, on the 
territory where a nation lives, its priority in comparison 
to the representatives of other nations is unconditional. 
It is expressed in the fact that for it that territory is the 
only place in the world for it to live as a nation. And its 
word should be decisive there. Precisely its word as a 
nation. | think that since the publication of a very 
thoroughgoing article in VECHERNIY TALLINN (20 


April, 1989) there is no point in getting into this problem 
in greater detail. Even in the most distressing times of 
Stalinism that view was not openly denied. Never. Of 
course, in practice it was treated as a purely formal 
matter, but in words it was enthusiastically asserted that 
the nation’s word on its territory was decisive. So there 1s 
no revelation in my position; it is represented by all 
Marxists from Lenin and Stalin up to our day. My 
opponents have resorted to a superficially effective trick: 
in place of nation they have started to talk about people, 
about specific individuals. It comes out that Titma is 
saying that an Estonian should have priority over a 
Russian, Ukrainian or, say, Tatar, although I stated 
unambiguously in my SOVETSKAYA ESTONIYA 
interview that the priority of the nation absolutely does 
not mean the priority of the individual. One can debate 
me and disagree with me and level political accusations. 
But if the first secretary of the Central Committee or any 
secretary of our Central Committee started to dispute 
that approach, he, to all intents and purposes, could not 
carry on any discussion with Estonians. Because he 
would be going against the objective process of the 
restoration of national consciousness and the general 
revival of the nation on its own territory. That is too 
basic an issue to be played games with by any leader who 
wants to work with the Estonian population. 

The second thing is my viewpoint on consolidation. 
PRAVDA wrote about it disapprovingly. The principle 
of consolidation has meaning only when there is a 
general basis for consolidation, and when there is the 
possibility of dialogue. ““But how can one attempt to find 
a common language with the Stalinists, who deny, in 
general, that Estonia is a national republic?” That crude 
sentence is ascribed to me, but I actually wrote some- 
thing else: there can be no consolidation with people who 
deny that the ESSR is a sovereign republic. If they do not 
like it in the republic, they can leave and go where they 
will feel normal and have the possibility of working in a 
politically active fashion to introduce their views. I 
repeat: consolidation is possible only if there is a com- 
mon platform. All national groups in Estonia should 
consolidate, and there can be no discrimination here. It 
is simply unthinkable. And so should all regions of 
Estonia, regardless of which nationality prevails there. 
That is my position. But as for an unprincipled consol- 
idation that is purely a slogan—who does it make feel 

[Correspondent] What do you think: isn’t a process of 
the dehumanization of society taking place today? Crime 
is On the rise, and there is a lot of malice and envy in 


[Titma] I believe that the false humanism of the stagna- 
tion period is worse even than the sometimes offensive 
but sincere behavior that breaks out today on public 
squares and in auditoriums. We have started to speak 
realistically about real processes and diverse interests. 
Such interests, of course, existed before, but today they 
have been set into motion and are sharply clashing. And 

27 June 1989 

as for the fact that this 1s often expressed in an unusually 
harsh form—Humanism and culture presuppose toler- 
ance. | got into an argument with a certain editor, He was 
claiming that Estonian problems receive inadequate 
treatment in the Russian newspapers, | asked him to 
what extent the problems of the Russian-speaking pop- 
ulation are represented in his newspaper. 

Humanism, democratization and culture are being born 
in a painful process in our country. That is normal; there 
is nothing out of the ordinary here, Lately wounded 
people have also come out to center stage, and they are 
expressing their feelings of offense with great anger and 
pomp. This sort of thing can be seen in politics, journal- 
ism and all other spheres. It is a disease of growth, and 
we should endure it. But | disagree in principle with the 
notion that relations in our society are being dehuman- 
ized. | think that it is precisely humanism that is being 
born today, but the birth is proceeding painfully and 
with difficulty. 

[Correspondent] A great deal is being said and written at 
the present time about a multiparty system. What is your 
forecast here? 

[Titma] The problem of a multiparty system is one that 
will be solved elsewhere than in Estonia. In principle, | 
do not see anything seditious about putting the maiter 
that way. Although I understand that the problem can be 
solved by giving room to public movements in politics. 
Naturally, the interests of the peasants workers and 
intelligentsia, including those of national groups. should 
be represented in politics. In what form? Right now we 
are encouraging public movements and trying, through 
them, to represent these diverse interests and take them 
into account in politics. And, on this basis, to create 
pluralism of opinions. After all, an opinion that has been 
expressed in the newspaper or on radio and become 
available to the public is not just someone's opinion but 
expresses interests that actually exisi in society. They 
always existed, but for a long time we brushed them 
aside, like a bothersome fly. And now they must be 
openly and publicly expressed and in some way com- 
bined on the basis of political compromises and the 
actual political process. Inasmuch as public movements 
are very diverse, there is a great deal that is subjective in 
them, since the leader puts his imprint on a movement, 
and it is very difficult to shake out all these contradic- 
tions and stabilize politics in such a small republic as 
Estonia. Sometimes complaints are leveled against us 
that we do not react, do not eliminate, do not punish, etc. 
We deliberately do not do so, because if we were to react 
hastily to every push to the right or left, we could not 
make policy in a responsible fashion. And in politics 
responsibility is the most important thing. It is impossi- 
ble to take any screamer who comes along seriously and 
start debating with him! One must treat such incidents 
calmly and maintain calm. It is precisely tolerance— 
patience and tolerance—that helped us create a situation 
in Estonia that, in my opinion, is better than in our 
neighboring republics. And if we continue to make 


policy in an intelligent and calm fashion, we will achieve 
real results in restructuring more quickly. The example 
of Georgia is instructive for us, The Georgian leadership 
made a huge mistake—it saw only the rebellious part of 
the population, but did not see all of Georgia, And it 
entered into a confrontation with that smal! part without 
realizing that there was also a greater Georgia that could 
be included in the dialogue. 

Now an example from our life. In March there were 
extremist demonstrations plainly calculated to cause the 
Estonian Communist Party Central Committee to lose 
control of itself. We allowed that process to develop, and 
today there is a possibility of conducting a calm dialogue 
with those people and their leaders. And at the Estonian 
Communist Party Central Committee's plenum in early 
May it will be possible to continue the discussion of their 
interests and incorporate those interests in policy. 

Another example. Although only 10 citizen committees 
have been established in the republic and most of those 
are in one rayon, we saw a potential danger in them. If 
that movement started spreading throughout Estonia, we 
would, to all intents and purposes, lose control of the 
situation. In that case it was necessary to react very 
promptly. And to react in such a way that Estonians 
would realize what was really up. After all, the ordinary 
Estonian thinks that these committees represent his 
interests. And he would spontaneously take the path 
suggested by these committees. And the Central Com- 
mittee did react quickly. It is said that politics is the art 
of the possible. But one must be capable of moving 
quickly, and calm. 

[Correspondent] Could you talk in greater detail about 
who has been organizing those citizen committees? 

{Titma] In the elections the tendency expressed by the 
independence party and some of the leaders of the 
Society for the Preservation of Monuments suffered 
defeat. They then chose a new tactic. Like a child, they 
have many names, but the whole list amounts to essen- 
tially a couple of hundred people. At present we have 
started work on the rayon level, explaining the anticon- 
Stitutional nature of these actions. We also have a 
positive program. It consists in establishing soviets in 
villages, uyezds and cities. In the fall, during the elec- 
tions, they will get new people, who will be able to act on 
the people's behalf as the representatives of the Soviet 
regime. These people will be our support. I believe this is 
a constructive move against the movement for citizen 
committees. And no extreme measures need to be taken; 
the movement will die out anyway. 

[Correspondent] Wha ‘s your attitude toward the idea of 
a referendum, which the People’s Front talks about. We 
have in mind Maryu Lauristin’s “Open Reply to an 
Open Letter.” 

27 June 1989 

[Titma] The problem for the People’s Front is to have 
authority among the Estonian population. At present the 
process of acquiring sovereignty and restoring the Esto- 
nian nation’s rights is taking place within the framework 
of the Constitution, Through the party we are taking 
actions where, in our opinion, the rights of the nation are 
being infringed upon. And if all that can be done within 
the framework of the USSR, no other alternative will win 
out. The Estonians are sober enough people not to resort 
to adventures. And to reply with an outright denial or to 
act as M. Lauristin did in his reply is a question of the 
tactics of the People’s Front, its question. 

[Correspondent] I would like to hear your view on 
military questions. 

{Titma] I myself did not serve in the army, and for that 
reason I will speak only from the viewpoint of common 
sense. Our boys could serve in the Baltic republics. | 
foresee that in the future we will encounter a tougher 
situation in the army. I am basing that on figures for the 
country, on a knowledge of the composition of draftees, 
on information concerning construction units, etc. I 
have no illusions. And therefore, I believe that a moth- 
er’s pain for her son is perfectly natural. But to resort to 
the use of lofty subjects and slogans is simply unethical. 
It is another matter that it makes no sense to whip up 
emotions over the army. One must seek a constructive 
approach. For example, the question of students’ service 
in the army has been decided. Relations between army 
and naval units and the local soviet authorities also await 
solution. Today they resemble a one-sided game: the 
military units do as they wish. With the environment, 
let’s say. It is necessary to break up this harmful stereo- 
type and place questions of the units’ civilian life under 
the jurisdiction of the local authorities. As for emotional 
excesses in newspaper articles and television and radio 
broadcasts, they do exist. And, most likely, there is no 
getting around them; after all, the subject of the army 
used to be prohibited. And when people suddenly started 
talking about it, an outburst of emotions followed. Now 
this discussion needs to be shifted to a specific, sober 

[Correspondent] In your view, what is the concept of a 
Russian-language newspaper in a national republic? 

[Titma] A complicated question. I will give you my 
opinion, but do not consider it the Central Committee’s 
position. First, | think, is to realize that Estonia is a 
national republic where the Estonians have their only 
home. As a nation, the Russians have such a home in 
Russia, the Ukrainians—in the Ukraine, etc. It follows 
from this that the newspaper represents the republic and 
should help all people who have come here to acclimate 
themselves and feel at home. And hence the need to raise 
the problems that concern this community of people. | 
believe that the view that the newspaper should express 
the interests of the Russian-speaking population, first 
and foremost, is extremely mistaken. Those interests 
must be expressed, but the »terests of people who live in 


Estonia should come first. On the basis of the experience 
of the recent elections, one can assert that the nonindig- 
enous inhabitants who came here in the 1950s and 1960s 
and their descendants are reacting calmly and realisti- 
cally to the phrase-mongering that sometimes assaults 
us. They realize that the level of overall culture and the 
general situation in the republic will make it impossible 
for the extreme forces to gain the uppe: hand. These 
people conducted themselves very calmly in the elections 
and did not succumb to the extremists’ provocations. | 
believe that stressing the interests of that part of the 
population and taking into account the real interests of 
all the non-Estonians living in the republic, regardless of 
region, are SOVETSKAYA ESTONIYA's chief concern. 

| would like to introduce both of these propositions into 
the channel of party-mindedness. What are the prospects 
of the Estonian Communist Party? Among Estonians— 
distressing. Because many Estonians, frankly speaking, 
associate only negative results with the Soviet regime 
and the party. And in this connection they do not just 
have in mind the notorious deportation of 1941-1949. 
They have before them a simple, humanly understand- 
able example—in 1939 the Estonians lived better than 
the Finns. And for us Communists to say that the party 
has led Estonia to any sort of achievements is frivolous. 
Only one thing can attract Estonians—real actions for 
the sake of the future. That alone. The prospect is 
clear—we must work to accomplish real results. If we do 
accomplish them, the Communist Party will have both 
prestige and a future. But if we do not—it will suffer 
political failure. And in that sense the support of the IME 
[Self-Managing Estonia] and a significant change in the 
economic situation are absolutely essential to the party. 

[Correspondent] The IME is already a reality, and an 
effort must be made to carry out that idea. But we know 
that among the Russian-speaking population the attitude 
toward the IME is not without ambivalence. The opinion 
exists that regional cost accounting undermines the foun- 
dations of socialism. Is the Central Committee taking 
that variant view into account? 

[Titma] Unquestionably. And we are hoping that you 
will now write intensively about the IME. That there will 
be articles by economists who have dealt with these 
problems, and articles by practitioners. That is, that the 
reader will receive a detailed analysis of the idea. And 
the fact that a flood of accusations and disagreements 
has come down on us again, well—I previously spoke out 
in favor of farmsteads and individual farming in the 
belief that it was the only way to conduct an efficient 
agriculture. At least that is what world experience indi- 
cates. The leaders of the Internationalist Movement 
accused me of supporting private ownership, but that is 
nothing but a political label, nothing more. Everything 
extraneous associated with the IME must be cleared 
away. It is necessary to show the economic essence, to 
show what the IME actually will do for every person, the 
republic and, finally, the country. 

27 June 1989 

[Correspondent] Scholars believe that membership in 
the IME would help free us of arbitrary actions by union 
departments. But won't it give rise to arbitrary local 

[Titma] | have no fears in that respect. Here is an 
example. In Lithuania the bureaucratic apparatus con- 
Stitutes a critical mass; it can simply ignore all public 
opinion there. There are so many bureaucrats there that 
they themselves will live comfortable lives. But in Esto- 
nia that mass is fragile enough that the bureaucrats 
themselves are not able to call all the shots. 

{Correspondent} The ukase of the Presidium of the 
USSR Supreme Soviet on changes and additions to the 
USSR’s criminal legislation speaks of the discrediting of 
an official. Won't that lead to the abridgement of glas- 
nost? Can’t we, through our 16 November amendment 
to the Constitution, avoid its application within the 

{[Titma] The amendment that we adopted at the 16 
November 1988 session of the ESSR Supreme Soviet is a 
political act. And of course, we must not wave it like a 
flag. It must be resorted to only in exceptional cases. 
Because that means to enter again into a constitutional 
conflict. Yet some people want to apply this amendment 
to the Constitution on any and all occasions. 

It is another matter that every state is obliged to protect 
itself against arbitrary actions. In a democratic state legis- 
lative punishments are minimal. But we are just in the 
process of democratization. As for my attitude toward the 
8 April ukase, I believe that its drafting was hasty. The very 
concept of discrediting is so vague that, figuratively speak- 
ing, if you have a foreign pen you will get a 10-year 
sentence, while if you use a Soviet pen you'll get five years. 
Of course, that is wrong. Understandably, this haste was 
connected with events in Georgia. 

[Correspondent] How do you view the language grada- 
tion from A to E that was recently made public? Doesn't 
it recall the notorious West German occupation ban? 

[Titma] In many respects the Law on Language is also a 
political act. It is clear to everyone that in four years 
society cannot change fundamentally. And I personally 
take a calm view of this and foresee that not all provi- 
sions of the law can be implemented. But the law is 
changing the climate, and movement is beginning. In 
many respects for Estonians adoption of the Law on 
Language was an act of self-respect. On the other hand, 
for the nonindigenous population such a step repre- 
sented a real change in the situation, because until that 
the general position was purely assimilationist, with no 
alternatives. Today in a legislative sense there has been a 
turn in the actual direction. One may argue about the 


gradation in the requirements with respect to the mas- 
tery of Estonian for various positions. But one must 
welcome this act of making requirements explicit, for 
they remove the vagueness, which is worst of all. 

[Correspondent] Thank you for the interview. 

Debate on Brauzauskas Plenum Report Published 
18000672 Vilnius SOVETSKAYA LITVA in Russian 
23 Feb 89 pp 2, 4 

[Speeches at the 17th Plenum © the Lithuanian CP 
Central Committee: “Debate on the Report by the First 
Secretary of the Lithuanian CP Central Committee A. 
Brazauskas ‘On the Work of Party Organizations To 
Unite the Republic’s Community To Perform the Tasks 
of Perestroyka’’’} 

[Text] Speech by K. Zaletskas (first secretary of the 
Vilnius Party Gorkom) 

The sociopolitical situation in Vilnius as throughout the 
republic is distinguished at the present time by a special 
dynamism and the activism of all social groups of the 
population, which has grown extraordinarily. 

Today there is no one who is indifferent to performing 
the tasks of political and economic perestroyka. They 
have touched directly every resident of the city—regard- 
less of social position, nationality, or age. Most Vilnius 
residents approve of the changes and support them, 
others are still doubtful, and yet others would like 
everything to stay as it was in the recent past. But the fact 
that some people are coming from clearly unrealistic 
maximalist positions and are even resorting to provoca- 
tive measures is most alarming. Such is the political 
reality today. 

This, no doubt, is also a result of the activity of some of 
the primary party organizations of Vilnius. Comrade 
Brazauskas’s report correctly said that even some of the 
primary party organizations of our city have strayed 
from the daily and very important matters of their labor 
collectives and gone in great detail into a discussion of 
global problems and lengthy debates in which logical 
generalizations and conclusions are frequently lacking. It 
has become too fashionable to disapprove and to express 
lack of trust in the Lithuanian CP Central Committee 
and the practical actions of the government by evaluat- 
ing them in a one-sided and categorical manner. 

In our opinion this happened because at the start of 
perestroyka the leadership of the Lithuanian CP Central 
Committee had no clear position on fundamentally 
important questions of political life in the republic. The 
leadership was slow and sometimes clearly too late in 
reacting to the important events in the republic which 
followed one after another. And even when new decrees 
were adopted they did not explain them to the people. 

27 June 1989 

And we lower-level party workers and the aktiv lagged 
more and more behind the development of events. 
Undoubtedly insufficient independence was and is an 

Today the situation has changed markedly. Quite a lot 
has been done in a short time. The position of the 
Lithuanian CP Central Committee in the area of 
improving interethnic relations has been announced, the 
election platform of the republic’s party organization has 
been formulated, and other important political decisions 
have been made. 

But today we are obliged to once again tell the republic’s 
communists and all of Lithuania’s people most clearly 
and unambiguously that the Lithuanian Communist 
Party and its Central Committee support the economic 
and political sovereignty of the republic only as part of 
the USSR and that further work by our party is possible 
only within the ranks of the CPSU. That is also the 
opinion of the absolute majority of the communists of 

From earliest times Vilnius has been a multiethnic city. 
Therefore questions of interethnic relations, which have 
recently gotten much worse, are very urgent to us. And 
here, undoubtedly, the publication of the Ukase of the 
Presidium of the Lithuanian SSK Supreme Soviet “On 
the Use of the State Language of the Lithuanian SSR” 
has had an effect. In practice the Ukase regulates only 
the use of the Lithuanian language in the republic’s state 
life and in no way affects the interests of other peoples 
living in Lithuania. Nonetheless, it aroused unnecessary 
passions in some labor collectives in Vilnius, which have 
not abated even now. That could have been avoided if 
the decree of the Lithuanian SSR Council of Ministers 
which regulates the procedure for the introduction of the 
Ukase had been published promptly. 

We did quite a lot of explanatory work in the city 
regarding the application of the Ukase in a relatively 
short time, but passions heated up and finally spilled out 
in a protest rally organized by “Yedinstvo’’. We are 
certain that if the Ukase on the use of the state language 
had been prepared more consistently and if more well 
thought-out explanatory work had been done before its 
adoption, unnecessary passions could have _ been 

Of course, the rally’s organizers cannot be excused for 
allowing those present to hear ill-considered accusations 
against the leadership of the CP Central Committee and 
the government of the republic and appeals to resolve the 
urgent problems of interethnic relations through eco- 
nomic sanctions. The fact that on 15 February rallies 
were held in a number of the city’s organizations during 
work time does no honor to their organizers. The meet- 
ing of the buro of the party gorkom evaluated these 
actions sternly. There is only one way out—emergency 
measures to resolve the problems of interethnic rela- 
tions, which have gotten worse in the republic and the 


city recently, must be taken. These problems are to be 
discussed at a forum of the peoples of the Lithuanian 
SSR. We approve of the idea of holding such a forum, 
and it should not be put off. 

In the party gorkom we meet with representatives of the 
Sajudis and “Yedinstvo” city soviets, but these forces 
must be consolidated and united and their activity must 
be focused on resolving the ideas proclaimed by pere- 

Ever-increasing and even, I would say, systematic pres- 
sure by the radical forces of various informal movements 
on party and Soviet organs where they make extreme 
demands on various issues is being especially felt in 
Vilnius. This destabilizes the situation both in the city 
and in the republic and prevents the community’s efforts 
from being united and focused on perestroyka and 
prevents economic and social challenges from being met. 
The report altogether accuraiely emphasized that we 
must decisively rebuff such phenomena and abandon 
connivance. At the same time, however, we cannot deny 
that quite a large number of the problems raised by 
certain informal movements are well-founded and must 
be resolved. There are quite a few urgent questions; time 
andpossibly debates are needed to resolve them, and not 
just among the creative intelligentsia. In discussing many 
important questions we have neglected the main stratum 
of society—the workers. And the fact that in recent days 
the voice of the capital’s production collectives has 
resounded so powerfully certainly confirms that we have 
not been able to properly shape workers’ opinions on 
certain new phenomena of our life. | am not even 
speaking of the fact that it is altogether unclear to many 
communists and non-party people why we do not reject 
all the exaggerations and violations of objectivity which 
are now particularly characteristic of our mass informa- 
tion media. The report talked of this correctly and 
critically. We must stop the slander campaign against the 
Lithuanian Communist Party and its leaders and stop 
the dissemination of lies and one-sided fabrications 
about the past and the idealization of the bourgeois 

It appears that some of our hurried decisions and our 
occasional unwillingness to evaluate the many-sided 
interests of various strata of society and the specifics of 
certain regions are causing a sharp reaction in many of 
the city’s production collectives. Of course this is not an 
easy matter, but we must strive to resolve it. 

In examining the thoughts expressed in the report, we 
must explain to the city’s residents the adventuristic, 
extremist nature of the 16 February declaration of 
Lithuanian independence made by the Sejm [parlia- 
ment] of the Lithuanian Sajudis Movement for Pere- 
stroyka; the realization of this declaration would have a 
painful effect on the Lithuanian people and cause addi- 
tional difficulties in the political and economic fields. 

27 June 1989 

In my opinion, there was absolutely no reason to 
demand that an extraordinary congress of the Lithua- 
nian Communist Party be convened. | think that very 
soon we should continue work on improving the draft of 
the new Constitution of the Lithuanian SSR and discuss 
this draft with the public. 

There is no doubt that the current Plenum of the 
Lithuanian CP Central Committee is a significant stage 
in the life of the republic’s Communist Party. After 
objectively evaluating the situation which has taken 
shape in the republic, we must focus the efforts of all 
partly Organizationsdirected at consolidating society to 
meeting the complex challenges of perestroyka. 

Speech by A. Stankyavichyus (person... > sioner) 

Life now is so complicated that a person cannot fail to be 
alarmed. I think that the report quite fully reflected the 
time in which we now live. It is true that perestroyka, 
democracy, glasnost, and pluralism fall upon us like a 
powerful flood current. We are swimming in this current 
and we are repenting—no one knows for what and to 
whom we are confessing; and more and more clearly we 
feel what they like to call the spirit that is moving among 
the people—-the desire to separate from the Soviet 
Union. And that, of course, would certainly destroy us. I 
was a young soldier and I remember how at the end of 
the war the officers of our Lithuanian Division debated 
about the fate of Lithuania and about its future. And | 
know how these debates ended then. 

And yet, no matter how bitter our past and no matter 
how bleak our history, | am today most disturbed by the 
question of to what extent we can be called communists. 

The speaker was saying how we are afraid to say the 
words “comrades,’‘socialism,” “Soviet Lithuania,” 
and, heaven help us, ““communism,” but I would like to 
say to the esteemed secretary and the other members of 
the buro that even in “Government Studio” programs 
we also rarely hear even this party form of address— 
“comrades,” or the terms “Soviet Lithuania” and 
“socialist Lithuania.” Rank and file communists ask 
how we should address people who are communists if 
our leaders avoid these words in their statements. There- 
fore the rigidity of our position and of the position of 
communists disturbs me. We did not join the party for 
the sake of a bigger piece of the pie, as some people now 
assert, but precisely because we were drawn to the ideas 
of socialism and communism, of which our poet Edu- 
ardas Mezhelaytis once spoke so well. 

When the question is posed so rhetorically, people recall 
very simple and vital things. The Sajudis Movement has 
the newspapers ATGIMIMAS and KAUNO AIDAI and 
many other newspapers. So it has its own press. Our 
writers also have a press—LITERATURA IR MENAS 
and PERGALE. The trade unions now have two publi- 
cations, the Tevishke Society has GIMTASIS KRAS- 
TAS, and the Komsomol has KOMSOMOLSKAYA 


PRAVDA. They say that even the Lithuanian Commu- 
nist Party has its own press. Namely the Central Com- 
mittee organs and the organs of the city and rayon party 

The speaker here talked of the troubles of this press. | 
would like to cite several examples. Take, for example, 
the Varena publication MYARKIO KRASHTAS. Some 
scout called Tuntininkas writes that not everyone will be 
able to become scouts. Above all Komsomol members 
and Pioneers cannot. But if they really want to join, they 
must leave the Komsomol or Pioneer organizations. You 
understand, the party newspaper is agitating for Pioneers 
and Komsomol members to leave their organizations. | 
will simply cite the Yurbarkas newspaper SVIESA: 
‘During the dinner break we went with the philosopher 
Arvidas Yuozaytis to visit the editorial office of SVIESA. 
There we looked through the SVIESA publications of 
recent months. Arvidas Yuozaytis praised the newspa- 
per’s cooperation with Sajudis.” But if he had criticized 
it? Or here—the editor of the Armenian newspaper 
VIENYBE responds to one reader whose reproach was 
that the newspaper writes too little about the terror of the 
bourgeois nationalists in the postwar period. The editor 
tries to persuade him saying that he can sense the pain in 
his letter, but that he does not understand the situation— 
today we must talk only of the victims of Stalinism. 

I think, how did it happen that the editors of the party 
organs and the collectives of the party organs rose above 
their committees, whose organs they are? TIESA, and 
CHERVONY SHTANDAR, and other newspapers offer 
an “example.” Therefore I do not at all understand the 
head of the ideological department of the Central Com- 
mittee when he explains to the first secretaries of the 
party committees that they have to work with the edi- 
tors. I think that we must work with the editors of such 
and KOMJAUNIMO TIESA. But it is my opinion there 
should be party discipline in a party organ. I do not 
understand why we fear straightforward talk. In America 
the communist party newspaper is published in much 
more difficult conditions than in our country and still 
the U. S. communists do not renounce their principles 
and their views of socialism, communism, and our 
country. I visited the editorial office of the French 
communist newspaper L’HUMANITE. There the situa- 
tion is much more complex than in our country. But 
people do not renounce party principles and the founda- 
tion on which that newspaper was built. Therefore allow 
me to ask what the press section is doing, how is its work 
going? This is not the first time that we have talked about 

We are not seeing polemics with the Sajudis press. When 
have we read in TIESA, SOVETSKAYA LITVA, or 
CHERVONY SHTANDAR an article polemicizing with 
the philosophical opinions of ATGIMIMAS or with 
other positions propagandized in this newspaper? Are we 
afraid to tread on someone's toes? But certainly they are 
treading on ours! 

27 June 1989 

If we have a party press, it must follow our Central 
Committee's line. 

The activity of our Institute of Party History also dis- 
turbs me a great deal. The statement by Comrade V. 
Kashauskene at that time did not satisfy me. All we hear 
now is national history, national history. It is necessary, 
of course. But certainly the history of the struggle of the 
Lithuanian proletariat also exists! The uprisings of the 
serfs, the strikes in the 19th century, the firsi of May 
insurgence. And what about 1905-1907, which Vayzh- 
gantas called the troubled years? What kind of years were 
those? The years of the struggle of the proletariat? Why 
do we not analyze the history of those days? 

Finally, there is the history of the Lithuanian Commu- 
nist Party. | think we must seriously ask what the 
Institute of Party History is working on. After all, it is 
called the Institute of Party History. 

The following also disturbs me as a communist. If 
communists sign anti-Soviet declarations, then we must 
seriously consider how to behave toward these commu- 
nists. And in respect to and regarding the press, the 
science of party history, and other ideological affairs, as 
a communist and nonvoting member of the Central 
Committee, | am today, in the manner accepted these 
days, expressing distrust in the leadership of the ideolog- 
ical department of the Central Committee. 

And here are several specific suggestions. We do not 
have just Sajudis; we have “Yedinstvo” and other infor- 
mal movements. The activities of all these movements 
should be covered in general sociopolitical broadcasts 
rather than in the special broadcasts of each organiza- 

Speech by Yu. Kuolelis (Lithuanian CP Central Commit- 
tee member) 

For obvious reasons it would not be fitting for me to talk 
about how to follow the path of perestroyka outlined by 
the 17th Party Congress and 19th Party Conference, 
much less to teach about it. I just want to briefly inform 
the participants in the plenum and, moreover, ¢ »logize 
to the republic’s party organization for several mistakes 
on television where I, alas, happened to work for a short 
time. In your presence, esteemed comrades, | would like 
to bow low and apologize above all to Antanas Snechkus 
and his memory and express profound regret that it was 
precisely on television, though it was on the program 
“Wave of Revival” which we do not control, that his 
name was defamed. At the same time I would also like to 
apologize to the comrades-in-arms of Antanas Snechkus, 
living and dead, and apologize to the veterans of the 
party and the people's protectors who fought for social- 
ism in Lithuania, and | would like to apologize also to 
my own personal friend Yanush Fedorovich and other 
party workers who were insulted on television. However, 
I should tell you that it was not the Committee for 
Television and Radio Broadcasting that offered the air to 


the party opposition—it is offered here in this building, 
and by small meetings in our absence, as Comrade L. 
Shepetis likes to say, “in our circles.” You and | are not 
members of this circle as far as | know and many 
members of the Central Committee Buro are also not 
members. They make a decision, they call, they say do it, 
obey, and if you do not and something happens, you are 
responsible. | remember one conversation after the 
unpleasant events of last year on Gediminas Square, 
Comrade General §. Lisauskas said begrudgingly and 
correctly: “From now on I will not send out a single 
soldier from the barracks without a written decree of the 
party organs or the government.” 

It is difficult to say whether the content of television 
programs is discussed beforehand at conferences in the 
“narrow circles.” Most likely not, if last Wednesday 15 
February on the “Wave of Revival,”’ everyone probably 
heard it, there was an unequivocal threat that if the 
republic’s authorities did not listen and begin to retreat 
and succumb to pressure from the Center or to any other 
force on language or other issues they would simply be 
left hanging in the air. It appears that dictating to the 
authorities in their offices and at small meetings and 
expanded ones is even stronger and is backed up by 
blackmail and threats, and the authorities obey. Possibly 
even I should not have heard the verbal instructions of 
the Central Committee leadership on introducing certain 
programs and direct broadcasts from congresses, rallies, 
conferences, and Polish Catholic churches; and on tele- 
vision and radio we should possibly not have allowed 
people from Sajudis, among whom are truly prominent, 
able, and talented persons without whom, frankly speak- 
ing, it would be impossible to prepare serious scientific, 
economic, artistic, musical, or literary broadcasts, just as 
it would obviously be impossible for the Lithuanian 
leadership to prepare the conception of the republic's 
economic independence, the draft of the Constitution, 
and many other documents without them. The lack of a 
fixed position and the maneuvering, especially of the 
ideological leaders, have done a great deal of harm to the 
republic’s party Organization, the mass information 
media, our ideological cadres, and perestroyka as a 
whole. At the last plenum of the Central Committee in 
this hall Comrade E. Mezhelaytis correctly proposed the 
following to Comrade L. Shepetis: “If you're going to 
limp along, do it by yourself. What does the party have to 
do with it? You are even forcing others to do the same 

I was very surprised by the proposal that he submit his 
resignation, although there are shortcomings in his 
work—big ones and many of them. Especially since 
Comrade A. Brazauskas in my opinion understands the 
complexity of our life better than anyone. He under- 
stands what working with the mass information media 
means today when what is happening in real life is one 
thing, and what one would like to see on television and in 
the press is something else. For you remember that the 
party conference demanded that we show real life and 
provide full glasnost and the real truth, all the truth. 

27 June 1989 

Thus, the election campaign is taking place in an envi- 
ronment which is not very favorable for the bloc of 
communists. How should we show people's support for 
this bloc, and how should we present the communists 
who are candidates for deputies? We tried to show more 
of them and to show them more often. But more cer- 
tainly does not mean better. Comrade S. Gedraytis, the 
Central Committee secretary, has appeared on television 
more than once. But he has hardly won more sympathy 
from the voters as a result. Television seems to shine 
through a person and show what he is worth, his com- 
petency and his intellect. Therefore many people are 
simply afraid of television. It is difficult to persuade 
people, especially our party and soviet aktiv. 

When Comrade L. Shepetis accompanied by his faithful 
fellow-traveler and pupil Comrade Yu. Paletskis pre- 
sented the new chairman in our collective, he lied again, 
started “limping,” and said that I supposedly had put in 
my resignation and that the buro had expreced its 
gratitude to me. But none of that happened. There was 
no resignation, no gratitude, no pension, and no work. 
Obviously, it was decided, once again at a “small meet- 
ing” and with the opposition or without it, to throw the 
next bone on the eve of 16 February The bone was to 
offer a stack of sacrifices to the press on a crash basis: the 
minister of culture, of whom there was already talk, and 
suddenly the chairman of the Committee for Television 
and Radio Broadcasting was added on. There, they 
seemed to say, now things will be a little easier for you, 
only don’t touch us. It appears that Comrade Ye. Trofi- 
mov, who is today here with us, was also informed at the 
same time that supposedly ‘“‘measures have been taken to 
eliminate shortcomings and to lessen the tension in the 

How familiar these methods are to us from a long time 
ago and not so long ago. Perhaps they would have been of 
use even now, if they had been compatible with the spirit 
of the decisions of the 27th Party Congress. The congress 
which devoted special attention to such a moral quality 
of communists as decency. This very important word is 
even recorded in the Party Charter. But after all the 
charter is to be followed, people are to be guided by it. 
And the second thing—is it really true that these and 
similar measures unite communists and mobilize their 
militance and principledness, and do they really not 
encourage hypocrisy and opportunism, which Lenin was 
especially intolerant of? It particularly cripples young 
party workers and creates uncertainty and a feeling of 
fear for the future, for the work, and for our livelihood. 

As practice shows, anything can happen with people in 
our rule-of-law independent state of Lithuania. For it is 
well known, and others know too, how I was blackmailed 
and the local Sajudis extremists forced me to act with 
certain members of the committee’s collegium, even 
using the party committee as a cover, but my conscience 
and the refined Party Charter did not allow me to obey 
them and give short shrift to the people. But does this 
Charter perhaps not apply in Lithuania’s Communist 


Party? For the appeal of the Lithuanian CP Central 
Committee to the voters speaks in favor of federalism in 
the party. And it even alludes to Lenin, although, as 
everyone knows, Lenin was always against any federal- 
ism in the communist party. If I had sacrificed these 
people, | could possibly have managed to work for just 
another 2 years—to pension age. Is it possible that a 
conscience is not necessary in our age of perestroyka? 
There are quite a few people who believe that a con- 
science is an obstacle in political struggle. 

Excuse me for speaking so much about myself, or rather 
through the pr'sm of my own experiences. But what can 
you do? 

In conclusion I would like to recall the Czech publicist 
Julius Fucik, who was in a fascist prison when he wrote 
the well-known book “Report with a Noose Around my 
Neck”. In this book he called upon people to in no case 
lose vigilance but to fight for socialism. His appeal is also 
essential to us. It is infinitely important right now. 

Speech by Y. Guretskas (secretary of the Presidium of the 
Lithuanian SSR Supreme Soviet) 

All last year the events of our life were changing as in a 
kaleidoscope. We rejoiced at the good changes which 
perestroyka brought, the perestroyka which awakened 
the consciousness and activism of people. We learned to 
speak openly and boldly and express our opinions. It 
began to be interesti ig to live and work. 

But under close analysis of the life of our republic, the 
activities of its party organization and the Central Com- 
mittee, especially recently, aroused more and more 
doubt about whether we are doing what a communist’s 
consciousness and convictions require. 

I will try to present these doubts and my own opinion at 
this plenum, where, I hope, like-minded people have 

First of all I would like to talk about the so-called “real 
sovereignty”. I, like many others, approve of the concept 
of economic independence, independence in politics and 
legislation, and more precise demarcation of the juris- 
diction of the Union and the republics. I am against 
predominance of Union and republic departments in the 
activities of the collectives. I am also for national 
renewal. However, I have supported and will continue to 
support socialist, Soviet Lithuania living in the family of 
Soviet peoples. 

Let us see how this desire of ours has been transformed 
in recent months. In the press, radio, and television 
broadcasts, the concept of sovereignty is being presented 
more and more often and more and more openly as the 
necessity of separating from the USSR and creating a 
separate independent state. 

27 June 1989 

The leaders of Sajudis impose this idea particularly 
persistently and methodically in the press and in the 
television program “Wave of Revival,” even at meetings 
with voters. Whether we like it or not, this idea is taking 
over the minds of an ever greater number of people, 
especially young people, who are impressed by imaginary 
independence from the USSR. Close ties are supposed to 
be established with Western states, to join the commu- 
nity of European peoples, so to speak. They say that only 
then can we be free, only when Lithuania begins to 
flourish and when it is neither Soviet nor socialist. 

Thus, on 15 February the program “Wave of Revival” 
abounded with ideas of occupation and colonialism: “A 
colonial policy is being followed""—Vayshvila. “As usual 
the Center wants to keep us on a short leash’’--Prun- 
skene, “Lithuania has been occupied for decades,” and 
“our freedom in the worst sense of the word.” We have 
heard such pearls more than once. That is what 
ATGIMIMAS and dozens of little Sajudis newspapers 
which come out in almost every rayon write. LITER- 
permeated with such thoughts and KOMJAUNIMO 
TIESA does the same thing. 

The Sajudis Sejm seemed to summarize these opinions 
when at the extraordinary session of 16 February it 
adopted a declaration which talks unequivocally of 
Lithuania’s independence. 

Did we help in this transformation? Was it really with 
the connivance of the Secretariat and Central Commit- 
tee Buro that the mass information media went so far as 
to propagandize independence? Why do we speak of our 
resolve to be part of the Soviet Union so cautiously, as if 
weanticipate trouble? 

When our secretaries and members of the Central Com- 
mittee Buro constantly remind us that we support Saju- 
dis and approve of its causes, even communists begin to 
question whether we approve of the concept of indepen- 
dence worked out by Sajudis. The chairman of the Sejm 
Council V. Landsbergis used television to make the 
declaration public throughout Lithuania, but who among 
us evaluated it and who spoke out against it? No one. 
But, you know, silence is a sign of agreement. 

So do we perhaps also support the speakers who from the 
tribunal of 16 February said that Lithuania was occupied 
and annexed and that we are in colonial slavery? The 
Sajudis leaders did not mince words. The following 
slogan was born: “Occupiers, get out of Lithuania!” 
What will we do in this case? 

At a meeting of communists of the Production Associa- 
tion imeni 60-letiya Oktyabrya Comrade V. Berezov said 
that certain Sajudis representatives betrayed their posi- 
tions and retreated from the program they themselves 
have adopted. I would say that it was not certain leaders 
of Sajudis that acted that way, but all of them. 


On 16 February no one anywhere was talking about 
Lithuania after 1940. It appears that there was no Great 
Patriotic War and no fascism and no difficult postwar 
years. And they deliberately said nothing. Understand: 
there was no Lithuania after 1940, It was an occupied 
region, an enslaved people. And when the alarm is rung 
and people hold forth in the presence of Central Com- 
mittee Buro members and when none of them even tries 
to object, it is no wonder that people, especially those 
who did not experience the horrors of war and of the 
postwar years, get the impression that this is true. That is 
how black at times becomes white. 

It has reached the point that the press and television are 
openly used to explain the following: the leaders of the 
communist party such as Antanas Snechkus and others 
were enemies of their own people as were all those who 
created Soviet Lithuania, and we, the people’s disgrace, 
the people’s protectors, are thieves while the Soviet 
soldiers were murderers. And the real bandits who 
sadistically murdered men, women, children, and old 
people are now called partisans and champions against 
the occupation and for the independence of Lithuania. 
Now they are heros. Landsbergis-Zhyamkalnis, the 
father of Vitautas Landsbergis, the very person who on 
23 June 1941 was a member of the government of the 
front of activists of Lithuania and a minister, became the 
greatest hero. He together with others signed the decla- 
ration in which he expressed his gratitude and I quote: 
“to the savior of European culture Adolf Hitler and his 
army... for liberation” and they promised “to help the 
German army in all possible ways in its historical 
campaign in the struggle against Bolshevism’’. That same 
Hitler who planned to destroy Lithuania! The Sajudis 
leaders and many of their helpers are persistently trying 
to compromise the revolutionaries, the members of the 
underground, the frontline soldiers, the partisans, and 
the activists of the postwar years. The means necessary 
are not reckoned with. Read the article “The Pain of the 
Sacred Land” in the recent issue of the newspaper 
LITERATURA IR MENAS. It slings mud at the Yur- 
gaytis family, revolutionaries and underground members 
who are well known and respected in Lithuania. Even the 
parents who are dead are not left in peace. Just as on the 
day of his wife’s death, they slung mud at Yustas 
Paletskis. So there are the sanctimonious Sajudis mem- 
bers and heralds of independence for you. But, they say, 
we are continuing the debate, learning democracy, in 
their own way justifying the insults by ignorance and 
freedom of the press and the journalist. So can we call 
the desperate bark of a dog instead of human speech 
broadcast on radio recently ignorance? Or is this perhaps 
the freedom of the journalist? 

These ideas are not new, we have heard them repeatedly 
at Central Committee plenums and at conferences of 
secretaries; party and Soviet workers are seriously con- 
cerned about the situation. So what are we waiting for? 

Talk about the status of communists of Lithuania began 
not so very long ago. The more people talk about it the 
further we go. And the more loudly they talk. Only no 

27 June 1989 

one has yet precisely formulated what status we aspire to. 
The Central Committee appeal says **... we are going to 
achieve a fundamental change in the status of the Lithua- 
nian Communist Party.” Fundamental! What does that 
mean? When it is not clear what the Central Committee 
wants, statements ring Out more and more loudly about 
the communists of Lithuania separating off from the 
CPSU. Talk is going around about an independent party 
with its own program and charter. The Sajudis leaders 
and their helpers support this idea; it plays into their 
hands since it will be possible to gradually weaken pariy 
forces and promote a split in the party. And a weak party 
no longer represents a threat, it can be deprived of 
authority at any time. 

Even certain communists who are Sajudis members 
pursue such goals. 

But once again we must clearly tell all Central Commit- 
tee members and all communists what we want and we 
must speak openly, in plain terms. I, for example, am for 
great independence of the party, but together with the 
CPSU. Together! 

I want to propose the following: let communists who do 
not support the party’s goals and its program and prac- 
tical actions, such communists as B. Genzyalis, who 
slander and denigrate the party, who demagogically 
equate the criminal activities and mistakes of the former 
leaders of the party with the goals of the communist 
party and who call the party an enemy of the people and 
the nation leave its ranks as K. Moteka has done. We are 
not on the same path as such “party members”. It will be 
easier for everyone to breathe after we have cleansed 
ourselves of accidental people who joined our ranks out 
of career considerations. 

And there is one other thing. We have repeatedly been 
called upon to extend our hands to one another and walk 
together in the name of Lithuania. Allow me to ask, to 
whom am I supposed to extend my hand? To the person 
who welcomed Hitler or to the one who killed completely 
innocent people and shot at us postwar Komsomol 
members and communists, or to the person who hates 
me today? No. Perhaps it is better to build our Soviet 
socialist Lithuania without such figures. We have man- 
aged to save it, to protect it, to renew it, and I think we 
will manage to make it become economically strong and 
independent. I propose the following: 

1. Once again take the party press into our own hands. 
Demand that communists working in other press organs 
work as befits communists. And managers of the press 
and the press section of the Central Committee should 
not be allowed to hide behind statements that suppos- 
edly every journalist is a free agent. 

2. Close all Sajudis newspapers and so-called newspapers 
which are published in cities and rayons. Not one of 
them helps perestroyka. One is enough—ATGIMIMAS, 
but even this newspaper should be monitored. 


3. The television program “Wave of Revival” should not 
be broadcast live. Take away the free microphone from 
the Sajudis leaders. That is how they have been allowed 
to disinform the public and express antisocialist and 
antiparty opinions for so long. There is no diversity of 
Opinion in this program and only One opinion is persis- 

tently imposed. 

4. Ratify the Ukase of the Presidium of the Lithuanian 
SSR Supreme Soviet on accountability for violating the 
procedures for holding rallies and demonstrations. 
Order must be imposed. | know that the proposal will 
make the Sajudis members indignant, but I see no other 


5. Do not allow enterprises and organizations to transfer 
capital earned by the collective to Sajudis. The managers 
of ministries and departments and bank employees can 
and must prohibit it. It is surprising that banks at times 
do not allow a few rubles to be freely used for the needs 
of enterprises, while thousands are transferred with their 
consent for who knows what purposes. 

6. Organize discussion of the decree and materials of this 
plenum in party aktivs and at party meetings. We must 
all be present at them. Correctly and comprehensively 
evaluate the political situation and listen to the opinions 
of communists. Familiarize the entire population with 
the plenum’s materials. 

7. Demand personal responsibility for their actions from 
the members and nonvoting members of the Central 
Committee. Whoever does not agree with the Central 
Committee position must openly explain the motives for 
his behavior. 

It is possible that my speech will be evaluated as the 
“resistance of the conservative forces... a yearning for a 
strong hand.” These are the words from the Central 
Committee appeal. | am not for a “‘strong hand” which 
would oppress or pressure, but I am against a hand from 
which everything slips away and from which political 
adventurists and demagogues can seize power and use it 
for their egoistic purposes, using the interests of the 
people as a cover. 

The decisive moment has come, as the Sajudis members 
say. And we should not forget that if we let this moment 
pass, in the fall at the congress of people’s deputies of the 
Lithuanian SSR, we may hear about Lithuania’s separa- 
tion from the USSR. 

Speech by V. Sakalauskas (Chairman of the Lithuanian 
SSR Council of Ministers) 

The political situation in the republic is really compli- 
cated. I consider this an expression of intensifying 
democracy and glasnost. But the ill-considered and, | 
would say, tactless, provocative actions of the extremist 
elements and certain participants in the informal move- 
ments are alarming. We must stop trying so hard to 

27 June 1989 

ingratiate ourselves with them and fear them less but 
speak with them realistically. By soberly evaluating the 
situation, we should see where people's actions are 
directed and why they are poisoned with various illu- 

But we must not delay any longer, for a great deal has 
been wasted already—the society is being destabilized 
and production rhythm is being violated. It is unbeliev- 
able but a fact that in certain ministries, departments, 
Soviet organs, and even in law-enforcement institutions 
it is not the leaders nor the party organizations who are 
setting the tone, but the representatives of informal 
movements or their leaders, who frequently are striving 
for cheap popularity and thirst for glory. It is absolutely 
unacceptable that informal groups exist in party 
gorkoms, gorispolkoms, the militsia, the courts, and the 
procurator’s office. The primary duty of both party and 
administrative organs is to fight for perestroyka, and 
there can be no question of any informal groups in these 

It was only irresponsibility, vanity, and the lack of a firm 
position which led to the mass information media 
becoming propagandists for ideas which were frequently 
alien to us rather than tribunes of perestroyka. Why do 
the same people always appear on television? Why are 
the upstarts and rumor-mongers not brought to account- 

Are we going to continue to tolerate the mass informa- 
tion media seeing only the mistakes, the evil, and the 
dark sides of what we do, and nothing good? Besides, by 
repudiating everything and scorning everything rather 
than consolidating forces and resources, we will not 
accelerate progress and we will not achieve the desired 
sovereignty more quickly. However, that does not mean 
that we should not reveal the shortcomings, two-faced- 
ness, and spiritual decay which has taken place and is 
taking place. We must do all of this, but without exag- 
geration and without harming the foundations of social- 
ism. The position of the mass information media should 
be clear—it is a party, Soviet position. I am profoundly 
convinced that there should be no place here for various 
informal groups. 

It is particularly important for the Council of Ministers 
to prepare as quickly as possible to implement the 
concept of economic independence which is the real path 
toward political, legal, and cultural sovereignty. Quite a 
lot has been achieved in this direction. This concept has 
been created by the efforts of scientists and specialists. It 
has been broadly discussed. The public has been famil- 
iarized with it. The leaders of the party Central Commit- 
tee and the Council of Ministers and the managers and 
specialists of economic departments have put a great 
deal of work into convincing Union directive organs that 
our program is a good idea. A significant point was 


reached at the meeting of the CPSU Central Committee 
Politburo last Thursday—starting early next year the 
republic is to be allowed to work in the new conditions of 
economic activity. 

As optimists but at the same time realists we understand 
that everything cannot be achieved immediately, in one 
sweep. It is a pity only that our persistent desires have 
recently been disparaged by certain economists who 
categorically favor complete economic sovereignty 
immediately and not as part of the USSR. Such state- 
ments incite bad, hostile sentiments among the popula- 
tion and cause distrust of the party’s economic strategy. 
The fact that certain scientists often ramble on without 
documentation, play on people’s feelings, do not recog- 
nize Opponents’ opinions, and even insult people who 
think differently is harmful to open debate and the 
common cause. | would say that scientists who devote 
too much time to talk, agitation, and carrying out all 
kinds of actions which have nothing in common with the 
further development of science and its practical applica- 
tion have moved away from their immediate job. But 
there are a multitude of urgent questions. The leaders of 
scientific institutions, above all the Academy of Scien- 
tists, should not forget about that. 

Together with the State Committee for Statistics [Gos- 
komstat] our scientists should carefully analyze the con- 
dition of interrepublic ties. As statistics show, imports of 
products into the republic today exceed exports by 
almost 1.1 billion rubles, and this difference increases 
every year. Of course, this situation will change (and not 
to our benefit) if the transition to new wholesale prices is 
carried out. If the difference between imports and 
exports of products (the balance) is calculated according 
to the prices of the world market, by USSR Goskomstat 
calculations, it would be approximately 3.5 billion cur- 
rency rubles to our detriment. I do not doubt that these 
figures are debatable because of imperfect methodology, 
but neither Gosplan nor the scientists have yet managed 
to show and evaluate the real situation. How much 
longer must we be “dependents”! That demeans our 
honor and dignity. The republic’s government intends to 
prove that we are not dependents, but to do so we need 
concrete, practical help from scientists—economists and 
planning specialists. Of course, that does not mean that 
we do not need to take advantage of the country’s 
economic potential. Thus, if the entire balance of pro- 
duction and consumption of fuel oil resources was trans- 
lated into world prices, in order to satisfy the republic’s 
needs for oil and fuel alone an additional 1.6 billion 
dollars a year would be needed. However, at the present 
time the republic produces output worth approximately 
only 0.5 billion dollars a year. 

Of course, in the future we may be richer because ties are 
expanding. But even these ties should be developed in an 
enterprising way on a mutually beneficial economic 
basis. Unfortunately, strange things are certainly taking 
place. Thus, in January of this year the Plinkshkes 
Agricultural Trade Sovkhoz in Mazheykskiy Rayon 

27 June 1989 

decided to sell its partners from Poland scarce materials 
and output on the basis of direct ties. What did the 
farmers intend to sell? What else but bathtubs, sinks, and 
other construction materials, televisions, musical instru- 
ments, carpets, motorcycles, passenger cars and trucks, 
and even coffee and tea. And they intended to buy 
chewing gum, alcoholic drinks, fruit, vegetables, berries, 
chinaware, stationery, and the like. You have to agree 
these are objects which are not a primary necessity in the 
economy. But in that case where did such boldness, such 
impertinence come from? It is good that we noticed this 
in time and brought them to accountability. We certainly 
do not need such trade. I want to emphasize that any 
perestroyka is altogether inconceivable without the 
proper discipline. But what a multitude of people are 
diverted from their direct work by all kinds of rallies and 
similar actions. If you look at those who attend rallies 
during work time you will see that they are workers of 
various institutions, organizations, and departments. 
You get the impression that these organizations can do 
quite well without them. Obviously, in places there are 
too many workers on staff. So perhaps their number 
should be decisively cut. 

One other question is disturbing. In our opinion, in 
many respects there is a lack of discipline and responsi- 
bility when the collective’s capital is used. A number of 
plants, organizations, and kolkhozes transfer enormous 
amounts of money to various movements. Thus, the 
Kaunas Banga Association transferred 100,000 rubles 
from the social-cultural fund for such purposes, the 
Paneris Sheep Sovkhoz transferred 20,000 rubles from 
the social development fund, the Litmeliovodstroy Asso- 
ciation transferred 30,000 rubles, and the Lithuanian 
Production Association of Computer Technology and 
Informatics transferred 7,000 rubles from above- 
planned profits received. A great many more such exam- 
ples can be named. More than 50 collectives transferred 
5,000 rubles or more to the Sajudis account alone. But 
do their workers know about that? Do they agree to such 
a decision? Would it not be better to satisfy the needs of 
the collectives? Is the state really so rich? In our opinion, 
they must not behave that way. If a collective wants to 
give aid to a movement, personal money of its members 
should be collected. And then it would be at each 
person’s discretion how much and to whom to give and 
donate. Despite the storms and winds of various orien- 
tations, our ship of perestroyka should not deviate from 
the course of socialism. Therefore we are obliged not 
only to consolidate our forces but each person should do 
his share with a sense of great responsibility. 

Speech by G. Zabulis (Lithuanian SSR Minister of Public 
_ Education 

This plenum reminds me of the “Over 30” club, since 
those who have been in the party for a long time are 
speaking here. Therefore | have dared to speak myself. 

I want to begin with the ideal of socialism. Now every 
person who mentions the concepts socialism or commu- 
nism is invariably accused of stagnation or retrogressive- 
ness, but I want to remind you that the ideal of socialism 


has existed for approximately two and one-half centuries 
and all the famous representatives of mankind—Yam- 
bul, Campanella, Thormas More, Marx, and Lenin 
strived toward this ideal. Even the major religious move- 
ments such as Christianity would not have become so 
widespread if they had not extolled this ideal. But now 
we are accused of this. It appears that this is our mistake 
and the party’s mistake. The party at one time made 
many mistakes and clijyped the wings of this great ideal 
and then made it altogether faceless and forcefully 
imposed it upon people and compromised the ideal in its 
own society and throughout the world. We must bring it 
back. Perhaps we should begin everything from the 
beginning. And it is above all we communists who 
should do this. Unfortunately, we frequently confine 
ourselves to talk about a particular defect but for the 
present we are saying nothing about the ideal, about the 
beauty, about the force of humanism included in this 

A second factor. We committed one other large mistake. 
I support the working class, and the peasantry also, since 
I myself come from this class. But we have created a cult 
of the proletariat and we have forgotten that the intelli- 
gensia exists—intellectuals, scientists, and writers. And 
what has that resulted in? We have pushed the intelli- 
gentsia away. And if Sajudis acts so vigorously today, 
that is because the intellectuals have started to talk, and 
they have begun to criticize us. And beyond any doubt 
revealed our mistakes and pointed out many shortcom- 
ings. We have learned a great deal from them. But by 
pushing the intelligentsia away, we have pushed the 
quality of educated intelligence out of society. So look at 
what is happening now—we are responding to polemics 
in the same way as they polemicize with us. For the point 
of rudeness has been reached and bad language resounds 
from high tribunes on television and in the press. We 
have crossed all boundaries in backbiting. | am ashamed. 
I can say the same thing about Sajudis, about “Unity,” 
and about othe: informal associations. We have forgot- 
ten how to behave in a sophisticated manner and we lack 
the quality of educated intelligence. We must return to 
the norms of sophisticated behavior. 

On the other hand I want to address both our party 
comrades and our opponents: we have become keen on 
duplicity. It was correctly noted that on the one hand we 
say one thing and on the other something altogether 
different. And that is no longer a principle but betrayal 
of principles. 

There is one other factor—friendship of peoples. It is a 
most wonderful idea and a great many works have been 
written about it and many dissertations have been 
defended. But for a long time friendship of peoples 
existed in our country out of touch with national dignity. 
Certain formulas for defining a nation were developed, 
but there was little benefit from them. A nation exists for 
five millenniums or more than 5,000 years and the 
representatives of the nation are able to understand to 
what nation they belong without any definitions. But we 

27 June 1989 

asserted one thing and then another. And this is how it 
all ended. I cannot fail to also address the comrades from 
Moscow. Such a movement exists throughout the coun- 
try—not only in the Union republics. It is taking place in 
the autonomous republics and in oblasts. For the prin- 
ciple of the nation was trampled upon. But there are two 
elements in a nation. The good one is its self-conscious- 
ness and self-respect and the bad one is its separatism 
and exclusiveness. Unfortunately, the positive side does 
not always win out at the crest of this movement. Even 
now we are seeing separatism, exclusiveness, and hatred 
of other peoples making themselves known. Some people 
are making a political career for themselves on this since 
they utilize the cheapest forces of the nation. As com- 
munists we cannot assent to this; we must respect our 
Own nation and show it in all its glory. We can see it in 
what we have accomplished precisely in the period of 

As for national education, I must criticize the Center and 
criticize myself. So-called interethnic or supernational 
education has been introduced in our country. This 
supernational education means the education of the 
Russian Federation. I have said over and over again and 
I assert today that supernational education cannot exist 
and should not exist. It cannot be pictured either theo- 
retically or practically. Teaching in the school is carried 
on in the appropriate language and it relies on the culture 
of the people, and their traditions, otherwise it cannot 
be. But when I meet with people they put me on the spot: 
when will national education be set up, they say. I answer 
that national education is a process and we are just 
beginning it and will finish it when we have trained the 
first graduating class from our school, and perhaps not 
then either. But in response I hear that there should be 
such a school tomorrow. In lobbies there is ,ossip, a 
common thing, of abandoning the Russian language and 
the social sciences and sending people to study abroad— 
that is national education for you. I think that national 
education is education in national dignity by absorbing 
all good traditions of a people and the content of science, 
plus everything that is most valuable in world culture. It 
is the school of national self-respect. We should follow 
this path only. 

I accept the criticism which the first secretary made 
regarding the shortcomings in the work of the Ministry 
of Public Education. I accept it because everything is not 
in order with youth organizations. We are taking and we 
will continue to take measures. But the antipedagogical 
trend is appearing to split the ranks of our youth and 
introduce confusion into their ideals, and imaginary 
pluralism is used as a cover. I have talked with Sajudis 
representatives and repeatedly explained that we would 
be acting against pedagogical science if we split the 
classes and set one-half of a class against another, despite 
what ideals we proclaim. Incidentally, in the old Lithua- 
nian school the Scout movement was almost prohibited. 
Scouts were allowed certain activities only until the third 


grade. The Ateytinin movement was prohibited alto- 
gether. And now we are trying to present these organiza- 
tions as the ideal of national education. Some people 
approve of this, but it seems to me that we cannot take 
this path. 

National education and economics. When we had no 
national education and work was done on the example of 
the RSFSR, everything was simple—the textbook was 
translated into Lithuanian and the syllabus or teaching 
manual was borrowed: the problem was solved. However 
national education requires more energy, more skill, 
more organization, and more capital. I dare to assert that 
Lithuanian education has not yet won such attention. 
Above all people are trying to take away from education; 
yet at a time when we must help education, we think 
about it for a very long time and mark time for a long 

In conclusion I would like to talk about the Constitution. 
We should make the draft of the Constitution public and 
familiarize society with correct thinking. But at the same 
time we must prepare, and I am addressing Comrade 
Kuris, a law on education. The law on education is the 
law of the future for our people. We must work on it until 
national education is set up or at least its fuundations are 

Speech by S. Gedraytis (secretary of the Lithuanian CP 
Central Committee) 

Along with other important tasks of political work in the 
new conditions, questions of activating primary party 
Organizations in agriculture are becoming paramount. 
People who have not lost a sense of reality cannot fail to 
see that along with the positive elements party organiza- 
tions in certain collectives have remained passive and 
therefore have begun to lose the role of political leader 
and have not managed to take firm positions when the 
question is the future of the republic’s political life, the 
cohesion of society, and problems of economic indepen- 
dence. It is time for us to learn for all time that without 
the revival of the activities of party organizations in the 
rural areas and new impetus to their activities, even the 
most important documents of the Lithuanian Commu- 
nist Party and the republic’s government will not be 

We must try to make sure that the leaders of rural party 
Organizations change their style of work, stop trying to 
solve economic questions, and not step in for managers 
and specialists but concentrate their attention on solving 
social, cultural, and spiritual questions in an accelerated 
way and actively support the aspiration of rural residents 
to master new forms of economic activity. Party 
raykoms should give all possible support and encourage- 
ment to this area of work by party organizations. In 
present conditions we must do everything to ensure that 
the status of secretaries of primary organizations as main 
organizers of political-ideological work in the rural areas 

27 June 1989 

is raised to a new level in the eyes of the public. Above all 
they need practical help. But when necessary we should 
resort to organizational measures as well. Any delay is 
not to our benefit. 

The second fundamental question is new economic rela- 
tions in the countryside. There are those who think that 
what has already been created can, upon condition that it 
is refined, satisfy us fully. But the slowed-down rate of 
recent years attests to something else. We are definitely 
for a diversity of economically sound forms of economic 
activity, revival of the Leninist plan of cooperation, and 
recognition of the farmer as the true master of the land. 

Agricultural firms and internal farm cooperatives are 
being created in the republic and their rayon link is being 
improved. Independent peasant farms are appearing. 
There are farms where the fixed capital created by the 
common labor of kolkhoz members is divided among the 
people on the principles of cooperation according to 
their labor participation. They have become stockhold- 
ers and may leave their share of the property to their 
children. The draft of the Law on Peasant Farms has 
been published. It includes new elements in our agrarian 


Everything new that has arisen in the countryside was 
created at the initiative of the farmers themselves, which 
was actively supported by the party raykoms and their 
secretaries. In many cases they were the initiators. Farm- 
ers interpret the position sometimes taken by responsible 
officials of delay and stoppage as a vivid manifestation 
of the times of stagnation. 

But at this decisive political moment it is important not 
to make a fuss and not to lose common sense and an 
enterprising attitude. Some people would even now like 
to eliminate the public economy and make their political 
careers in this way. Certain Sajudis figures should not be 
allowed to confuse people by portraying Lithuania’s past 
only in bright colors. There were rich farms in Lithuania, 
but there were also those which were auctioned off by 
eliminating the peasant from the land and there was 
immigration and poverty. And not to recognize this 
means not to be objective. 

The republic’s farmers, who in many years of collective 
life and labor created modern farms and settlements, will 
decide how to run them without outside agitators. 

Farmers have recently been greatly disturbed by the 
tendentious political statements of certain television and 
newspaper journalists against the former leaders of the 
Lithuanian Communist Party and the republic’s govern- 
ment and the unobjective, one-sided depiction of the 
postwar period. They demand that we take decisive 
measures to cover these questions correctly. 

In focusing our intellectual efforts on constructive labor 
within the USSR, the preparation of a new Constitution, 
and the concept of economic independence, we must not 


lessen attention to perestroyka of the internal farm 
system. If we cannot very soon manage to resolve the 
most urgent problem in the countryside—to provide the 
rural inhabiiant with construction materials and give 
him the possibility of buying roofing shingle or cement 
and bricks, then we will not achieve high political goals 

We are preparing intensively for our first truly demo- 
cratic congress, which will take place on 11 March. The 
congress will consolidate both traditional and new trends 
of economic activity. A council which is widely repre- 
sentative of farmers will be elected and it will take up 
resolving the most important questions of the manage- 
ment of agriculture in the republic and protection of the 
farmers’ interests. Such councils will also be elected in 
rayons and they will take the place of the councils of the 
agroindustrial associations. 

Farmers want to act together. I think that the congress 
which will take place in March will serve that goal and 
unite all farmers in new causes and a new life. 

ArSSR First Secretary 23 Feb Discussion with 
Republic’s Intelligentsia 

18300468 Yerevan KOMMUNIST in Russian 

1 Mar 89 p 1-2 

[Text of speech by S.G. Arutyunyan, first secretary of the 
Armenian CP Central Committee, and following debate: 
“Uniting Behind a Platform of Constructive Work”’] 

[Text] As was already reported, on 23 February a meet- 
ing was held in the Armenian CP Central Committee 
with representatives of the republic’s scientific and cre- 
ative intelligentsia. 

In opening the meeting, S. G. Arutyunyan, the first 
secretary of the Armenian CP Central Committee, said 
the following: We have gathered together with one pur- 
pose in mind—I would like to listen to you and exchange 
opinions in connection with the situation in the republic 
and in connection with the urgent problems which 
disturb the public and the republic’s working people and 
naturally disturb our scientific and creative intelligen- 
tsia. We have a mass of problems, difficult and painful 
ones, which are now very acute and which demand that 
a correct line be worked out and that they be solved. We 
have experienced a very difficult year: what other year 
can 1988 be compared with? An extremely difficult year 
we have experienced! I am not going to speak in great 
detail about the past because we have taiked about this 
repeatedly and evaluated it, although perhaps not always 
unequivocally and not always the same. A comprehen- 
sive, scrupulous analysis of everything that has hap- 
pened in the republic is needed. When I speak of past 
times, it does not at all mean that everything is already 
behind us. Even now we are not experiencing an easy 
time and the situation in the republic remains tense. And 
we should approach it realistically. 

27 June 1989 

Well then, if we are speaking of the intelligentsia, we 
have always consulted with it on fundamental questions, 
including during the events of the past year. We met with 
the representatives of the scientific and creative intelli- 
gentsia on the eve of the meeting of the Presidium of the 
USSR Supreme Soviet which examined questions of 
Nagornyy Karabakh. At that time a very useful, interest- 
ing exchange of opinions took place and that in many 
respects helped us participants in the meeting of the 
Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet to take a definite 
position in discussing this question and to express our 
point of view. I am referring to the meeting of the 
Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet on 18 July of 
last year. We met in September and October with repre- 
sentatives of the intelligentsia, consulted with them, and 
exchanged opinions. When members of the CPSU Cen- 
tral Committee Politburo comrades N. I. Ryzhkov, N. N. 
Slyunkov, and D. T. Yazov were here, we had a meeting 
at the Academy of Sciences with scientists. A meeting 
was also held with the leaders of the creative unions. 

Added to the difficult situation which we had in the 
republic was a terrible national disaster which of course 
aggravated the situation even further. Our people are in 
psychological shock and are still under stress. We bore 
enormous losses, comrades. 

Despite the fact that all of us were not ready to work in 
such extreme conditions, and in fact world practice had 
not yet seen such experience, nonetheless an enormous 
amount of work has been carried on to mobilize the 
potential and reserves of the entire country to render aid 
to Armenia and, first of all, in the first stage to organize 
rescue work. I want to tell you in all certainty that the 
leadership of the CPSU Central Committee, the Central 
Committee Politburo, and the General Secretary of the 
CPSU Central Committee M. S. Gorbachev have given 
us and continue to give us enormous help (these are not 
simply words but fact). The CPSU Central Committee 
Politburo commission headed by N. I. Ryzhkov has done 
an enormous amount of work. One of the deputies of the 
Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers is perma- 
nently in the republic to coordinate the activities of all 
the Union ministries and departments to eliminate the 
consequences of the earthquake. L. A. Voronin, the 
Deputy Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers, 
who, I must say, is doing a great deal of effective work, is 
now here. 

If we are speaking in the language of figures, I also would 
like to mention a few things. Immediately, from the very 
first, all aviation, both military and transport, and 
ground transport was mobilized. More than 1,500 cranes 
alone, about 900 bulldozers, and about 6,000 motor 
vehicles came to us. That is certainly an unprecedented 
scale for sending equipment and other aid for a republic. 
As for the amount of work in December, I will tell you 
plainly that we worked day and night and all efforts were 
focused on only one thing—to organize rescue work. 
Tens of thousands of people were under the ruins. About 
40,000 were recovered, and of them we managed to save 


15,000. And the work was carried out in a nervous fever; 
we were there in the disaster zone almost every day. 
People demanded that those who remained alive under- 
neath the rubble be saved and we had to work in extreme 
and difficult conditions. 

Now we face extremely complicated tasks involving 
renovation and construction work. The range of the 
work is enormous. Speaking of housing alone, we lost 
somewhere around 8 million square meters of housing 
space. According to the most conservative estimates we 
will have to build 4.2 million square meters of housing in 
the cities and rayon centers in the next 2 years and 1.6 
million square meters in the countryside. 

Of course, the situation remains extremely difficult even 
today. Now, when we must be in the disaster zone quite 
often, it is very difficult to talk with people; the demands 
which they make are fair. You can understand the 
position of our people. i will cite only a few figures, you 
are familiar with them: approximately 520,000 people 
were left without shelter and 170,000 people lost their 
work places. We mobilized all capabilities: railway cars, 
panelboard shacks, and tents. But that does not solve the 
problems, because it is difficult to live in tents, especially 
in winter conditions. But nonetheless, utilizing the 
resources of the entire country everything that could 
have been done in this situation was done. 

The paramount task which we must perform is to pro- 
vide people with housing and work. Thai is our most 
important task. Some comrades say—lct’s not hurry, 
let’s think everything through again, and even if it takes 
3-4 years more, then we will build in a thorough, 
modern, and right way. I do not think that such a 
formulation of the problem is quite right. We must build 
on the level of the contemporary achievements of urban 
construction, taking into account our national traditions. 
But we must build quickly. Only a person who has a 
well-appointed apartment or a person who has only seen 
the ruined cities .lages on the television screen can 
talk like that. But when you meet with people and you 
see what condition they are in, you understand that we 
have no moral right to put off this task. 

In this regard I think that the CPSU Central Committee 
Politburo, when they discussed these questions on 27 
December, made the right decision by posing a very 
concrete task for 2 years—1989-1990. We have pub- 
lished all the documents of the CPSU Central Commit- 
tee and the USSR Council of Ministers on the develop- 
ing construction and renovation work so that the 
republic’s population knows what the program is and 
how enormous is: Scope and grandiose the tasks which we 
face are. 

A multitude of problems arises here. First, a seismicity 
rating of 9-10 points. Seismologists had to do a great deal 
of work. Incidentally, the country’s best specialists came 
to us—scientists and designers. Microseismic zoning 
maps had to be compiled. Questions of hydrogeology 

27 June 1989 

had to be worked up, and detailed designs and general 
plans for rebuilding cities and villages had to prepared. 
This work is going on even now. Therefore, when today 
we justly criticize and very frankly pose questions of 
accelerating the entire volume of renovation work at the 
CPSU Central Committee Politburo commission and in 
the Central Committee and in the republic's govern- 
ment, we encounter a thousand and one problems which 
must be solved before we can build. Today we have no 
moral right to repeat the mistakes of the past. 

Essentially we must reexamine our entire architectural 
construction strategy. taking into account national tradi- 
tions and national architecture. Here our architects and 
our designers should have the last word. If something is 
done wrong, then there is no one else to blame but 

| should say that all the Union ministries are doing a 
great deal of work. You know that the CPSU Central 
Committee and the USSR Council of Ministers charges 
the Union ministries with doing the entire volume of 
work involving the renovation of their enterprises. And 
we are posing the task in this way—to renovate on the 
basis of modern equipment and technology. 

Not long ago a decision was made which is fundamen- 
tally important and of vital significance to our people. 
We know how sharply and painfully people reacted to 
the presence of an atomic power plant near Yerevan. 
There could be no two opinions on whether the atomic 
power plant had to be closed, and at the September 1988 
Plenum of the Armenian CP Central Committee we 
considered this question quite plainly and said conclu- 
sively that the atomic power plant would be closed. Only 
the question of when remained. After the earthquake we 
came to the conclusion that the atomic power plant had 
to be closed immediately. Our positions found support 
and understanding in our party's Central Committee 
Politburo and then, as you know, the decision of the 
USSR Council Ministers on closing the Armenian 
atomic power plant was adopted. The first block will be 
closed on 25 February and on 18 March we will close the 
second block as well. This is a fundamentally important, 
correct, and necessary decision and our people very 
fairly received it with a sense of gratitude. 

However, | should say that the closing of the atomic 
power plant also involves serious problems involving our 
energy resources. Here, of course, we will have to tighten 
our belts a little and realize, without fearing the word, 
the national program for conserving electricity. 

The Armenian CP Central Committee and the republic's 
Council of Ministers have worked out a concrete plan of 
measures involving conserving the consumption of elec- 
tricity. | must say plainly that there is more than enough 
inefficiency in the use of electricity in the republic. We 
must use electricity in a much more economical and 


rational way in order to make ends meet. We must deal 
with a complex of questions in order to solve the 
problem of power engineering in the republic. 

That above all means expanding the Razdan GRES by 
introducing four new blocks—the first block is envi- 
sioned for 1990 and thereafter one block will be put on 
line every year, This, of course, is a very intensive 
program, since we face a large amount of construction 
and installation work and an enormous intensification of 
forces is needed here in order to realize this program for 
the Razdan GRES. 

At times one hears people saying: well, they closed the 
atomic power plant, but it looks like they want to set up 
simulators, that is, they want to keep the atomic reactor. 
That is absolutely groundless talk. The USSR Council of 
Ministers unambiguously recorded in its decree that the 
atomic power plant would be converted to a thermal 
power plant. Certain rumors are now being immorally 
spread concerning the atomic power plant. There is no 
basis for it. We will bring this program to its conclusion 
and on 18 March the atomic power plant will be com- 
pletely closed. 

The Ukase of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet 
on the Nagornyy-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast has been 
adopted. A Special Administrative Committee has been 
set up which will look to Union organs. The Special 
Administrative Committee works under the direct leader- 
ship of the CPSU Central Committee. Recently the USSR 
Council of Ministers decree “On Measures Involving the 
Introduction of a Special Form of Administration in the 
Nagornyy-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast in the Azerbai- 
jan SSR" was also adopted. Among other things it says that 
USSR Gosplan and the USSR Ministry of Finances should 
use a separate line in the State Plan of Economic and 
Social Development and the State Budget of the USSR 
beginning in 1989 to envision the indicators for socioeco- 
nomic development of the Nagornyy-Karabakh Autono- 
mous Oblast as well as measures to ensure the realization 
of assignments set by the CPSU Central Committee and 
USSR Council of Ministers decree of 24 March 1988 “On 
Measures To Accelerate the Socioeconomic Development 
of the Nagornyy-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast in 1|988- 
1995." The introduction in the NKAO [Nagornyy-Kara- 
bakh Autonomous Oblast] of a special form of administra- 
tion is a considered compromised. There are no winners 
here and no losers, but there is the common victory of 
sense and good will. It is a compromise dictated by the 
situation which creates the basis for normalizing relations 
between the two neighboring peoples. 

| am not going to speak now about all the other problems 
and critical issues which the republic faces today. At the 
September Plenum of the Armenian CP Central Com- 
mittee, we worked out a precise, scientificallysound 

27 June 1989 

program which encompasses a broad circle of socioeco- 
nomic problems which greatly concern working people. 
We will unremittingly put this program into operation. 

In speaking of the moral-psychological situation, | would 
like to emphasize that our people are really in a terrible 
psychological state. They have experienced stress and, 
moreover, even now they are in shock. I am not afraid to 
say that the people have been strained to the limit, Our 
fundamental task and our most important task is to 
bring them out of this condition and to inspire confi- 
dence in their own strengths and in the assertion that we 
will overcome these difficulties and resolve all the tasks 
which face us. And, of course, our intelligentsia has an 
enormous role in this work. Your word is authoritative, 
it carries weight, and I think that the successful realiza- 
tion of everything that has been outlined and of this 
entire constructive program will largely depend on the 
positions which the intelligentsia takes. Here I am refer- 
ring both to economics and to social, and political, and 
ideological questions. 

And there is one other thing that I wish to talk about. 
One must not excite the people and inflame passions 
through ill-considered words. Passions have already 
been inflamed to the limit. Our primary task is to 
consolidate the forces of the people in order to solve the 
problems facing us. Uniting behind the platform of 
constructive work is now our strategic line. If we are true 
patriots and we want to meet the challenges facing us, we 
must rise above personal ambitions and sometimes even 
narrowly egoistic interests which occasionally slip in. We 
are relying very heavily on our creative and scientific 
intelligentsia. We value and respect the intelligentsia and 
we cannot conceive of our work without it and without 
its active participation. Perhaps we are not always able 
to meet together so often these days and have concrete, 
meaningful talks because we are working in extreme 
conditions. But I think that is temporary, and we will 
meet more often in the future. 

Today I wouid like to speak up on several questions 
which in our opinion are of fundamental significance, 
and I would also like to exchange opinions on the 
possibility of working out general approaches to prob- 
lems together. 

We have invited representatives of our scientific and 
artistic intelligentsia and the mass information media to 
this meeting for one purpose—together, openly, and 
without prejudice to discuss questions involving the role 
and place of the intelligentsia in resolving the problems 
facing the republic and the people. 

I think that our talk should be frank, principled, and 
constructive. Let us together ponder the affairs of the 
republic and its problems and concerns. Let us ponder 
how to utilize the scientific-cultural and spiritual poten- 
tial of the intelligentsia for the good of Armenia and the 
Armenian people and the good of perestroyka. 


Then the participants in the meeting spoke. A. A. Grig- 
oryan, chairman of the governing board of the Armenian 
Architects’ Union: First of all | would like to mention the 
enormous amount of work which the interdepartmental 
commission on urban construction is doing in the disas- 
ter zone. We could not have managed without the aid 
which is being given us, especially in the field of design. 
All the republics of the country, USSR Gosstroy [State 
Committee for Construction Affairs], and the Siate 
Committee for Architecture are helping us. 

There is now a great deal of talk about seismic zoning— 
after all one-quarter of the republic's territory is in the 
active seismic zone. 

In the 1970's we stinted on reducing the earthquake 
point-ratings of buildings and now we have lost thou- 
sands of buildings. We have no right to repeat these 
mistakes. I earnestly request that the earthquake ratings 
of structures be clearly specified. Today there is not one 
construction site where a building has been brought into 
line with the existing norms of urban construction. 

I would like to say a few words about the program for 
helping the NKAO. I think that this program should be 
studied very carefully, since quite a few problems have 
accumulated in the area. Among other things, the ques- 
tion of organizing a design institute in Nagornyy Kara- 
bakh should be sped up and the oblast should be pro- 
vided with qualified architects. 

G. G. Emin, poet: | wanted to address an open letter to 
Vladimir Surenovich Markaryants, but since the occa- 
sion is offered I will talk now. Ashtarak is the junction 
that links the northern part of the republic with Yerevan. 

S. G. Arutyunyan: We are talking, as | understand it, 
about the new bridge? It is a fair question. Incidentally, 
at our instruction the Council of Ministers is actively 
working on this question. The first phase of the two-lane 
bridge is to be put into operation in the first 6 months of 
1990 and the second—in the second 6 months. 

S. A. Sarkisyan, people’s artist of the USSR: No one is 
safe from another earthquake and no one can say what 
will happen tomorrow. We all know how our Yerevan 
was built and I am afraid that we built it worse than 
Leninakan and Spitak. 

Even today it is impossible to breath freely in certain 
parts of the city and tomorrow the question of water 
supply will be a serious one. 

S. G. Arutyunyan: The question of water is already acute 

S. A. Sarkisyan: | believe that Yerevan must not be 
allowed to expand; pressure must be taken off the city. It 
would be very sensible to think about creating a new 
capital with a population of 100,000. Covering the entire 

27 June 1989 

Ararat Valley with asphalt is ruinous for our republic. | 
think that a new capital would cost just the same as our 
Southwest development costs. So there is nothing fright- 
ening in this. 

Z. G. Balayan, writer: We are getting the impression that 
the leaflets being distributed are reaching the minds and 
hearts of the population more quickly than the publica- 
tions of the mass information media. Here we are not 
speaking of how well certain leaflets have been done but 
of how our mass information media are not in touch with 
the spirit of the times and sometimes lag behind or 
ignore public opinion. 

I was in the NKAO for seven days. I talked with 
members of the Special Administrative Committee and 
was among the journalists of Karabakh. I should say that 
a great deal has already been done even now and it is 
simply a disgrace that people in Armenia do not know 
about all this. For example, the question of publishing a 
journal entitled ARTSAKH has been decided. The oblast 
journal organization has been made subordinate to the 
USSR Journalists’ Union. But what are people saying in 
Yerevan? Igor Muradyan has become the talk of the 
town, and someone is making a special effort to spread 
rumors and lies. 

S. G. Arutyunyan: I am especially interested in this 
question since I am in Moscow. The stories which are 
being spread about it are not in line with reality. At the 
present time Igor Muradyan is in Moscow. The investi- 
gation of his case continues. 

Z. G. Balayan: The day before yesterday I spoke at the 
Polytechnical Institute and asked, ‘“‘Who can say that he 
is more of a patriot than S. G. Arutyunyan and V. S. 
Markaryants?”” Then where does the talk about the 
supposed rupture between the leadership and the people 
come from? Perhaps the intelligentsia and the mass 
information media are partly to blame for the perception 
of this split. 

S. B. Kaputikyan, poetess: | want to express genuine 
gratitude to the Central Committee Politburo, the govern- 
ment of the country, and to our brothers from the Union 
republics who extended the hand of aid to Armenia. 

What concerns us on the eve of 28 February? That there 
are no excesses on this day and that there is a well 
thought-out program. I have been informed, and I do not 
know to what degree this corresponds to reality, that no 
one who wishes to honor the memory of the fallen ones 
will be prevented from doing so. 

When I talk about this, people rejoice. They are also no 
less concerned about the condition of the press, because 
we ourselves also encounter this every day. It has already 
been almost a month now that we have not heard a single 
word on the history of the Armenian people, on 
Nagornyy Karabakh, and on our historical values on 


television or in the press. In this anxious condition you 
yourselves can understand the consequences this silence 
may have. | know that all this is being done for a good 
purpose—not to arouse national dissension. But, unfor- 
tunately, it doesthe opposite. 

Recently | spoke in Moscow at the plenum of the 
governing board of the USSR Writers’ Union. My speech 
was well received. The most important excerpts about 
Karabakh and about Sumgait were printed in the Mos- 
cow press. | believe that the ice of mistrust between the 
Armenian and Azerbaijani peoples should melt away. 
And for that to happen both the Armenian and the 
Azerbaijani people must know the historical truth. 

G. A. Galoyan: I want to say that neither the Central 
Committee department nor ti: Central Committee sec- 
retary are putting any bans on the press. When we have 
comments to make, we talk about this plainly. 

From the audience: The level of the Moscow press must 
be supported. The way Moscow is evaluating today, 
writing abou! Trotskiy and about Makhno... 

Shch. B. Davtyan, editor of the newspaper SOVETA- 
KAN AYASTAN: I should say that neither G. A. 
Galoyan nor G. Ye. Asatryan prohibited us from print- 
ing any article; there was no such ban. There were no 
bans from the first secretary of the Central Committee 

S. G. Arutyunyan: Can any of the editors say that there 
was a ban on an article by the first secretary of the 
Central Committee? 

From the audience: There was not. 

Shch. B. Davtyan: Caution has reached the extreme 
recently. Now in every newspaper where the word 
“Karabakh” appears, the article is removed. For exam- 
ple, one of the authors wrote in an article: “When I hear 
about Sumgait, I am horrified.” The author expressed 
his personal attitude toward the event. But even that 
appeared excessive to some people. 

Our common goal is to follow the path of consideration 
and compromise. But to follow the path of truth. 

I want to mention one other thing. It has become 
customary in the republic to ignore critical articles and 
comments. Criticism generally receives a hostile recep- 

S. G. Arutyunyan: The Central Committee and its 
departments should carefully keep track of the critical 
statements of the press. The most important articles 
must be discussed at the buro and in the secretariat of the 
Central Commitee. This should raise the prestige of the 
press. Here in Armenia, I must say, an irresponsible 
attitude toward critical comments in the press has 
become established. An article is published, even one on 

27 June 1989 

fundamental questions, but neither the Central Commit- 
tee nor the appropriate ministries respond in any way 
nor do they take steps on the problems raised. 

Shch. B, Davtyan: We are poorly informed. We want to 
cover the Central Committee and Council of Ministers 
decree on the NKAO in the press, but we have no source. 
How will the decisions adopted be fulfilled? We don't 
have such information. It is difficult to sit in Yerevan 
and write about the NKAO. But after all, we have 15,000 
readers in Nagornyy Karabakh. And people in Armenia 
await our words. What should we inform them of? 

It is obvious that interethnic questions must be covered 
more broadly when possible. But we must also be able to 
write about Karabakh too, for people are extremely 
sensitive to everything they hear. We must pit the truth 
against conjectures, provide explanations every day, and 
provide information. To do that we should have a 
regular correspondent in Stepanakert. 

S. G. Arutyunyan: We agree that the newspapers SOVE- 
their own correspondents in Nagornyy Karabakh. And 
Armenpress as well. 

G. Ye. Asatryan (from the audience): Armenpress has 
already sent a correspondent. 

V. A. Petrosyan, writer and chairman of the governing 
board of the Armenian Culture Fund: | think that this is 
very important talk about the relations of party organs 
and the press. The position of the mass information 
media depends on the positions of the party committees. 
Now a course toward mutual restraint has been adopted. 
And that is right. We must not depart from historical 
reality. Our peoples lived next one another even before, 
and in the future th »y should work side by side. We must 
jointly and all together shape good-neighbor relations. 

But just recently I happened to look at the 3 January 
issue of the high-circulation newspaper STROITEL of 
the Azerbaijani SSR Gosstroy. In it was published the 
article “There Is Only One Truth,” in which flagrant 
attacks are made against the Armenian people and 
against historical truth. And all this was written not by a 
regular reader but by T. Aliyev, a docent, assistant dean 
of a construction engineering institute, and member of 
the republic’s peace fund. 

I am for restraint, but for mutual restraint. Who if not 
the intelligentsia should set the example here? 

Now I would like to deal with the problem of refugees. 
Today it is a very acute one. As yet there is no complete 
clarity here, and that creates gossip and false rumors 
among the people. 

From the audience: A precise position is needed. 


S. G. Arutyunyan: The republic's leadership is not ignor- 
ing the concerns of the refugees. They are working in 
earnest on this problem. The complexities are extreme. 
We have half a million people without shelter in the 
earthquake zone. In Yerevan and other cities there are 
94,000 people on the waiting list for housing. Plus more 
than 180,000 refugees. It is impossible to locate them in 
Yerevan and the Ararat Valley. It has been decided to 
use the mountainous regions and abandoned villages. 
The Armenian SSR Council of Ministers decree has been 
adopted which defines where and how to locate and find 
jobs for the refugees and also additional capital has been 
allocated to give material aid to those families who have 
not yet received it. 

From the audience: The work is going on, but people have 
received very little information about it. 

S. G. Arutyunyan: Now the members of the Central 
Committee buro are going out to the refugees and 
meeting with them and explaining to them in detail how 
the questions will be decided. I think that the intelligen- 
tsia should actively join in this important work. The 
question is a very difficult one. We are trying to convince 
people to go to the villages, there are houses there and 
work. But they are not going. Only a few families have 

From the audience: Perhaps they can be sent to Lenina- 
kan, Kirovakan, or Spitak, be given temporary housing, 
and let them live and work there? 

S. G. Arutyunyan: Right now there are no possibilities at 
all in the earthquake zone—people are living in tents and 
garages and many have lost their work places and have 
no jobs. 

V. A. Petrosyan: The search is on—that is important for 
everyone to know. When V. M. Movsisyan appeared on 
television with a commentary on the Armenian SSR 
Council of Ministers decree, the response was quite 
good. People clearly saw what was being done to alleviate 
the troubles of the refugees. Needless to say, at the same 
time work should continue to allow the refugees to return 
to their former dwelling places. But pressure would be 
unacceptable here. 

S. G. Arutyunyan: It can be only on a voluntary basis. 
And that is what the decree says—on a voluntary basis. 

V. A. Petrosyan: One last thing. In my opinion on 28 
February people should not be prevented from bringing 
flowers to Tsitser-Nakaberd to honor the memory of 
those who fell during the Sumgait tragedy. 

S. G. Arutyunyan: Such a decision has already been 
made. There will be a report by the ispolkom of the 
Yerevan City Soviet and the Military Commandant. 

27 June 1989 

V. A. Petrosyan: This is the way | understand today's 
meeting—we have gathered to work out a program of 
joint work. People have experienced a psychological 
upheaval and right now they most of all need the kind 
word and good works of the intelligentsia. Our duty is to 
justify these hopes of the people. 

R. K. Oganesyan, chairman of the governing board of the 
Armenian Writers’ Union: | should say that our general 
attitude toward the Central Committee leadership is a 
very good one. We evaluate its work positively and 
evaluate it with the understanding of what incredibly 
complex conditions it must resolve questions in today. 
The Central Committee must trust the intelligentsia 
more and rely more heavily upon it. 

Now an enormous work front is developing in the cities 
and villages which suffer where the envoys of all the 
Union republics are laboring alongside our workers. 
News is coming from Nagornyy Karabakh—roads are 
being paved and regional cost-accounting is being intro- 
duced. But in the morning we open our newspapers and 
what do we see? Information about who was arrested for 
violating the curfew and who was drunk, where they live 
and their license plate number. 

From the audience: Some police report... 

R. K. Oganesyan: We must show people's present labor 
and their heroic quest and inspire faith in tomorrow in 
the people who still have not come out of shock after the 
unprecedented catastrophe. To go on. Why not appear 
on television and in the press and expose the rumors and 
lies which excite public opinion? Truth is a good physi- 
cian for the moral health of society. 

Attempting to understand ourselves and the republic and 
the people—that is what is very important to us today. 
We also need to look again into our history. Recently in 
the newspaper PRAVDA Yuriy Nagibin dared to see the 
position of Rakhmaninov in a new way—it was not 
Russia that he did not want to return to, but Stalinist 
Russia. The well-known “Georgian incident” was cov- 
ered in the central press without omissions and without 
concealment. I am certain that today we need well- 
grounded, truthful talk and a considered approach to 
certain historical personalities. 

I agree that it is time for all of us together to think about 
reconstructing the capital. Those who designed it were 
overwhelmed by gigantomania. Take Sovetskiy Rayon. 
In terms of number of residents it is larger than Lenina- 
kan. But there is no children’s hospital here and there are 
not enough cultural institutions and enterprises. So then 
why keep tacking development after development onto 

G. G. Emin, poet: | am going to say what is bothering 
many people. When the problems of the socioeconomic 
development of Nagornyy Karabakh were raised, among 
the first was the impossibility of receiving television 


programs from Armenia. A new transmitter has now 
been set up and the problem is solved. The next problem 
is that the highway from Goris to Stepanakert bypasses 
Lachin. It must be extended more quickly so that there is 
an uninterrupted link with Nagornyy Karabakh, Now 
that a special form of administration has been intro- 
duced in the NKAO, our contacts will grow. And the 
question of the road is becoming paramount. 

B. M. Mkrtchyan, editor of the newspaper KOMMU.- 
NIST; | am not revealing a secret when | say that the 
tense situation will continue for a long time yet. I think 
we cannot get by without developing a flexible, compre- 
hensive program of work for the press under the extreme 

It has been rightly said here that television is being used 
poorly. | do not believe that all party workers should 
appear on the television screen. Those who have prestige 
and whom the people trust should be asked to speak. A 
dialog must be carried on from day to day and we must 
speak boldly and openly about shortcomings and prob- 
lems. And then people will follow us. 

The intelligentsia has a great deal of responsibility. 
Unfortunately, many of our scientists, pedagogues and 
artists are being indecisive. Some people do not want to 
take a firm stand and give a principled evaluation to 
events. They do not want to work creatively with editors. 
It is time for them to understand that editors are not 
opposed to bold, interesting conversation. Communica- 
tion through the press requires special sophistication. 
Editors and authors must develop it together. 

E. M. Mirzoyan, chairman of the governing board of the 
Armenian Composers’ Union: As I understand, we are 
not having a conference today. We are having a trusting, 
open conversation. But why is it not going on the air? 
After all, this has already been done. The meetings of the 
CPSU Central Committee Politburo commission on 
eliminating the consequences of the earthquake are 
being shown regularly on television. People saw N. I. 
Ryzhkov sensitively and intelligently talk with the peo- 
ple who spoke and the frank and principled way in which 
he held people responsible for their omissions. 

From the audience: Yu. P. Batalin and L. A. Voronin also 
conducted meetings. 

E. M. Mirzoyan: Yes, they also conducted them, and the 
Armenian people could themselves evaluate each of 
them as a leader and organizer of the masses. Television 
gave them this opportunity. if meetings with the intelli- 
gentsia become regular, then they must certainly be 
shown on television. Our intelligentsia on the whole 
supports the course of the republic’s new leadership. But 
opinions are different and at times even the exact 
opposite of one another. In order to bring them together, 
we must have a dialog—a direct and open one. 

27 June 1989 

And there is something else, We do not forget that we are 
living under a curfew. It seems that we have already 
become accustomed to it, But we would rather not. Many 
things here depend on us, the intelligentsia, To make the 
tension diminish more rapidly, we must be more active 
in our vital work in the thick of the people. 

D. M. Sedrakyan, academician and secretary of the 
Armenian SSR Academy of Sciences: Each of us is for 
glasnost, democracy, and renewal. But compare the 
programs of Central Television and Armenian Televi- 
sion, and you will see how far we lag behind present-day 
demands. Turn on Moscow and you will see how what 
has been done can be criticized and how it can be 
evaluated and how our plans for the future both on the 
level of M. S. Gorbachev and on the level of the worker 
can be built. But turn the dial to Yerevan and I, as a 
member of the intelligentsia, become ashamed: there is 
no controversy nor any serious talk. 

It was very interesting to see how elections of candidates 
for people's deputies went in the country. We have not 
been shown anything of interest in the last three weeks. 
Even though there were things to show. Two candidates 
were nominated—Academician V. A. Ambartsumyan 
and the poet G. G. Emin. It is a pity that they had 
already become rivals in the preliminary stage, but a 
Struggle is a struggle. It was an intense one. Viktor 
Amazaspovich won. Why didn’t television tell about 

Today we need more glasnost and more tolerance toward 
one another. 

G. Kh. Sarkisyan, acting vice-president of the Armenian 
SSR Academy of Sciences: This is what I want to talk 
about. Ideological perestroyka is going on in our country. 
It is going slowly in the republic as compared to what is 
being done in the country. We must step it up. We have 
been called upon to deal with the “blank spots” in our 
history. But why go so far back? Let us turn to last year. 
Let us examine objectively such a public phenomenon as 
the Karabakh movement. Quite a few ringing labels have 
already been slapped on it: “extremism,” “nationalism,” 
and the like. But it was glasnost and perestroyka that 
gave birth to the Karabakh movement, it is their child. 
So let us thoughtfully and calmly look to see what in the 
Karabakh movement was true and in step with the times 
and what was not. 

The natural disaster infused an absolutely new spirit in 
our history and in contemporary Armenia—unparalleled 
friendly aid and a flood of warmth and fraternity from 
all corners of the USSR and the globe. That warms our 
hearts. And we must make every effort to strengthen the 
faith of our people in the future and make them real and 
businesslike participants in the renewal which has begun 
in the republic. 


V. A. Ambartsumyan, president of the Armenian SSR 
Academy of Sciences: Despite all the difficulties which 
we are encountering today, we must not ignore the main 
thing—the moral spirit and mind-set of the people. 
These things depend on the degree to which honesty and 
justice gain the upper hand everywhere. The republic's 
leadership is taking measures to normalize the ideologi- 
cal-moral atmosphere, and this line was approved by the 
September Plenum of the Central Committee. 

S. G. Arutyunyan: Unfortunately, very little has been 
done as yet on a practical level. 

V. A. Ambartsumyan: Of course, the strikes, the interna- 
tional tension, and the earthquake were hindrances here. 
But nonetheless | want to again emphasize that the moral 
spirit and spiritual health of the people is most impor- 
tant of all to us now. I often meet with people. And I will 
say frankly that such phenomena as dishonesty, specula- 
tion, corruption, and bribe-taking bother them most of 
all. People see them as the sources of society's moral 
decay. I have heard that bribes have even penetrated not 
only to admission to VUZes but also to the passing of 

S. G. Arutyunyan: Recently the law-enforcement organs 
arrested a teacher in an institute who had extorted bribes 
for an exam. The student offered 500 rubles but he 
demanded 800. That is what it has come to. We must 
deal with this disgraceful phenomenon together. 

V. A. Ambartsumyan: We have lost one of the most 
important virtues of the Armenian people—its industri- 
ousness. | remember an exhibit in Kirovakan at the 
House of Quality. Fine items were displayed there. There 
was great detail about the technical characteristics and 
production technology. But not a word was said about 
the fact that these items were made by real craftsmen 
who are able to work conscientiously. It is not only at 
enterprises that conscientious labor is needed. It is also 
needed in our VUZes. If a lecturer encourages students 
who leave their studies to go on strike, he creates gaps 
not only in their knowledge but also in the conscience of 
the future specialists. They get used to the idea that they 
do not have to be demanding of themselves and they deal 
with their studies in a slipshod manner. Enormous effort 
is needed to change this psychology. 

Look at the situation in our pure sciences. The lag here 
began in the 1960's. It got worse, but no one became 
upset. Why? We had forgotten how to make demands on 
ourselves and on one another. Today we have been 
forced to reap the bitter fruits of general irresponsibility. 
Innovative cadres are needed, modern scientific equip- 
ment is needed, and new organizational approaches to 
the creative pursuit are needed. There are a mass of most 
difficult questions. But we must deal with them if we 
want to raise our science and the science of Soviet 
Armenia to the contemporary level. 

27 June 1989 

G. I, Matevosyan, writer: | would like to consider the 
question of the fate of those who were detained for 
violating public order. Among them are activists of the 
Karabakh Committee. What are they guilty of? If we 
cannot speak of this here, then where can we speak of it? 

S. G. Arutyunyan: It seems to me that we should not 
equate the Karabakh movement with those people who 
are under investigation. The investigation is coming to 
an end and there will be an open trial. And then it will 
become obvious to everyone who is guilty and of what. If 
they are not guilty before the law, they will be released. 

L. A. Voronin, Deputy Chairman of the USSR Council of 
Ministers: I think that everyone here today has one 
goal—to meet those complex challenges which face 
Armenia. The most important of them is to eliminate the 
consequences of the earthquake as quickly as possible. 
People need housing, work, and spiritual equilibrium. 
We have set a concrete goal: to meet next winter with no 
housing in tents and no schools or kindergartens housed 
in tents. This is an important political task. We are 
relying very heavily on the aid of the intelligentsia to 
resolve it. 

Construction work is now getting underway in Lenina- 
kan, Kirovakan, Spitak, and in the rural populated 
points. Skilled workers are needed. Everyone knows that 
the Armenian people are born construction workers. 
Then why should we have organized recruitment of 
people from throughout the country. I think that 
together with the intelligentsia we could carry out the 
appropriate work and extensively recruit rural residents 
for construction work in the disaster zone. 

Armenian science faces very serious problems and Aca- 
demician V. A. Ambartsumyan did a good job of talking 
about them. We must begin to work together on them. 
Armenia has begun a great undertaking and it should 
actively serve the cause of perestroyka and the cause of 
the republic’s renewal. 

| have made note of all the questions which were raised 
during today’s meeting. They will be brought to the 
USSR Council of Ministers so that the necessary help 
can be given. 

There has been much talk here about ways to normalize 
interethnic relations. That is natural. There is no alter- 
native to good-neighbor relations between Armenia and 
Azerbaijan. All subsequent work must be carried on 
based on this idea. In this connection I would like to 
recall the words of M. S. Gorbachev: “We are all strong 
when we are together.” 

The Armenian people face a broad field of work. And it 
will be accomplished because Soviet Armenia along with 
our entire country is doing it. 


S. G. Arutyunyan, first secretary of the Armenian SP 
Central Committee, summarized the results of the meet- 
ing. Among other things, he said the following: 

I think that we have had a detailed, honest, and princi- 
pled discussion. | want to mention once again that we in 
the Central Committee regard our intelligentsia with a 
sense of deepest respect. The Armenian intelligentsia has 
never been complacent; they have always been distin- 
guished by breadth of thought, true patriotism, love of 
freedom, and humanism. These constructive civic qual- 
ities formed throughout the entire course of our history 
have today been filled with new meaning and have 
acquired a new ring. Perestroyka and the process of 
democratization have raised the social responsibility of 
the intelligentsia for the fate of their native people and 
for the renewal of the republic. Various approaches are 
encountered and pluralism of opinions is being con- 
firmed in politics, art, and social life. I think that all 
these are natural processes in our crucial time. 

We are glad that our intelligentsia is actively intervening 
in all spheres of life. In my opinion, it would be much 
worse if it were passive and did not intervene in an‘ thing 
but lived only for its own narrow interests. Its active, 
aggressive position is an effective factor in perestroyka. 
We have a common task today—to consolidate the 
nation and unite our people behind a platform of con- 
structive work. And here it is very important to more 
effectively and more boldly take advantage of the spiri- 
tual and cultural potential of the intelligentsia which 
appeals to the consciousness and memory of people and 
awakens their national, patriotic, and internationalist 
feelings and leads us toward common interests, common 
concerns, and a common constructive goal. Only by 
raising each worker, kolkhoz member, specialist, and 
manager as an individual will we be able to put him in 
the center of our transformation in the economy, public 
life, and the ideological-moral sphere and make him 
responsible for himself, for others, and for the renewal of 
his native region. 

Our people are for perestroyka and have accepted its 
revolutionary essence with their minds and hearts. Per- 
estroyka has given us the opportunity of openly talking 
about the deformations and serious mistakes which have 
taken place in various spheres of life. Perestroyka has 
stimulated an upsurge of national self-consciousness and 
highlighted the problems of language, culture, and the 
historical past and present. 

The crucial problem of Nagornyy Karabakh, around 
which frequently dramatic and at times tragic upsurges 
of emotion have arisen during the year, has added to the 
general ideological-political situation in the republic. 
The republic was in a difficult situation long before 
February of last year. Serious mistakes were made for 
many years in the organizational and political work of 
party organizations. Their political influence on the 
masses has significantly lessened. People’s social dissat- 
isfaction has grown, violations of the principles of social 

27 June 1989 

justice have become common, and corruption and bribe- 
taking and distortions in cadre policy have flourished. 
The diminution of the authority of party and Soviet 
Organs has resulted in obvious alienation of the working 
people from leadership cadres. 

Our people wanted to see a positive, perestroyka-minded 
aspect in the newly-born Karabakh movement. How- 
ever, forces managed to attach themselves to the move- 
ment which by speculating on objective difficulties tried 
to aggravate interethnic relations. The tragedy in Sum- 
gait gave special drama to this process. 

Taking advantage of the complicated problem of 
Nagornyy Karabakh, certain activists of the Karabakh 
Committee inflamed passions, provoked illegal actions, 
and tried to bring the republic into chaos. All this 
resulted in an extremely dangerous spiral of tension in 
the situation. 

I should frankly say that even among the representatives 
of the artistic and scientific intelligentsia, not everyone 
clearly saw the watershed between the Karabakh move- 
ment and the actions of self-styled leaders. If we speak on 
a larger scale, it was not they who were the founders of 
the movement. They only became the leaders and rode 
the wave of “rally democracy.”’ And their ill-conceived 
and possibly deliberately calculated actions cast a 
shadow on the Karabakh movement. I would not begin 
to make great martyrs of an idea of them. They in fact 
prevented the problem from being solved by their irre- 
sponsible appeals and actions. Are ultimatums really a 
method of interrelationships in a civilized society? And 
what kind of a position did they put the republic’s 
leadership in? For we were forced to work on solving the 
most difficult problems in conditions where the republic 
was being shaken by strikes, hunger, demonstrations, 
and ultimatums. 

Life itself has shown that the complex problem of 
Nagornyy Karabakh which came to us from the past can 
be solved not on paths of confrontation and interethnic 
hostility but on paths of sensible political compromises. 

Perhaps we do not yet have the degree of consolidation 
which is necessary at the difficult, crucial stage of pere- 
stroyka in the republic. But the main thing, I am certain, 
we all understand—we need a sense of our common 
responsibility for the future of the republic and for peace 
and tranquillity in our common home. 

For even now the republic is undergoing difficult times. 
For even now we need consolidation and unity as much 
as bread and fresh air. The intelligentsia has always been 
the conscience of the nation and the moral health of the 
people has depended on its behavior and its position in 
critical moments. To speak honestly, it is difficult for me 
to understand those representatives of the intelligentsia 
(there are only a few of them, but they do exist) who in 
this dramatic situation at times forget sober wisdom, and 


some people who are not even averse to pouring oil on 
the fire. The higher national interests of the Armenian 
people demand an altogether different approach. 

The earthquake with all its force showed the determina- 
tion of our people and their ability to courageously stand 
up to misfortune. The world never before knew such a 
stroke of disaster as they were forced to undergo in 
December. And this relentless stroke did not break the 
Armenian people. I visit the disaster zone often and meet 
with people. There are thousands of questions and 
thousands of problems; many families are housed in 
tents, and schools are in temporary quarters, and the 
temperature has fallen to 15-20 degrees below freezing. 
In general everyone has great problems. But people live 
on. M. S. Gorbachev, N. I. Ryzhkov, and members of the 
CPSU Central Committee Politburo commission to 
eliminate the consequences of the earthquake who were 
in the disaster zone mentioned this tenacity of life and 
endurance of the Armenian people. 

I am proud of my people and their wisdom and endur- 
ance in a difficult situation and their desire to direct 
their efforts and will to the creation and renewal of life. 
Enormous effort is needed to revive people’s spirit and 
to provide them with an optimistic view of the world. 
Who if not the intelligentsia should today be together 
with us in this difficult cause? Spiritual empathy heals no 
less than medicine; it removes the pain and renews 
confidence in tomorrow. 

We are glad that our intelligentsia is actively entering 
into all the problems and posing questions which con- 
cern the working people and therepublic’s population. 
But I would be going against my conscience if today I did 
not say that questions must not only be posed but that we 
must together be responsible for the state of affairs. We 
must not see our mission only in criticizing leadership. 
We must also bear responsibility for the state of affairs in 
the republic. 

We must all of us work together. And there is one other 
thing I consider it my duty to say. If we want to have a 
strong republic, we must have a strong leadership. Strong 
in the sense of authority. The intelligentsia should have 
an interest in this. And for its part it should bring to the 
minds and hearts of the people everything that is positive 
in the republic’s life and reject all the gossip and conjec- 
tures about the mythical gap between the leadership and 
the people which are being spread by persons who do not 
like the course of renewal which we have taken. These 
persons are interested in shattering the authority of the 
leadership; therefore they are making attempts to pass 
off their wishes as reality. 

We are filled with deep faith in the tenacity of our people 
and their wisdom and ability to manage in a difficult 
situation and their ability to focus their efforts and will 
on creativity and constructiveness andthe renewal of life, 
and we are confident of their adherence to the ideas of 
perestroyka, which carry our destiny. 

27 June 1989 

All of us and all our people must unite to properly 
overcome the misfortunes which have fallen to the lot of 
the republic. That is the duty of our generation to the 
present, the future, and the past. 

Kazakh CP CC Discusses Means to Combat 
Trade Speculation 

in Russian 8 Apr 89 p | 

[KazTAG report under the rubric “At the Kazakh CP 
Central Committee”’: “With the Full Force of the Law 
and the Public’’] 

[Text] A meeting of the Kazakh CP Central Committee, 
in which heads of state and legal departments of party 
obkoms, chiefs of law enforcement agencies and media 
officials also took part, discussed the issue of combating 
trade speculation and irregularities in the high-demand 
goods distribution and retail network. 

First quarter results show that the republic’s law enforce- 
ment agencies and the public continue to mount the 
effort to stop irregularities in retail trade. Agencies 
combatting crimes against state property have assigned 
agents to fight speculation, who carry out extensive 
preventive and investigative operations. 

However, these measures are not uniformly successful. 
Black market supply channels of high-demand goods are 
not being properly identified and eliminated. Only the 
final link of the warehouse-store-speculator criminal 
chain is usually uncovered. As a result, those who 
mastermind the crimes often go unpunished. Specula- 
tion has also been boosted by a number of newly estab- 
lished cooperatives and video rental stores. One out of 
four suspects detained by law enforcement agencies for 
speculation is a college or trade school student. Educa- 
tion of young people should be intensified. The spread of 
speculation and irregularities in the retail sector are in a 
large measure due to the breakdown of economic rules. 
For instance, in the first quarter of the year wages in the 
republic’s economy considerably outpaced labor produc- 
tivity growth. Speculation also causes distortions in 
finance and money supply. 

Inspections have shown that goods are often accumu- 
lated at warehouses and not released into stores for long 
periods of time, exacerbating the shortages. For instance, 
at Taldy-Kurgan Oblast’s Kazgalantereytorg warehouse 
145,000 tons of laundry soap, 150,000 boxes of detergent 
powder, 8,000 tubes of toothpaste and 13,600 bottles of 
shampoo were found; those goods were kept off the 
shelves. The practice of hiding high-demand goods at 
stores themselves also persists. illegal trade in alcoholic 
beverages also continues, especially in large population 

The full force of the law should be used against specula- 
tors and those who like easy profit. Law enforcement 
agencies have made proposals to that effect, aimed at 


introducing stiffer penalties for minor speculation and 
resale of goods at higher prices; this should make spec- 
ulation economically unprofitable. 

The republic’s mass media makes a contribution to the 
Struggle against speculation. At the KAZAKHSTAN- 
SKAYA PRAVDA editorial offices, a council of workers’ 
inspectors has been formed, functioning jointly with the 
Kazakh SSR Trade Union Council's workers’ inspection 
commission and its press center. Radio journalists have 
assumed responsibility for monitoring retail trade at 
major industrial enterprises: at the Ust-Kamenogorsk 
titanium and magnesium complex, the Achisayskiy met- 
als complex and the ‘“Alma-Ata Housing Construction 
Complex” association. OGNI ALATAU, the Alma-Ata 
oblast newspaper, and the oblast trade union council 
have formed a consumer protection club. Newspapers 
nized hotlines with the participation of the republic’s 
Agency for Combatting Crimes against State Property. 
The hotline received more than 100 telephone calls and 
dozens of letters and cables, which formed the basis for 
raids and inspections on the suspicion of dealing in 
high-demand goods, spare parts for television sets and 
automobiles, knitwear and other types of goods. Many 
newspapers organized raids on flee markets where cloth- 
ing is sold. 

However, most information is provided as ordinary 
factual reporting, using dry, dispassionate language. It is 
doubtful that it could help turn public opinion against 
money-grabbing speculators. We need serious analytical 
articles by specialists, studies on the nature of shortages 
and reports by workers’ inspectors. They should thor- 
oughly highlight positive experience in combatting spec- 
ulation and create a climate of intolerance around those 
who violate retail trade rules and steal state property. 

Skillful coordination of the work of law enforcement 
agencies, volunteer inspectors, trade un'ons, komsomol 
and mass media by party organizations should 
Strengthen the struggle against speculation. In this 
respect, the proposal to set up special detachments to 
fight speculation at oblast centers and major population 
centers merits more attention. 

The Kazakh CP Central Committee’s First Secretary 
G.V.Kolbin spoke at the meeting. 

Tajik Buro Discusses Draft Language Law 

in Russian 7 Apr 89 p I, 2 

[TadzhikTA report: “State Language Status for Tajik. 
From the Expanded Session of the Tajik Communist 
Party Central Committee Buro”’] 

[Text] Prior to being submitted for public discussion, the 
results of the work of the Commission for Drafting the 
Language Law were examined at an expanded session of 
the Tajik Communist Party Central Committee Buro 

27 June 1989 

held on 5 April in Dushanbe. Discussion of the question 
was participated in by commission members invited to 
the meeting, obkom, gorkom, and raykom secretaries, 
oblispolkom, gorispolkom, and rayispolkom chairmen, 
heads of ministries, departments, and a number of 
Organizations and institutions, representatives of the 
creative unions and social organizations, heads and 
secretaries of the party organizations of higher and 
secondary specialized educational institutions, senior 
officials of the apparatuses of the Tajik Communist 
Party Central Committee, the Tajik SSR Supreme Soviet 
Presidium and the Tajik SSR Council of Ministers, and 
representatives of the mass media. 

The work of the expanded session of the Buro was 
participated in by A. Zaramenskiy, deputy head of the 
CPSU Central Committee Ideological Department, and 
N. K. Doigushkin, a senior official in the CPSU Central 
Committee Department of Party Construction and 
Cadre Work. 

A report on the findings of the work of the Commission 
for Drafting the Language Law was delivered by Tajik 
SSR Supreme Soviet Presidium Chairman G. P. Pal- 
layev, chairman of the Commission for Preparing Pro- 
posals Concerning the Status of the State Language in the 
Tajik SSR and Rules Governing Language Use in the 
Republic. He noted that the present condition of the 
Tajik language, and the narrowing of the sphere of its use 
in party, soviet, and economic organs, education system 
and cultural bodies, as well as in speech and writing, 
have brought about the necessity of state protection for 
the Tajik language. 

Proposals and recommendations have come in to the 
Tajik SSR Supreme Soviet Presidium from collectives of 
workers and kolkhoz members, school and vocational- 
technical school students, college and secondary school 
students, professors and teaching faculties, associates of 
scientific-research institutes of the Tajik SSR Academy 
of Sciences, officials of cultural institutions, the board of 
the Tajik Writers Union, newspaper, journal, and radio 
and television editors, and veterans of the party, Komso- 
mol, war, and labor. 

As of | April 1989, the Tajik SSR Supreme Soviet 
Presidium had received 7126 letters signed by more than 
585,000 citizens, also more than 300 telephone calls. The 
total added up to more than 74,000 written and oral 

Ninety-nine percent of the signatories demand that state 
language status be given to Tajik. 

The commission held several meetings. At the 21 Feb- 
ruary meeting it proposed to confer state language status 
to Tajik and draft a Language Law. 


Taking this circumstance into account, the Supreme 
Soviet Presidium Commission prepared a draft language 
law consisting of a preamble, four chapters, and totaling 
34 articles. 

What is the main purpose of the document? 

Considering public demands for creating conditions to 
safeguard and further develop the Tajik language and the 
culture of the Tajik people, the draft law confers on Tajik 
the status of state language within the territory of the 
Tajik SSR. 

In doing so, it stipulates that conferring official status on 
the Tajik language shall in no way diminish or infringe 
upon the rights of persons whose native language is other 
than Tajik. This is reflected in the draft law. It states that 
the Tajik SSR acknowledges and protects the inalienable 
right of citizens of any nationality to develop their own 
native language and culture; it protects the equality of all 
citizens before the law regardless of their native lan- 

The draft law notes the special status of the Russian 
language which, since it is the language of interethnic 
communication in our country, functions freely within 
the territory of the Tajik SSR. 

In connection with this, it is deemed essential to pro- 
mote the principle of Tajik-Russian and Russian-Tajik 

The draft law defines the spheres of use of the Tajik, 
Russian, Uzbek, and other languages in state and social 
life, citizens’ rights and guarantees in the choice of 
language, and protection of languages. It calis for state 
protection and sateguarding of the languages of people 
living in the territory of GBAO [Gorno-Badakhshan 
Autonomous Oblast], also the Yagnob language. 

It must be emphasized that the draft law being submitted 
to your inspection does not regulate the use of languages 
in daily life, in communication among members of labor 
collectives, and in institutions and organizations. 

A whole chapter of the draft law deals with citizens’ 
rights and guarantees in language choice. 

In particular, it stipulates that the Tajik SSR shall 
guarantee citizens’ right independently to choose the 
language in which they communicate with officials of 
state government and administration, also enterprises, 
institutions, and organizations, and to receive from them 
information and documents in the state language, in 
Russian, or, to the extent possible, in some other lan- 
guage they choose. It proposes establishing requirements 
in the sphere of knowledge of the state language and 
Russian with regard to officials of organs of state author- 
ity and administration as well as officials of enterprises 
and institutions whose duties include regular communi- 
cation with citizens of various nationalities. 

27 June 1989 

In the section of the draft law which deals with matters of 
language use, it proposes to stipulate that the state 
language shall be the language of office work and busi- 
ness correspondence [deloproizvodstvo] and the lan- 
guage of meetings and other workers’ conferences in 
Organs of state authority and administration. Citizens 
who do not know this language have the right to make 
use of Russian or any other language at meetings and 

in local organs of state authority and administration, 
office work and business correspondence shall be con- 
ducted in the language of the majority of the population 
living in that territory. 

Special mention must be made of documents [akty] of 
organs of state authority and administration. 

At present, the practice in regard to their use is as 
follows: In the Supreme Soviet Presidium, drafts of 
ukases are drawn up and adopted in Russian and then 
translated into Tajik and Uzbek, after which they are 

Draft laws are adopted in Tajik, Russian, and Uzbek and 
then published. 

In the republic’s Council of Ministers, draft decrees are 
prepared and adopted basically in Russian and are 
translated into Tajik for publication. 

The draft law proposes, on the basis of the official status 
of the Tajik language, to adopt acts by organs of state 
authority in Tajik and publish them in the three lan- 
guages—Tajik, Russian, and Uzbek. 

As for office work and correspondence in enterprises, 
institutions, and organizations of the republic, according 
to the draft law these should be conducted in Tajik and 
may be carried out in Russian or some other acceptable 
language only in enterprises, institutions, and organiza- 
tions where most of the workers are not speakers of 

The draft law affirms the present provision of the Tajik 
SSR Constitution concerning the language of court pro- 
ceedings—that is, court proceedings must be conducted 
in the language of the majority population of a given 
locality, with interpreting provided where necessary. 

The draft law proposes to affirm every citizen’s guaran- 
teed right (within the republic’s capabilities) to receive 
an education in Tajik, Russian, Uzbek, or some other 
spoken language, also the opportunity for the Russian 
population to be taught the Tajik language and for 
persons of the indigenous nationality to be taught Rus- 


The draft law regulates the details of the use of the state 
language in the sphere of education, science, and culture 
and stipulates that the state shall promote the study of 
Tajik literature which is written in Arabic script and the 
publication of literature in this script. 

A separate chapter of the draft law deals with the 
protection of languages, in particular it stipulates that 
matters of orthography and terminology in the Tajik 
standard language shall be codified in accordance with ° 
established procedures. 

The same chapter also stipulates that the state shall take 
care to preserve Tajik names and designations. 

A special article of the draft law stipulates that persons 
guilty of violating citizens’ rights of language choice, 
deliberate public disparagement of any language, or 
distortion in official documents and texts are to be held 
accountable in accordance with procedures established 
by law. 

The draft Language Law makes it possible to regulate the 
process of reciprocal bilingualism and multilingualism, 
to regulate the expedient use of every language in partic- 
ular spheres of life, and thereby to ensure not only the 
free and equal functioning of the large and small lan- 
guages but also, at the same time, to create guarantees for 
their preservation and further development. 

Tajik SSR Minister of Justice Sh. D. Makhmudov read 
the draft Language Law aloud and made detailed com- 
ments on each of its points, engaging in dialogue with 
participants at the meeting and answering questions 
from the audience and the presidium. During the course 
of the discussion, literally every line subject to question 
or doubt was examined, and editorial amendments were 
introduced. For example, a heated debate flared up 
concerning the use of the state language in enterprises 
and institutions made up of different nationalities. Most 
agreed that the question as to which language should be 
used in conducting business should be decided in the 
labor collectives. 

Equally tense was the discussion of the use of the state 
language in project planning and design work. For exam- 
ple, Central Committee Buro member G. V. Koshlakov 
asked for the floor and noted that designs of buildings 
and structures prepared by engineers and architects of 
Tajikistan, also project-estimate documentation as a 
whole, are generally intended for the whole country 
rather than one republic. Does it make sense to translate 
all design work into the state language? Wouldn’t it 
damage the national interests of the Tajik SSR by 
holding back scientific-technical progress and the inten- 
sive exchange of scientific advances? This was a topic of 
special concern on the part of heads of design organiza- 
tions who spoke from the floor. The partcipants in the 

27 June 1989 

meeting arrived at a unanimous opinion: The commis- 
sion should be directed to discuss the matter comprehen- 
sively with specialists and representatives of design 

Also giving rise to questions were provisions in the draft 
law concerning the preferential use of the state language 
in the VUZes, in particular the Tajik Agricultural Insti- 
tute, the Polytechnical Institute, and the Medical Insti- 
tute. Most of the participants were in favor of doing 
additional work on the question and inviting represen- 
tatives of the VUZes to the commission for the purpose. 

The matter of working through the draft Language Law 
is One of paramount importance. There can be no place 
for ambiguities, polarized interpretations, or, especially, 
anything that fails to promote the strengthening of 
friendship and brotherhood among the representatives 
of the various nationalities living in Tajikistan. This 
theme was heard in every statement without exception. 
Sh. Rustamov, a member of the commission and a 
corresponding member of the Tajik SSR Academy of 
Sciences, recounted how carefully and thoroughly the 
draft had been prepared. This discussion of the draft law, 
he said, indicates that the commission, the people, and 
the republic’s leadership are unanimous in their opinion 
that every line in the draft law must be weighed on a 
finely calibrated scale. As a result, 34 of the 45 articles 
were submitted to the expanded session for discussion. 

A. Tursunov, director of the Oriental Institute of the 
Republic’s Academy of Sciences, emphasized in partic- 
ular that if the Language Law is adopted and if we 
emphasize the preservation of unity, then after the 
document is adopted it will be necessary to discuss it 
with the people, including the non-Tajik speaking peo- 
ple, and explain it to them. 

Critical remarks and proposals with regard to the draft 
law were expressed by Frunze Raykom First Secretary R. 
K. Alimov, who spoke in particular about the necessity 
of striving for precision and uniformity in the wording 
and the definition of general principles in the use of 
language in conducting business, also the procedure for 
passing the law, and also the necessity of proceeding on 
the basis of directives of the 19th All-Union Party 
Conference having to do with the nationality question. 

Matters concerning the study of the Arabic script, and 
related efforts of acquainting the people more broadly 
with the historical and cultural values of the past, were 
the subject of statements by M. Dinorshoyev, head of the 
Department of Philosophy of the Tajik SSR Academy of 
Sciences, and A. Khakimov, editor-in-chief of the weekly 

Also sharing their thoughts were M. S. Asimov, corre- 
sponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences; A. 
Mukhtarov, S. Tabarov, and Professor Khromov, corre- 
sponding members of the republic Academy of Sciences; 
D. Ashurov, head of the ideological department of the 


Tajik Communist Party Central Committee, N. 
Tabarov, Tajik SSR minister of culture; S. Sh. Mir- 
zoshoyev, chairman of the presidium of the Tajik Society 
for Friendship and Cultural Relations With Foreign 
Countries; Professor L. V. Uspenskaya; B. Iskandarov, 
academician of the Tajik SSR Academy of Sciences; G. 
Ashurov, corresponding member of the republic Acad- 
emy of Sciences; Professor A. Gafarov; and others. 

“We need to get to work on creating an atmosphere of 
good will around the discussion of the draft Language 
Law,” said Sh. B. Usmanova, a secretary of the Khatlon 
Obkom. “We cannot work in isolation but must all work 
together—intelligentsia, party and soviet workers. The 
commission has done a major, noble job. But the hardest 
part lies ahead—putting the Law into practice. We must 
take account of the actual situation and certain state- 
ments that are cause for concern, for example to the 
effect that first we must convert to the state language and 
then talk.... We must not blame somebody because 6000 
poets have been lost; rather, we must ask ourselves why 
the classic Firdousi, who is accessible to all, is gathering 
dust on the shelves. In adopting the Law, speaking their 
mind, or making declarations, our authoritative scien- 
tists must have a sense of responsibility for each word, 
for what role it may play in the minds of unprepared 


A number of critical remarks, suggestions, and proposals 
were expressed by numerous other participants in the 
expanded session of the Central Committee Buro. 

The findings of the Buro session were summarized by K. 
M. Makhkamov, First Secretary of the Tajik Communist 
Party Central Committee. He said: 

“As you have learned, the commission has carefully, 
thoroughly, and comprehensively studied the question, 
taken account of numerous proposals and requests by the 
working people, and come to the conclusion that the 
Tajik language should be given state language status. 

“It seems to me that the commission’s conclusion is 
quite well founded. It is no secret to anyone that in 
recent decades, because of insufficient attention to mat- 
ters of studying the Tajik language—the language of the 
immortal works of Rudaki, Firdousi, Abuali ibn Sino, 
Omar Khayyam, Saadi and Khafiz, Bedil, and 
Dzhami—the sphere of its use and social functions has 
become more and more limited. 

““Of course, this could not have failed to created entirely 
understandable concern and disquiet. In consideration 
of this, in May of last year decrees were adopted on 
perfecting the study and teaching of the Tajik and 
Russian languages in the republic. 

“*In the decree on the Tajik language, party, soviet, trade 
union, and Komsomol organs, as well as the relevant 
ministries and departments, pledged, on the basis of 
strict compliance with Lenin’s principle of equal rights 

27 June 1989 

for languges, to ensure the creation of the necessary 
conditions for the development of the Tajik language 
and the expansion of its social functions in all spheres of 

“A number of measures designed to implement the 
provisions of this decree have been carried out since it 
was adopted. The population has been given a new 
textbook of Tajik, a small Tajik-Russian dictionary, 
Tajik-Russian and Russian-Tajik phrasebooks, and a 
number of other study materials of that sort. 

“The number of hours devoted to the study of Tajik both 
in Russian and in Tajik classes has been increased. 
Compulsory study of the Tajik language has been intro- 
duced in the educational institutions. Voluntary circles 
and courses for the study of Tajik have been set up. Tajik 
language classes are being conducted by means of radio 
and television. Other steps have also been taken in this 
direction, but it is probably not necessary to list them. 

‘Approaching the question in a principled and exacting 
manner, however, one cannot help noticing that oblast, 
city, and rayon party committees, primary party organi- 
zations, trade unions, the Komsomol, and the relevant 
ministries and departments have failed to ensure the 
fulfillment of the adopted decrees to the full extent. 

“Moreover, attention to this matter has slackened 
recently. This could not fail to evoke a corresponding 
reaction. Scientists and public figures have spoken out in 
articles expressing concern for the fate of their native 
language. Numerous letters on this subject have begun to 
come in to the Central Committee, the republic Supreme 
Soviet Presidium, and the Commisssion for the Prepa- 
ration of the Draft Language Law. None of this could be 

“In emphasizing the correctness and objective character 
of the commission’s conclusions, | should like to focus 
your attention on certain aspects of the problem. In 
order to avoid incorrect interpretations and undesirable 
manifestations, it is essential to understand precisely 
what is meant by the term ‘state language status’ and 
what its adoption means. It is necessary to say at this 
point that in undertaking to give state language status to 
the Tajik language we are obligated to create the neces- 
sary conditions for its development and expand the 
sphere of its use. 

“We must not, at the same time, forget that conferring 
State language status on Tajik and taking care of its 
development do not relieve us of responsibility toward 
the languages of nations and nationalities living in our 
republic. In other words, we must not permit any restric- 
tion on these languages; we must ensure people’s right to 
use them freely. 

“I focus specially on this aspect of the matter because at 
present some persons have a distorted, incorrect under- 
standing and interpretation of state language status. In 


particular, there have been cases of manifestations which 
do not promote the strengthening of people’s friendship. 
I’m speaking of incidents in the markets, stores, on 
public transport, and even in certain departments of the 
MVD [Ministry of Internal Affairs], in which certain 
persons—even though they know Russian—have 
demanded that citizens address them only in Tajik, 
otherwise they will refuse to perform their duties. What 
is happening? In the 73rd year of Soviet rule, our people 
are suddenly forgetting how to understand one another. 
Comrades, who needs this? 

“Our approach to phenomena of this kind must be 
resolute and unequivocal: Persons who commit such 
acts, who deliberately sow discord among people of 
different nationalities, who attempt to undermine the 
foundations of friendship an. brotherhood of peoples, 
and who disgrace the Soviet way of life, have no place 
among us. Such people must be brought to accountabil- 
ity in accordance with the full severity of the law. 

“It is essential right now to think seriously about what 
needs to be done in order to prevent such phenomena, in 
order to ensure the unshakeability of the foundations of 
friendship and brotherhood among the peoples of our 

“Hence, the task now is to ensure that after the draft 
Language Law is published for public discussion, party, 
soviet, trade union, and Komsomol organizations, aided 
by the public at large—especially scientists, literary 
figures, and artists—immediately set about to explain 
every point of the draft Law in the labor collectives, in 
people’s places of residence, and among young people in 
school. This must be done with special tact, understand- 
ing, and conviction. 

““We highly and uniformly appreciate the friendship and 
brotherhood of all the nations and nationalities of our 
Motherland and are sincerely respectful of the language 
of every one of them. Nevertheless, I have to say some- 
thing about the fraternal Russian people, about the 
special role and significance of the Russian language. In 
looking back over the historical path we have traversed, 
speaking from a position of honor, conscience, and 
justice, we cannot rightly forget that the fraternal Rus- 
sian people have played an eminent role in the fate of the 
peoples of our Motherland, including the fate of the 
ancient Tajik people. 

‘““How can we forget the fact that the best sons of the 
Russian people were among the first teachers, physi- 
cians, and researchers into the history, language, and 
literature of the Tajik people? Can we expunge from our 
memory the fact that they, along with Tajiks and repre- 
sentatives of other peoples, gave their lives in the strug- 
gle for the establishment and consolidation of Soviet rule 
in Tajikistan, for our happiness and freedom? 

27 June 1989 

“And can we imagine our life today without the fruitful 
and effective cooperation of the Soviet republics and 
fraternal peoples? | think we have grounds for profound 
contemplation of these matters and for explaining to 
anyone who does not understand it, especially young 
people, the essence and Leninist principles of the friend- 
ship, brotherhood, and comprehensive cooperation of 
the peoples of the Land of the Soviets. 

‘Above all this must be brought to the attention of those 
people who, through their irresponsible actions, have 
cast a shadow on our friendly and hospitable people. 

““Now, about the Russian language. I think there is no 
need to explain the place, role, and significance of the 
Russian language in the life of our multinational state. 

“For this reason, if we, like representatives of the other 
fraternal peoples, sincerely wish to be among the devel- 
oped nations of the world and stride along the path of 
progress, along with a good and excellent knowledge of 
our Own native language we must know how to speak and 
write fluently in Russian, the acknowledged language of 
interethnic communication in this country. 

“Everyone is aware today, after all, that because of a 
poor knowledge of the Russian language we do not have 
enough qualified cadres in high-priority sectors of sci- 
ence and technology. Because of this, some of our yo": 1¢ 
people cannot study successfully in the country’s leading, 
educational institutions and they come up against cca- 
siderable difficulties while serving in the ranks of the 
Armed Forces. 

“We must pay more attention to the study of Russian 
also because almost 70 percent of the republic’s popula- 
tion live in the villages, in an environment of purely 
Tajik nationality. Under such conditions, unless the 
necessary attention is paid to the study of Russian along 
with the native language in the schools, it is hard to 
imagine that the situation will improve. 

“In connection with the matter being discussed today, I 
should like to say a few words about internationalism 
and internationalist upbringing. Experience shows that 
until recently we did not realize the full complexity and 
depth of the problem. There were those who assumed 
that the mere existence of multinational oblasts, cities, 
rayons, and labor collectives was sufficient to establish 
and internationalist outlook. 

“Unquestionably, living and working together attests to 
the internationalist character of our life. It seems to me, 
however, that this is just one side of the matter. Real, 
genuine internationalism, in its Leninist sense, begins 
only when the representatives of different nations and 
nationalities manifest sincere concern for one another 
and nourish a sense of mutual respect for the language, 
culture, way of life, and customs of their comrades in 
labor, when equal rights in all spheres of life are ensured. 


“It is essential that party, soviet, trade union, and 
Komsomol organs, as well as economic officials, focus 
constant attention on this aspect of internationalist 
upbringing from now on. 

“As regards the draft Language Law, I should like to add 
that after the draft has been discussed publicly it will 
undoubtedly be improved. In my opinion, Article 33 
needs to be made stronger and more precise. 

‘In conclusion I should like to request that the chairman 
and members of the commission prepare the draft Lan- 
guage Law, in two weeks’ time, taking account of the 
comments and proposals of the comrades here, for 
public discussion, to be conducted in the course of three 
months’ time. 

“But this does not exhaust the matter. Very difficult 
work lies ahead in regard to working out practical 
measures to ensure actual enactment of state language 

“First, we need to deal with the financing of the matter. 
One-time expenditures on the additional publication of 
textbooks, the article on public education, and the trans- 
lation of office work and business papers into the native 
language and other items alone will add up to about 80 
million rubles, and after that, tens and maybe even 
hundreds of millions of rubles will be needed for these 
purposes every year. We need to think about what 
sources will be drawn upon to finance all of this. 

“Then we need to determine the sequence of stages and 
timetables for the implementation of measures designed 
to ensure the functioning of the state language—for 
example, expanding the printing facilities base, the tech- 
nical equipping of educational institutions and the prep- 
aration of schoolbooks, teaching of the Tajik language to 
various categories of officials, translating business 
papers into the state language where this is called for, 
training translators, typists, and stenographers, provid- 
ing the necessary printing devices and office equipment, 
providing for simultaneous interpreting, and much, 
much more. 

“It would appear necessary to ensure that during the 
three months in which the Language Law is being 
discussed, the republic Council of Ministers prepare a 
draft program of these measures in order to submit it to 
the session of the Supreme Soviet along with the draft 
Language Law. 

“Overall, it looks this way: We must carry out all the 
preparatory measures in 1.5 years of the current five- 
year plan, and we must begin the systematic, step-by-step 
adoption of the state language during the | 3th Five-Year 

“You can see, comrades, that we all have a lot of work to 
do. It will require concerted, joint, and well coordinated 
efforts on the part of all of us. 

27 June 1989 

“In conclusion allow me, on behalf of the Tajik Com- 
munist Party Central Committee Buro, to thank all 
members of the commission, who have devoted a great 
deal of effort and time to the preparation of the draft law 
we have examined,” 

The Central Committee Buro gave its overall approval to 
the draft Language Law and recommended that the 
commission work to improve it on the basis of the 
comments and proposals that were expressed while it 
was being discussed and publish it for public discussion. 

Ligachev Tashkent Speech 
18001121 Tashkent PRAVDA VOSTOKA in Russian 
13 May 89 p 1-2 

[Unattributed report on speech by Ye. K. Ligachev at the 
Tashkent Meeting: “Direct Ties Are Beneficial to the 
City and the Village; date not specified] 

[Text] At the March (1989) Central Committee Plenum, 
in M.S. Gorbachev's report and the adopted resolutions, 
a task of special importance was set up: to eliminate in 
the very near future the acuteness of the food-production 
problem and, during the | 3th Five-Year Plan, to ensure 
the production of agricultural products in a quantity and 
assortment adequate for a stable food supply. 

We are embarking upon the solution of this problem 
with a number of favorable factors at hand. First of all, 
we have a modern agrarian policy with its basic direc- 
tions, means and methods of realization fully elaborated. 
The Central Committee Plenum has confirmed the 
socialist path for the development of agriculture. We 
have an integrated program for solving the food-produc- 
tion question. 

Recognition has been given to the diversity and equality 
of all forms of socialist property and all forms of man- 
agement and to their interaction. Broad rights have been 
granted to all types of agriculture, groundless limitations 
on their development have been removed, responsibility 
for the final results of the work has been increased and 
the people's initiative has been unleashed. During my 
recent visit to Kaluga Oblast, one resident of the village 
of Kozla said: ‘Now the peasant has been given greater 
leeway and things will start to happen.” 

Further, the realization of the resolutions adopted by the 
March Central Committee Plenum is occurring during 
the period of the restructuring of all spheres of society 
and of their democratization. This is a favorable factor. 
The fact is, the development of the agrarian sector 
depends to a large extent on economic and political 

In society, more so than at any time in the recent past, 
the opinion has come of age that the food-production 
problem is the most urgent A-! priority. This is very 


And finally, the production and intellectual potential of 
the cities has become more completely involved in the 
strengthening of the agroindustrial complex's material 
and technical base and the defense industry has joined in 
on a large scale. All of this is favorable to the realization 
of the agrarian policy, 

At the same time, the practical implementation of the 
contemporary agrarian policy is being conducted under 
difficult conditions. The crisis features of the economic 
structure are becoming known, as are the profound lag in 
machine building, the complicated situation of the finan- 
cial sector, the disordered monetary circulation and the 
acute shortage of consumer goods. 

Personal incomes are increasing two to two and a half 
times faster than the amount of goods. Of course, it is 
difficult to keep up with this rate and saturate the market 
with foodstuffs. 

During the first 3 years of the current five-year plan, the 
production of the country’s agricultural output has 
increased by 9 percent in comparison with the previous 
five-year plan's corresponding period: grain by 14 per- 
cent, meat and milk by 10-12 percent. Meanwhile, 
society has not perceived this supplement, as it is called. 
Whereas, in the first half of the'80’s, personal incomes 
rose annually by 14-15 billion rubles, in 1988, they rose 
by nearly 40 billion rubles and, for the first four months 
of this year, by 16 billion rubles. 

Further, it is also necessary to keep in mind the follow- 
ing. For the | 3th Five-Year Plan, it is intended that there 
be an increase in the production of foodstuffs by 26-30 
percent with an increase in capital investments in the 
agroindustrial complex [APK] of 19 percent. Such a ratio 
between the growth of production and the increase in 
capital investments has never occurred in a single five- 
year plan. Thus, it is necessary to increase substantially 
the yield of the APK’s production potential, on the one 
hand, and to change the structure of the investments in 
the APK and to attract other sources of material and 
financial resources, on the other. 

In talking about the conditions under which we are 
beginning the implementation of the contemporary 
agrarian policy and the current food-production plans, it 
is impossible not to mention that, this year, in the 
production of livestock output, we have started with a 
zero increase. 

With regards to Central Asia, Siberia and the Urals, the 
situation regarding purchases of meat and milk is as 
follows. Uzbekistan, Kirghizia and Turkmenistan have 
produced a substantial increase, while Tajikistan, Bury- 
atia and Kemerovo Oblast have reduced the volumes of 
meat and milk purchases. Less milk than last year has 
been sold to the state in Bashkiria and Perm and 
Chelyabinsk oblasts. 

27 June 1989 

In brief, under complicated conditions, the party has 
taken upon itself the responsibility of ensuring in the 
next few years a stable food supply for the country. 

In order to implement what has been planned, it is 
necessary, by the end of the 13th Five-Year Plan, to 
increase the production of grain, meat and milk by 
approximately 25-30 percent, vegetables by 34 percent, 
potatoes by 44 percent and fruits, berries and grapes by 
a factor of more than 2. Doing this will not be simple. 
There is a lot of work ahead. Not a single day can be lost 
because time is pressing us hard. 

In order to make fuller use of all the sources for rein- 
forcement of food resources, zonal seminar meetings 
have been conducted in the cities of Omsk, Brest, 
Stavropol and Kaluga. At them, the questions of cost 
accounting and leasing considerations, the expansion of 
the cooperative system between industrial and agricul- 
tural enterprises and the development of family farms 
and truck farm cooperatives have been examined in 

We also attach great importance to today’s meeting in 
Central Asia. Its goal is the further development of direct 
economic ties between the oblasts, the industrial enter- 
prises, the kolkhozes and sovkhozes and the consumers 
cooperatives of the Russian Federation and, in particu- 
lar, of Moscow, Siberia and the Urals, on the one hand, 
and the Central Asian republics, on the other. 

Even during the first years of Soviet Power, a lot of 
attention was paid to the development of economic ties 
between Central Asia and Siberia. It was for this purpose 
that the Turkestan-Siberian Railroad was constructed 

What is being discussed today? The joining of the efforts 
of the labor collectives of industry, agriculture and 
consumers cooperatives in order to increase the produc- 
tion of foodstuffs, in particular, vegetables, fruits and 
potatoes using the advantages of the interrepublic divi- 
sion of labor and the cooperative system. 

We have had similar experience. Starting with the reso- 
lutions of the March and April Central Committee 
plenums, today it is important to impart to all these 
processes a more systematic, constant and large-scale 
nature. This is the first thing. And the second is that the 
direct economic ties should be built on the principles of 
equality, mutual benefit, an equivalent basis and com- 
modity-money relations. Such an approach agrees com- 
pletely with the initiated perestroyka of the management 
of the economic structure and the social sphere in the 
union republics based on self-management and self- 

Also no less important is the social aspect of the matter. 
The increase in the production volumes of produce and 
its immense inter-regional exchange produce an oppor- 
tunity for improving the food supply and raising the 


standard of living for the populace of all the republics, 
for reinforcing the economic structure of the kolkhozes 
and sovkhozes and their financial situation, for expand- 
ing the sources of accumulations and for more rational 
use of labor and material resources. 

Also great is the political significance of the development 
of the cooperative system between the oblasts, krays and 
republics, as well as the economic ties between industrial 
and agricultural enterprises. A deepening of the division 
and cooperative system of labor between the republics, 
krays and oblasts also strengthens the economic bases for 
harmonizing interethnic relations. Undoubtedly, this 
has a positive effect on the development of fraternal 
relations between the republics, the exchange of experi- 
ence and spiritual values and the interethnic education 
of the workers. 

Thus, the inter-republic economic cooperation and the 
development of direct ties between the industrial and 
agricultural enterprises are inherently inscribed in the 
radical economic reform and in the restructuring of the 
political system. This is an important link in the broad- 
scale program for the renewal of all aspects of life of 
Soviet society. 

Now some more details about improving supplying the 
populace with fruit, vegetables and potatoes. The con- 
temporary level of development of potato cultivation, 
vegetable cultivation and gardening does not ensure the 
fulfillment of this task. Over the last 3 years, a drop has 
been noted to the level attained in the previous five-year 
plan. The shortfall in the satisfaction of the consumption 
standard amounts to 40 kg of vegetables and 20 kg of 
fruit for each inhabitant of the country. 

For an extended amount of time now, we have been 
forced to resort to the importation of a large quantity of 
fruits and, in individual years, of potatoes. Thus, the 
import of fruits amounts to 670,000 tons or 15 percent of 
their gross harvest in the country. 

And the matter here is not only the low harvests of 
potatoes, fruits and vegetables, but also the fact that a 
significant part of the produce grown is spoiled during 
harvesting, transport and storage. The losses amount to 
20 percent and more. The kolkhozes and sovkhozes 
which specialize in the production of potatoes, vegeta- 
bles and fruits should have processing shops and modern 
facilities for storing the produce. How is this problem to 
be solved? 

Uzbekistan, Kirghizia, Turkmenia and Tajikistan make 
up a unique region for the conducting of southern fruit 
and vegetable cultivation in the country. Here, every 
fifth ton of grapes is purchased and every sixth of 
vegetables and 40 percent of the melons stocked in the 

27 June 1989 

Central Asia is a large supplier of early fruit and vegeta- 
ble products to the country’s industrial centers in fresh 
form. The specific percentage of the deliveries from here 
of this produce amounts to 25 percent of the vegetables, 
55 percent of the grapes and nearly 60 percent of the 
melons union-wide. From the plan this year for the 
deliveries of 1,835,000 tons of fruits and vegetables, the 
city of Moscow will receive 250,000 tons and the 14 
Russian Federation oblasts participating in the meeting 
will receive nearly 840,000 tons. 

The Central Asian republics, as a rule, are reliable 
partners. They are fulfilling their obligations for deliver- 
ies. Long-term business ties have been established 
between the majority of produce suppliers and receivers. 
In their own turn, many regions of Siberia are supplying 
the indicated region with potatoes, confections and con- 
sumer goods. 

Have the possibilities of the Central Asian republics for 
increasing fruit and vegetable production been 
exhausted? As analysis shows, the region’s possibilities 
are far from being used completely. Let us take as an 
example the Tashkent Oblast. Here, over the last 5 years, 
the population has increased by 500,000 people. It would 
seem that the oblast’s leaders should adopt measures to 
increase the production of fruits and vegetables. How- 
ever, in the current five-year plan, the production and 
consumption of this produce is being reduced. 

Consequently, not only do the receivers of union-wide 
stocks have an interest in increasing the production of 
fruits and vegetables, but also local inhabitants. We are 
talking about satisfying the needs for potatoes, fruits and 
vegetables of the population of all the republics. 

In Central Asia, it is important to ensure the production 
of cotton, its high quality and a maximum fiber yield. At 
the same time, it is necessary to increase here the 
production of livestock products and to achieve an 
increase in per capita consumption of milk and meat, as 
well as fruits and vegetables. 

We will tell you straight out that, until recently, the 
production of fruits and vegetables here has been poorly 
developed. The specialization of farms for the produc- 
tion of fruits and vegetables is being underrated. The 
sector’s infrastructure is weak. For all practical purposes, 
there is a lack of a goods-transportation network for 
deliveries to the union-wide stocks—sorting and packing 
shops and storage warehouses near the stations, with 
preliminary refrigeration. This work will be revitalized, 
first of all, in Turkmenia. 

The consumers cooperative system has turned out to be 
apart from the establishment of a preparation and pro- 
cessing base. The Uzbek and Tajik republic consumers 
unions have constructed in the capitals monumental 
administrative buildings for the management staff, but 
there has been practically little concern about the devel- 
opment of a network of contemporary enterprises for 


receiving, storing and processing fruits and vegetables. 
And, if you add to this the fact that trains move slowly, 
then it becomes understandable why a significant part of 
the fruits and vegetables delivered to Moscow, Siberia 
and the Urals are of poor quality and sometimes spoiled. 
And even in the storage process, a lot of the produce 
delivered over thousands of kilometers is spoiled. 

Why is understandable. In the Uzbek, Turkmen and 
Tajik union republics, the provided storage facilities for 
potatoes, fruits and vegetables amounts to less than 30 
percent of what is needed and, in the Kirghiz union 
republic, to 33 percent. In the Altay Kray and the 
Bashkir Autonomous Republic, it is less than 50 percent 
and, in Novosibirsk Oblast, 30 percent. There is a 
shortage of storage facilities in the Kemerovo and Sver- 
dlovsk oblasts, in the Krasnoyarsk Kray and in the 
Buryat Autonomous Republic. Only just barely has Tyu- 
men Oblast been provided with enough storage facilities. 

Recently, this region’s republics worked out a program 
for the development of fruit and vegetable complexes. A 
significant increase in production at the kolkhozes and 
sovkhozes is being proposed, as well as the establishment 
of the necessary infrastructure. Substantial measures are 
being adopted by the USSR Ministry of Railways, Aer- 
oflot, and motor vehicle transport. Plans have been 
made to involve military transport aviation. But, as 
before, there is a lot of criticism of transport organiza- 
tions regarding the delivery of potatoes and vegetables to 
Moscow and the large cities of the country. Railroad 
workers, aviators and motor vehicle drivers are hence- 
forth responsible completely for the quality of produce 
delivered. And they should build their own work with 
the consumers and the suppliers on the basis of the 
purchase and sale of the produce and the material 
responsibility for its maintenance. 

The matter of the prices for potatoes, fruits, vegetables 
and grapes is being handled in a different manner. In 
conformity with the resolutions of the March CPSU 
Central Committee Plenum, already by next year, the 
purchasing of fruits and vegetables according to con- 
tracted prices will have been developed, which is of 
material interest to farms in increasing the production of 
high-quality produce and its timely delivery to the con- 

As has been shown by the conducting of group seminar 
meetings in Omsk, Brest, Stavropol and Kaluga, the 
family farms and gardening and marketing cooperatives 
have available an enormous reserve for the production of 
potatoes, vegetables and fruits. It must be assumed that 
everything valuable with which you become acquainted 
at the seminars will be put to use by you, as they say. And 
already this year, through public production, the family 
farms and the gardening and marketing associations, the 
republics, oblasts and krays will receive an appreciable 
supplement of meat, milk, potatoes, vegetables and 

27 June 1989 

Our country represents a united economic complex with 
an established inter-republic division of labor, including 
agricultural. Russia, for example, has been engaged since 
ancient times in potato cultivation, while the Central 
Asian republics have engaged in the production of fruits 
and vegetables. There is an on-going exchange of these 
products between the RSFSR and the Central Asian 

How, then, are the oblasts and krays of Siberia and the 
Urals fulfilling their obligations to the fraternal Central 
Asian republics for deliveries of potatoes? 

In the current five-year plan, the Russian Federation is 
fulfilling the plan for the delivery of potatoes to Central 
Asia by only half and Bashkiria and Kurgan, Novosibirsk 
and Perm oblasts by even less—4-17 percent of the 
planned quota. Kemerovo, Omsk and Tomsk oblasts are 
doing so by 40-45 percent. As you see, state discipline in 
the deliveries of potatoes in the RSFSR is low, which is 
intolerable and must be decisively corrected. 

New forms of economic cooperation between the Sibe- 
rian and Central Asian oblasts are becoming widespread 
in the supplying of potatoes to the populace of the 
Central Asian republics. 

As is well known, in Central Asia, there is a large surplus 
of labor resources. This is used in the development of 
mutually beneficial ties. For exampie, Fergana Oblast 
concluded an agreement on cooperation with the Kha- 
kass Autonomous Oblast in Krasnoyarsk Kray. On the 
basis of this agreement, 150 people were sent from 
Fergana Oblast farms to Khakassia, who, under the 
terms of a lease, set about growing potatoes in an area of 
1,200 hectares [almost 3,000 acres]. All the potatoes 
from this area will go into the farm’s plan, but, in 
conformity with the agreement’s conditions, they are 
planned to be shipped for the populace of Fergana 

A similar agreement has been concluded between 
Khorezm and Chita oblasts. Under lease terms, 600 
kolkhoz workers from Khorezm Oblast will grow pota- 
toes on Chita Oblast farms in an area of 5,000 hectares 
{about 12,000 acres]. The potatoes grown from this area 
will go to improve the food supply of the Khorezm 
Oblast workers. 

Other forms of direct economic ties between republics, 
oblasts, kolkhozes and sovkhozes of various regions of 
the country are being developed. I have already men- 
tioned that the country’s agroindustrial complex, in 
order to ensure an increase in the production of food- 
stuffs by 30 percent with an increase in capital invest- 
ments of 19 percent, needs additional sources of material 
and financial resources. The cooperative system of 
industry and the rural area serves this matter well. 
Besides, this is beneficial for both the city dwellers and 
the rural folk. 


An example of this are the economic relations between 
the USSR Ministry of the Petroleum Industry's enter- 
prises and Uzbekistan’s Surkhan-Darya Oblast. The oil 
workers of Western Siberia, Tataria, Bashkiria, Perm 
Oblast and other oil-drilling centers are associated with 
the farms of this oblast on a mutually beneficial basis. 
Still, it is necessary to keep in mind the fact that all large 
petroleum industry enterprises, just like those of the coal 
industry and machine building, have their own rural 
farms, which are engaged basically in the production of 
meat and milk. And, along with this, they are entering 
into a cooperative system with the kolkhozes and 
sovkhozes of the Central Asian republics. 

The task of party, soviet and trade union organizations 
and the soviets of the labor collectives consists of sup- 
porting in every way possible the movement initiated for 
the development of direct ties between industry and 
agriculture, of creating for this purpose the necessary 
conditions and, on this basis, of obtaining a supplement 
to the food supply in the country. 

There are quite a few similar types of examples. Practice 
shows that certain principles should be observed here. 

First. In the agreement for cooperation in the growing 
and delivery of produce, it is necessary to make provi- 
sion for the participation of the industrial enterprises 
through financial and material resources within the 
framework of the rights granted to them. Naturally, it is 
impossible to permit the use for this purpose of the 
material and technical resources intended for fulfillment 
of the contractual obligations for deliveries of the output 
produced by the enterprise and the association. 

Second. The long-term nature of the agreement. In 
sharing in the original and current investments, it is 
important that the industrial enterprise have a guarantee 
for the long-term receipt of the produce, as the econo- 
mists say, over the entire period of amortization of the 
established assets. . 

Third. The economic ties between the oblasts and the 
republics, as well as between the enterprises, kolkhozes 
and sovkhozes, must be built on a strictly voluntary 
basis. The agreements they have must be direct ones, 
without a lot of middlemen or a swollen apparatus. Of 
course, this does not preclude the sensible mediation of 
the commercial purchasing associations of the agricul- 
tural industry or the consumers cooperatives. 

In talking about the development of direct ties, it is 
impossible to forget that they should be implemented 
through an additional increase in the production of 
potatoes, fruits and vegetables and not to the detriment 
of the union-wide stocks. Here there should be strong 
state discipline. 

Yet, the possibilities for increasing the production of 
fruits and vegetables and supplying them to the populace 
are truly enormous. 

27 June 1989 

I, together with a group of comrades, managed to visit 
Surkhan-Darya Oblast. This unique region of the coun- 
try for the cultivation of early fruits and vegetables has 
the necessary conditions for the organization of the 
production and delivery to the country’s industrial cen- 
ters of more than | million tons of vegetables. Unfortu- 
nately, these possibilities are not being exploited now. 
Similar reserves are possessed by the many Central 
Asian republics for increasing the production of early 
vegetables and unique southern fruits, which are con- 
tinuing to be imported into the country. 

An important place in improving supplying the populace 
with foodstuffs, including potatoes, fruits and vegeta- 
bles, belongs to the consumers cooperative system. Here 
it is necessary to seize On the development of a network 
of processing centers. Preferably, right at the kolkhozes 
and sovkhozes, i.¢e., placing the processing as close as 
possible to the production sites. The matter has come to 
the point that the basic amount of fruit and vegetable 
canned goods consumed in Siberia and the Central Asian 
republics are being brought in from other regions of the 
country. Is this really good management? This is fre- 
quently explained by a shortage of equipment for pro- 
cessing. It is possible and necessary to organize the 
production of food-processing equipment locally, with- 
Out expecting to receive it in a centralized procedure. For 
the time being, in Uzbekistan, all told, only 30 farms are 
Operating processing shops and, in Tajikistan, only 3. 

It must be noted that even the established production 
potential for processing fruits and vegetables is not being 
exploited fully. In the Kirghiz consumers union, for 
example, the load on the storage facilities and the 
refrigeration capacities for fruits and vegetables remains 
at the level of 50 percent. And this is with their chronic 

In conclusion, I would like to say that the situation in the 
rural area is being changed substantially. Undoubtedly, 
this will have a wholesome effect on the mood of the city 
dwellers. The large-scale socioeconomic, organizational 
and political measures worked out at the March CPSU 
Central Committee Plenum are creating favorable con- 
ditions for the efficient operation of kolkhozes and 
sovkhozes and all APK enterprises and for an acceler- 
ated increase in the production of foodstuffs. The main 
thing now is to use them skillfully, to promote organiza- 
tional work, to draw in all the sources of food resources 
and to strive for the active participation of the labor 
collectives of the villages and the cities in the solution of 
the food supply problem. 

UzSSR: First Secretary Nishanov on Regional 
Economic Ties 

18300646 Tashkent PRAVDA VOSTOKA in Russian 
14 May 89 p 1-2 

{Unattributed report on speech by R.N. Nishanov at the 
meeting in Tashkent: “Reinforcing Direct Ties’’] 

[Text] Dear comrades! 


Please allow me, first of all, on behalf of the Uzbek CP 
Central Committee Buro, to extend a cordial welcome to 
all of you, our dear guests and friends in this common 
causes, and to wish you fruitful work, good impressions, 
and new achievements in the further strengthening and 
development of interregional ties and cooperation 
within the confines of our country’s single national- 
economic complex on a mutually advantageous, com- 
pletely equivalent basis. 

The conducting in Tashkent of such a broad and repre- 
sentative meeting with the participation of Ye. K. 
Ligachev, a number of responsible workers from the 
center, our neighbors from the Central Asian republics, 
as well as our partners from Moscow and a number of 
krays and oblasts in the Urals, Siberia, and the Altay is 
viewed by us as a graphic example of the concrete 
practical work of the commission of the party’s Central 
Committee in achieving the goals of the March and April 
1989 Plenums of the CPSU Central Committee. 

As Comrade M. S. Gorbachev has emphasized, the 
decisions of the March Plenum mean not only a cardinal 
restructuring of the party’s agrarian policy, but also the 
illumination from new positions of the problem of the 
further integration of the country’s industrial and agroin- 
dustrial complexes and a sharp intensification of the aid 
providing to agriculture in raising the scientific-technical 
level of production and in the social transformation of 
the rural areas. 

In this regard the establishment of direct, mutually 
advantageous, long-term ties among the oblasts, rayons, 
agroassociations and firms, and farms in the republic 
with the large-scale industrial subdivisions in the other 
parts of the country is an effective measure that is 
directed at further industrialization and agroindustrial 
integration and at the improvement of the supplying of 
Our regions with food products. 

Uzbekistan, like the other Central Asian republics, in 
addition to cotton specialization, is a very large producer 
and supplier of fruits, vegetables, and melon crops. 
Moreover, these are products which, by virtue of our 
natural and climatic conditions, possess especially valu- 
able, and one might use unique, nutritional qualities. 
Therefore we view these products as our main contribu- 
tion to resolving the Food Program. Without desiring to 
recall the unpleasant features of the past, but in order not 
to repeat its errors, it is necessary to say once again today 
that in the race for cotton giantism the development of 
fruit and vegetable production, as well as other branches 
of the food complex, was artificially held back and 
shifted into the background. That had an extremely 
detrimental effect on the republic’s economy and on 
supplying the republic’s rapidly growing population with 
food products, restrained the possibilities of our ship- 
ments to other regions, undermined the fertility of the 
land, and caused large ecological complications and the 
disbalance of the water resources. 

27 June 1989 

With the daily assistance and support of the CPSU 
Central Committee and the country’s government, we 
have been working persistently to eliminate these distor- 
tions and disproportions. Cotton-growing is being 
shifted to a scientific agrotechnical basis; the single-crop 
emphasis on cotton, which had literally been stifling our 
agriculture, is being eliminated; work is being done 
persistently to introduce crop rotations; and there has 
been a re-examination of the investment policy in water- 
management construction—a large part of the capital 
investments is being channeled into improving the qual- 
ity of the land. Major measures are being carried out to 
achieve the accelerated development of the food-pro- 
ducing branches. 

But the most important thing is that there has been a 
thorough restructuring of the entire economic mecha- 
nism of the agroindustrial complex, as of the country’s 
entire economy. Despite all the variety and equality of 
the forms and methods of these reforms, they have a 
single goal—the goal of making the worker the real 
owner of production, of returning to the peasant his 
heartfelt tie with the land. 

To do this, the favorable conditions have currently been 
created. We are convinced that the fundamental 
improvement of the production relations in the rural 
areas; the changeover to economic methods of adminis- 
tration; the introduction of efficient forms of manage- 
ment, and primarily of rent, and of production cooper- 
atives; the improvement of price establishment; and the 
establishment of equivalent exchange between agricul- 
ture and industry will provide a good impetus to accel- 
erating the development of the entire agroindustrial 

The republic is carrying out realistic measures to expand 
rental relations and to increase the production of output 
in private plots, orchard and truck-farm associations, 
and the subsidiary plots of industrial enterprises. There 
has been an increase in the number of kolkhozes and 
sovkhozes where all the brigades and teams have been 
converted to the rental contract. Industrial enterprises of 
the republic’s Gosagroprom and the service organiza- 
tions are also changing over to rental conditions. A 
search is under way for new forms, and firms, associa- 
tions, and cooperatives that operate under a system of 
cost accountability are being formed. In the intensifica- 
tion of these processes we see the primary task of the 
republic’s party, soviet, and economic agencies. 

All this has a beneficial effect on the state of affairs. 
Purposeful measures are being carried out in cotton- 
growing and animal husbandry, and in developing the 
production of vegetables and melon crops, orchards, and 
vineyards. As a result, the production of fruits and 
vegetables has increased, and has reached 5.2 million 
tons. During the first three years of the five-year plan, 
3.9 million tons of fruits and vegetables were delivered 
to the unionwide fund. That is almost 500,000 tons more 
that was stated in the plan. 


But these are only the first ships, the first steps, which do 
not satisfy either the republic’s needs or, much less, the 
country’s. In carrying out many of the problems that 
became serious long ago, we have been allowing our- 
selves to move slowly. I have in mind first of all the low 
harvest yield of vegetable crops and fruit plantings in 
almost all the republic’s oblasts. And yet, in our abun- 
dant land, where serious frosts are almost nonexistent, it 
is possible, if one takes the correct, efficient approach, to 
grow valuable vegetable produce in a broad variety. 

Many farms in Surkhan-Darya, Syr-Darya, Samarkand, 
and other oblasts grow grain crops on irrigated land, 
although that land yields only 1000 rubles of income per 
hectare. The conversion of this land to the growing of 
vegetable crops would bring the farms 8000-10,000 
rubles of net profit per hectare. 

Life persistently demands the turning of our attention to 
the growing of fruits and vegetables, and the taking of 
decisive steps to increase the yield from each hectare. 
This requires improving the structure of the sown areas 
and achieving more rapidly the rated harvest yield on the 
virgin lands, which are being used unsatisfactorily today. 

Another powerful level for achieving an upsurge in fruit 
and vegetable production is the conversion of that pro- 
duction to a new economic basis. With the introduction 
of contract prices, the branch has been acquiring realistic 
and rather reliable material incentives for development: 
for the time being, the wholesale purchase prices for fruit 
and vegetable output to be delivered to the unionwide 
fund are purely symbolic. 

As an important reserve both for developing fruit and 
vegetable production in the republic and for improving 
the supplying of food products both to our own popula- 
tion and also to the residents of Moscow and of the 
major industrial centers of the Urals, Siberia, and the 
Altay, we are considering the establishment of direct, 
mutually advantageous, long-term ties. The first experi- 
ment has indicated the promising nature of this 
approach. The chief principle and the chief advantage 
here are the direct mutually advantageous exchanges of 
those resources that our regions have at their disposal, 
bypassing the cumbersome barriers and confused laby- 
rinths of the planning and supply organizations. 

The type of cooperation that seems to be the most 
effective is the type when, in exchange for fruits and 
vegetables, we receive equipment and articles for the 
development of the branch itself. For example, a number 
of farms in Syr-Darya Oblast have contracted with 
enterprises of Krasnoyarsk and Khabarovsk krays and 
the cities of Sverdlovsk, Chelyabinsk, and Barnaul con- 
cerning reciprocal direct shipments, in exchange for 
fruits and vegetables, of rolled metal and equipment for 
the food industry. On the Pobeda Kolkhoz, Bekabadskiy 
Rayon, enterprises of Novosibirsk will build a canned- 
goods shop, part of the output of which will be shipped to 
those enterprises on an earmarked basis. 

27 June 1989 

The ties that the petroleum producers of the Urals and 
Siberia have with the farms in Surkhan-Darya Oblast are 
quite impressive. The people in the Urals and Siberia 
delivered to those farms various construction materials 
and equipment with a total value of 40 million rubles. 
The construction workers of Ulyanovsk Oblast have 
concluded a contract and have begun the construction of 
vegetable and fruit storage facilities, a production entity 
for the processing of sheepskins, and a sausage shop in 
Bukhara Oblast. 

Examples of efficient cooperation with workers in the 
fraternal republics, and especially the RSFSR, can be 
found today in practically any oblast in Uzbekistan. For 
three years, direct ties have existed between the labor 
collectives of Khorezm and Chita oblasts. The agricul- 
tural and construction entities in Siberia employ more 
than 600 kolkhoz members and sovkhoz workers from 
Khorezm. Recently our countrymen contracted with 
representatives of Saratov, Kostroma, and Ulyanovsk 
oblasts, RSFSR, and Vitebsk Oblast, BSSR—in those 
oblasts they rented 18,000 hectares of land in order to 
grow potatoes and vegetables. Reciprocal pledge-con- 
tracts for shipments of output in excess of plan are 
currently being formalized. 

The workers of Fergana Oblast decided to open up in 
Khakass Autonomous Oblast, RSFSR, stores to sell fresh 
vegetables, fruits, and grapes. In exchange the workers in 
Fergana will receive from Khakassia potatoes and lum- 

The workers of Kashka-Darya, Tashkent, Andizhan, and 
Bukhara oblasts and Karakalpak ASSR gave a rather 
broad geography of economic ties. They ship vegetables, 
fruits, and melon crops to |7 oblasts, krays, and auton- 
omous republics in RSFSR. In exchange for this pro- 
duce, the labor collectives of RSFSR have already 
shipped to Uzbekistan a large amount of lumber, 
cement, slate, rolled metal, pipes, coal, and prefabricated 

These new forms of the economic cooperation between 
Our Organizations and the workers of Moscow, the Urals, 
Siberia, the Altay, and the Non-Chernozem Zone— 
forms that have been engendered by life itself—have 
been proving their effectiveness. 

Today we will have to establish additional direct ties, to 
conclude contracts with oblasts, rayons, and farms for 
mutually advantageous shipments. At such time, in our 
opinion, we must observe reciprocal commercial inter- 
est; all the settlements must be made on the prices that 
have been agreed upon, with a consideration of the retail 
prices at the places where the produce is sold. Obviously, 
the priority must be given to those exchange operations 
in the course of which the needs of both sides are 
satisfied. For example, we have an acute need of lumber, 
because the suppliers of it (incidentally, in the regions 


that have been mentioned) have failed to ship 400,000 
cubic meters, or 38 percent of the planned lumber, 
including 245,000 cubic meters on limit. 

But the chief preference should be given to the means for 
developing the fruit and vegetable branch itself—equip- 
ment for hothouses and film-type coverings; refrigera- 
tion units for storage, especially at loading sites; lines 
and equipment for processing fruits and vegetables; 
small-sized canned-goods shops; and various shapes of 
pipes. In resolving the questions of the social reorgani- 
zation of the rural areas, we have a serious need for 
equipment for baking bricks. Contracts for direct ship- 
ments of commodity goods, especially furniture and 
complicated household appliances, have not been pre- 

Taking advantage of the presence of the administrators 
from a number of important union agencies, I would like 
to express a number of considerations that would pro- 
mote the active development of such ties. 

As we were convinced yesterday when we visited various 
projects, one of the sore points that require cardinal 
resolution not only in the organizing of contractual ties, 
but also of all shipments of fruits and vegetables, is the 
procurement and transporting of the produce. Today, 
factually speaking, no one is really responsible for this— 
not the procurement organizations, the transportation 
organizations, or the trade organizations. A correct state- 
ment about this was made here by Ye. K. Ligachev. And 
all this confusion lies as a heavy material burden on the 
producer. But the losses that he bears sometimes are as 
much as 30 percent or more of the total output produced. 

That is why, in the contracts being concluded, it is 
necessary to stipulate precisely who will engage, and 
how, in the acceptance of the fruit and vegetable produce 
and in its further transportation. With a consideration of 
the distances to be covered, it would be desirable in a 
number of instances to stipulate ahead of time the use of 
aviation, the use of the consumer-enterprises’ own refrig- 
erator means, and also the costs of air shipments. In 
general, we shall have to move more quickly: as last 
year’s experience has shown, the initiative can be seized 
by numerous members of cooperatives who display 
enviable energy and, as the expression go, do not stand 
on the price. 

And, finally, a few words about using contractual rela- 
tions in order establish broader and more varied ties in 
the other spheres. We are discussing, as strange as this 
may seem, the improvement of the supplying of our 
population with food products. First of all, with pota- 
toes, the state shipments of which from the oblasts that 
have been assigned to the republic have been disrupted 
from year to year. Last year, for example, we had an 
undershipment of approximately 270,000 tons of pota- 
toes, which constitutes 30 percent of the planned quan- 
tity. This is the main reason for the republic’s low 
indicators for per-capita consumption of food products. 

27 June 1989 

And, of course, it would be possible to leave out of the 
competition the exchanges for meat and dairy products, 
the republic’s needs for which cannot be satisfied by 
relying On its own forces. 

In the course of preparing the contracts it is necessary to 
work out various alternatives. In particular, such alter- 
natives as those when the republic’s farms would rent 
land in other regions to produce potatoes and certain 
other crops, and the produced output would be divided 
on mutually advantageous terms. I think that, within the 
confines of direct ties, new prospects open up for 
expanding the training of worker cadres for the develop- 
ing branches of industry in Central Asia. 

Our meeting is being held under conditions when in 
Uzbekistan, as in the other Central Asian republics, as a 
result of frosts and precipitation that are unprecedented 
at this time, almost two-thirds of the plantings of cotton 
and other crops have been damaged or killed. The losses 
caused by the forces of nature are estimated to be 
approximately 800 billion rubles. 

Today all the efforts and all the material resources have 
been mobilized to eliminate the consequences of the 
natural calamity. We are confronted by the task not only 
of bringing in the largest possible harvest during the 
current year, but also of doing everything necessary to 
increase it during subsequent years. 

It is precisely in this situation that one observes the 
testing of the consolidation, the integrational force, the 
unity and friendship, and, I would say, the political unity 
of our country. It is with a sense of profound pride that 
we accept assistance from the fraternal republics and 
various regions. 


The calamity that has overtaken the Central Asian 
republics presents such questions as the allocation by 
union agencies of interest-free credit; lump-sum assis- 
tance; the introduction of changes in the planned indi- 
cators for shipments of fruits and vegetables; the addi- 
tional allocation of fuels and lubricants; the granting of 
long-term credit for construction; nonrepayable finan- 
cial assistance to the public and renters; and the increase 
in the approved limits for water use. I would also like to 
have more attention paid to our misfortunes on the part 
of the Gosstrakh agencies. This is necessary for the most 
rapid correction of the situation. 

At the present time it is obvious that it will not be 
possible to give compensation in full volume for the 
losses. In this regard, during the current year our oppor- 
tunities as partners will perhaps not be very large. But we 
do not live simply for a single day. For our oblasts, krays, 
and regions where indissoluble traditions of brother- 
hood, mutual aid, and helping one another out of an 
emergency have formed, the laying of the foundations of 
long-term direct ties is of special importance. 

After the meeting the comrades from the Urals, Siberia, 
and the Altay will travel out to the republics, oblasts, 
rayons, and farms to establish contacts and conclude 
contracts. The party, soviet, and economic agencies of 
Uzbekistan will do everything necessary to create all the 
conditions for this important work. 

In the broader political view we see our task in assuring, 
in the light of the March and April Plenums of the CPSU 
Central Committee, and also with a consideration of the 
recommendations of today’s meeting, the intensification 
of economic and organizing work. Obviously, our meet- 
ing and the subsequent work that is carried out on 
various levels will be fruitful, will yield good results, and 
will serve the cause of reinforcing the friendship and 
solidarity of the Soviet nations and the cause of pere- 

27 June 1989 

Ex-Helsinki-86 Member Founds Catholic 

18080056 Riga PADOMJU JAUNATNE in Latvian 
15 Apr 89 p § 

[PADOMJU JAUNANTE interview with Ceslavs Mas- 
sans, former member of Helsinki-86 group; unnamed 
correspondent, date and place] 

[Text] Until the end of last year Ceslavs Massans was the 
leader and organizer of the Daugavpils chapter of the 
Helsinki-86 group. Now he has left the group and is one of 
the founders of the new Catholic movement “Exodus.” 

[Massans] The Daugavpils chapter of the Helsinki-86 
group was formed in June of last year. Even then we 
organized the first more serious action—the memorial 
day for the 14 June victims. It is true. Only about 30 
people and 500 policemen and representatives of the 
State Security Committee had gathered. Six people were 
working in the Daugavpils chapter. I thought that we 
were active enough, although Daugavpils is not the best 
location to organize something. Yes, with its activity 
Helsinki-86 practically opened all our eyes. It showed 
that we are truly in a pitiful condition but were not able 
to find an answer as to how it could be possible to get out 
of this situation. I consider that Helsinki-86 was a 
““first-push” movement that set in motion the whole 
restructuring of Latvia. There are no doubts that the 
group will still find various directions for its activity, but 
right now it is difficult for me to say whether this activity 
will provide the people with a way out of the current 

[PADOMJU JAUNATNE] If I may ask an improper 
question,—you speak Russian and obviously you have 
not yet learned Latvian that well—what is your nation- 

{Massans] I am a pure Latvian, going back three gener- 
ations, but, as you can tell, a bad one. Although both my 
parents have graduated from a Latvian gymnasium and 
speak Latvian, as do my brother and sister, it was not 
taught to me. My parents were intimidated because of 
the fact that in their time almost all of our relatives had 
been deported. 

[PJ] Where do you currently work? 

{Massans] Currently I am not working anywhere; I have 
dedicated my current life to spiritual self-awareness. And 
in the conditions of Western Europe such a question 
would be considered impolite. 

[PJ] What is this new Catholic organization, in whose 
creation you also took part? 

[Massans] Its name “Exodus” derives from the Biblical 
story of how Moses brought his Hebrew people out from 
captivity in Egypt. Moreover, he was able to free his 


people not only physically, but spiritually. It seems to me 
that we now are in a similar situation, being slaves to our 
self-created illusions and sins. 

The aim of this movement would be to promote the 
spiritual awakening of Latvia and to destroy the slavery 
of the spirit, which to such a large degree still dwells 
within us. If man becomes united with God, he truly 
becomes liberated. And first of all he has overcome fear 
of death within himself. It is especially important for our 
movement to stress that freedom, both for a people and 
an individual, is first an internal state of the spirit. 

[PJ] How many members are in your group right now? 

{Massans] Currently there are around 25-30 people, 
mainly young Catholics from Riga, Daugavpils, and 

[PJ] What would you like to promote in the life of the 
republic through the mediation of this group? 

[Massans] First—the organization of Christian centers 
and libraries, the development of a Sunday school move- 
ment, and readings on church history and Christian 

In addition, I wish to stress that our movement is an 
internal church organization; it is definitely not political. 

[PJ] Has anything already been accomplished at this 

[Massans] I think that it is already a great accomplish- 
ment that we have organized ourselves. At the end of 
May, the first issue of our religious publicist magazine 
“Exodus” will appear. Together with students of the 
Daugavpils Pedagogic Institute, we have already begun 
public readings on spiritual themes. 

{PJ} To me at least, your symbolism as a Catholic 
movement seems peculiar. The auseklis star with the 
red-white-red flag and the Mother of God? 

[Massans] The auseklis has symbolized renewal to the 
Latvian people for almost all these centuries, but even to 
this day an actual rebirth of the people has not occurred. 
Until now in the spiritual circle we have talked about the 
renewal of the soul, but not yet about a new spirit. 

Our movement’s members have had revelations that 
Latvia’s awakening is to be connected wiih a return to 
the Mother of God. She is the one who can give this 
people her blessing. She has protected this people 
through experiences of many centuries that another 
people maybe would not have survived. 

[PJ] You therefore think that the Church could have a 
special meaning in the further development of Latvia’s 

27 June 1989 

{[Massans] The Church can and should be a tie between 
the people and God. It could, in my opinion, in some 
way promote the process of national unification. 

[PJ] Do you have any practical plans in the near future? 

[Massans] Yes, we want to renew the Virgin Mary 
Church in Daugavpils. In our town we wish to realize a 
concept similar to one which Russian Orthodox repre- 
sentatives have expressed in connection with the Yuriy 

[PJ] Thanks for the conversation! 

[Massans] Yes, I really hope that next time I will already 
be able to talk to you in clear Latvian. 

Metropolitan Filaret Discusses Church Social, 
Political Activities 

18001116 Kiev PRAVDA UKRAINY in Russian 

16 Apr 89 p 3 

[Interview with Filaret, Metropolitan of Kiev and Gal- 
ich, Exarch of the Ukraine, by G. Chernomorskiy, cor- 
respondent and retired colonel: ‘The Church and Secu- 
lar Matters: A Frank Dialogue’’] 

[Text] [Correspondent] Your Holiness, nowadays many 
Western radio voices, as well as our own “domestic” 
extremist elements within the country, by way of 
attempting to utilize glasnost in order to destabilize the 
situation in our republic, are speaking out with instiga- 
tory declarations. The gist of these declarations is that, 
they say, Ukrainians have no rights and that they, 
supposedly, do not even have their own church. The 
latter is, after all, named the Russian Orthodox Church. 

[Filaret] Indeed, the church does bear precisely that 
name. But, in and by itself, this name has nothing to do 
with Russia or with the RSFSR. A thousand years ago, 
when Christianity came to us, there was no Russia, 
Belorussia, nor Ukraine. There was Kievan Rus. Hence 
also the name. 

[Correspondent] But nowadays what language is 
employed in conducting the divine service? 

[Filaret] The Ukraine has more than 4,500 parishes, and 
in 50 of them the service is conducted in Ukrainian, 
whereas in the remainder it is conducted in Church 

[Correspondent] Does this not seem to you to be a case 
of discrimination against the Ukrainian language? 

[Filaret] Not at all. The fact of the matter is that 
Christianity is professed not only by Slavs. By a decree of 
the Holy Synod, divine services are permitted to be 
conducted in the national languages. For example, in 
Moldavian, Estonian, Latvian, Chuvash, Yakut, Chi- 
nese, etc. As to the Ukrainian language, we have received 


quite a few letters from Orthodox believers; the gist of 
these letters is that, inasmuch as they use their native 
language in their everyday lives, at work, and in their 
families, therefore, in communing with God they prefer 
to use Church Slavic. Nor do I see any need to break this 
tradition which has evolved. As to individual parishes, 
where the believers so desire, the service may be con- 
ducted in their native language. 

[Correspondent] That makes sense. But why, then, was 
the sermon given in Ukrainian prior to the Solemn 
Requiem devoted to the 175th Anniversary of Taras 
Grigoryevich Shevchenko’s birth, a service held in the 
Vladimir Cathedral with representatives from this 
republic’s other churches in attendance? 

[Filaret] That was a special case. For the Ukrainian 
people, Shevchenko did for its language and literature 
what Pushkin did for Russia. It was precisely because we 
wished to emphasize his outstanding role that we deliv- 
ered the sermon prior to the Solemn Requiem in the 
native language of the Great Kobzar. It would have been 
a sin to do otherwise. 

[Correspondent] In the Old as well as the New Testa- 
ments, among the Ten Commandments there is one 
which states: “Thou shalt not kill.”” However, in recently 
glancing through the first issue of journal of the Moscow 
Patriarchate for 1989, I discovered that the Archpriest 
Afanasiy Mikhaylovich Romanenko “for zealous service 
to Christ’s Church” was awarded a cross with decora- 
tions, and for his heroic deeds during the Great Patriotic 
War—military medals and orders. The same could be 
said about Archpriest Stefan Moiseyevich Rudko and 
Archpriest Aleksandr Matveyevich Shchedrin. The 
Orthodox Church Calendar notes the meritorious ser- 
vices of Dmitriy Donskoy as follows: “In his zealous 
service to Christ’s Church, in his patriotic labors for his 
fatherland and his people during the dreadful years of 
the enemy yoke, he was a true son of the Russian Church, 
and even now providing inspiration to its faithful chil- 
dren as an example of self-sacrificing service to God and 
to human beings.” This Grand Prince of Muscovy was a 
warrior. How can his esteem by the church be compati- 
ble with the commandment: “Thou shalt not kill’”? 

[Filaret] This ame calendar also contains other words 
which explain our high esteem for this prince. They are 
from the Gospel: “He gave his life for others.” The 
commandment “Thou shalt not kill” does not in any way 
contradict the necessity of defending one’s Fatherland 
and one’s neighbors. And how could a person love his 
neighbor, his own people, without being prepared to give 
up his own soul and life for them? It is not by chance that 
Aleksandr Nevskiy is among the saints. 

In general, the church has done quite a bit for the 
Fatherland’s defense. Sergey Radonezhskiy, the Father 
Superior of the Troitsa Monastery, blessed Dmitriy 

27 June 1989 

Donskoy before the battle and, as a symbol of uncondi- 
tional support, sent two monks to help Dmitriy. Their 
names were Oslyab and Peresvet, and they gave their 
lives for the Fatherland and for their neighbors. 

[Correspondent] By the way, in the old Russian navy 
there were warships which bore their names. 

[Filaret} I think that this would be not a bad thing to do 
even nowadays.... In any case, it would bemuch better 
than having just an impersonal number on the side of the 
ship. After all, the names of heroes are also a tradition, 
and they remind people of the need to serve their 

[Correspondent] Aleksandr Nevskiy, Dmitriy Donsky, 
and Dmitriy Pozharskiy were warriors... 

{Filaret] Enrolled among the saints are quite a few 
persons of spiritual vocation [sic]. There is Sergey 
Radonezhskiy, about whom I have already spoken. 
There is also the Most Holy Patriarch Yermogen. During 
the 17th century he inspired the people to liberate the 
Motherland from foreign predators. The occupation 
forces cast him into the cellar of the Chudovo Monatery, 
which was located inside the Moscow Kremlin. For more 
than 9 months he languished in captivity, and on 17 
February 1612 he perished in torment from starvation... 

[Correspondent] In September 1943 your father, the 
infantry private Anton Dmitriyevich Denisenk, perished 
during the fighting to liberate Zaporozhye. He was a 

[Filaret] But there were also non-believers together with 
him. The church likewise blessed them and all people 
engaged in the holy war against fascism. And not only 
blessed them. The priest Yefimiy Spodarenko rendered 
effective aid to the partisans in Cherkassy Oblast. The 
Hitlerites quartered him. Ye. Spodarenko’s fate was 
shared by many clergymen. 

You, of course, know that money collected from believ- 
ers was used to outfit a tank column entitled “Dmitriy 
Donsky,” and airplanes for the squadron bearing the 
name of Aleksandr Nevskiy. In short, we recognize the 
justifiability of defensive wars to liberate the Fatherland 
and its people. That is why we are for the necessity of 
army service and preparedness for the Fatherland’s 

[Correspondent] Your Lordship’s point of view coin- 
cides, to a large extent, with the Marxist-Leninist doc- 
trine on war and peace. 

[Filaret] I consider it necessary, however, to state that, 
regardless of goals or motives, any nuclear war is deemed 
amoral by the church. On 10 February 1985 the Holy 
Synod directed an appeal to the entire Christian world 
not to allow nuclear war. We advocate the complete 
elimination of nuclear weapons by the year 2000. And, 


in general, it is high time that we put an end to all wars. 
I am confident that such a viewpoint has been met with 
understanding by all healthy-minded persons. 

[Correspondent] The peace-loving efforts of the Russian 
Orthodox Church have merited universal recognition. 
But, as I understand it, the church does not concern itself 
with just this. Mercy, charity.... There are certainly quite 
a few points where such an influential organization as 
the church could apply its efforts. Recently Mother 
Teresa came to the Soviet Union with a group of nuns. 
They cared for the wounded who had suffered from the 
earthquake in Armenia. Such an act of humanitarianism 
can only be welcomed. But why only Mother Teresa, and 
not Mother Fedora or, let’s say, Mother Pelageya? Are 
Orthodox nuns really any less merciful? 

[Filaret} Hardly. Let me remind you that the very 
concept of a sister of mercy, or, as people sometimes say, 
a merciful sister, first arose during the period of the 
Crimean War of 1854-1855. And the Pokrovskiy Con- 
vent was instituted with precisely this purpose in mind. 
The nuns prayed to God and rendered aid to the 
wounded soldiers who were undergoing treatment at the 
Kiev Hospital, which is preparing to mark its 250th 
anniversary soon. And at the present time the Ministry 
of Health is ready to accept our help. Unfortunately, 
there is still no appropriate legislation regarding cooper- 
ation between the church and the health-care organs. If 
there is such legislation in the future, then the convents 
would conduct the necessary medical training so that our 
sister-nuns could more skillfully care for those persons 
who are ill and suffering. 

[Correspondent] And how do matters stand with regard 
to charity work? 

[Filaret] The church is an active participant in the Fund 
for Mercy, the Soviet Children’s Fund imeni Lenin, and 
the Fund for Peace. The Russian Orthodox Church has 
transferred more than 5 million rubles to the fund for 
aiding those persons who suffered from the earthquake 
in Armenia, as well as | million rubles to eliminate the 
consequences of the natural disaster in Georgia. In due 
course it has also contributed several million rubles to 
the Chernobyl Fund. We have rendered and will con- 
tinue to render moral and material support to the inter- 
nationalist-soldiers. But it is not only a matter of money 
or how much money. We consider it one of our principal 
tasks to imbue all believers with a sense of mercy. And 
not only them. 

[Correspondent] The church has always struggled for a 
strong, centralized state. Has its viewpoint on this matter 
not changed nowadays? 

[Filaret] The entire history of our state bears witness to 
the fact that many troubles could have been avoided if 
there had not been internecine strife among the princes. 
They weakened our state considerably. That is why Bati 
was successful in subduing Rus and enslaving it for 

27 June 1989 

centuries. And can a sectional fractionation really facil- 
itate economic development? Even now we are in favor 
of a firm union of all the peoples which inhabit our 
Motherland. A Union based on equal rights, mutual 
love, and respect. Any and all types of compartmental- 
ization will facilitate its weakening and destroy the 
established economic ties. 

[Correspondent] The church has been separated from the 
state. But, after all, believers constitute a component of 
Soviet society. And inasmuch as perestroyka has been 
proceeding apace in this country, it, obviously, must 
have affected the church as well. 

[Filaret] It certainly has. Guarantees of freedom of belief 
and religious profession have become more realistic. A 
law on freedom of conscience is now being worked out, 
and we hope that it will be in the spirit of democratic 
perestroyka. In response to requests from believers, the 
following facilities have been turned over to the church 
for care and administration: The Svyato-Danilov Mon- 
astery in Moscow, the Optina pustyn Historical Land- 
mark in Kaluga Oblast, the Tolgskiy Monastery in Yaro- 
slavl Oblast, and a considerable part of the Kievo- 
Pecherskaya lavra. These are actual fruits of new 
approaches to state-church relations, which are deter- 
mined, above all, by the interests of unity for the entire 
nation. There is a gradual erasing of that invisible 
boundary line which, for decades, separated believers 
from non-believers and which had come, in large mea- 
sure, to divide society. 

And are not the preliminary results of the elections for 
people’s deputies really a genuine testimony to the new 
approaches? For the first time in 70 years pro forma 
voting was replaced by elections with alternatives. And 
their results attest to the increased political self-aware- 
ness of the individual person, as well as our society as a 
whole. I cannot help being gratified by the fact that 
among the elected representatives of the people there are 
quite a few church leaders, including Pimen, Partriarch 
of Moscow and of All Russia. And how could it be 
otherwise? Public business must be done by all of us 

[Correspondent] In speaking at a meeting with Pimen, 
the Patriarch of Moscow and of All Russia, along with 
members of the Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church, 
M.S. Gorbachev, General Secretary of the CPSU Central 
Committee, noted that “‘...religious organizations were 
also affected by the tragic consequences of the cult of 
personality.” You, Your Lordship, were a participant at 
that meeting. ln my opinion, our readers would be 
interested in hearing Your commentary on how 30 years 
of Stalinism were reflected in the church’s activities. 

[Filaret] Not only cathedrals—extremely valuable histor- 
ical landmarks—were destroyed. Culture, faith, and jus- 
tice were also devastated. It is possible that this is put too 


categorically, but the very individual personality was 
devastated. And everybody knows what this led to. And 
how many clergymen were repressed.... 

[Correspondent] But, of course, these distortions are 
now being eliminated.... 

[Filaret] Of course. In places where it is possible, cathe- 
drals are being returned to the believers. And the names 
of clergymen are being restored to history. For example, 
Metropolitan Serafim has been rehabilitated. Rehabili- 
tated even earlier was Luka, Metropolitan of Simferopol 
and the Crimea; he was well-known to many laymen as a 
medical doctor and a brilliant surgeon. Boyko-Yasi- 
netskiy and many other clergymen have also been reha- 
bilitated. However, many others were also slandered and 
have not yet had their good names restored. 

[Correspondent] In addition to performing your duties 
as Patriarchal Exarch of the Ukraine, You are still 
chairman of the Committee for Continuing Christian 
Peace Conference—an international, peace-promoting 
organization with its permanent headquarters in Prague. 
I understand that matters connected with religious activ- 
ity must come first with You. But, of course, You must 
have many interests in common with laymen. Do You 
read periodicals? What is your attitude toward literature, 
painting, and motion pictures? Are clergymen forbidden 
to view motion-picture and television films? Or are there 
some sorts of restrictions here? 

[Filaret] It is really a matter of priorities. I usually sleep 
6 hours during a 24-hour period. Nor is Suday a “day 
off’ for me. There is a service to be conducted. I have to 
budget my time very precisely. But how can one help but 
read newspapers and journals these days? They have 
become more pointed, more interesting, and the main 
thing is that they raise problems which affect the. entire 
society. I have a respectful attitude toward works on 
military topics. They disclose on a greater canvas the 
struggle between good and evil. I read with pleasure O. 
Gonchar’s “The Standard-Bearers,” K. Simonov’s tril- 
ogy, “The Living and the Dead,” and M. Sholokhov’s 
“One Man’s Fate.” I also liked Ch. Aytmatov’s “The 
Executioner’s Block” and the books by S. Zalygin and V. 
Rasputin. They disclose the people’s soul, evoke a sense 
of surviving together; they teach us to live by our 
conscience, and they challenge human beings to become 
better. As regards painting, I am an admirer of A. 
Rublev; I also Ike the paintings of Vereshchagin and 
Repin, Vasnetsov and Nesterov. 

I was greatly impressed by Glazunov’s canvas entitled 
“The 20th Century.” It contains the history of our 
Motherland, its joys and sorrows. 

[Correspondent] And whom do you prefer among the 
foreign artists? 

[Filaret] Rembrandt. 

27 June 1989 

[Correspondent] Did you like the Biblical subject of his 
painting entitled ‘The Return of the Prodigal Son’? Are 
you an admirer of the Flemish School? 

[Filaret] I also like other pictures by Rembrandt. One 
sees the character of human beings in them. As to the 
Flemish School, I have different attitudes to the creative 
work of its representatives. For example, many people 
like Rubens. But take his canvases. The human body is 
excellently depicted in his painting, but it is more 
difficult to catch the spiritual quality of his heroes. But, 
I repeat, that is my own subjective opinion. 

Now about motion pictures and television. I am against 
pornography; I am also opposed to hopeless situations. 
Art must inculcate hope, faith, and love. Clergymen are 
not forbidden to see films. On this level, the church is 
completely up to date. But I will allow myself to cite 
something which the Apostle Paul wrote in one of his 
letters to the Corinthians: “Everything is allowed to me, 
but not everything is wholesome. Everything is allowed 
to me, but not everything is edifying.” In other words, we 
must being careful in using the freedom at our disposal. 
Freedom is a great blessing, and it must be used so as not 
to bring pain to our neighbor or, of course, to ourselves. 
Naturally, this pertains not only to motion pictures but 
to all aspects of our lives. 

Komsomol Actors Raise Funds to Restore Church 
18120100a Moscow MOSCOW NEWS in English 
4-11 Jun 89 p 14 

[Article by Mark Zakharov, CPSU member, people’s 
deputy of the USSR, artistic and administrative director 
of the Lenin Komsomol Theatre] 

[Text] Not far from Moscow’s Lenin Komsomol The- 
atre, at the beginning of the former Malaya Dmitrovka, 
there is an architectural masterpiece of the 17th cen- 
tury—the Church of the Birth of Our Lady in Putinki. It 
was the last structure of this type and built on the orders 
of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich after the big Moscow fire of 
1652. The place marks the start of the road to the city of 
Dmitrov. It is now a stable. True, the horses are absent, 
but the church has been used for many years as a 
menagerie for the state circus. Now it serves as a storage 
place for circus equipment and a training base. 

The actors from the Leni: mol Theatre intend to 
produce their most daring. | .pensive play—to return 
to the church its majesty, to ask pardon for the sins of 
our fathers and grandfathers, to repent publicly and 
cleanse away this outrageous misuse of a Russian Ortho- 
dox sacred building. 

The owners of the Church In Putinki—the managers 
from the state circus, our wonderful public personality 
Yuri Nikulin, and other leaders of the circus have 
praised the efforts of Alexander Abdulov, an actor who 


heads the actor-administrative group of the theatre. 
Together with other circus performers, he wants to 
restore the In Putinki Church. 

We're people in the know. We realize how complex the 
task is economically and what’s most important—the 
legal problems involved. We realize that it will not be 
simple to find the necessary finances, materials, docu- 
ments and labour to restore even such a small church— 
the last relic of the famous Strastnaya Square, destroyed 
by Stalin’s thugs. 

On July 6 this year we dream of raising the first sums of 
money and receiving a metropolitan’s blessing. If the 
Cautious metropolitans are afraid then we'll find a priest 
who’s not afraid to come to the temporary stage near our 
“Theatre in the Yard” to perform the blessing ceremony. 
On that day we’ll assemble various actors, and our own 
theatre choir under the leadership of Vasily Shkil, Gen- 
nady Trofimov and Vladimir Prokhorov will perform 
the artistic prologue. 

We want to thank, in advance, everyone who'll be able to 
pay the ten-roubles ticket price which will be used to 
restore the church. The actors will perform free that day 
on our “Theatre in the Yard.” We also think those Soviet 
and foreign sponsors who've already expressed a willing- 
ness to help us—Project Ifra from West Germany, the 
Rodnik plant in Kuibyshev and the Novator cooperative 
in Moscow. 

If we’re not stifled before July 6 by the great forces of 
condescending functionaries who would prefer a picture 
gallery or a concert hall to a restored church, then we'll 
start. We'll do it, I know! 

It’s a shame that I lack a religious education and the 
moral right to end this article with a fragment from a 
ceremonial prayer. Instead, I just wish to say to all who 
on July 6 will come to help restore people’s lost cultural 
values—‘*God bless you!” 

ao Supports Return to Morals, Religious 

18120100b Moscow MOSCOW NEWS in English 
No 22, 4-11 Jun 89 p 11 

[Article by I. Grekova: “Faith and Education”] 

[Text] My main occupation has always been teaching— 
on the university level and occasionally, at secondary 
schools. For over 60 years I was in daily contact with 
children and young people. Many of my pupils have 
become lifetime friends. But I’m not going to write about 
them now. I’m going to write about those whom the elder 
generations often call “immortal.” Indeed, “old-fash- 
ioned principles” like “morals,” “charity,” “conscience” 
and “decency” do exist, and we are now returning to 
them after long years of silence. The people deprived 

27 June 1989 

(often forcefully) of such principles make up a certain 
caste within the society, often disconnected from the rest 
even in terms of the language they speak. Conversations 
with their elder frequently dead-end in mutual incom- 

Older people often look down on young ones and scorn 
them as if to say that we were better when we were your 
age. No, it wasn’t we who were better, it was the 
surrounding reality. Of course, reminiscing about those 
times I can’t help feeling the exultation of being young. 
Perhaps the people who were young in the most fright- 
ening of times also recollect their youth with sentimental 
affection. I am one of those people who witnessed the 
most drastic turns in our social consciousness. I’m one of 
those now few and far between before whose eyes those 
“old-fashioned” principles had once ruled supreme, then 
were cast away, dethroned and repudiated—only to be 
revived decades later. 

I was born in 1907—my parents were both teachers— 
and was ten at the time of the Revolution. I witnessed all 
the changes: from the comparatively well-to-do, if mod- 
est, prerevolutionary life, to the Revolution, to war 
communism and NEP (the New Economic Policy) to the 
“personality cult,’ to the stagnation years and to the 
present incipient democratism. 

All sorts of other “waves” and “‘changes” in our social 
life also passed before my eyes. I saw the “old-fashioned” 
principles destroyed, discredited and banished from our 
life. Moreover, I helped destroy them, while remaining a 
decent person inside. 

My green years coincided with NEP. Having left school 
in 1923, I was “‘directed”’ to study at a higher educational 
institution and entered the math department of Lenin- 
grad University. I was influenced by my father, a math- 
ematician, and at the time, rather sorry about it since I 
was drawn to literature. But later I blessed my choice 
virtually every day. I could refrain from lying though our 
whole life demanded that we lie continuously. But per- 
haps I’m wrong there: had Stalin lived longer, he might 
have got down to mathematicians too. The idea accepted 
in any civilized society that to criticize anything one has 
to be at least to some degree competent in the field has 
been refuted by our long experience. It’s enough to recall 
Stalin’s Marxisn and the Problems of Linguistics to see 

Anyway, I lived my professional life virtually unharmed, 
never experiencing what it was like to be criticized (not 
counting the light punches during the “campaign against 

It’s hard to describe the student life of the 1920s. There 
were too many of us. In a crowd of 280 we'd rush down 
the University corridors in search of an auditorium large 
enough to accommmodate us all. Some auditoriums 
were not popular because they were already occupied by 
rats. These beasts, driven from the University basement 


by the grandiose flood of 1924, became increasingly 
insolent and often attended our lectures. Well, we soon 
got used to the rats. But the size of the classes was a real 
problem. Apart from regular students, lectures were 
often attended by outsiders. Having failed to find a large 
enough auditorium, we often packed a smaller one and 
sat on the floor. 

We students dressed more than modestly. I had a single 
dress for all seasons, sewn and embroidered by my 
mother. | wonder whether | could today find a girl who 
had only one dress. But we never worried about trifles 
like that. We were strong, young, and above all proud. 
Pride stands out in my memory as the most characteris- 
tic feature of those years. 

We had thrown to the winds everything that connected 
us with the past: customs, marriage, christenings, even 
funeral rites—these were all relics fit only to be despised 
and banished. We considered it profoundly indecent to 
keep an eye on anybody’s morals. That did not mean that 
we were immoral. It only meant morals were not to be 
talked about in public. 

What was our attitude to the surrounding reality? It was 
wonderful. Our country, with its poverty, youthfulness 
and novelty, seemed just wonderful to us. 

And now about myself—and faith. 

I came from a traditionally religious family of teachers. 
Before the Revolution we celebrated Easter, Christmas, 
and Trinity.... I will never forget the smell of withering 
leaves on the birches put in every room on Trinity Day. 
Then came the Revolution, and the period of war 
communism with its hunger, cold and deprivations. 
From here that period looks very long, although it lasted 
only three or four years. After that—the transition to 
NEP, and most importantly, the University: the begin- 
ning of a really free and radiant life. NEP was a really 
great epoch. 

Growing up in this deeply religious family, I began 
resisting that pious spirit quite early. | can well remem- 
ber the moment when, at the peak of war communism, I 
first felt my individual identity as separate from all 
others. We were about to sit down to a meal, and I was 
awfully hungry. Little pieces of oilcake were waiting for 
us on plates (or rather saucers), but something prevented 
us from sitting down. At last, everyone was there and my 
father said Grace standing at the head of the table: “All 
our eyes are tuned to You, Lord, and You are giving us 
our food in good time, and You open Your generous 
hand to fill every animal with good grace.”’ As my father 
recited the prayer, | looked around at the shabby table 
covered with a torn, filthy oilcloth, and the word 
“animal” applied to all of us seemed so funny to me. | 
felt like laughing, puffed up my cheeks and stayed that 
way till the prayer was over. Those puffed cheeks were, 
perhaps, the end of my childish piety. 

27 June 1989 

I loved my father then as | loved him all my life, To this 
day, there has never been anyone dearer to me, He 
combined his piety with humour, and could there be a 
more delightful combination? 

I came to the University as a confirmed atheist. “When 
I die, burdock will grow out of me,” said Turgenev's 
nihilistic character Bazarov, but oh, was that burdock far 
away at that time! 

Our personal well-being was of no concern to us then. 
Watching the successes of our state, everyone was sup- 
posed to imitate us. We were what | would call “devout 
atheists,” never stooping to envy, None of us ever 
desecrated our souls by envying a NEPman’s wife with 
her silk stockings and high heels. We didn’t give a damn 
who lived better or worse. Life was exciting—and that 
was happiness. 

Many decades have passed since, and now that I'm 
nearing the end | will neither condemn nor justify our 
youthful nihilism, inevitable at history's sharp turns, 
especially in very young people. But my attitude towards 
religion has changed, and changed radically. | now often 
recall the words of the great philosopher Immanuel 
Kant: “Two things fill my heart with ever new and 
increasingly powerful wonder and veneration, the more 
and the longer | ponder them. These are the star-studded 
sky above my head and the moral imperative inside my 
soul." How far more nobleminded and refined such 
veneration is than our nihilism of the 1920s. 

The mysteries that troubled Kant have remained mys- 
teries to this day. Despite all the scientific efforts and the 
abundance of hypotheses on the origins of the Universe, 
they still remain no more than hypotheses and will most 
likely never be really and truly proved. Equally mysteri- 
ous are the causes of moral categories in human beings. 
These categories may vary from one nation to another, 
from one century to another, but their general tendency 
away from “evil” and towards “good” remains 
unchanged. This is characteristic of Christianity, of 
Islam, and of Buddhism—in fact of every religion with a 
sufficiently long history. 

There is yet another mystery: it is the mystery of indi- 
vidual identity, the separation of oneself from one’s 
surroundings. Where does this “ego” come from and 
how does it happen to be juxtaposed to everything else? 
I believe that other people, like myself, are aware of their 
identity. But this is just faith, pure and simple. 

Bringing up children is something that concerns us all. 
When a child is but two years old we teach him or her to 
say “I am.” Later we teach them to put on other people's 
shoes, and view the world through other people's eyes. 
This is the most important aspect of education. Children 
miss Out On it at kindergartens or in children’s homes— 
in fact in all places where human beings are brought 
together according to some common characteristic. In 


certain individuals such a habit of “thinking for the 
other” develops spontaneously, of its own accord, And 
this is nothing short of a miracle. 

For 70 years, our country has been fighting religion. It 
began with bringing pigs into churches in the early years 
of the Komsomol and continues to this day with boring 
lectures on “cosmic topics” to which people can only be 
lured by a promise of dancing afterwards. 

Yet faith never died out among the people. Men who are 
more status-oriented avoided going to church. But 
women who are less responsible and also more coura- 
geous, did go. They were wedded there, they christened 
their children and mourned their dead in church, even 
when it was prohibited. 

For me personally, believing is a form of recognition of 
the things in our life that I cannot understand. Since such 
things do exist, | am for believing. Not in just one 
particular form, but in many forms, | was brought up an 
Orthodox Christian, and I find this faith more congenial 
than others. But | readily recognize the right of other 
forms of faith to exist, too. 

Every form of faith establishes certain moral norms. 
Violation of these norms is considered a sin. 

The norms, rules or “commandments” change as 
humanity evolves. But have the commandments like 
“You shall not commit murder,” “You shall not steal,” 
“Honour your father and your mother...’ lost their 
meaning today? I don’t think so. 

For decades, our people were told that there was nothing 
absolute in the world, that the only justification of an 
action was whether it was useful or harmful to the 
construction of socialism in the form then considered to 
be correct. Can morals rest on such flimsy assumptions? 
Obviously not. Given such an assumption, every change 
in the leadership must lead to changes in moral norms. 
For years our children were told that Pavlik Morozov— 
who betrayed his own father to the authorities—was a 
model of virtue. How could one so shamefully distort the 
essence of one of the eternal commandments? 

The violation of any commandment was always regarded 
as a sin. | am all for teaching a child as early as 
possible—while he is still sucking at his mother’s 
breast—that SIN is a violation of human norms of 
behaviour. The notion of sin is simple enough to be 
grasped by an immature mind. 

I don't mean that commandments may never be violated 
by anyone. There are situations when violating them is 
legitimate and well justified (for instance, in the course 
of a patriotic war). But even in such a case “sin” is an 
action to be contemplated seriously, debated with one’s 
conscience and reason. 

27 June 1989 

The most frightening thing is habitual sin. Unfortu- 
nately, our epoch has produced many people who have 
developed a habit of sinning. And when today, like all 
others, they glorify perestroika, that is but another vari- 
ety of “habitual sin.” 

Between the killer and the killed in our society there 
often exist a series of buttons, controls and other auto- 
matic and semiautomatic devices enabling the killer to 
say, “I didn't kill, | only pressed the button.” Neverthe- 
less Claude Eatherly, the pilot who dropped the first 
atom bomb on Japan, went mad and died in an insane 
asylum. When somebody mentioned that episode in the 
presence of my old acquaintance, the wise Aunt Polly, 
from whom we have rented a dacha for years, she 
remarked philosophically, “A Bolshevik would not have 
gone mad.” 

Indeed, our people had reason enough to go mad—not 
just because of other people's sins, but because of our 
own. It will take years, perhaps decades, to rid ourselves 
of our habit of sinning. But if we don't, we shall never 
find our way out of our moral morass. 

Once, in the first postrevolutionary years, we aspired to 
a world revolution. The motto does not work today. All 
over the world many different forms of society have 
emerged, run according to different principles. We and 
our model of socialism have found ourselves lagging 
behind rather than leading the way. Having the world’s 
largest resources of timber, minerals and other natural 
wealth, we have dragged this country down with appall- 
ing mismanagement to its current wretched condition. 
Witness the high infant mortality rate and the generally 
unhealthy state of the nation, the incessant drinking of 
moonshine and vodka, and the people's destitution. But 
worse of all are the lies, lies, lies. The habit of lying 
cannot be overcome in a trice, as soon as people are told, 
“The truth, nothing but the truth.” 

What shall we struggle for now? For preserving the good 
things we have managed to acquire and for living 
decently, despite all the obstacles, as befits humans— 
with our own peculiarities and according to our own 

The time has come to revive the old-fashioned notions of 
“conscience,” “humanity,” “decency,” and also “sin.” 
Some people might think that having imbibed the latter 
notion in childhood, one is bound to grow up a believer. 
This is not necessarily the case. One grows out of notions 
as one grows out of clothes. One is free to choose any way 
insofar as faith is concerned. One can assimilate the 
religion one found congenial as a child, one can grow up 
an atheist, or develop a position most naturally con- 
nected with early upbringing. All I care about is that one 
not develop the shameful and humiliating habit of sin- 
ning. Let one remain a decent human being—this is the 
best legacy we can pass on to our children. 


Rovno Authorities Block Believers’ Attempts To 
Have Church Returned 

18001162 Moscow NEDELYA in Russian 

No 20, 15-21 May 89 p 9 

[Article by Sergey Vlasov, journalist: “A Cathedral in 

[Text] Standing in the center of the city of Rovno is its 
most beautiful structure—the Svyato-Voskresenskiy 
Cathedral, a landmark of | 9th-century architecture. Up 
to 1962 this cathedral was operational, but on a certain 
night it was shut up and sealed tight; its icons and golden 
church utensils were hauled off to some unknow place. 
The crosses on the domes were sawed away, and the bells 
were removed. For 10 years the cathedral stood boarded 
up and nailed tight. Then some “bright-minded” person 
got the idea of creating a museum of atheism in it. 

All during these years, for more than a quarter of a 
century now, the former parishioners of the Syato- 
Voskresenskiy Cathedral have been requesting that the 
cathedral be returned to them and that their congrega- 
tion be registered anew. Because they had been taken off 
the registration rolls after the cathedral was closed down, 
and they were then merged with the congregation of the 
Uspenskiy Church. The believers knocked on all the 
doors, and they appealed to all the administrative levels 
more than once—but all to no avail. All their complaints 
addressed to Kiev and to Moscow were punctually sent 
back to Rovno, and the local authorities replied time and 
time again that they deemed the return of the cathedral 
to the believers unfeasible: it has now become crowded 
around the cathedral, and, therfore, there is no possibil- 
ity for fencing it in, as is the accepted thing to do; there 
is no possibility for constructing toilets alongside the 
cathedral or to equip a parking lot for motor vehicles.... 
Slipping in among the many official replies is the follow- 
ing puzzled question: Why do the believers need this, 
when, after all, the city has five operational churches? 

But these indefatigable old men and women have, in 
recent years, begun to write even more actively. In their 
letters they sensibly remind people that this cathedral 
was built on the donations of believers, that it is a holy 
place for Orthodox Christians, and that nowadays, when 
relations between Church and State have taken such a 
favorable turn, it is not good to have such a negative 
attitude toward a request for the return of a cathedral. 

To my way of thinking, this conflict could have been 
resolved long ago if the persons in authority had not 
assumed that a step to meet the believers would be an 
ideological defeat, a concession and a yielding to the 
dark past. 

Today we have come to our senses, and we openly 
acknowledge that believers are also Soviet persons, and 
they have the complete right to express all their opinions, 
including the religious ones, in a worthy, dignified man- 
ner. Yes, we acknowledge this in our words, but when it 

27 June 1989 

comes to deeds, then the inertia of the old way of 
thinking makes itself felt, and we seek out reasons why 
the concessions should not be made. 

And reasons can always be found. They were likewise 
found in our case. Figuring as the principal argument in 
all the replies at the various levels is the fact that the city 
has five churches. And, therefore, the ‘believers in the 
city of Rovno have the full possibility of satisfying their 
religious needs.” I cite this from a letter to Moscow from 
Comrade P.D. Pilipenko, the first deputy chairman of 
the Council on Religious Affairs under the UkSSR 
Council of Ministers. But it would be interesting to ask 
those who signed the replies whether they have been 
inside these churches during a Sunday or a holiday 

I attempted to drop into one of the Sunday services at 
the Uspenskiy Church on Shevchenko Street, but I was 
unsuccessful: during the course of the entire service more 
than half of the parishioners stood on the street in front 
of the church, because they could not get inside; the 
church was simply packed chock-full. People could not 
even turn around. This jam reminded me of the crowded 
conditions in the larger stations of the Moscow Metro 
during rush hours. There could be no thought of getting 
out of the church until the service ended. Such an 
unbearable crowding has already been the cause of five 
deaths. People often become ill from the stuffy atmo- 
sphere, from the heat, but they cannot get out of their 
human captivity. 

Why and for whom is this blatant lie necessary?... 

Indeed, there are five churches located with the Rovno 
city limits. But there usable space amounts to only 570 
square meters. If we divide the numbr of believers into 
them, we receive a figure of 120 persons per square 
meter. And what kind of sanitary norms would have to 
be applied in order to talk about the “complete possibil- 
ities for satisfying their religious needs?” 

Now the arguments against returning this cathedral to 
the believers have been added to. A recent extraordinary 
session of the city Soviet of People’s Deputies by a 
majority of votes rendered the following decision: The 
cathedral will not be returned to the believers, but a new 
cathedral will be built on the outskirts of the city. It is 
easy to say—will be built, but where will the funds come 
from if the needs for kindergartens and schools are only 
being met to the extent of 75 percent in this city? To this 
very day in many schools the kids are attending school in 
three shifts. And so how much time will pass by before 
the dome of a new cathedral will reach to the sky? And 
during all these years the believers will be packed into 
the churches or, as many of them have already been 
doing for a long time, they will ride out for dozens of 
kilometers to pray at a monastery. 


They say that after a fist-fight, it is hard to wave. 
Nevertheless, let’s recall how democratically the extraor- 
dinary session of the City Soviet was prepared and 
conducted. I have formed the opinion that democracy in 
this case was skillfully ‘“*managed.”’ Three days before the 
session the local press carried an article devoted to the 
disputes raging around the cathedral. But this article was 
composed in such a clever way that none of the believers 
was given the right to speak. The people who did 
talk—and they talked a great deal—were just the oppo- 
nents of returning the cathedral: the city’s chief architect, 
the chief of the GAI [State Motor Vehicle Inspectorate], 
the chief of the fire department, the chief sanitary 
physician, the chief of the museum of atheism, and the 
chairman of the gorispolkom. Not a single argument in 
favor of the believers’ viewpoint is cited in the article. 

That is the way public opinion was prepared. And this is 
called glasnost and democracy? 

At the session itself pluralism of opinions was also 
observed in an extremely one-sided manner: the repre- 
sentatives of the authorities were given unlimited oppor- 
tunities to state their opinions. Both the chairman of the 
gorisplokom and the chief city architect readout whole 
lectures to the deputies, whereas the speeches of the 
believers were regulated so strictly that one of them was 
not even allowed to read out a letter from Academician 
D.S. Likhachev, chairman of the Board of the Soviet 
Fund for Culture, to the chairman of the Rovno Oblis- 
polkom with regard to the cathedral. 

Well now, let’s just do that ourselves. Here is an excerpt 
from Dmitriy Sergeyyeich’s letter: 

“It was refused to return the cathedral to the believers on 
the grounds that the cathedral is situated in the center of 
the city.... This, however, cannot be a serious obstacle.... 
Many of Moscow’s and Leningrad’s functioning churches 
are located in the center.... The preponderant right to 
religious buildings must be that of the believers if they 
claim them. Allow me to cite the words of M.S. Gor- 
bachev, spoken by him at a meeting with Patriarch Pimen 
and the members of the Synod of the Russian Orthodox 
Church: "The believers are Soviet persons, working peo- 
ple, patriots, and they have the complete right to express 
their own convictions in a worthy, dignified manner.“ 

It would be appropriate here to recall that in large cities 
many operational cathedrals are situated in the most 
crowded places, in direct proximity to thoroughfares, for 
example, the Yelokhovskaya Church, the Patriarchal 
Cathedral, or the Church of All Saints in Moscow, the 
Vladimir Cathedral in Kiev.... If one were to apply to 
them the argumentation of many of the speakers at the 
City Soviet session, these churches would have to be 
closed down immediately! 

The decision of the session has been made, but the issue 
has remained unresolved. After the session was over, a 
noisy meeting of the believers continued for several 

27 June 1989 

hours at the doors of the House of Culture, where the 
session had taken place. This meeting continued late into 
the evening at the building of the party obkom. 

“Why humiliate people? Haven't we suffered enough 
even without this?’ Such were the opinions heard from 
the crowd of old men and women. 

‘We will fight for our cathedral to the end,” I was told by 
Zoya Maksimovna Gordeychuk, a woman on a pension, 
an invalid of the second group, who had been a bull- 
dozer-operator in the past. She lives all by herself; her 
faith is the only thing she has left in her life. 

“What good does it do anyone to embittei the people?” 
asked Zoya Maksimovna. “A museum of atheism is the 
cathedral—what could be more blasphemous? No, we 
just won’t calm down, and we won’t let them fool us. 
We've suffered enough outrages and violations of our 
faith and consciences....” 

Two days after the City Soviet session, when I was just 
about to leave Rovno, a delegation of believers again 
assembled with the intention of going to the gor- 

‘‘No, we haven’t calmed down, and we'll fight for our 
cathedral,” I was told by Grigoriy Konstantinovich 
Kovalev, a former partisan, an underground fighter, a 
Cavalier of the Order of Glory. “And until they return 
the cathedral to us, we won’t believe in the reality of 

As we see, the situation in Rovno remains tense, and the 
City Council session only exacerbated it. And at this 
point the following question is appropriate: Was it right, 
in general, to bring up for discussion at this session such 
a delicate, such a specific problem. A cathedral is not just 
an ordinary building, and the approach taken here must 
not be just an ordinary one, but rather a political, 
historical approach—taking into account a knowledge of 


the entire situation in the country, something that arose 
not just today but from that period when people began to 
smash churches in the most obscene way, to persecute 
believers and priests, thereby violating the law. The time 
has come to manifest the maximum benevolence with 
regard to believers. 

In our case, we have no doubt that this is possible. 

The Voskresenskiy Cathedral in the center of the city of 
Rovno has proved not to be in the captivity of the 
buildings surrounding it, but the captive of outmoded 
views on the church in general. A cathedral is a religious 
building, and all its features, including the architectural 
ones, are designed and intended for the believers. This is 
completely obvious, and if we nowadays are using cathe- 
drals for something different, then this is a manifestation 
of our barbarism, for which we will be ashamed at some 
time in the future. 

“It would be justifiable, in general, to hand over all the 
Orthodox cathedrals to the Russian Orthodox Church, 
which would bear complete responsibility for them,” 
says K.M. Kharchev, chairman of the Council for Reli- 
gious Affairs under the USSR Council of Ministers. 
“Only in case there are no objections on the part of the 
believers, could the religious buildings be handed over 
for other needs. But, you know, this is really wicked and 
absurd: there is achurch in the city, and the local 
leadership would compel the believers to build a new 
cathedral. Why? The Council on Religious Affairs will 
strive to overturn such decisions as that.” 

Such are the demands of the new thinking, the demands 
of the times. 

To return cathedrals to believers means to rescue people 
from the undeserved insult and injury which were 
inflicted upon them in former times. To return cathe- 
drals to believers means to prove to ourselves that the 
age-old traditions of our Fatherland are dear to us. To 
return cathedrals to believers means to assert that free- 
dom of conscience in our country is not an empty sound. 

27 June 1989 

Draft Charter of USSR Writers’ Union Published 
18000678 Moscow LITERATURNAYA GAZETA in 
Russian No 12, 22 Mar 89 p 3 

{Text of draft of USSR Writers’ Union Charter] 

[Text] The USSR Writers’ Union is a voluntary self- 
governing social creative organization of professional 
literary figures which operates on the basis of the USSR 
Constitution and the current Charter and in its activities 
relies on the principles of socialist democracy, glasnost, 
personal initiative, and the accountability of each mem- 
ber of the Union. 

Section 1. The Goals of the USSR Writers’ Union and 
Its Jurisdiction 

1. The basic goal of the Union is to develop multina- 
tional Soviet literature and increase its ideological-es- 
thetic potential. The Union supports the basic principles 
of Soviet literature—the principles of party-mindedness 
and people’s character [narodnost] of artistic creativity 
in their truly Leninist understanding, recognizes the 
program goals of the CPSU and is guided by them in its 
work, and actively participates in the county’s sociopo- 
litical life in order to carry out the tasks of revolutionary 

The Union considers freedom of creativity an indispens- 
able condition of the development of literature. 

In its work the Writers’ Union is oriented to pluralism of 
opinions, breadth of creative discussion, and diversity of 
esthetic strivings and literary directions by consistently 
supporting works which are realistic in method and 
socialist in idea. 

An artistic grasp of the truth of reality in the fullness of 
the dialectical contradictions of its development and 
renewal and in its aspiration towards socialist, genuinely 
humanist ideas common to mankind is the creative 
starting principle of Soviet literature of the age of pere- 
stroyka and democratization of our life. 

The Union supports truthful, talented, and artistically 
and ideologically significant works of literature of all 
styles and genres, encourages and supports originality 
and brilliance of artistic language, and promotes 
strengthening of the spirit of free creative pursuit, prin- 
cipledness, and social activism in literature. The Union 
is trying to help affirm both in life and in creativity 
everything that is new, honest, and progressive and is 
fighting against that which is routine, nonprogressive, 
and stagnant. 

The Union considers it fundamentally important to 
create in the writers’ medium an atmosphere of openness 
and truthfulness, genuinely comradely competition of 
talented persons, and the formulation of a collective 
writers’ opinion on the most important issues of artistic 


2. The jurisdiction of the Union includes the following: 

coordination of the work of the republic writers’ 
unions and the organizations equivalent to them; 

-—analysis of the condition and trends of development of 
multinational Soviet and world literature and on its 
basis formulation of the strategic directions of devel- 
opment of literary and publishing activity, and 
strengthening of its material-technical base; 

—development and strengthening of democratic princi- 
ples in book-publishing activity, development and 
experimental testing of new forms and methods of 
social-state leadership of publishing activity and the 
book trade; 

— indoctrination of the next literary generation, commu- 
nication to young literary figures of the creative expe- 
rience of the older generation, and development and 
experimental testing of new models of professional 
training of literary figures; 

—the right of legislative initiative within the limits of its 

—presentation and defense of the interests of the repub- 
lic writers’ unions and the organizations equivalent to 
them on questions which are part of the jurisdiction of 
the Union organs of state power and management; 

—defense of the creative, professional, and civil rights of 
literary figures and their creative legacy and participa- 
tion in developing new legal norms in this sphere; 

—formulation of the basic principles of cooperation and 
implementation of international contacts in the sphere 
of literature and publishing activities; 

—execution of management activity and disposal of its 
own capital. 3. When state organs adopt management 
decisions which are unsubstantiated or not within 
their jurisdiction and which may damage the develop- 
ment of literary and publishing work or the creative 
destiny of a writer or limit his rights, the USSR 
Writers’ Union has the right to consider preventing 
their implementation. 

Section 2. Main Directions of the Activity of the USSR 
Writers’ Union 

I. In the Field of Development of Soviet Literature: 
1. Sets up the following in its structure: 

—professional creative associations and associations for 
all types of genres of literary creativity; 

—associations of writers linked by common creative 

27 June 1989 

—councils and commissions on international literary 
ties (with sections on particular national literatures of 
Soviet people), on publishing activity and the book 
trade, on the education and improvement of thecreative 
skills of literary figures, on international ties, on military 
sponsorship work, and the like. 

2. In every possible way facilitates the professional, civic, 
and moral formative stage and creates comradeship 
among young literary figures and in amateur literary 
clubs and other social organizations. 

3. Together with the organs of state power and manage- 
ment formulates the basic principles of the operation 
and development of publishing work and the book trade 
and participates in selecting, placing, and certifying 
leadership cadres, formulating and ratifying publishing 
plans, and distributing state resources focused on devel- 
oping publishing activity. 

4. Develops and affirms democratic principles in the 
activities of literary-artistic journals, newspapers, and 
book publishing houses of the Writers’ Union system 
(competitive replacement in leadership posts, election of 
editorial collegia in editorial councils, and the like). 

5. Organizes and conducts the following: 

—all-Union, republic, and regional literary conferences, 
festivals, competitions, days of literatures, meetings, 
and discussions; 

—creative laboratories and seminars on rendering pro- 
fessional help to literary figures. 

6. Authorizes creative work trips for writers to study and 
gather material. 

7. Ratifies creativity stipends granted by republic writ- 
ers’ unions and organizations equivalent to them. 

8. Establishes and awards prizes of the USSR Writers’ 
Union for the creation of significant literary works of all 

9. Nominates writers to compete for the USSR Lenin 
and State Prizes and submits their names for govern- 
mental awards, honorary titles, and receipt of personal 

10. Sets up a legal commission to decide disputed legal 
and creative questions which arise on the grounds of 
professional activity. 

Legal commissions are also created under republic writ- 
ers’ unions and organizations equivalent to them by 
decisions of their governing boards. 

II. In the Field of the Study and Formation of Public 
Opinion and the Scientific Interpretation of the Literary 


1. Promotes the development of all types of literary 
criticism by ensuring its high professionalism and mak- 
ing certain that in the sphere of criticism the defense of 
talent is combined with high esthetic standards and a 
principled party orientation. 

2. Recruits scientific centers, museums, and other orga- 
nizations involved in literature to perform the practical 
tasks of developing literary creativity and carrying out 
esthetic indoctrination of the people. 

3. Publishes materials which explain and summarize the 
literary process: the results of research in the field of 
history and the theory of literature, literary studies, 
literary criticism, and sociology. 

4. Sets up houses of literary figures, clubs, and other 
institutions in keeping with the Union’s charter goals. 

5. Supervises the activity of the All-Union Center for 
Propaganda of Artistic Literature. 

III. In the Field of Publishing Activity and the Book 

1. Sets up artistic literature newspapers and journals and 
supervises their work. 

2. Sets up book publishing houses and supervises their 

3. Stimulates the search for new forms of publishing 

4. Sets up writers’ counters and bookstores, holds book 
auctions and fairs, and helps the system of book 
exchange and the commission, used, and old book trade. 

IV. In the Field of Coordinating the Activity of the 
Republic Writers’ Unions 

1. In all possible ways helps develop and mutually enrich 
the national literatures of the peoples of the USSR by 
helping improve the quality of literary translations and 
helping broadly disseminate the best works of the writers 
of all republics. 

2. Ensures independence in the activities of the republic 
writers’ unions. 

3. Organizes mutual interrepublic exchanges of groups of 
writers and book exhibits and holds holidays of national 

4. Regularly hears reports on and analyzes the work of 
the republic writers’ unions. 

V. In the Field of International Ties 

27 June 1989 

1. Sets up and develops diverse creative ties with foreign 
public, state, and private literary and publishing organi- 
zations and writers of the socialist, developing, and 
capitalist countries for the purpose of the broad 
exchange of cultural values, creative experience, and the 
achievements of multinational Soviet literature in the 
interests of peace, democracy, friendship, and mutual 
understanding among peoples and the struggle against 
the nuclear threat and for the survival of mankind. For 
these purposes the Union does the following: 

—determines the basic directions, forms, and scope of its 
international activity and coordinates the interna- 
tional activity of the republic unions and the organi- 
zations equivalent to them; 

—concludes bilateral and multilateral agreements on 

—holds international meetings, symposiums, seminars, 
creative laboratories and the like in the USSR and 
participates in similar events abroad; 

—organizes independently and takes part in holding 
international book exhibits and fairs; 

—sends abroad and receives in the USSR delegations of 
writers and publishing house employees; 

—promotes international cooperation in the field of 
literature, literary studies, publishing work, and the 
book trade; 

—receives in the USSR and sends abroad writers and 
Other specialists to give courses of lectures in educa- 
tional institutions and in addition sends and receives 
scholarship students; 

—publishes and disseminates abroad informational pro- 
paganda materials on multinational Soviet literature 
and publishes and disseminates in the USSR informa- 
tional materials on foreign literature. 

2. Recommends the works of Soviet writers for transla- 
tion into foreign languages. 

3. Participates in the development and fulfillment of 
state plans of cultural ties with foreign countries in the 
field of literature, literary studies, and book publishing; 
cooperates with the Union of Soviet Societies of Friend- 
ship with Foreign Countries and other public organiza- 
tions involved in international ties. 

4. Resolves questions of the feasibility of joining inter- 
national and regional nongovernmental organizations of 
writers and on withdrawing from them. 5. Along with the 
VAAP [All-Union Agency for Authors’ Rights] monitors 
the observance of authors’ rights of Soviet writers 


6. Establishes and awards Union prizes for the best 
translations of Soviet literature abroad. 

VI. In the Field of Social and Domestic Activity 

|. Makes decisions on establishing houses of creativity, 
recreation centers, boarding hotels, dachas, sanatoriums, 
polyclinics, hospitals, dispensaries, nursery schools, kin- 
dergartens, pioneer camps, and public catering enter- 
prises within the USSR Literary Fund system. 

2. Through the USSR Literary Fund does the following: 

—helps improve the living conditions of the Union 
members, participates in construction on a share 
basis, and organizes cooperative housing, cooperative 
dachas, and cooperative garage construction: 

—offers Union members and members of their families 
passes to general sanatoriums and children’s institu- 
tions, establishing payment benefitsfor them; 

—gives Union members material aid, issues loans, and 
organizes benefit funds. 

3. Devotes all kind of attention to writers who are 
veterans and organizes councils of veterans and helps 
them work. 

4. Carries out measures to perpetuate the memory of 
prominent Soviet writers. 

VII. In the Field of Economic and Financial Activity 

1. Organizes and supervises the activity of the USSR 
Literary Fund, whose basic task is creating the necessary 
material-technical and financial base for carrying out the 
organizational-creative and social-domestic activity of 
the Union. The Literary Fund capital can also be used to 
give financial aid to journals, newspapers, and publish- 
ing houses under the Union and to individual writers. 

2. Sets up its own enterprises and supervises their work. 

3. Along with the republic unions builds new enterprises 
and general sanatoriums (among them those built on 
share principles with other creative unions and other 

4. Under the authority of the governing board of the 
USSR Writers’ Union are the following subordinate 

—the Sovetskiy pisatel Publishing House, which oper- 
ates on the basis of a statute ratified by the governing 
board of the USSR Writers’ Union; 

—the Literaturnaya gazeta Publishing House, which 
operates on the basis of a statute ratified by the 
governing board of the USSR Writers’ Union; 

27 June 1989 

—the Literary Institute imeni A. M. Gorkiy, which 
operates on the basis of its own charter, and the 
Advanced Literary Courses under the institute; 

—the All-Union Center for Propaganda of Artistic Lit- 
erature, which operates on the basis ci a statute 
ratified by the governing board of the USSR Writers’ 

—the USSR Literary Fund, which operates on the basis 
of its own charter; 

—the Central House of Literary Figures, which operates 
on the basis of a statute ratified by the governing 
board of the USSR Writers’ Union. 

5. Formulates, ratifies, and executes its own budget, for 
this purpose using capital which is formed from the 

—revenue from the entrance and annual membership 
fees of the Union members; 

—deductions from the profits of its own enterprises and 

—0other deductions and benefits which may be received 
by the Union according to the established system; 

—other revenue from citizens and organizations. 

The USSR Writers’ Union and its enterprises, organiza- 
tions, and institutions in accordance with the decree of 
the USSR Soviet of People’s Commissars of 17 February 
1935 and Decree No 213 of the USSR CPSU Central 
Committee and the USSR Council of Ministers of 14 
February 1987 is exempt from state and local taxes, fees, 
and duties; a local tax is not levied on shows, meetings, 
or performances organized by the USSR Writers’ Union 
and the organizations and institutions subordinate to it. 

6. Carries out foreign economic activity, using the capi- 
tal of its hard currency fund. 

Section 3. The “rganizational Structure of the USSR 
Writers’ Union 

1. The Union unites the republic writers’ unions, which 
preserve their own creative and organizational indepen- 
dence within the limits of their jurisdiction determined 
by the present Charter. 

Taking into account the significance of Moscow and 
Leningrad as the major centers of literary creativity and 
book-publishing activity, the writers’ organizations of 
these cities are equivalent to republic unions. 

2. The supreme organ of the USSR Writers’ Union is the 
All-Union Congress of Writers, which is convened once 
very 5 years. 


The decision to convene a regular congress is made by 
the plenum of the governing board of the Union no later 
than 6 months before the start of the congress’s work. 

An extraordinary congress may be convened at the 
request of no less than half of the members of the 
governing board of the USSR Writers’ Union and the 
central auditing commission or at the request of no less 
than five republic unions and organizations equivalent 
to them. 

3. The norms of representation in the congress are 
determined by the governing board of the Union. The 
delegates are elected by secret ballot at the congresses of 
the republic unions and organizations equivalent 

4. The All-Union Congress of Writers does the following: 

—discusses the most important problems of the devel- 
opment of Soviet literature and the future tasks of 
activity of the Union; 

—ratifies the Charter and when necessary makes amend- 
ments and changes in it; 

—ratifies reports on the activity of the governing board 
and the central auditing commission of the USSR 
Writers’ Union and the governing board of the USSR 
Literary Fund; 

—establishes the numerical makeup of the governing 
board and of the central auditing commission of the 
USSR Writers’ Union and determines the voting 

—elects the governing board and the central auditing 
commission. The number of candidates stipulated in 
advance who receive the highest number of votes (but 
no less than half plus one) are considered elected. 
When votes for the corresponding number of places 
are equal there will be a runoff; 

—determines the numerical makeup and voting proce- 
dure and elects the governing board of the USSR 
Literary Fund. 

5. The Union governing board is the Union leadership 
Organ between congresses. A plenum of the governing 
board of the USSR Writers’ Union is convened at least 
once a year. 

6. The governing board of the USSR Writers’ Union 
does the following: 

—determines the way decisions of the Union congress 
are carried out; 

—studies the annual reports of the secretariat on its 

27 June 1989 

—submits to the Union organs of state power and 
management proposals on the development of litera- 
ture, publishing activity, and the book trade and on 
improving conditions of activity of the Union and its 

—coordinates the activities of the republic writers’ 
unions and the Moscow and Leningrad Organizations; 

—ratifies the Union’s annual budget, the distribution of 
capital, and the plan of basic measures; 

—ratifies the structure of the Union’s working organs; 

—proposes candidates and then elects USSR people's 

—when necessary makes the decision to remove Union 
members from the governing board or co-opt them 
into the governing board; 

—2 years after the elections of the Union leadership 
Organs examines the question of the practical activity 
of secretaries and decides the question of reelection of 
those who have not proven themselves in the Union’s 
social activities; 

—determines the numerical makeup of the secretariat 
and elects by direct and secret ballot the first secretary 
and the secretaries of the governing board of the USSR 
Writers’ Union from an unlimited number of candi- 

Representatives of the writers’ organizations of all the 
Union republics and organizations equivalent to them 
are elected to the secretariat of the Union governing 

Candidates for the post of first secretary of the USSR 
Writers’ Union governing board are obliged to acquaint 
the governing board with the program of their activity. 
Candidates who have gotten the greatest number of votes 
in the established numerical makeup (but no less than 
half plus one) are considered elected to the secretariat. 

The first secretary and the secretaries of the Union 
governing board can be elected for no more than two 
terms in a row; 

—the USSR Writers’ Union governing board ratifies the 
editors in chief of journals and newspapers which are 
the USSR Writers’ Union organs, the makeup of the 
governing board and the managers of the Sovetskiy 
pisatel Publishing House, the rector of the Literary 
Institute imeni A. N. Gorkiy, and the chairman of the 
governing board of the USSR Literary Fund. 


The editors in chief of journals and newspapers which 
are USSR Writers’ Union organs, the chairman of the 
governing board of the USSR Literary Fund, the man- 
agers of the Sovetskiy pisatel Publishing House, and the 
rector of the Literary Institute can as a rule occupy their 
posts for no more than 10 years in a row. 

7. The secretariat of the governing board of the USSR 
Writers’ Union does the following: 

—as the executive organ of the Union governing board, 
supervises all the ideological-creative and organiza- 
tional as well as social-domestic and economic-finan- 
cial activity of the Union in the period between 
plenums of the governing board; 

—monitors performance of the decisions of congresses 
and plenums of the Union governing board; 

—coordinates the activity of the secretariats of the 
governing boards of the republic unions and organiza- 
tions equivalent to them; 

—sets up Union organizations and enterprises to per- 
form the tasks which arise from the decisions of the 
congress and monitors their activity; 

—works out the directions of the Union’s international 

—carries Out joint work with other creative unions and 
USSR state and public organizations; 

—represents the Union governing board in state, public, 
and international organizations; 

—ratifies and awards Union prizes as well as confirms 
recommendations to nominate candidates for Lenin 
and USSR State Prizes and honorary titles and sub- 
mits the names of writers for governmental awards 
and personal pensions; 

—ratifies the management workers of the Union apparat 
as well as the editorial collegia of journals and news- 
papers which are USSR Writers’ Union organs and the 
managers of enterprises, institutions, and organiza- 
tions subordinate to the Union; 

—in its work the secretariat is subordinate to the Union 
governing board; 

—in order to efficiently resolve the daily questions and 
questions stemming from the work plan ratified by the 
governing board (or by the secretariat of the governing 
board), the secretariat forms a working secretariat 
from its own makeup whose decrees within the frame- 
work of its jurisdiction are compulsory for all organi- 
zations, institutions, and enterprises subordinate to 
the Writers’ Union. 

27 June 1989 

8. The broad writers’ community is informed of the 
decisions of the governing board and the secretariat of 
the Union governing board through the Union’s press 

9. The central auditing commission of the USSR Writ- 
ers’ Union does the following: 

—monitors fulfillment of the Union Charter and the 
decisions of congresses, plenums, and meetings of the 
secretariat of the Union governing board as well as the 
plans of the Union’s basic measures; 

—monitors the financial health and economic activity of 
the writers’ organizations and the enterprises and 
Organizations subordinate to them, including the 
USSR Literary Fund; 

—verifies that the Union budget has been executed 

—verifies that requests, applications, letters, and com- 
plaints which come to the Union central organs are 
examined promptly and correctly; 

—gives methodological aid to the republic unions and 
Organizations equivalent to them; 

—verifies, by sampling, the financial-economic activity 
of the republic writers’ unions and organizations 
equivalent to them. 

10. The central auditing commission elects the chairman 
and deputies from its own members for no more than 
two terms in a row. The voting procedures are estab- 
lished by the plenum of the auditing commission. 

11. The central auditing commission reports back on its 
activity to the Union congress. 

12. Plenums of the central auditing commission are held 
at least once a year. 

13. The members of the central auditing commission 
take part in the plenums of the Union governing board 
with the right of a consultative vote. 

The chairman of the central auditing commission and 
his deputies participate in the meetings of the secretariat 
of the Union governing board with the right of a consul- 
tative vote, 

14. The secretariat of the governing board of the USSR 
Writers’ Union forms public commissions which are 
links of the Union public self-management: legal, social- 
domestic, foreign, to monitor the admission of new 
Union members, and the like. The commissions are 
formed on the basis of equal representation of the 
republic unions and organizations equivalent to them. 


15. The writers’ unions of the Union republics and the 
Organizations equivalent to them base their work on the 
USSR Writers’ Union Charter; 

—on their territories they carry out all functions of the 
USSR Writers’ Union, proceeding from the particular 
conditions of their own activities; 

—they carry out the social work of writers in profes- 
sional creative commissions as well as councils and 

—admit members to the USSR Writers’ Union; 
—elect delegates to the USSR writers’ congresses. 

16. The writers’ unions of the autonomous republics and 
the local organizations of the republic unions are created 
by decisions of the appropriate congresses of the writers’ 
unions of the Union republics and carry out on their own 
territories all functions of the USSR Writers’ Union, 
proceeding from their own jurisdiction defined by the 
higher social organ of the Union. 

17. The management organ of the local organization of 
the union is the conference (general meeting) of mem- 
bers of the union of the given territory which is convened 
at least twice during the period between congresses of the 
corresponding republic union which elects the chairman 
and the responsible secretary. If the organization has 
more than 40 Union members, then a governing board, 
secretariat, or bureau of the given writers’ organization 
may be elected. 

18. Writers who live in krays and oblasts where there are 
no writers’ organizations because of the small number of 
Union members are registered as members in the nearest 
writers’ organization. 

19. The procedures for electing management organs of 
the local writers’ organizations as well as the voting 
procedures during elections of delegates to congresses of 
the corresponding republic unions are determined by the 
conference (or general meeting) of the members of the 
local organization. 

20. Professional writers’ creative associations are set up 
in the republic unions and in the Moscow and Leningrad 
Writers’ Organizations and are an important link of the 
structure of the Union. They unite the members of the 
Union who work in various types of literary creativity 
(prose, poetry, drama, publicistics, literary criticism and 
literary studies, literary translation, and others). 

The goals of the associations are the following: 

—to consolidate the efforts of the Union members who 
represent the corresponding types of literature in 
order to resolve the main creative problems; 

—to shape high professional ethics in the writer; 

27 June 1989 

—to protect authors’ rights; 

—to prepare and recommend people for membership in 
the Union. 

21. Sections of creative professional creative associa- 
tions may be set up in the writers’ unions of the auton- 
omous republics as well as in the local organizations of 
the Union when there are the necessary number of 
Union members who are representatives of the given 
type of literature. 

22. The professional creative associations hold their own 
plenums and elect management organs. 

23. The chairmen of the professional creative associa- 
tions of the republic unions and the organizations equiv- 
alent to them make up the coordinating bureau of these 
associations which operate in the structure of the USSR 
Writers’ Union. 

24. As the basis of the professional-creative structure of 
the Union, the associations have the right of legal 
initiative within the framework of the USSR Writers’ 

Section 4. Union Members and Their Rights and Duties 

1. A Soviet professional literary figure who has created 
works (published, produced on the screen, or staged) 
which are distinguished by high artistic merit and ideo- 
logical significance and who recognizes the Union Char- 
ter and actively works in one of its organizations may 
become a member of the USSR Writers’ Union. 

2. The governing boards, presidiums, and secretariats of 
the governing boards of the writers’ unions of the Union 
republics and the Moscow and Leningrad Writers’ Orga- 
nizations accept people for membership in the Union. 

The procedure for admission to Union membership is 
regulated by a special statute ratified by the plenum of 
the governing board of the USSR Writers’ Union. 

3. Persons accepted for membership into the Union 
receive membership cards of the established form. 

4. Union members pay a one-time entrance fee of 5 
rubles and annual membership fees of 10 rubles. 

5. Rejection for membership in the Union can be 
appealed either by the writer himself or by the members 
of the Union and the professional creative associations 
who recommended him to the secretariat of the govern- 
ing board of the USSR Writers’ Union. The decision of 
the secretariat of the governing board of the USSR 
Writers’ Union is final. 

6. A member of the USSR Writers’ Union has the 
following rights: 


—to elect and be elected to the management organs of 
the Union; 

—to make proposals to the appropriate organs of the 
Union to improve the Union’s work and the work of 
the organizations, enterprises, and institutions subor- 
dinate to it; 

—to take advantage of all types of creative and other 
help offered by the Union; 

—to take advantage of social-domestic assistance and 
established benefits; 

—to take advantage of the protection of the USSR 
Writers’ Union when his creative and author's rights 
are infringed upon or his honor and dignity are 

7. Union members are obliged to do the following: 
—to observe the Union Charter; 

—to fulfill the decisions of the Union management 

—to actively participate in the Union’s work and fulfill 
the social tasks of its elected organs; 

—to promote by personal creative labor the develop- 
ment of Soviet literature and to affirm in it life’s truth, 
humanism, and creative diversity; 

—to consistently support and develop the high esthetic 
traditions of multinational Soviet literature and elim- 
inate cliquishness, flattery, and other manifestations 
of nationalism and chauvinism. 

8. For violating charter demands and for behavior which 
injures the honor and dignity of a Soviet literary figure as 
well as the honor and dignity of the writers’ organization, 
a Writers’ Union member can be publicly reprimanded 
and fined by the management organs of the local writers’ 
organization: he may be reprimanded by the secretariat 
of the governing board of the USSR Writers’ Union, the 
secretariat of the governing board of the republic union, 
or the secretariat of the governing boards of the Moscow 
or Leningrad Writers’ Organizations. 

9. People are expelled from the Writers’ Union in the 
following cases: 

—a writer's deviation from the Union’s principles and 
tasks formulated in the Charter; 

—commitment of an antisocial act; 

—many years of creative inactivity (other than cases of 
inability to work because of illness or age); 

—regular nonpayment of membership dues. 

27 June 1989 

10. The same organs which have the right of acceptance 
expel people from the Union and the expulsion is ratified 
by the secretariat of the governing board of the USSR 
Writers’ Union. The writers’ community is informed of 
decisions on public reprimand and expulsion from the 
Union through the Union press organs. 

11. A person expelled from the Union can join again 
after 5 years on general principles on the condition that 
he presents new works. 

Section 5. The Legal Rights of the USSR Writers’ 
Union, the Republic Writers’ Unions and Organizations 
Equivalent to Them, and the Local Union Organizations 

1. The writers’ unions and their local organizations enjoy 
the rights of a legal person with all consequences on the 
basis of the jaws operating in the USSR and among those 
rights are the following: 

—to acquire and alienate property; 
—to conclude contracts; 

—to set up cost-accounting and cooperative enterprises 
in keeping with the Union charter goals; 

—to use credit; 
—to set up current accounts in banks; 

—to sue and answer suits in courts and state arbitration 
commissions. 2. Understandings, agreements, and other 
financial documents on behalf of the unions and their 
local organizations are signed by chairmen, first secre- 
taries, chief accountants, and other persons authorized 
to do so by the secretariats of the governing boards of the 
unions or the governing boards of the local organiza- 

3. The governing boards of the unions and their local 
Organizations have the right within the limits of their 
jurisdiction to make decisions to set up and eliminate 
Organizations, institutions, and enterprises of the USSR 
Writers’ Union system, to ratify statutes on them, and to 
set up under the established procedure reserves for 
rendering temporary financial aid to enterprises and 
organizations of the Union as well as for professional 
reorientation when necessary of workers who are 
released from Union enterprises. 

4. The USSR Writers’ Union has an emblem, seal, and 
stamp with the following inscription: “The Order of 
Lenin and the Order of Friendship of Peoples USSR 
Writers’ Union.” 

5. The republic unions and the Moscow and Leningrad 
Writers’ Organizations as well as the writers’ unions of 
the autonomous republics and the local organizations of 
the Union have seals and stamps with the corresponding 


6. The activities of the USSR Writers’ Union, the 
republic unions, the Moscow and Leningrad Writers’ 
Organizations, and the local organizations can be 
stopped by decision of the corresponding congresses. 

All the money and property remaining after their liqui- 
dation is passed on to higher organs of the Union, and 
the property and money of the USSR Writers’ Union is 
passed on to state organs or public organizations (by 
decision of the All-Union Congress of Writers). 

Philosopher Defends Films Labeled 

18001023a Moscow ARGUMENTY I FAKTY in 
Russian No 19, 13-19 May 89 p 6-7 

[Interview with I.Kon, doctor of philosophical sciences, 
by correspondent R. Rykov: “Must One Relax One’s 

[Text] “Films such as *My Name is Arlekino,“ ”Little 
Vera,“ and the like contain more than enough eroticism 
and sex. But this was not enough for their creators, we 
are shown intimate scenes openly and coarsely. What 
kind of morality does such ’’salaciousness* instill? If this 
is supposed to be emotional education, what emotions 
are involved? The box office receipts, which undoubt- 
edly were what the creators of the film were aiming at, 
are costing us a great deal.” 

[Signed] B. Demchenko, educator, Denpropetrovsk. 

What are the limits of the permissible in the work of an 
artist? In general, should we relax our moral standards? 
Our correspondent, R. Rykova, interviews doctor of 
philosophy I. Kon on these issues. 

[Kon] When the films “Little Vera” and “My Name is 
Arlekino” were released, the editorial offices of newspa- 
pers and journals, the Film Makers’ Union, and the 
USSR Goskino were flooded with letters, accusing the 
film makers of destroying morality and even of propa- 
ganda in favor of pornography and eroticism. As a rule, 
these letters were written by members of the older 
generation, which is easy to understand. But let us 
nonetheless try to make sense out of what things “‘of that 
sort” the directors showed us. How can “‘such things” be 

First off, | want to cool down the inflamed imaginations 
of some and the aroused ire of others. There is no 
pornography or eroticism in these films or on the Soviet 
screen in general. And I think that there won’t be in the 
future, if only because portraying an erotic scene is 
extremely difficult and our directors and actors are 
simply not capable of doing so. So what is all the fuss 

The older generation has become accustomed to the fact 
that the entire vast sphere of sexual life, which is very 
important to everyone, is passed over in silence. The 

27 June 1989 

operative formula is: there is no sex here. And everything 
that appears about “that sort of thing” gives rise to 
shock. Some rejoice that the keyhole has been made 
wider; others grow indignant and demand that the key- 
hole be filled in altogether.Unfortunately, all this is not 
new. We have become accustomed to perceiving the 
naked body itself and any depiction of it as a sexual 
object and something obscene. 

In the 1950s, I remember, one Leningrad esthetician 
wrote a brochure about beauty and decided to illustrate 
it. One of the photographs showed Venus de Milo. The 
management of the publishing house declared that the 
photograph was pornographic. A scandal developed and 
matters were taken to the party obkom. Fortunately, the 
secretary at that time was an intelligent man and every- 
thing ended well. 

Now cinematography has begun not only to refer to 
sexuality, but to depict it. Sometimes this is dictated by 
the exigencies of the plot and sometimes the artist inserts 
such an episode to demonstrate his own daring. Of 
course, such pictures themselves will differ in their 
artistic worth.In my view, “Little Vera” is one of the 
better Soviet films. And the scene that has generated so 
much emotion does not seem alien, what is more, it is 
absolutely appropriate in the film. It cannot be called 
either erotic, or pornographic. 

[Correspondent] Igor Semenovich, unfortunately, the 
psychology of the man on the street is such that if 
something is not accepted in society, this is taken to 
mean it is immoral. But the saddest thing is that people 
with this psychology can be found among those who 
influence public opinion. 

[Kon] Alas! tolerance is a rare virture in general and in this 
area even more so. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who in his 
“Confessions” wrote about certain aspects of his sex life, at 
the same time argued against a complete translation of the 
Bible, finding many “unacceptable” parts in it. 

By the way, the label “erotic work” was attached to 
Ostrovskiy’s “Thunder” and “The Girl Without a 
Dowry.”’ Today even the most overzealous moralist does 
not accuse these works of violatingmorality. 

The time has come to understand that for art there are no 
forbidden themes, the question is only how to portray 
them. I am always struck by the hypocrisy of our society, 
which is not at all upset by the the fact that, due to the 
absence of sex education, our country has the highest 
abortion rate in the world, but let any scenes that are 
somewhat sexual appear in the movies and society begins 
to howl about declining morality. 

When the entire intimate side of human life is perceived 
as something shameful and clandestine, this has a ruin- 
ous effect on the actual behavior of people. For example, 
if a young married couple has difficulties [in this realm], 


and the husband goes off to get advice from his pals, and 
the wife from her friends, then how are they supposed to 
discuss these problems among themselves. Moreover, 
they will even be incapable of speaking with physicians 
specializing in sexual dysfunction. 

The fact that the old taboos are now being “exploded” is 
unavoidable. We must be aware of the fact that in this 
country there is an enormous gap between the genera- 
tions. The young people are more relaxed and free than 
their fathers and grandfathers. 

[Correspondent] But how can the inexperienced viewer 
distinguish what is innovation that does not violate the 
laws of art and what borders on the offensive and vulgar? 

[Kon] There is only one way—to study. In 1970, I 
published an article under the title “Sex, Society, 
Culture,” in the journal INOSTRANNAYA LITER- 
ATURA (Foreign Literature). At that time, one compar- 
ison was expunged from it. I wrote that if the author of 
an industrial novel describes human experiences in con- 
nection with work, then this is an artistic work; if 
however he speaks primarily of technological processes, 
and people exist only in relation to this theme, then it 
would be better to call this work a technological treatise. 
The same is true in the realm of art. When human 
relationships and experiences related to sexuality are 
depicted, then that is art; but if it is simply a demonstra- 
tion of sexual technology, then that is something else 


I have seen nothing of the sort in our films. Of vulgarity 
there is as much as anyone could want, and not just in 
the area of sexuality. By the way, the scenes that shocked 
our film goers were not at all erotic. Eroticism is titilla- 
tion. And who would want to be in the place of the 
characters in these films? In “Little Vera,” the sexual 
scene is played against a background of the characters’ 
hopeless despair. Nor is there eroticism in the film ““My 
Name is Arlekino.” The scene in “Dolly”’ is perfectly 
chaste; here it is only a matter of the breaking of the 
social barriers between student and teacher. What are we 
so disturbed about? About the possiblity of adolescents 
“getting the wrong idea’? But in the past the leaders of 
our country long used such a “concern” to justify the 
refusal to give us adults accurate information about our 
own life. Has this helped us a great deal? We can keep a 
young boy from seeing a film, but we will never succeed 
in sheltering him from the contradictions in real life. 

[Correspondent] But doesn’t it seem strange to you that 
adolescents are not allowed to see films that are about 
people their age because they contain sex and violence? 

[Kon] It is our typical hypocrisy: just in case, let’s keep 
them from seeing the film, even though there isn’t 
anything in it that adolescents don’t know about. In the 
film ‘My Name is Arlekino” there is much violence, and 
fighting, but the director made nothing up: In the ado- 
lescent’s environment all this actually exists. After all, 

27 June 1989 

for a long time we asserted that we have neither prosti- 
tution nor drug addiction, not child abuse in the family. 
And then it transpired that we have all that here, and it 
certainly didn’t just arise suddenly when we began 
talking about it. In one pioneer camp, a seventh grader 
organizedsomething that was not far short of an orgy, in 
which half the boys and girls of his brigade took part. It 
turned out that he had been debauched by his family. 

I repeat, what we have to fear is not the truth, but the 
relishing of violence and vulgarity. No taboos can help 
here. Someone will make films geared solely to make 
money, passing off all-permissiveness asartistic freedom, 
but it takes true talent, as it always has, to create art. By 
the way, the best erotic scenes that I have seen were in 
films that did not bear the label “erotic.” These were 
simply very good films. 

I think that the viewer will seek out the “salacious” so 
long as this fruit is forbidden to us. And when the ban is 
lifted he will learn to distinguish art from artifice, and a 
reevaluation will naturally occur. 

Director Gives Views of Perestroyka in Theater 
18001023 Moscow IZVESTIYA in 
Russian] 1 May 89Morning Editionp 3 

{Interview with Evgeniy Lazarev, actor and director, by 
T. Minayeva: “There Are Special Requirments of an 

[Text] The social transformation currently taking place 
has had a twofold effect on the theater. There have been 
changes within the theater itself—both administrative 
and artistic. In addition, the activist position taken by 
the artists enable one to speak of the theater’s direct 
participation in the restructuring of life in general. And 
each dramatic work is evaluated through the prism of 
today’s times. 

People’s Artist of the RSFSR, actor and director Ye.N. 
Lazarev contemplates the problems in the art of today. 

[Minayeva] Evgeniy Nikolayevich, we speak of the 
democratization of life—glasnost, pluralism, the eco- 
nomic independence of enterprises, the participation of 
labor collectives in their own management, and election 
of leaders at all levels. How is this process occurring in 
the theater? 

{Lazarev] The paradoxical situation of the theater today 
lies in the fact that during the years of stagnation the 
Stage often became a battlefield against this stagnation, 
and yet after the opening of the flood gates of pere- 
stroyka the theater turned out to be least capable of 
living according to democratic principles. One is 
reminded of Napoleon’s joke that democracy is a very 
good thing, but is completely unsuitable for the army and 
the French Comedy... 


Let us be direct: in many theaters the circumstances and 
means of resolving conflicts are as far from the ethical 
principles of Stanislavskiy, as the administrative com- 
mand method is from socialist management. 

The conditions under which artists existed within the 
system of official lies, in which with one hand they 
attempted to stage “‘slightly leftist’’ productions, while 
with the other they looked after their own prestige and 
security, did not pass without a trace. Is it possible for a 
member of the intelligentsia to secure honors for himself, 
keep track of the progress of paper work through the 
hierarchy, nag the director and secretary of the party 
bureau about why he has not yet received the honor? 
And this kind of thing was considered nothing to be 
ashamed of, it was the norm! And yet, we artists have a 
special responsibility and the demands made on us are 
special too. 

Not long ago I went to Tashkent and Alma-Ata. How 
eagerly they come to see us, dramatic artists, there in the 
workers’ auditoriums. And yet they do not go to the 
theater, they have a kind of distrust of theaters; in our 
remote regions we have ceased to be a theatrical nation. 
Entertainment programs and rock groups have filled the 
airwaves, starting with the program “120 minutes” early 
in the morning and ending with “Before and After 
Midnight” late at night. We are systematically weaning 
the viewer from spiritual labor. Doesn't this have to be 
one the more urgent problems of the day? But no, for 
some of my colleagues the chief issue is who will go on an 
artistic tour to New York and who to FRG, or where to 
find the most obliging cooperative..... 

Today the theater is sincerely striving to undergo pere- 
stroyka. At least the establishment of the Union of 
Theatrical People (UTP) is an organizational precondi- 
tion for this to occur. The UTP is also doing a great deal 
to organize our foreign tours, has been inviting foreign 
troupes here, and has begun an exchange of students in 
theatrical institutes. The Soviet-American theatrical ini- 
tiative embodies a remarkable idea. I cannot omit the 
social aspect of the UTP’s work: now actors will receive 
a pension equal to their wages—the differences will be 
made up by the union. Allocations of stays in ‘creative 
houses” [resorts for artists] will be fairer—in the past 
these resorts were real summer places for the elite from 
the capitals and their families. Are these changes right? 
Yes, they are. Do I support them? With all my heart. 

I recall how O. Yefremov, from whom I took a seminar, 
read us the definition of the word “intelligentsia” from a 
dictionary. The classical definition has appended to it a 
note concerning the Russian intelligentsia. Special 
emphasis is placed on the fact that this class is distin- 
guished by capacity for self-sacrifice. Think about it, 
they are talking about the distinguishing feature of a 
whole class of people! A person is truly a member of the 

27 June 1989 

intelligentsia if he adheres to thisspiritual principle 
whatever the circumstances, Often, we lose sight of this 
principle in situations where questions of salary 
increases are involved... 

The evaluation criteria and artistic sensibility of the 
leaders and artistic councils are not as high as they 
should be, since decisions are often based on personal 
and group interests, It is no secret that when a new play 
is to be staged in a theater, the actors react first in terms 
of “what part is there in it for me?” 

[Minayeva] You have had the occasion to work with 
various groups: first you were an actor and director in 

the Theater imeni V.1, Mayakovskiy, then the chief 

director of the Moscow Dramatic Theater on Malyy 
Bronnyy. There you were responsible not just for your 
own role as an actor and not just for your production as 
a director, but for the whole theater. What is the reason 
for your “step backward” to work as an actor in the 
Theater imeni Mossovet? 

{Lazarev] When | worked in directing and teaching, (| 
teach at the Lunacharskiy State Institute of Theatrical 
Arts), | thought only of laboratory and studio work. But 
the chief director has no opportunity to do such work. 
He is pushed by the cart that he himself is pulling. He can 
only do laboratory work when he himself has established 
the studio or theater where his students work. I became 
convinced that it is unnatural to have a chief director, 
the position is only natural when the director is sur- 
ronded by those who think as he does. 

Before | was named chief director | had already staged 
about 20 productions in Moscow and abroad. | had been 
given the artistic responsibility for a large group of actors 
in the Theater imeni VI. Mayakovsky. And when | was 
offered the job as head of one of the Moscow theaters, | 
naively decided that | would get a creative laboratory. In 
actuality | was separated from the roots that nourish me, 
where my worth was known to everyone and | knew the 
worth of everyone else. 

{Minayeva] Undoubtedly, you have also been thinking 
about the relationship between glasnost and dramaturgy. 
Lately, one gets the impression that putting on a play 
abou Stalin and those who surrounded him ts virtually 
an obligation of every director today. And productions 
have appeared that reek of sensation-seeking and oppor- 
tunism, whereas the true desire of an artist to be in step 
with the times and express his own position is missing. 

[Lazarev] If anyone thinks that there should be limits to 
glasnost, he must be afraid that his turn will come. 

As for sensationalism, then | am an opponent of any sort 
of cheap success. Perestroyka is picking up speed. The 
whole purpose of art, all its energies were always directed 
to one thing—being a court of morals, attempting to 
speak the truth by whatever means. And suddenly the 
doors opened, the bans were lifted. The social value of 


yesterday's “topical” play and the way they were exe- 
cuted artistically are all changing. People from the stag- 
nant time sought “artistic” ploys to hide their true 
problems, they warped the plays, changed their names 
and endings. There existed a well-developed technology 
based on untruth, The years of expedience and partici- 
pation in the pseudopublicist plays that comprised the 
majority of the so-called “social imperative” plays led to 
a situation where the actors were emotionally hobbled. 
The art of creating an image, that is the ability to 
reproduce the details of existence, to depict a given 
environment in all its range disappeared. 

|Minayeva] Glasnost aids in the development of a new 
way of thinking, which is not “collective,” but unique to 
each individual, Why then dothe traits of conservatism, 
neophobia, and unwillingness to change cling so tena- 
ciously to life? 

| Lazarev] It would be possible once again to complain of 
the absence of goods in the stores and of the lines, to 
refer to the “good old days” of the past and use this to 
explain our unwillingness to move ahead. But it is well 
known that one cannot win without losses and expendi- 
ture of great will-power and efforts. | am sometimes 
disturbed by the masochistic fixation on ones own blun- 
ders, "the lower working form of each in his own 
place.”” And yet one must, first and foremost, seek the 
reasons for failures in oneself. In short, today it is not 
always and not everywhere possible to a find the com- 
mon national impulse of patriotic striving to improve 
compared to other peoples. There are still strata and 
zones where the circulation of perestroyka does not 
always reach. But in addition | am struck by the fact that 
our society has retained so much moral health, so much 
civic daring, the capacity to think in a statesmanlike way 
and generate an enormous number of ideas in all areas of 
our lives. All this has made the whole world respect us in 
a new way. 

Tennis Star's Contract With “Proserv” Delayed 
18001117a Moscow KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA in 
Russian 27 Apr 89 p 4 

[Report by TASS correspondent A. Novikov: “The Con- 
tract Has Been Set Aside for Now”] 

[Text] The most talented Soviet woman tennis player, 
ranked eighth in the world, Natalya Zvereva of Minsk, 
who signed a contract a few days ago with the firm 
Proserv, will not be able to take advantage of it for the 
time being. This became known after the 18-year old 
athlete and her father and trainer, Marat Zverev, having 
arrived the day before from the USA, participated on 26 
April at the USSR Goskomsport [State Committee for 
Physical Culture and Sports] in a discussion of her 
unprecedented decision to conduct all her own affairs 
through the international negotiating firm. 

27 June 1989 

Prior to this, the USSR Goskomsport's Foreign Eco- 
nomic Association Sovintersport, which handles its con- 
tracts with foreign countries, concluded a contract for 
the country’s entire national tennis team with another 
well-known firm, AMG. Therefore, the decision by Zver- 
eva—a member of the national team—may be regarded 
as a violation of the collective commitment, But, it must 
be noted that even the activities of Sovintersport itself in 
matters regarding ensuring the appropriate rights of 
athletes who go abroad are frequently subject to well- 
deserved criticism 

lt turned out the the young athlete will have to make a 
more careful study, with the help of specialists, of the 
details of the agreement signed by her with Proserv, A 
resolution of the matter favorable to Natasha and in line 
with the spirit of sports “perestroyka” will depend to a 
large extent on a meeting, necessary in this situation, of 
the interested parties: USSR Goskomsport, Proserv and 

“There was no talk of any kinds of sanctions in connec- 
tion with my, perhaps, inadequately regulated step,” said 
Zvereva. ‘| want to go home to Minsk as soon as possible 
and, later, together with other most talented Soviet 
women tennis players, | will be training in Tashkent. In 
the second half of May, there is the international tour- 
nament in Switzerland and then the French Open in 
Paris. My calendar for this year will also include Wim- 
bledon, the U.S. Open and many other of the biggest 

New Complex Proposed for Old Arbat 
18001117b Moscow LITERATURNAYA GAZETA in 
Russian 17 May 89 p 1/1 

{Letter from A. Ritin, author of the designed porposals, 
V. Churbanov, doctor of philosophical sciences and 
director of the Scientific Research Institute for Culture 
of the RSFSR Ministry of Culture and the USSR Acad- 
emy of Sciences, and Ya. Panovko, member of the USSR 
Union of Writers: “An Arbat Alternative’’] 

[Text] Remember how we rejoiced at the renovation of 
Old Arbat and its conversion into a pedestrian zone. 
Today, its “Potemkin villages” are already no longer 
particularly pleasing to the eye at all and it appears that 
no one has any suggestions for doing anything. That new 
culture and that new type of intercourse between people, 
which we had hoped for, did not arise in this splendid 
little corner of Moscow. Why? Because, behind the 
gingerbread walls, there is emptiness. If you do not count 
the Georgian SSR’s trade exhibition pavilion and the 
solitary cafes. 

And so, with this “presence of absence,” we intend to 
overcome by non-prohibitive methods drunkenness, 
drug addition, prostitution and other social ills? Are we 
not just a little too presumptuous? 


lt is true that we have plans, We have never had a 
scarcity of them, But when will even one of them be 
realized? The construction, for example, of a cultural 
center in the region of Arbat Square has been planned to 
be implemented only by the year 2000. 

The wait, we will tell you straight out, has been long. Is 
there an alternative? Yes! We are proposing a very 
elementary thing: the emptiness behind the restored 
walls must be filled—that is all, 

To be brief, the essence of the plan is to establish in the 
vicinity of Old Arbat a zone of new social culture of 
leisure and to offer Muscovites and visitors to the capital 
a whole palette of possibilities for active relaxation. The 
zone should become an all-union center for ‘culture of 
the soul and culture of the body.” 

Thus, the discussion club “For Everyone” will await 
visitors from 11 in the morning until 11 in the evening. 
At the same time, it will also perform informational 
functions: with the aid of computer equipment, video 
and other of the latest technical means, it will give out to 
whomever desires it, for a small fee, information about 
any question of interest to him concerning how to spend 
his leisure time. 

Here is a center of cultural relaxation and intercourse for 
interests, where, for a modest fee, the visitor will be able 
to avail himself of a video library, listen to music, play 

The set of special purpose projects for the zone includes 
six theme stores with 22 shops, located in the “courtly 
heart” of Old Arbat, in four half-spreading wings. 

In addition to these projects, plans are being made to 
include the daily life itself of the Muscovites living in the 
zone in the sphere of the improving impact of the new 
social culture... 

Understandably, suspicions may arise: does all this not 
smack just a little too much of the Benderovian Nyu- 
Vasyuka's? No! And the competent department agree 
with this. But what is the result? Their competence is 
fading only because of the usual departmental disunity. 

Today, there already exist dozens of official ‘“declar- 
ative’’ documents with hundreds of signatures. But the 
matter initiated in April of last year, up till now, has not 
budged one bit! 

There is one way out—the establishment of an organ 
which has been provided with the necessary powers for 
the protection of the idea. This may be an amateur 
association, “The New Social Culture of Leisure.’ The 
means and forces will be found by the association itself. 
Indeed, the approximate cost of the work amounts to just 
tens of thousands of rubles. 

27 June 1989 

It is necessary to do everything to stop the protracted 
bureaucratic games surrounding a socially useful initia- 
tive. The idea has long since come of age. But they say 
that full-term children are just as subject to complica- 
tions as premature children. So who, then, will become 
the good obstetrician for the ‘“Arbat Alternative’? 

Librarians Strike State Library for Foreign 

18001117¢ Moscow LITERATURNAYA GAZETA in 
Russian 17 May 89 p 13 

[Article by Yevgeniy Kuzmin: “Culture for Tomorrow” 

[Text] Just a little while ago, we knew that strikes are 
declared only “in their country” and only by those who 
have nothing to lose but their own chains. But people in 
our country, people of a peaceful, perhaps even “philan- 
thropic,” profession resorting to such extremist 

Nevertheless, in the All-Union State Library for Foreign 
Literature |VGBIL}—yes, indeed, a strike! 

Against the background of an acute crisis, which encom- 
passes nearly all the leading libraries of the country (the 
greatest scholars are characterizing this more and more 
often as a catastrophe in the field of culture, for the 
libraries are its foundation layer), in the VGBIL, from 
the outside, everything seemed fine. Inside, however, the 
foremost workers were sounding the alarm. (LITER- 
ATURNAYA GAZETA has recounted the problems of 
the foreign literature library twice—on |! January and 
19 April of this year) The collective has begun to be torn 
apart by contradictions and differences—both in the 
diagnosis of what is occurring and in the searches for a 
way out of the dead end. Tensions have increased and 
even accumulated under the conditions of the adminis- 
\rative-command management of culture, naturally, and 
not settled. For the time being... 

Not too many people are participating in the strike-—23 
“all told.” For many who would like to join in, this, it 
seems, is simply more than they can afford. The strike is 
not in the least being conducted using western tactics, 
but rather, “Soviet-style’—the people are working, but 
they are refusing to accept their wages (almost like in the 
Gelmanov “Prize’’). Only, in this instance, the law 
protects the right of the “strikers” to work. That is, they 
can not be dismissed for this. And the intelligent library 
workers are not even about to violate the law in any case 
and, in connection with each step they take, they are 
consulting with jurists from the AUCCTC and the Mos- 
cow Soviet. 

The specific reason for the strike or, more accurately, the 
last straw, were the unjust, in the opinion of its partici- 
pants, actions of the administration and the certification 


commission with respect to those who criticize the 
administration sharply. Despite its own “solitary 
nature," the strike became a catalyst for and detonator of 
Other serious events, One of them was a vote of no 
confidence in the director of the library, N. P. Igumnova, 
which was expressed by an Overwhelming majority at a 
labor collective conference. 

Could all this have been avoided? Yes. If the director 
and the USSR Ministry of Culture, which supported N. 
P. Igumnova, had made a timely effort to meet the 
collective halfway, by a compromise, and yielded to its 
demands. But, unfortunately, we—and not just bureau- 
crats alone!—figure that we can not yield even a single 
inch to an “enemy” or opponent. But how nice it would 
be if everyone (not just, of course, in this library) would 
stop confusing compromises with conformism and per- 
ceive them as the triumph of common sense, a victory 
over personal egoism and vanity, a manifestation of 
internal freedom and in no instance as a defeat and a 
weakness unworthy of us. Especially since there are 
specialist working in the VGBIL, who are responsibly 
aware that, through their activities, they are laying the 
foundations for the culture for tomorrow. Where else, in 
what institution, at one gathering, do people converge 
who, together, are masters of 140 foreign languages? Is it 
really not these people who need to be listened to in the 
first place? They know an awful lot about what needs to 
be done and how. Really, should not their collective 
word be a decisive one? Do they understand the prob- 
lems of library building and the role and place of their 
own unique library worse than the bureaucrats 
appointed over them? 

They need to create the conditions and not watch indif- 
ferently (or, perhaps, even with joy) how the best spe- 
cialists, poignantly looking for and not finding support 
for their own aspirations, leave the VGBIL for other 
cultural centers. To places glad to have them. Where they 
are awaited. 

Now, as planned, in the VGBIL, just as it recently 
occurred in the Historical Library, elections for the 
director are coming up. If, of course, the USSR Ministry 
of Culture does not happen to put obstacles in the way... 

| want to believe that our scholars, writers and public 
figures will display healthy ambition and participate in 
the elections—in an open competition between plans for 
the development of the unique library. I still want to 
believe that the new, democratically elected director will 
act in close contact and mutual understanding with the 
labor collective’s democratically elected soviet. 

... The people have grown tired. They long for peace and 
quiet. They want to go to work as if they were going off 
“to work” and not “to war.” 

27 June 1989 

Mironenko on Komsomol CC Buro Discussion of 
Draft Law on Youth 

18001075 Moscow KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA in 
Russian 17 May 89 p 2 

[Interview with Komsomol Central Committee First 
Secretary Viktor Mironenko by KOMSOMOLSKAYA 
PRAVDA correspondents V. Tkach and S. Kozheurov: 
“We Are Not So Rich That We Can Economize on the 

[Text] [KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA] Our society is 
Striving to become a state of law. There is a powerful 
craving for “good” laws. Our hope is that we will publish 
such-and-such a law and everything will be fine. But 
aren't we swinging to the other extreme? Aren't we 
exaggerating the significance of law-making? Take the 
Law on Youth, about which so much has been said 
recently—isn’t the very idea of it the product of a kind of 
“legislative fashion”? After all, we already have quite a 
few normative acts which regulate the status of youth in 

[Mironenko] Indeed, the number of them is unbelievably 
large. On the level of decrees and orders of the USSR 
Council of Ministers alone our scientists have counted 
about 1800 acts regulating matters of youth labor. There 
are even more normative acts by all-union and republic 
ministries and departments. It’s a whole “sea” in which 
even jurists drown! Among this mass, unfortunately, the 
proportion of laws passed by the supreme organ of state 
authority is very small. Moreover, in the course of 
departmental development and norm-making these leg- 
islative acts become “overgrown” with such a large 
number of restrictions and “refinements” that they fre- 
quently come into conflict not only with each other but 
also the original idea. 

Hence, we cannot rely solely on a knowledge of and strict 
compliance with existing youth legislation, in which 
much has either been discredited or has not been backed 
up by truly legal mechanisms. That’s one point. Sec- 
ondly, the idea of the Law on Youth was not born today 
or even yesterday. And the fact that it is having such a 
hard time making headway, despite public support for it, 
gives us no reason for saying that it is ad hoc. We really 
do need a “good” Law on Youth. 

Incidentally, public opinion surveys conducted by the 
Komsomol Central Committee Higher Komsomol 
School's Scientific-Research Center in various regions of 
the country show that only 4.3 percent of those polled 
between the ages of 14 and 36 consider that the interests 
of young people are adequately reflected in existing 
legislation. And only 10 percent of young people are 
satisfied with how these interests are protected in real 
life. As for the Law on Youth, between 65 and 84 percent 
of those questioned are in favor of it, although a substan- 
tial portion of them doubt that it can be fully imple- 
mented in practice. A healthy skepticism from the “time 
of stagnation’’.... 


[KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA] But not exclusively, 
obviously. Doubts about the effectiveness of acts of this 
type are also expressed by certain political figures in 
countries where similar laws exist, for example Poland 
and Hungary. The whole point is what kind of law it is. 
It is probably no accident that recently we hear increas- 
ing demands that the authors of this or that draft law or 
ukase be named. People ask, Aren’t these draft laws 
anonymous because they frequently have a narrowly 
departmental, armchair character and are not in accord 
with processes of democratization in our society? And 
isn’t the Law on Youth threatened by the same fate? 

{[Mironenko] I think not. The draft of the USSR Law 
“On Youth and State Youth Policy in the USSR” cannot 
be called either narrowly departmental or anonymous. 
Rather, it is an authors’ initiative bill [initsiativnyy 
avtorskiy proyekt] which was worked on by staffers of 
the Higher Komsomol School Scientific-Research Cen- 
ter, headed by I. Ilinskiy. A temporary creative youth 
collective was set up consisting of young jurists, sociol- 
ogists, philosophers, and economists. Under the super- 
vision of D. Pollyyeva, the “Law on Youth"’ temporary 
creative youth collective prepared about 10 versions of 
the bill. All of them were discussed more than once in 
scientific lecture halls, with the participation of profes- 
sional, ‘“‘independent”’ jurists. All committees of the 
Komsomol had the opportunity to make comments and 
proposals. During the final stage, the work was partici- 
pated in by people’s deputies of the USSR elected from 
the Komsomol. I'll say more: Many items in the bill have 
received the support of the “informals."’ They were 
against the law for a long time. But after a heated and 
rather critical debate at a meeting of leaders of the 
informal youth organizations, a secret vote was held 
concerning the bill, and 65 percent of the leaders of the 
“informals” voted in favor of the law. 

Unfortunately, discussion of the bill in the Komsomol 
organizations and youth collectives has not proceeded as 
we hoped. Evidently, however, it is not the fault of the 
law itself but of our general lack of legal culture. By no 
means all Komsomol committees have proved ready to 
discuss this serious legal document. 

[KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA] Dissatisfaction has 
also been voiced in the Komsomol organizations with 
respect to the conduct of the bill’s discussion. Direct 
questions have been asked in letters to the editors and at 
meetings with the Komsomol aktiv: Why isn’t the 
Komsomol Central Committee, which has the right of 
legislative initiative, submitted the bill for public discus- 
sion and published it in KOMSOMOLSKAYA 
PRAVDA? Some Komsomol officials are afraid that 
behind-the-scenes discussion (that’s how they define it) 
of the bill will again result in the alienation of the masses 
of young people from the Komsomol committees. 

{[Mironenko] Well, what can I say.... We in the Central 
Committee believe that in terms of its importance to 
society this law does deserve public discussion, and we 

27 June 1989 

are speaking Out in favor of having it submitted for such 
discussion. That's the most important thing. That’s our 

On the other hand, fears of, well, more behind-the-scenes 
activities, Someone is trying to maneuver things on the 
sly—these fears are understandable and can _ be 
explained. Although.... In the preparation of any bill, 
especially the kind which does not yet “blend in” with 
the system of existing legislation, there are stages to go 
through. After all, we thought for a long time that there 
was no youth problem at all. So we had to start from 
scratch by studying the actual situation of young people 
in society. In the first stage, work was done by specialists 
who translated real problems into legal language... It 
could have been confined to this. But we decided to take 
counsel and undertook to have the bill discussed in the 
Komsomol prior to submitting it to the USSR Supreme 
Soviet Presidium. Please understand, no one is making a 
secret of it either in the Presidium or, especially, in the 
Central Committee. The Presidium came to meet us 
halfway, deciding to send out copies of the bill to the 
Komsomol committees. We prepared 15,000 copies. It is 
in the hands of all members of the Central Committee, 
all the people’s deputies from the Komsomol, and in all 
the Komsomol committees. Anyone who is interested 
can go and look at it, and no one can stop them. 

It seems to me that questions and fears arise, again, out of 
Our juridical incompetence and our customary suspicion— 
although, I repeat, it is quite justified. And we in the 
Central Committee do have the right of legislative initia- 
tive. And we exercised it when we prepared the bill with 
the participation of a maximum number of people in the 
effort. But the right to adopt a legislative act, that is, to 
determine the procedures of adoption, including the sub- 
mitting of it for public discussion, is something we do not 
have. We will submit the bill along with a proposal that it 
be discussed by the public, and if necessary we will fight for 
that proposal. Frankly, we are counting on a first reading 
of the bill at the first session of the newly elected Supreme 
Soviet and, after the necessary corrections, submission of 
it for public discussion. 

[KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA] In preparing the bill, 
the Komsomol exercised its right of legislative initiative. 
But other departments and organizations also have that 
right. Aren't any of them preparing their own version of 
the bill? 

[Mironenko] Not as far as | know. Discussion is another 
matter. We sent copies of our bill to 24 departments. We 
received responses from 20 of them, mostly positive. 
Objections were expressed by the Ministry of Finance. 
the Ministry of Justice, and the All-Union Scientific- 
Research Institute of Soviet Legislation. The RSFSR 
Council of Ministers and Gosplan did not respond... 


[KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA] How do you assess 
the comments that have been and are being made with 
respect to the bill? 

{[Mironenko] There were a lot of comments during the 
one and a half years of work on the bill. Some of them are 
concrete, while others are mostly general or even rather 

We have tried to take account of the concrete comments 
in the course of reviewing the bill, and this has made it 
possible to improve it substantially. Just compare the 
original and the final versions. As for general or emo- 
tional comments, they do not so much reflect on the law 
itself as on contradictory attitudes in society toward the 
problem of youth policies as a whole. 

Incidentally, we do not view the present bill as beyond 
reproach, much less as a finished document. We assume 
that new realities of political life and improvement in 
Our society’s legal culture will constantly necessitate 
substantial correctives in it. In addition, the experience 
of the socialist countries attests to the fact that laws of 
this sort generally remain in effect for 10 to 15 years, 
after which they require substantial revision. 

Hence, we believe it advisable to adopt this law as the 
legal foundation of youth policies. And when the law 
“goes to work,” we will all be interested in improving it 
further. To us, after all, a law is not an end in itself but 
the first realistic step toward the creation of social 
legislation and a state of law. Incidentally, this law could 
serve as the basis for the drafting of appropriate legal acts 
in the union republics as well. 

which relfects the interests of youth constitute a viola- 
tion of social justice? After all, there are other categories 
of people in society who also need social support, for 
example pensioners and invalids. 

[Mironenko] This question faced us at the very begin- 
ning, when we were only starting to draft the bill. In the 
finished document there is not a single article or provi- 
sion which could in any way infringe upon the interests 
of any other category of Soviet citizens. 

It would also be a good idea for our society to think 
about what the phrase “only for youth’ means. Accord- 
ing to our statistical data, this segment of society now 
numbers 67.5 million or 43 percent of the country’s 
able-bodied population. It is absurd even to talk about 
preferences for that number of people. No economy 
could stand that. Therefore, as regards the substance of 
our law, it is not so much oriented toward perferences as 
toward the creation of mechanisms enabling young peo- 
ple to secure normal living conditions for themselves 
independently with support from the state. 

27 June 1989 

As far as pensioners, invalids, and children are con- 
cerned, I consider it wholly justified and essential to pass 
laws protecting their rights and interests. For this reason, 
we view the Law on Youth as one of the first legal acts of 
social legislation. 

[KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA] Nevertheless, argu- 
ments over the consumerist character of the law still 
continue. Even some jurists are talking about it... 

{Mironenko] However paradoxical it may seem, charges 
like that refer primarily to our attempts to restore social 
justice with regard to young people. Is it really possible to 
label as consumerist any attempts to secure fair pay, 
compliance with guarantees on providing jobs and hous- 
ing, and support for young families? 

I think we need to introduce clarity in this and call things 
by their right names. 

I have frequently had occasion to speak at CPSU Central 
Committee Plenums and USSR Supreme Soviet sessions 
and raise the issue of young people’s social problems, the 
fact that the leftover principle of allocating funds for 
social needs, which has been characteristic of recent 
decades, has been especially hard on the country’s 
younger generation. 

As far as young people’s wages are concerned, they are 
substantially below the national average. Only one out of 
10 young workers has a separate apartment, while two 
thirds are living in hostels or renting, and half of all 
student families have not been provided with hostel 
housing. Even if we consider the difficult housing situa- 
tion overall, the situation of young people looks even 
more demoralizing. 

The problem of young families is an extremely acute one. 
If a young couple are both in school, their income does 
not exceed 100 rubles per month. By the age of 30 their 
wages rarely exceed 200 rubles. The birth of a child 
reduces their level of material wellbeing by about one 
fifth. The cost of supporting and educating a child up to 
the age of 18 ranges between 17,000 and 25,000 rubles. It 
is hard to imagine, but about half of that total is borne by 
the parents while they are young. It is not surprising, 
therefore, that an active redistribution of income is 
taking place in society, and practically half of all young 
people are in some way or another obliged to rely for 
material support on their parents. Without parental 
“subsidies,” many cannot make ends meet at 20, 25, or 
even 30. 

The kind of state policy with regard to youth which 
would be justified is one which would make it possible to 
equalize the correlation between young people's income 
and outgo and would enable them to be materially 

[KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA] But not, of course, at 
the expense of other categories of the population? 


{[Mironenko] Of course not. The bill calls for legal 
mechanisms that are backed up by economic expedients. 

First, the law should stipulate economic instruments and 
incentives to regulate social processes. Under conditions 
of cost accounting, young people are generally the first to 
be let go. Last year, according to data from the USSR 
Procuracy, one out of every three graduates of secondary 
schools, vocational-technical schools, and technicums 
was refused when applying for work. We know for 
certain that no administrative sanctions, let alone 
requests, will put a halt to this process. For this reason, 
we are proposing a different approach. As is well known, 
in accordance with the new provisions, enterprises will 
pay the local soviets for labor resources. The bill calls for 
reducing the payment in cases where young people are 
hired. In this way, guarantees reserving jobs for young 
people are backed up by real economic support. And 
letting qualified young people go will become economi- 
cally disadvantageous. 

Secondly, passing the law will require a substantial 
redistribution of funds allocated for social needs. It is 
not a matter of additional appropriations; rather, it is a 
matter of ensuring maximally effective and correct use of 
money invested in the social sphere. 

Consider the problem of children’s homes, for example. 
Of the 300,000 children being brought up in children’s 
homes, mothers’ and children’s homes, and boarding 
facilities, 95 percent have parents who are alive; more 
than 70 percent of these were born to single mothers. It 
is easy to guess that one reason for this situation is the 
financial insolvency of young parents, especially single 
mothers who receive aid in the amount of 20 rubles per 
month per child. Yet the state spends up to 300 rubles 
per month to support one child in children’s institutions. 
If just a part of these funds were transferred to young 
mothers in the form of aid, | think that the social as well 
as the economic result would be quite different. 

[KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA] But in order for the 
Law on Youth to be more than a mere declaration, it not 
only needs to be well prepared juridically but also to 
receive substantial financial support. How much will it 
“cost,” if we may put it that way? 

[Mironenko] That, in fact, is the most difficult problem 
relating to the bill. We have already seen that its most 
vulnerable aspect is not the juridical but the financial 

I don't believe anyone today can count the “cost” of the 
law down to the exact million. And that’s not the 
function of those who draft it. For our own purposes, of 
course, we have made a rough calculation. It turns out 
that it will not cost any more than any other “social” law. 
Nor will it cost more than for the implementation of the 
latest “project of the century.” It must be kept in mind, 
however, that we are not talking about a one-time 
allocation of several billion rubles. We're talking about 

27 June 1989 

the redistribution and reorientation of funds, including 
funds that are already being used for social needs today. 
Unfortunately, we are not yet able to figure with any 
accuracy the gains from expenditures, or the losses... 
from economizing. 

The function of the drafters of the bill is to “lay out" the 
benefits, credits, loans, and major earmarked programs 
that are necessary to resolve young people’s real prob- 
lems. And it is up to the organs of authority, on the basis 
of actual possibilities, to decide whether we can or 
cannot, whether we need to resolve this problem or not. 
Of course we have to make calculations. That is the 
business of the appropriate organs. Everything has to be 
counted up, but in a spirit of good will, | would say. New 
appropriations add up to one thing, reorientation adds 
up to another. That’s why we need to have public 
discussion of the bill, so that the people can peruse it, 
weigh it, and express their opinion, their will. Is it 
necessary? Yes it is. So let’s find out. 

Moreover, the bill does not say “immediately” or “right 
now.” It states, “to the extent of development” and 
“consistent with the possibilities and needs of the 
regions.” In one locality they will decide not to, while in 
another they will decide it’s necessary. And they'll find 
the funds. 

We must give ourselves honest answers as to what we 
want. Either we will discuss the effective legal basis 
which makes it possible to start shaping a youth policy 
(and this requires not only purely legal but also economic 
levers), or we will gratify the Ministry of Finance with a 
nice law that doesn’t cost anything. 

The experience in the socialist and capitalist countries 
shows that financing a youth policy is an action that is 
most beneficial both in economic and in social terms. 
We, however, are lagging substantially behind in this 
regard. According to the most modest estimates, the 
amounts of aid for the care of mothers and children in 
the USSR (for which current expenditures come to about 
5.5 billion rubles) in relation to the state’s national 
income are about three times less than, for example, in 
Hungary and in Czechoslovakia. 

In drafting the law, we were not only counting on 
mobilizing funds but also mapping out vital social pro- 
grams. The most important of these, in our opinion, is 
support for young families. At present, according to 
demographers’ data, more than two thirds of all children 
are born to such families. The present policy in regard to 
families is not very effective, and it gives little hope for 
genuine social results. In our opinion, the interests of the 
whole society require radical reform in measures to 
Stimulate the birth rate and change the unwieldy and 
incomprehensible aid system. Substantial investments in 
this sphere are also needed. 


The bill calls for the right to go on leave to take care of a 
child until he reaches the age of three. We made a special 
study of where to get the money for these programs. | 
think it will be necessary to break down a number of 
established stereotypes, for example in regard to chil- 
dren's institutions. There are about 140,000 of them in 
the country at present, and nurseries account for one 
third of them. It costs the state about 2000 rubles to 
create one place in a children’s institution. At present 
about 70 percent of the need for such institutions has 
been met, and so about three billion rubles have been 
appropriated for new construction in the | 2th five-year 

But what if we should give the family the opportunity to 
choose? Not invest billions in new construction but use 
these funds to give parents paid leave? There is another 
eloquent fact in favor of such a decision: Every day, 
about one million persons do not go to work because of 
having to take care of a sick child. 

And when it comes to additional appropriations for 
young families, | am convinced that this question should 
not be decided by the ministries but by all of society, 
because we are not talking merely of money (even if it 
adds up to billions) but about the future of our state. 
Incidentally, during the latest poll of public opinion 88.4 
percent of those questioned were in favor of providing 
young families with substantial financial benefits. 

envision the role of the people’s deputies of the USSR in 
shaping and implementing state youth policies? 

[Mironenko] First of all I should like to emphasize that 
youth policies are a fundamentally new reality of social 
life, one which began to take shape in recent decades in 
a number of capitalist and socialist countries. They are 
based on a system of large state subsidies and social 
programs in the sphere of education, science, culture, 
sports, and labor. The purpose of such policies is to 
shape a generation which enables the state to make 
significant steps forward in the intellectual and techno- 
logical sphere. 

Discussion of the causes and basic principles of these 
programs is a special theme and, frankly, we are not yet 
fully ready for it. I think that the social scientists will 
have to study it in depth, especially the youth aspects of 
integration processes in Western Europe. 

The Komsomol Central Committee has repeatedly pro- 
posed the formulation of a youth policy in our country, 
and our proposals were endorsed at the 19th All-Union 
Party Conference. 

There is no reason now to attempt to spell out all the 
elements of such a policy—what we need is substantial 
help from scientists and a concerned attitude on the part 

27 June 1989 

of all society. This is why we view the Law on Youth as 
both a legal foundation for the shaping of a youth policy 
and as a first serious step in that direction. 

During the pre-election Campaign, a number of candi- 
dates for deputy expressed interest in resolving the 
problems of youth, and many of the candidates received 
a vote of confidence from young people just because of 
this. | should like to hope that they will justify that 
confidence. Especially in view of the fact that we do have 
a bill serving as a constructive foundation for debates on 
the problems of youth policies. 

Central Committee and you personally, for example, 
spoke last year at the last session of the Supreme Soviet 
and expressed support for the creation of a Committee 
for Youth Affairs. Wouldn't such a committee become 
another formal entity just like (unfortunately) the corre- 
sponding commissions or, even worse, a new bureau- 
cratic office which wouldn’t do much for young people? 

[Mironenko] But we are not advocating the creation of a 
ministry or a Committee for Youth Affairs under the 
USSR Council of Ministers. That would be unrealistic 
for a number of reasons, including considerations of 
reducing the administrative apparatus. I personally do 
not doubt that formations of that sort, under our “‘tra- 
ditions,”’ would be destined for the classic bureaucratic 
fate, and young people would probably not gain very 
much from such an “innovation.” 

But when we talk of a Committee for Youth Affairs 
under the USSR Supreme Soviet, we have two main 
purposes in mind: 

—first, it should be a real organ of people's representa- 
tion, answerable to and under the control of its con- 

—secondly, it should have effective legal levers enabling 
it to influence the policies of ministries and depart- 
ments with regard to young people. 

This is why we proposed the creation of the Committee 
and, in particular, under the USSR Supreme Soviet. It 
could be created on a parity basis by the Soviet of the 
Union and the Soviet of Nationalities to replace the two 
previous permanent commissions. Such a procedure in 
regard to forming a deputy organ would to a large extent 
be consistent with the tasks of shaping youth policies and 
would impinge upon both state-wide and national-terri- 
torial problems of young people. 

We propose that in order to represent the interests of 
young people successfully and expeditiously in the Sovi- 
ets of People’s Deputies it would be justified to have 
deputy structures within each Soviet, starting with the 
rayon soviets, to deal specially with young people’s 
problems. They could be permanent commissions for 
youth affairs or some other kind of formations. 


I should like to hope that the Congress of People’s 
Deputies will support young people’s desire to have their 
Own representation both in the Supreme Sovict and in 
the Committee... 

[KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA] But doesn’t it seem 
strange to you that the Komsomol, as a social organiza- 
tion which has the right to elect 75 of its own represen- 
tatives to the USSR Congress of People’s Deputies, is 
deprived of another right—the right to influence its 
work, say, for starters, the right to name its own candi- 
dates to the Supreme Soviet? Doesn't this confirm our 
worst fears that “‘quotas” for social organizations consti- 
tute nothing more than a means of influencing the 
qualitative makeup of the supreme organ of govern- 
ment? Of course, preparations for the Congress are 
assigned to the present Presidium. Nevertheless.... 

[Mironenko] As is well known, there have been various 
points of view and proposals with regard to procedures 
for nominating candidates to the Supreme Soviet. The 
first was to convene in the territories and, taking account 
of all the deputies, including those elected from the 
social organizations, with their participation, to work 
out proposals from (so to speak) the administrative 
units. The second.... You're right about that, and our 
deputies also spoke of it, that it would be good to 
formulate their own proposals from the social organiza- 
tions. The Presidium chose the first option. That is its 
right: to carry out all preparatory work in accordance 
with the law. When the Congress begins, all the deputies, 
all 2250, will decide. 

But no one has taken away our right to make our own 
proposals. For this reason, when we met with the depu- 
ties and listened to their point of view, we prepared our 
own Komsomol proposals with respect to candidates 
both to the Supreme Soviet and to the Committee for 
Youth Affairs, also other committees and commissions. 
We sent these proposals both to the territories, asking 
that our views be taken account of, and to the Presidium. 

Will they be considered? If not, then we reserve the right 
to stand up at the Congress and make our proposals. Just 
like any other deputy. So I have exercised every one of 
my rights. The Presidium has its concerns, we have ours. 
It’s up to the Congress. 

Can we talk about the Law again? 

you tell us frankly whether you are con nced that this 
law is really needed by any actual young person? Isn’t it 
something like “making him happy” by force? 

[Mironenko] Looking objectively at the factors which led 
our country to stagnation, one of them undoubtedly is to 
be seen in the artificial holding back of the rising 
generation. In fact, the intellectual and professional 
potential of the most dynamic and well trained segment 
of society was never called upon. 

27 June 1989 

Al present, young people make up just a small percentage 
of the leaders of production and only about one percent 
(') of the composition of most creative unions. Our 
scientific cadres are aging catastrophically. We have 
been talking more about the fact that the average age 
among academicians is 70, and we forget that it is 
approaching 40 among candidates of science. 

In essence, young people have been forced to the lower 
rungs of production, consumption, and culture. There is 
no reason, therefore, to be surprised at the loss of the 
sense of civic worth and intellectual initiative and the 
rise of conformism. Unfortunately, these realities are not 
confined to the period of stagnation. These problems are 
still making themselves felt. 

We are not so much frightened by the fact that young 
people are being charged with drunkenness and involve- 
ment with rock or narcotics as by the realization that 
society no longer sees the younger generation as a real 
social force capable of serving as the foundation of a 
renewed state. 

Incidentally, this is eloquently attested by the results of 
elections of people's deputies. The fact that young people 
add up to fewer than 200 out of the 2000 elected people’s 
deputies speaks for itself. Whatever our attitude toward 
the Komsomol, or however much we swear at young 
people, if society loses faith in them it will deprive itself 
of any hope for a worthy future. 

I am firmly convinced that we can speak of the state’s 
prospects only when young people gain a sense of polit- 
ical responsibility for their fate. 

In this sense, the Law on Youth is probably an excellent 
example of this kind of political initiative. To me, this 
law expresses young people’s striving toward civic 
responsibility, their desire to live in a state of law. It 
seems to me that the question now is not so much 
whether young people themselves need the law as 
whether the state is ready to talk with its young people in 
the language of the law. And this is incomparably more 
difficult than to console oneself with paternalistic illu- 
sions or get indignant about any manifestations of 
unsanctioned activities. 

tral Committee will hold its plenum this week, and the 
Congress of People’s Deputies will begin its work the 
following week. As a people's deputy, what do you expect 
from the work of the Komsomol plenum, and as the first 
secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee what do 
you expect from the debates at the Congress of People’s 

|Mironenko] From the plenum I expect a real political 
discussion about the fate and the content of the Law on 
Youth, a frank analysis of the paths of development of 
the youth movement in our country. | believe that the 
participants in the plenum are seriously preparing for the 


upcoming debates. The Komsomol has a truly unique 
opportunity to fully exercise its right of legislative initia- 
tive. And as a people’s deputy and a member of the 
Komsomol Central Committee, | will do everything | 
can to help this. 

As far as the work of the Congress of People’s Deputies 
is concerned, | should like, first of all, to see the Congress 
consolidate all segments of society to resolve our shared, 
literally glaring problems, despite the considerably dif- 
fering views, Opinions, and proposals of the people's 
deputies as manifested during the elections and, after the 
elections, during preparations for the Congress. Sec- 
ondly, I should like to hear the theme of youth resound 
loudly at the Congress. I think the time has come to think 
seriously about the country’s future rather than to count 
percentages and quotas. The younger generation does 
not want to see the country on the fringes of world 

If we say sincerely that perestroyka is in earnest and for 
a long time, then we must rely on those who are to live in 
the 21st century. 

Alienation of Soviet Youth, Corrective Measures 

18000697 Moscow UCHITELSKAYA GAZETA in 
Russian 28 Mar 89 p 3 

[Article by L. Radzikhovskiy: “The Troubled Time of 

[Text] Adolescent crime is assuming the proportions of 
an avalanche. Here are some statistics from the USSR 
Ministry of Internal Affairs: adolescent crime increased 
1.5-fold during the first two months of this year com- 
pared to the same period last year. As a specialist and 
psychologist who works professionally in this field, I 
predict with complete confidence that this increase will 

There is no need to explain that we are not talking about 
“normal” adolescent crime, which, in theory, is impos- 
sible to completely eradicate, but about a genuine epi- 
demic. Apparently, the issue does not concern the gen- 
eral psychophysiological characteristics of adolescents, 
which do not change from century to century (instability, 
increased aggressiveness during puberty, etc.), but social 
conditions. It is these conditions which are provoking 
the increase in crime 

Let us imagine that 20-30 years ago the inhabitants of 
that beautiful university town Kazan said that they were 
afraid to go out into the streets. No one would have 
believed them! But today they do not believe there was a 
time when they were not afraid to... However, Kazan, the 
“Soviet Palermo”, is not unique. It 1s the same in 
Naberezhnye Chelny. and a little better in Alma Ata. 
What can we say, hardly a city remains that has not been 

27 June 1989 

affected by youth gangs and bands. Try taking a walk in 
the outskirts of Moscow in the evening, it is terrible! And 
what is typical, who are you primarily afraid of? Adoles- 

In general, the crime can be attributed to a single cause, 
alienation of adolescents from society. 

Our tongues are getting tired of saying these words. Who 
has not repeated them. And usually they are followed by: 
we need to understand the poor adolescents, meet them 
half-way, communicate with them... We do not dispute 
this. But here is a question: what are we to communicate 
with? You and I, we are adults, are we not at the 
crossroads? Do we know how one, “should’’”? Are we 
ourselves not the “old adolescents” of today? Do we not 
exaggerate values? They, the adolescents, “loaf about”, 
so be it. But we don’t? 

And another thing. Communicate... This sounds as 
though the poor neglected adolescents were begging us: 
uncle, talk to me, and the cruel “uncle” walks on by. But 
often it is the other way round. The adolescents do not 
want this communication. And often they are right: they 
already know very well what we are going to say. And 
more important, they do not have faith, respect or trust 
in us. 

A great change and reevaluation of values is going on in 
society. And it is as though many, if not most, adoles- 
cents are completely indifferent to these ‘‘adult games”. 
This is how it would appear. But it does have an effect on 
them, it cannot help but have an effect on them. “This” 
pervades the atmosphere. There is a scientific concept, 
“marginal personality.” This refers to a person who is 
out of his own element, his tradition and culture. Let's 
say he has come from the village and has not become 
acclimatized to the city. This is a period we are all going 
through at the moment. The fear disappears, but a 
feeling of self worth has not appeared; the old lie has 
been dispelled, but the new truth has not been incorpo- 
rated into the conscience. And this happens to everyone, 
those who “devour” dozens of journals and those who to 
this day do not understand who Bukharin is and what the 
Strange word “democracy” means. This crisis point 
operates regardless, for one does not have to know the 
chemical composition of air in order to breathe... 

Of course, these explanations are much too general. We 
need to do something, take some urgent measures, right 
now. The overall reduction in punishments, especially 
for violent crimes committed by adolescents, the reduc- 
tion stipulated by the new draft of the criminal code, is 
absolutely unacceptable. Punishment by itself will not 
reform, but in return its reduction under conditions of a 
massive increase in crime directly exacerbates the situa- 
tion. Why push a sled which will speed down the 
mountain by itself anyway?! Not to mention that “tech- 
nical detail’, the adult mafia will simply hire youths, 


inciting them to murder and assault, telling them: well, 
nothing is going to happen to you kids, no matter what 
you do, you'll maybe do a couple of years, so what! 

Another thing is that punishment measures should be 
clearly differentiated in accordance with the personality 
of the adolescent and his environment. And of course, all 
problems cannot be solved by sending everyone to a 

And another important thing. Sentences, threats, charity 
boxes, “social and political measures”, excuse me, but 
this is all self-consolation and self-deceit. We need some- 
thing else, work! Independent work for the adolescent for 
good, “real” money. 

The reasoning here is three-fold. If you have earned 
money, there is no need to beg, steal and speculate. And 
there is something to lose. There is a different attitude in 
the person who has nothing (and what happens, he gets 
something for nothing and does not value it) and the 
person who has earned it himself. The latter has a way of 
thinking which keeps him in check. And I believe there is 
no need to mention the general moral value of work. 

Of course, there are several legal and economic problems 
here. Adolescents are not hired in the workplace, they are 
forced to study, although now it appears we have aban- 
doned the idea of a “universal and absolute average.” 
And if they are hired, the pay is low. Consequently, it is 
necessary for the government to financially support 
cooperatives where adolescents can work. Why cooper- 
alives in particular? Why should adolescents constitute 
the main strength of these cooperatives? So that they will 
not be fulfilling various short-term jobs and be in com- 
petition, which they know is hopeless, with adult work- 
ers. Moreover, in the cooperative, it is not possible for a 
person to merely “be” there and not work, which is what 
the adolescent usually does during his “industrial 

I will close with this prosaic suggestion. The practical 
measures | have suggested will probably be insufficient. 
So let us all put our thinking caps on. There is no time for 
eloquent words and displays of emotion: the epidemic is 

Crusading Prosecutor Reinstated 
18001097 Moscow KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA in 
Russian 19 May 89 p 2 

[Article by Candidate of Legal Sciences L. Nikitinskiy, 
under the rubric “Characters and Circumstances”: “A 
Cock’s Crow Before Dawn: Nine Years of Disgrace is the 
Price for Honest Performance of Duty”) 

[Text] It was simply luck that his former acquaintances 
did not turn up in the cell with him. The people in 
investigative cells are a motley crew, and they are prob- 
ably unanimous on just one point: they do not like 

27 June 1989 

procurators. And the short, fastidious and reserved new- 
comer Sailkhan Iskenderov was precisely that, a procu- 
rator who in the not-so- distant past had been the scourge 
of the criminal world, and whose portrait had hung for 
many years on the board of honor in the Azerbaijan SSR 

Let me say, getting ahead of myself, that he was not 
broken either by a week in a common cell with criminals 
or by the subsequent five months in a KGB investigative 
isolation cell in Baku. He did not have to get used to 
isolation: since the time when, after many years of 
successful investigative work, Iskenderov had become 
procurator of Shamkhorskiy Rayon in the 1970s, he had 
constantly felt himself in ominous isolation. 

The new Shamkhora procurator realized very quickly 
where the rayon’s epicenter of crime lay. Brazen opera- 
tions, striking in their scale, involving fictitious goods 
were being carried out through the cotton receiving 
centers, and huge amounts of money that were stolen 
from the state and found their way—granted, in an 
extremely uneven fashion—into many pockets were cor- 
rupting the authorities, embittering the people, and 
making the whole situation in the rayon extremely 
explosive (instances of report padding are related in 
greater detail in T. Gamid’s 25 March KOMSOMOL- 
SKAYA PRAVDA article). 

However, the fuss that the procurator made over the 
inflated cotton figures made no difference to Mamed 
Askerov, first secretary of the Shamkhorskiy Party 
Raykom. Shamkhor was visited annually by Geydar 
Aliyevich Aliyev himself in order to hold the rayon up as 
an example to others for its high harvest figures. Once in 
1975 (a fact that Aliyev himself undoubtedly does not 
recall) he even granted Iskenderov the favor of a conver- 
sation with him and advised him “not to interfere with 
the fulfillment of the state plan.” “I do not interfere in 
party affairs,’ the little procurator stubbornly replied to 
the Central Committee secretary, “but if one-third of the 
plan for cotton is fulfilled by dint of falsified figures, | 
believe that one cannot go on that way.” 

It is possible that if people had listened to Iskenderov 
back then, today Azerbaijan’s Supreme Court would not 
be having to examine 15 multivolume criminal cases, 
and to send off to places of incarceration some 150 
employees of cotton farms and cotton procurement 
centers, where hundreds of millions of rubles were stolen 
with the raykom’s full approval. 

But under pressure from party agencies, Iskenderov had 
to withdraw from Shamkhor. Mamed Askerov, the 
raykom first secretary, also changed locations, moving 
into the chair of republic minister of agriculture: his rich 
experience in fraud was duly appreciated. Their paths 
diverged for a while, but they soon crossed again. 


After Shamkhor, Iskenderov was appointed procurator 
for the city of Kirovabad. The situation there was not 
easy, and the procurator might not have attached any 
significance to a report about a den of iniquity in the 
apartment of a certain Maya Gasanova: such a case was 
more appropriately handled by the rayon militia divi- 
sion. But during a search of Gasanova’s apartment, 
several notebooks and two pieces of oilcloth with some 
hastily written notes on the back were confiscated. Along 
with some notes about the provision of “a suite, boots, 
brassiere, and shorts” to the “girls” on credit, they 
contained familiar names, telephone numbers, and cer- 
tain sums that were in some cases astronomical. 

All sorts of people had been guests there: plant, store and 
farm directors; the chairmen of kolkhozes and consum- 
ers’ societies; and three raykom secretaries, two 
ispolkom chairmen, and court, militia and procuracy 
officials were mentioned among the establishment’s cli- 
ents. Mamed Askerov, the former executive of the neigh- 
boring Shamkhorskiy Rayon, had also left his signature 
on one of the soiled pieces of oilcloth. 

Whereas earlier, in investigating the case of report pad- 
ding, Iskenderov had seen largely the official, hypocriti- 
cally sanctimonious mask of falsehood, this was where it 
nakedly held its feasts. 

Iskenderov’s report to the Central Committee brought 
prompt action, although not the sort that the procurator 
expected. The case turned up in a rayon court in Baku, 
where it was heard quickly and without any noise; 
moreover, the pieces of oilcloth that were most interest- 
ing in terms of their notes disappeared without a trace. 

The subsequent sharp turn in Iskenderov’s destiny was 
preceded by yet another event that could scarcely be 
considered a coincidence. In December 1978 an unprec- 
edented incident occurred at a session of the Azerbaijan 
SSR Supreme Soviet: Deputy Gambay Mamedov, the 
former republic procurator, was so bold as to declare to 
Central Committee First Secretary Geydar Aliyev, to his 
face, that the economic successes ascribed to the republic 
were a thorough fabrication. 

Gambay Mamedov was then driven from the podium 
(about this, see A. Vaksberg’s article in LITERATUR- 
NAYA GAZETA for 21 September 1988), yet his argu- 
ments were persuasive: the republic procurator had been 
receiving accurate information from the local level. One 
of those who had been consistently providing that infor- 
mation had been Sailkhan Iskenderov, the procurator of 
Shamkhorskiy Rayon. 

In reconstructing these events, One may suppose that 
Mamedov’s speech at the Supreme Soviet session was a 
signal for a broader attack on the positions of falsehood 
in the republic, an attack which immediately faltered. 
Only Iskenderov, who could not understand the point- 
lessness and, ultimately, mortal danger of waging a fight 
alone, raised the banner of truth in Kirovabad with the 

27 June 1989 

stubbornness of a doomed man. A month after Gam- 
bay’s “rebellion,” Sailkhan, speaking at a plenum of the 
Kirovabad Gorkom, publicly accused a gorkom secre- 
tary of (I quote from the minutes) ‘not caring for the 
fight against crime that the city procuracy has been 
waging lately.” 

After that impudence, Iskenderov’s fate was sealed. For 
the time being, those who shared his views, scattered 
throughout the republic, took to the trenches—what else 
could they do? His allies were disunified, nameless and 
publicly unknown, while among his closest colleagues— 

Guseyn Alimardan ogly Ali-Zade was working at the 
time as Iskenderov’s deputy, although Iskenderov did 
not find him suitable. In March, when, following Isken- 
derov’s speech at the gorkom plenum, a strict inspection 
unexpectedly descended upon Kirovabad from Baku for 
quite definite purposes, Guseyn Ali-Zade distinguished 
himself in an exceptional fashion by losing, “under 
undetermined circumstances,” the service revolver that 
he, for God knows why, carried. For this he soon 
received a strict reprimand, “taking into account his 
positive work and sincere repentance.” 

That repentance had probably expressed itself in the fact 
that it was precisely Ali-Zade who had called the inspec- 
tors’ attention to the case of Pashayev, the former 
director of the city industrial-goods trade organization 
who had been released from an investigative cell on a 
recognizance not to leave the city in connection with the 
expiration of the period for which he could be held. The 
inspectors made the point that this smelled of a bribe. 
Granted, the “briber” himself, in response to all ques- 
tions, merely shrugged his shoulders in perplexity, but 
that did not prevent the “suspect” Iskenderov from 
being expelled from the party and driven from his job. 

In November 1980 the judge Ismet Rzayev, in a visiting 
session of the republic Supreme Court, handed down a 
harsh sentence for Pashayev, who was accused of grand 
larceny, and following that he issued a special ruling 
calling for the arrest of Sailkhan Iskenderov. According 
to the record of the court session, that took place at 12:00 
p.m. in Kirovabad, and Iskenderov, stripped of his rank, 
uniform and party membership card, was arrested in his 
apartment in Baku, but a half-hour earlier. No, it is 
obvious that the eight officers who arrived to take the 
little procurator awav in three vehicles had prepared for 
that responsible operation well in advance. 

Many circumstances indicate that Iskenderov’s fate had 
been determined in advance and, of course, not by Ismet 
Rzayev, who was acting only as the herald of someone 
else’s will. No one was even bothered by the circum- 
stance that Sailkhan, who had just come out of the 
hospital, was accused not of bribery (there was no 
evidential basis for that), but only of abuse of office, and 
in this case a pretrial arrest, for which there was no 
necessity whatsoever, was plainly illegal. 


But after obtaining the testimony he needed from the 
convicted Pashayev, V. S. Igonin, the Azerbaijan SSR 
Procuracy’s investigator for especially important cases, 
dragged out of the archives all the complaints against 
Sailkhan that had accumulated over 18 years of his work; 
17 items were collected in the procuracy. Many con- 
victed persons who had ended up incarcerated with some 
help from Sailkhan had gotten there the chance to get 
even—that is why it was necessary to lock the procurator 
up in an investigative cell. But even from that heap of 
now-yellowed denunciations, it proved impossible to 
obtain a single grain of proof. 

In early February 1981 the Iskenderov family received a 
long-awaited reply from the USSR Procuracy: ‘Procu- 
rator Comrade Zamanov has been issued an order to 
change the measure for ensuring the appearance of S. R. 
Iskenderov to one not entailing the deprivation of 
freedom.” Another month later a laconic reply from the 
Azerbaijan Procuracy finally arrived: ‘In response to 
your telegrams to the USSR Procuracy, I am informing 
you that your husband has been kept under arrest with 
justification. Investigator V. S. Igonin.” 

Not until the end of March, after the Dnepropetrovsk 
investigator V. V. Litvinenko had come to Baku on 
orders from the USSR Procuracy, was Iskenderov freed. 
However, he had to spend additional unnecessary days 
in the isolation cell while Litvinenko flew to Moscow to 
get a stamp on the decree that he be freed, since people 
in Baku refused to stamp the document. 

It was 1981, and it was still a long time until dawn, and 
no one, to be quite honest, particularly believed him; 
Sailkhan Iskenderov was hurrying, hurrying the dawn 
with his lonely predawn cock’s crow, but this honor and 
right cost him dearly. A newspaper column is too narrow 
to describe all of his ordeals: how Kamran Bagirov, 
secretary of the Azerbaijan Communist Party Central 
Committee, drove him out of the Central Committee 
buro, stamping his feet, refusing to even hear of reinstat- 
ing Iskenderov in the party; how, after this matter had 
been decided positively in the CPSU Central Commit- 
tee’s Party Control Committee, Iskenderov’s elder 
brother Movletkhan was illegally convicted and then 

The modus operandi was easily recognizable. Last year 
the republic newspaper KOMMUNIST published a 
lengthy article describing the methods used to persecute 
those who had encroached on the despotism during the 
time when the despots held sway. Several paragraphs in 
the article concerned S. Iskenderov, but if he were the 
only one! Following procurator Gambay Mamedov’s 
speech at the session of the Supreme Soviet, nearly 20 of 
his relatives were subjected to various forms of persecu- 
tion; they were fired from their jobs, expelled from the 
party, and some were illegally arrested and convicted— 
and that is not counting his colleagues and friends, many 
of whom also felt the press of repression. The general 
hounding was dictated by the eternal illusion of all 

27 June 1989 

despots: they dream that all they need to do is slaughter 
all the cocks, and the dawn will never come. But fortu- 
nately, the earth goes on turning, not conforming to their 
petty tyranny, and history follows its course of progress. 

On the eve of the new year, 1989, Sailkhan Iskenderov 
was finally reinstated in the procuracy, and his blue 
uniform with the three stars of a senior counselor of 
justice was returned to him. The game, one could say, 
ended in a draw. The investigator Vladimir Sergeyevich 
Igonin has received no punishment, nor have the other 
employees of the republic procuracy who took part in the 
falsification of the case. Guseyn Ali-Zade also continues 
to work there. Ismet Rzayev, under whose chairmanship 
the knowingly illegal ruling calling for Iskenderov’s 
arrest was issued, remains a member of the Azerbaijan 
Supreme Court. What’s more, some of those whose 
names were written on Maya Gasanova’s lost pieces of 
oilcloth now hold responsible positions. 

As we see, no one has lost anything, if one does not count 
the nine years during which Sailkhan Iskenderov’s uni- 
form gathered dust in the closet, while he himself, with 
his investigative talent, experience and sense of principle 
that is irreplaceable in a procurator, was excluded from 
the active fight against violations of legality in the 
republic. Excluded at the very time that the republic 
needed such people as never before. 

For decades there an arrogant ostentation held sway, 
wheeler-dealers in the shadow economy amassed ill- 
gotten wealth, social injustice mounted, and a stratifica- 
tion of property spread by means of theft. Behind a 
screen of false achievements, people such as Mamed 
Askerov gave themselves over to frenzied debauchery. 
With the help of bribes and provocations, people were 
pitted against one another, clannishness flourished, and 
mutual hatred was whipped up. All this could not fail to 
leave an imprint. Isn’t this where one finds the sources of 
the events that shook the country just last year, in 1988? 
And in the fact that the convulsions of the banished 
falsehood “suddenly” took the barbarous form of 
pogroms, I see, perhaps, the desire of certain people to 
divert the people’s attention from Azerbaijan’s genuinely 
painful problems. 

The last thing | would want is for readers to see only a 
local, national coloring in the story of procurator Isken- 
derov’s persecution. Sailkhan’s fate naturally reflected 
the instability of the position of the procuracy agencies 
in the real structure of power, and the helplessness of 
procurator’s supervision as a whole. 

“There is no doubt,” Lenin wrote in 1922, “but 
what...local influence is one of the greatest, if not the 
greatest, opponent of the establishment of the rule of 
law.....’ That is precisely the essence of the matter. 

The present Law on the USSR Procuracy emphasizes 
that ““procuracy agencies exercise their powers indepen- 
dently of any local agencies, being subordinate only to 


the USSR Procurator General.”” During the period when 
the Stalinist totalitarian-type state took shape, Lenin's 
concept of the independent procuracy was preserved 
only in form, while in essence it was perverted. The 
procuracy was not only deprived of the right to lodge a 
protest to the court against any decision of local agen- 
cies, as Lenin had proposed, but it was left, to all intents 
and purposes, unarmed, since the procuracy increasingly 
found itself dependent on local authorities in the person 
of party agencies. 

In a state based on the rule of law, the existence of 
imperatives and rules that block the effect of the law is 
intolerable. It is necessary to reliably protect the procu- 
racy and the courts against interference in their work by 
any agencies and officials whatsoever. Let their work be 
based on the strict but time-tested principle: “Let justice 
be done, even if the whole world perishes!” 

Correspondent in Geneva Examines Attitudes 
Toward Soviet Human Rights Issues 

18001122 Moscow LITERATURNAYA GAZETA in 
Russian 17 May 89 p 14 

[Article by special correspondent M. Maksimov: “If 
Karamzin Were Traveling Today...’’] 

[Excerpts] [Passage omitted] And so, it’s the spring of 
1989 in Geneva. Hall 17 of the Palace of Nations is filled 
with endlessly moving people. Their movevements are 
quite orderly: from their delegation seats to the secretar- 
iat and the central table where the session president sits. 
This time it is a Belgian, Marc Bossuit. He presides 
energetically and extremely skillfully over proceedings 
that frequently fail to comply with official regulations. 

We Against a World Background 

However, I was more interested at the session not in the 
human rights of others but in our own, and in what they 
looked like with the world as a backdrop. I discussed this 
with Yelena Lukasheva, LLD, head of the Human Rights 
Sector of the Academy of Sciences’ Institute of the State 
and Law, and member of the Soviet Delegation, who had 
this to say: 

“We keep saying that we have to learn democracy. 
Consequently, we are still pupils. Consequently, our 
political rights have been poorly enforced and our polit- 
ical culture is still embryonic. 

‘IT would like to dwell on the question of what we must 
do to bring our legislation in accordance with interna- 
tional norms and standards on the basis of the Vienna 
Final Document, the Helsinki Final Act, and various 
legal pacts. 

27 June 1989 

“Currently, it is known, a draft law on freedom of 
conscience is being prepared. (Incidentally, | couldn't get 
it in Moscow to prevent, as they said, information leaks, 
so I saw it only here in Geneva.) Well, that document 
envisages the right to advocate not only atheism but 
religion as well, 

“Along with freedom of speech and conscience our 
legislation should provide for freedom of opinion and 
convictions, for the right of citizens to information, that 
is, the right to know all that goes on in the country, the 
right of access to one’s personnel file, one’s foreign travel 
file, etc. Many in our country see this as virgin dreams, 
yet in most countries such personal rights are legally 

‘Where else are we vulnerable? In the problem of leaving 
and entering the country. The thing is that we used to 
offer numerous pretexts to restrict travel from and into 
the country. Actually there is only one reason which 
could be seriously considered: knowledge of military 
secrets. However, the decision whether you are a bearer 
of secrets or not should be made not by the department 
concerned but by some arbitration tribunal. The law 
should, therefore, state more specifically a timeframe for 
secrets (it should not, apparently, exceed five years), as 
well as what areas are confidential. Obviously, when a 
person is hired he must be warned of possible restrictions 
on travel from the country. 

“In preparing for the 1991 humanitarian conference in 
Moscow we must learn lessons from the debates at this 
session. We must not forget the oneness of the concept of 
human rights. The Geneva session has shown this to be 
quite possible. Our approaches are the same, because 
man, as a social creature, must have a single set of rights: 
the right to life, right to a worthy existence, right to a 
healthy environment. The quality of a social system 
depends on the extent to which it is capable of guaran- 
teeing basic rights.” [passage omitted] 

But What Will Amnesty International Say? 

At the session, incidentally, the routine continued. It 
discussed a report by a special commission that had 
visited Cuba. Its conclusions did not sit well with the 
American delegation... A heated debate flared up over 
the ““Rushdi affair.” The majority view was unequivocal: 
it is impermissible to offend the religious feelings of 
believers, but to demand the death of the writer who, 
incidentally, made a public apology, is a throwback to 
medieval inquisition. Many were fascinated by the con- 
flict between Hungary and Rumania. At issue was the 
status of the Hungarian minority in Rumania. It was 
Strange to see two socialist countries accusing each other 
at an international forum. But then, who said that there 
never can be any differences between countries of the 
socialist community? Are we all so alike?.. 


There were quite a few illustrious guests at the session, 
Among those who graced it with their presence were 
French Prime Minister Michel Rocard, Afghanistan's 
Vice-President A. R. Hatif, and Soviet Deputy Foreign 
Minister A. Adamishin, who addressed things that 
aroused the lively interest of those present in the hall: 
perestroyka, the renovation of our life, the efforts to 
make it more just and more democratic. He said that in 
international humanitarian cooperation we also sought 
to direct it towards really improving human rights. 

“This assumes freedom of choice and rejection of any 
monopoly on the truth, the assertion and recognition of 
political and cultural pluralism. It assumes the strength 
of policy and persuasion, not a policy of persuasion by 

You will agree that such aphoristic words have not been 
often heard in speeches by our official representatives. 
Moreover, not only the style of the address was new, but 
its essence. The deputy minister not only declared that 
the Soviet Union was pursuing a consistent policy of 
expanding controls in the area of human rights but also 
reported a major new step in that direction, with the 
Soviet Union's recognition of the mandatory jurisdic- 
tion of the International Court in interpreting and apply- 
ing a number of important international conventions. 

It is said in local journalistic circles that if you want to 
know what you look like in the area of human rights you 
should look into a mirror prepared for this by Amnesty 
International. Our relations with that nongovernmental 
Organization were for a long time, mildly speaking, 
strained. It had accused us of serious violations of 
human rights (not, as it turned out, without justifica- 
tion). In response we declared it (with no justification at 
all) to be an affiliate of sundry special services. All these 
years Amnesty International was scoring points in the 
eyes of world public opinion. In 1977 it was awarded the 
Nobel Peace Prize. UN Secretary-General Perez de 
Quellar considers it to be the most effective organization 
in the area of human rights. 

What is Amnesty International? 

Here is how the Italian chairman of the International 
Executive Committee, Franca Sciuto, answers that and 
other questions: 

“Amnesty International is a worldwide movement of 
people seeking to achieve, through practical actions, the 
fullest respect of certain fundamental human rights 
proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human 

“Is Amnesty International a political organization?” 

‘We are independent and impartial. We do not support 
any government or political system, and we oppose none. 
We engage only in the defense of human rights.” 

27 June 1989 

“Who supports you?” 

“Our organization has over 700,000 members living in 
more than 150 countries, They come from all social 
strata and hold the most diverse views, Their efforts are 
directed at collecting the funding we need, We do not 
receive, nor do we seek, contributions from any govern: 

“What do you do?” 

‘We gather information about human rights violations 
all over the globe. If the information is confirmed we 
contact the appropriate government and ask its officials 
to see that the subject's human rights are observed. This 
activity escalates into worldwide campaigns which help 
innocent people gain freedom and even save lives.” 

What do we look like today in the stern eyes of Amnesty 
International? Much better. In its 1987 report it already 
noted positive changes on human rights issues in the 
USSR: many “prisoners of conscience’ were being 
released, the attitude to the use psychiatry as a means of 
getting rid of undesirable persons was changing. Today 
Mme Sciuto notes indubitable progress in the new draft 
criminal legislation. True, she was disappointed by the 
article providing for the death penalty. What about other 
aspects’ No, it was still far from ideal. Fine accomplish- 
ments in the human rights area are still an unattainable 
ideal for many of those gathered in Palace of Nations 
Hall #17 

Second Digression [passage omitted] 

So far everything 1s correct. Upon arriving in Geneva 
Valentin Zapevalov, our correspondent in Bonn, 
expressed surprise: “In the FRG it's cheaper.” Indeed, 
life is more expensive, but mainly for visitors. For the 
Swiss themselves almost everything 1s available. The 
average wage 1s 4,000 francs. Average rent is | 000-1 500 
francs. An average VCR costs 500-700 francs. And just 
imagine, there is virtually no unemployment. The coun- 
iry even imports manpower from abroad. From our 
point of view it offers a rather atypical example of how 
nonsocialized means of production satisfy the needs of 
both employers and employees 

We drove to Bern in the LG correspondent’s office car 
We passed gorges of remarkable beauty, river bends, the 
white snowcaps of the Alps. It was all just as in 
Karamzin’s time. Except for the road... | say nothing of 
the road surface: over the thousand kilometers we drove 
we never once hit a pothole. | say nothing of the variety 
of services: gas stations offer dozens of services so 
essential to the mechanized traveler. But | must mention 
the alphabet of those roads. It is understandable even to 
those who know no French or German. Everything 1s 
made extremely simple, accessible day and night, the 
signs telling you where to turn off are repeated so that it's 
simply impossible to miss your turn 


We decided to spend the night in a village called Biers 
We were attracted, you understand, by the name. The 
“Gasthaus’ (four: star quality in the language of profes 
sionals) stood in a small square next to the church and 
store, As the mistress handed us the keys she asked us to 
fill out a brief form: name, year of birth, nationality 
profession, address. When she saw we were journalists 
she grinned: “Your spies have stopped here before, but 
never any journalists.” A fine sense of humor! We sat in 
the restaurant, ordered “bier” (with one “r’) and talked, 
in Russian, naturally, At a neighboring table a slightly 
tipsy young man addressed us: “Russische spionen 
ka-ra-sho!” Why such an attack of spymania’ 

lt turned out that over the last few days the press had 
been full of reports about “the greatest espionage affair 
of many years in Switzerland.” The papers flashed 
headlines like “The Russian Connection,” “The Soviet 
Electronic Spy Case,” and so on. And there had been a 
trial. In the dock was a Swiss citizen, an employee of the 
well-known chemical concern Sandoz. The prosecution 
accused him of political and economic espionage in 
favor of the USSR. He had been arrested in April 1987 
and the investigation had been going on since then, The 
Basel court scrupulously studied the 11 counts of the 
indictment and rejected nine. The defendant was found 
guilty of professional negligence which could result, as 
the court’s decision stated, in “leaking information 
about the firm's production plans.’ The sentence: 45 
days in prison, suspended 

Of course, it’s not nice when papers start applying labels 
ahead of time: one can't even have a quiet drink of beer 
But the court! How boldly and independently it resolved 
such a complex case in which the state was especially 
interested. It was, after all, a question of security! And 
how high the legal protection of citizens if a court 1s 
capable of demolishing in four days a prosecution's case 
that took two whole years to assembie' 

In Bern we were guests of the firm Wivag. It is a 
well-known company which manufactures printing 
presses. When you read this article take note that a part 
of LG's printing was put out by a press from that 
company. Now we were walking through its shops in the 
company of Herr Stein, one of its managers. and were 
amazed. It was quiet where everything 1s usually clang 
ing, clean where there was supposed to be lots of oily 
spots and metal shavings. We were also amazed at the 
small number of workers and large number of glowing 
computer displays at the machine tools 

The following day, touring another typographical 
machinery plant, Verag, not far from Zurich, we saw the 
same remarkable ex-pe-di- en-cy in everything. It was 
there that we read the words engraved on a metal plate 
“Thank you for taking good care of me.” 

In the Verag canteen, which reminded us of the best 
Moscow restaurant, our curiosity was satisfied by the 
plant's commercial directors Ernst and Heinz Mokli. | 

27 June 1989 

usked what, besides this canteen, had the company built 
lor its employees: housing, kindergarten, boarding 
house, etc.’ Nothing, it turned out! Even the canteen was 
buill by a entrepreneur with the company as 4 partner 
\s for the rest, besides wages (which are very good!), it is 
in no ways obligated to provide or build anything. I 
employees come from another town they rent their own 
quarters, place their children in various groups (if the 
wile is tired of Staying home), and choose for themselves 
where to spend their vacation: at home in the mountains, 
at the lake, or at any European or American beach 
Indeed, they have not only the right to all this, but the 
possibility to exercise that right. And what about the 
company’ It must handle its business: manufacture 
first-class products and find markets for them, Which ts 
just what it does 

How simple it all is! But it is not only a question of 
working skills. One should remember that ever since the 
( ongress of Vienna, which in 1815 proclaimed Switzer- 
land's permanent neutrality, it has developed in condi- 
tions of peace and stability and participated extensively 
in international commercial and economic ties. It was 
neutrality, our hosts stressed, that helped the Swiss 
consolidate the unity of a nation comprising people 
speaking four languages and occupy a leading place in 
the world in standard of living 

Thus, permanent neutrality in foreign policy and the 
ability to work—a quality genetically transmitted from 
generation to generation. What else’? Yes, with all that 
wealth, the ability to count money and economize in 
everything. to make rational use of secondary materials 
and industrial waste... And also people who think freely 
feel unfettered and are capable of taking calculated risks 
These, according to the Swiss themselves, are the com 
ponents of success 

When Silence is Gold 

Cyeneva again, and the Palace of Nations. The Human 
Rights Commission 1s drawing to an end. More than 70 
resolutions have already been discussed and adopted, 50 
of them without a vote’ What has the 45th session 
revealed and to what conclusions has it come’ This 
question was answered on the last day of the commis 
sions work by Feliks Stanevskiy. head of the Soviet 


New at this session was the manner in hich people 
spoke. They were not controntational. That is firstly. [tis 
also important that this time the Western na':ons advo 
ated universalization of all human rights pacts. It was 
consequently. conceded that today these documents are 
entorced not everywhere, precemeal, if one looks al a 
map of the world. The US, for example, has not assumed 
obligations under pacts. Well, now the West 
Furopean nations favor their universalization, that 1s 
that they be ratified by all. That 1s our position, too 



“We did not look bad at this session, When @ nation is 
dealing seriously with human rights no one talks about it 
That is a case when silence is gold Bul if we started to 
adopt documents in our country that do nol meet 
international norms then the attitude would change 

“Our press often continues to speak of the priority of 
socid- economic rights, whereas in Geneva we real 
firmed that without resolving the entire range of rights, 
including civil and political, we cannot ensure our peo 
ple’s active participation in societal matiers or a bold 
civic Stance on their part, and this could negatively affect 
such areas as ecology, science and technology. | am 
certain that questions of scientific and technical progress 
are closely linked with the degree to which a person feels 
himself unfettered, a master of his own affairs. This 
depends entirely on the degree to which his human rights 
are safeguarded 

“When speaking of rights we never forget to mention 
Obligations. | consider that in a normally functioning 
society there can be no juxtaposition of mghts and 
obligations. What 1s an obligation? It is but the duty of 
each to take into account the rights of others. That is why 
for us the unfettering of man is first and foremost the 
safeguarding of human rights. Without such unfettering 
perestroyka will not work 

Last Digression |passage omitted] 

lf you haven't seen the Geneva automobile salon then 
you haven't seen much. | was able to visit it during the 
initial days thrown open to the news people. It 1s a sight 
worthy of attempting to describe it. Imagine the Olympic 
Sports Palace filled with glittering cars of fantasti 
shapes. No, those were not models of the 21st century 
They were items manufactured by Western companies 
today. [passage omitted] Incidentally, whatever exhibit | 
approached | would see a team of Japanese experts 
squeezed inside the car, taking pictures, drawing and 
jotting down everything they saw. I did not see any of our 
people, just as | noticed no one after a hall-hour obser 
vation of the stand designated “Lada.” Several VAZ 
exhibits, even though specially prepared for the show by 
a Swiss company, caused no stirrings in the hearts of car 
enthusiasts. There were no ads, no samovars, to say 
nothing of other items. Perhaps someone was afraid of 
subverting representatives of the mass media. of whom 
more than 2,000 were in attendance! The only thing that 
drew my attention was the Lada’s price. It was the lowest 
for that class of car. Bul at auto salons people look at the 
machine and at relates to world standards or 
contrariwise, how unalike anything clse it may be. Alas 
there 18 nothing we can boast of in that respect 

how it 

This 18 true not only of cars but of other goods which we 
offer on the international market. At a traditional con 
sumer goods fair in Basel the Soviet stand was, frankly 
speaking. disappointing. Once again we looked like poor 
relations. The mediocrity of both the exhibits and their 

27 June 1989 

layout was appalling. The only exception was the stand 
of the Moscow Eparchy, which attracted universal atten: 
tion with its fine religious utensils, icons and various 
religious publications, In the opinion of Archpriest L. M 
Kuzminoy, secretary of the Eparchy’s administrative 
directorate, who has attended several such fairs, Moscow 
organizers often have a vague idea of the markets they 
are looking for, Hence the presence of things for which 
there are no demand or which cost much more than 
similar items offered at the fai 

And here is the opimon of Stefan Wilde, the fair's 
supervisor who has been its deputy director for many 

“When the USSR came to Basel in 1985 and arranged its 
exhibit on an area of 1,000 square meters we offered to 
cut the area in half and to come every year. Why” Space 
costs a lot of money, More space requires More person. 
nel, etc. Finally, annual attendance means annual pub- 
licily, an Opportunity to regularly show off the rates of 
your scientific and technical progress. Incidentally, our 
partners from the PRC heeded this advice. But you are 
apparently still ‘deciding the question, because you 
came back only four years later.” 

Indeed, as always we are in no hurry, even though time 
does not wait. It 1s appropriate to once again quote the 
wise Nikolay Mikhaylovich Karamzin, who wrote in his 
“Letters”: “If you ask the time of day at noon here you'll 
be told: ‘li 1s twelve by universal clocks, but one o'clock 
by Basel’s. That 1s. the clocks here are an hour ahead of 
universal clocks.” 

Perhaps that 1s the answer’ 

Legal Scholar Kartashkin on Human Rights 
18001166 Moscow TRUD in Russian 31 May 8&9 p § 

[Interview with Prof V. A. Kartashkin. doctor of legal 
scrences, conducted by TRU D correspondent |. Mikhay 
lov: “Human Rights: Realities and Problems”. date and 
place of interview not specified] 

[Text] Prof ¥. A. Kartashkin, doctor of legal sciences, 
answers a TRUD correspondent's questions. 

[Correspondent] Both in our country and abroad issues 
of human rights are being widely discussed right now. In 
this connection many of our readers wonder about the 
extent to which Soviet legislation accords with interna 
tional human-rights documents, especially those that our 
country has ratified 

|Kartashkin] Right now we are heatedly debating the 
problems of creating a socialist state based on the rule of 
law. Such a state is obliged to ensure and guaranice 
human rights, while the individual is required to obey 
the law. And one of its fundamental features is the 

conformity of Soviet legislation to the international 
commitments that 

our country has undertaken. The 



Soviet Union has ratified basic international agreements 
in the area of human rights, and having done $0, it is 
obliged to observe them, Back in 1973 our country was 
the first great power to ratify the Pact on Civil and 
Political Rights and the Pact on Economic, Social and 
Cultural Rights, These documents contain a list of the 
basic human rights and liberties 

Immediately following the ratification of these pacts, a 
g00d many articles appeared in our press, They typically 
noted that our legislation not only conformed to these 
documents but went considerably further. But even then 
it was clear to legal scholars and specialists that such 
statements had no real grounds 

|C orrespondent] But if that is the case, it was necessary 
\o follow the practice whereby, following the ratification 
of an act of international law, the country’s legislation is 
brought into conformity with it 

[Kartashkin] You are absolutely right. A number of our 
legislative acts note that if national law contradicts 
international legal norms, the international law apphies 
However, in practice this important legal provision has 
not been carried out in our country. Not a single court, 
administrative body or procurator will accept a com- 
plaint from a Soviet citizen concerning the violation of 
his rights and freedoms as codified in international legal 
agreements that our country has ratified if there is no 
corresponding norm in Soviet law 

\C orrespondent| And what 1s the practice in other coun- 


|Kartashkin] A whole series of countries have an impor- 
tant rule—once the state has ratified an act of mierna- 
tional law. it immediately becomes part of national law 
In the United States, for example, a citizen has a right to 
refer in court to international commitments that the 
country has undertaken. (Granted, 1 should be noted 
here that many international human-rights acts have not 
been ratified by the United States.) 

(ther states act on the principle that once an interna- 
tional treaty has ben ratified it 1s necessary to adopt 
appropriate national legal acts 

Our country also follows the principle that following 
ratification it 1s necessary to adopt an appropriate legal 
act in order to bring our legislation into conformity with 
the international legal norms that have been endorsed 
But so far this has practically never been done, and many 
Soviet legal specialists are currently arguing for a situa- 
tion in which any Soviet citizen in court could make 
reference to international norms that we have already 

[Correspondent] In other words, the international legal 
norms that our state has endorsed should automatically 
take effect in the country 

27 June 1989 

[Kartashkin] Yes, that should be the case, However, only 
in the period of restructuring has it been recognized that 
in many of its provisions Soviet legislation does not 
conform to international legal documents that we rate 
fied many years ago. At the beginning of restructuring we 
spoke of this imidly. Now legal scholars are declaring it 

At present one can also hear the view that our social and 
economic rights fully conform to our international com- 
mitments. That assertion contains only a part of the 
truth. The qualitative implementation of many social 
and economic rights lags behind the practice of their 
implementation in a number of Western countries 

[Correspondent] What specific provisions of our legisia- 
tion fail to conform to the international commitments 
we have undertaken’ 

|Kartashkin] First of all, there is the right, codified in the 
Pact on Human Civil and Political Rights and in the 
Universal Declaration [of Human Rights], of every per- 
son to freedom of belief and the freedom to express his 
opinions, and the mght to hold them without impedi- 
ment. That norm has not been codified in our legislation. 
At the same time, we understand full well that freedom 
of opinions and glasnost have become one of the driving 
forces of restructuring. But until recently the RSFSR 
Criminal Code contained articles 70 and 190 (1), which 
provided for criminal charges to be brought against 
citizens, to all intents and purposes, for the free expres- 
sion of their opimons (if those opinions did not agree 
with officially accepted opinions). The codes of the 
union republics contained analogous articles. At present, 
in the period of restructuring, these articles in the 
Criminal Code are inoperative, as you know. And prac- 
tically everyone who was convicted under them in the 
past has been released from incarceration 

In April the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet 
adopted an ukase making changes in and additions to the 
USSR Law on Criminal Liability for State Crimes and 
ceriain other USSR legislative acts. This law, to all 
intents and purposes, has rid our criminal legislation of 
a number of the clements of crimes stipulated in articles 
70 and 190 (1) that had created room for the persecution 
of dissidents. Therein lies the positive significance of the 
new ukase. New norms stipulate criminal hability for a 
number of state crimes. Certain of those elements of 
crimes also exist in a number of capitalist countries, such 
as the United States and Creat Britain 

At the same time. | am particularly concerned about 
Article |! (1) of that law, which stipulates criminal 
lability for insulting or discrediting certain state agen- 
cies and public organizations, as well as a number of 
officials. One can already see the danger that certain 
zealous bureaucrats will try to regard the criticism of 
officials as discrediting them, regardless of the clarifica- 
tions that have recently been made 



[Correspondent] You mentioned the fact that as of today 
there are no s0- called political prisoners in our country, 
Bul the Western press continues to write that we do have 

[Kartashkin} Recently a delegation from the organiza- 
tion Amnesty International visited our country. They 
once again presented a list of 100 people who are 
regarded abroad as political prisoners. But we know that 
these citizens have also committed other criminally 
punishable acts, and that is why they are still incarcer- 

[Correspondent] A year ago the Ukase on the Procedures 
for Organizing and Holding Meetings, Rallies and Street 
Marches and Demonstrations was adopted, along with a 
directive to the effect that journalists must have special 
passes in order to attend public activities that are under 
militia protection. To what extent do they conform to 
international norms? 

{Kartashkin] So far many flaws have been identified in 
the Ukase that was adopted. Unfortunately, the opinions 
of prominent legal scholars were not taken into account 
when it was drafied. Article 50 of the USSR Constitution 
contains a whole set of rights that our citizens possess 
The right of every person to freedom of speech, press and 
demonstration. But they are all of a general nature 

First of all, it must be said that what the ukase on holding 
ralhes and demonstrations should have established was 
not procedures for authorizing them, but procedures for 
registering them. What does that mean’? Any organiza- 
tion or collective that wants to hold a rally or demon- 
stration should merely notify the local soviet that it 
intends to organize, for example, a demonstration. That 
request should be registered. Under such notification 
procedures, no authorization is required. However, our 
legislation took a different route. Although notification 
procedures exist in all the leading Western countries, 
such as France, the United States and Great Britain— Of 
course, demonstrations can be forbidden there, but only 
after notification. The free holding of rallies and dem- 
onstrations 1s codified in the international documents 
that | have already mentioned 

As for journalists obtaining special passes, the Final 
Document of the Vienna meeting that was adopted in 
January notes: states will provide for journalists to carry 
out their professional activities in such a way that they 
can freely obtain access to public and private sources of 
information. And from that standpoint. of course 
demanding that journalists have special passes cach time 
they enter a zone protected by the militia 1s indisputably 
a violation of the Vienna Meeting’s Final Document 

[Correspondent] What other provisions of the Final 
Document would you like to single out” 

27 June 1989 

|[Kartashkin] It states, for example, that each person has 
the right to freely leave and return to his homeland, as 
well as the right to freely move about within the borders 
of his state, Our country, a8 you know, signed the Fina! 
Document, and the Politburo of the CPSU Centra! 
Committee instructed the ministries and departments to 
take practical steps to implement its provisions. The 
document adopted in Vienna also speaks, for example 
about the obligation of states to make decisions within 
three days on applications to visit a family member who 
is on the verge of death or is severely ill. In addition, if 
someone is refused permission to leave the country, state 
agencies are required to inform the applicant in written 
form of the reason that has been done 

linfortunately, our practice in this area still fails to 
conform to the international commitments we have 
assumed. The provision adopted in 1970 and amended 
in 1986 1s still in effect. It requires the existence of valid 
reasons, usually an invitation by relatives or other per- 
sons permanently residing abroad. In a number of social- 
ist countries, such as Hungary and Poland, every citizen 
may receive a passport to visit all the countries of the 
world. | have seen that for myself 

Another problem for our citizens 1s free residence within 
the borders of our country. Practically no other country 
in the world has such an “invention” as a residence 
permit. Yet the obligation of states to provide people the 
right to move about freely within their borders and to 
choose their places of residence 1s stipulated in human- 
rights pacts and in the Final Document. Up until 1932 
our people lived without residence permits. Therefore 
the view you sometimes hear that without residence 
permits there will be a population outflow from some 
regions into others seems contrived. This issue, of 
course, must be resolved constructively, with a view to 
present-day realities 

\C orrespondent] What course of action do international 
acts recommend when it 1s necessary to restore a violated 

[Kartashkin] All international laws in the area of human 
rights give a citizen the opportunity to restore a violated 
right through the courts. Although we have adopted the 
Law on the Procedures for Appealing to the Court 
Concerning Mlegal Actions of Officials That Infringe on 
( ijtizens’ Rights. it provides no procedures for restoring 
any of the violated rights through the courts. Yet that is 
tne principle of any civilized state. It 1s the court, as a 
truly independent agency, that is capable of objectively 
approaching the solution of disputed issues 

iC orrespondent|] Where do you see our solution of many 
problems in the area of human rights’ 

|Kartashkin] First of all, in improving our people's legal 
sophistication. A good deal has been done lately and is 
continuing to be done to improve Soviet legislation in 
the area of human rights 

This 18 a very important 


political and legal issue. | believe that when new legisla 
tive acts are drafted, the views of legal scholars and 
specialists must be taken into account, and for their part, 
those legal scholars and specialists must take a more 
active stand 

Moreover, legislative acts should be adopted only by the 
Congress of People’s Deputies and the USSR Supreme 

‘Pamyat’ Member Detained in Riga 
Russian]2 May 8&9 p4 

[“Pamyat™ in Riga] 

{Text} Sergey Igorevich Kudryashov, claiming to be a 
member of the “Pamyat’ society, was involved in a 
discussion with a group of people on 2 May in Riga at the 
square near Domskoy cathedral and read the manifesto 
of the society, for which he was detained by officials of 
the militia, On 6 May the local court fined him 100 
rubles for the violation of the ukase of the Latvian SSR 
Supreme Soviet from July 28, 1988, “On the responsi- 
bility for violating the established order of organizations 
and conducting meetings, mass-gatherings and street 

UkSSR OVIR Official Discusses Changes in 
Emigration Procedures 

18110067 Kiev RADYANSKA UKRAYINA in Ukrainian 
l6 Feb &9p3 

[Interview, published under the rubric “Interview of 
Current Interest,” with V. M. Shepel, chief, Visas and 
Registration Department (OVIR), UkSSR Ministry of 
Internal Affairs, by H. Tuhay: “The Regulations Are 
New, But What About Conditions?” | 

[Text] This past year, at the request of RADYANSKA 
UKRAYINA readers, we have twice (in the 6 May and 7 
July issues) published materials on the new statutes 
pertaining to entry into and exit from the USSR. As of 
this year, new procedures are being used, aimed at further 
simplifying the procedure of obtaining exit documents. 
We asked V. M. Shepel, chief of the Department of Visas 
and Registration (OVIR) of the UKSSR Ministry of 
Internal Affairs, to comment on these new procedures. 

[Tuhay| It would seem that elimination of a number of 
bureaucratic formalities should have a beneficial effect on 
the operations of the offices of your department as well. 
Exactly the opposite has happened: there are fewer 
papers, but lines have grown longer. Why is that? 

[Shepel] Unfortunately, | must confess that this unplea- 
snat situation has been engendered, strange as it may 
seem, by the very simplification of conditions for leaving 
the USSR. for in the two years which have passed since 
adoption of the new procedures, the number of exits has 

27 June 1989 

increased by a factor of four, Just in the course of this 
past year, the department's personnel have handled 
more than 3 million persons 

However, although there are now fewer formalities for 
those wishing an exit visa, the job duties of Visas and 
Registration Department personnel as well as the work 
volume required in processing each applicatoin have 
remained practically the same. 

| Tuhay| That is, the changes which have taken place are 
insufficient? Are the conditions of obtaining an exit visa to 
be simplified further? 

[Shepel] Of course. The process of streamlining regula- 
Lions pertaining to obtaining an exit visa cannot be 
considered complete, an optimal variant has not yet been 
worked out. Some work in this area has already been 
accomplished this year. First and foremost, the formalh- 
lies Of arranging to travel to countries in the socialist 
community, with which we have agreements on visaless 
travel, have been simplified. Henceforth such trips can 
be made on one’s internal passport, with local OVIR 
offices issuing special attachment pages [vkladki] 

The problem cannot be resolved, however, by passport 
attachment pages alone. And, incidentally, at the present 
lime we cannot even fill out such attachment pages, since 
we don't have any attachment forms. It 1s true that, on 
agreement with some socialist countries, the following 
practice 1s already being employed for tourists. A foreign 
passport is issued only to the group leader, while the 
names of all other members of the group are entered on 
a list which 1s certified by the head of the OVIR office 

Excessive centralization in processing documents 1s also 
being eliminated. In the past this has been the exclusive 
prerogative of city (in large cities) and oblast OVIR 
offices. This meant that it was necessary to send all 
documents from the rayons “upstairs.”’ As personnel and 
facilities problems are resolved in the localities, the 
procedure of processing all types of travel will be trans- 
ferred over to the rayon offices in the locality of resi- 

|Tuhay} Are there any new changes in conditions of 
traveling to capitalist countries, and particularly as 
regards emigration’ 

|Shepel] | must say that a curious situation 1s presently 
developing in this area. As soon as the Sovict Union 
removed emigration restrictions, some countries have 
been less anxious to accept those for whose right to 
emigrate they had in the past campaigned so aggres- 
sively. These countnes include the United States, for 
that country aiso has immigration laws and quotas 

(Of course the regulation according to which a person 
who has not submitted a formal invitation document 
cannot obtain an exit visa 1s still in effect in this country 
This is done out of purely financial considerations: we 


do not have that much hard currency, and the ruble is 
not convertible—with the present substantial increase in 
foreign travel, difficulties arise with exchange of cur- 
rency, provision of travel documents, etc 

There is also another aspect to the question: agreement 
on the part of the country to which a citizen of the USSR 
is traveling. Regardless of our attitude toward the prob- 
lems of traveling abroad, a country cannot be indifferent 
toward how its citizen (and the majority of those who 
travel abroad retain their Soviet citizenship) is going to 
be able to handle things from the financial standpoint, 
Incidentally, U.S. authorities advise persons wishing to 
travel to the United States not to apply for an exit visa 
until they obtain a guarantee of financial support from 
those issuing the invitation 

As of this year all restrictions have been removed as 
regards visits by private citizens to capitalist countries, 
including Israel. This means that OVIR personnel will be 
faced with a steadily increasing volume of work, which 
understandably cannot be handled without a fundamen- 
ial revamping of OVIR facilities. 

|Tuhay) Thus, from the standpoint of rules and regula- 
tions, considerable changes are taking place in OVIR 
operations. Now we must wait until we, your potential 
clients, feel these changes, because, quite frankly, we are 
paying a fee, that is, as often happens in our service sector, 
people are paying for services which they are not receiv- 

[Shepel] | can't deny that. It 1s true that each citizen pays 
30 rubles to process an application to travel to socialist 
countries and 200 rubles for capitalist countries. In view 
of the increased number of persons traveling abroad, you 
can imagine what a substantial addition this is to the 
local budget. In most cases, however, people applying for 
travel abroad are not even able to sit down and leisurely 
fill out the documents, for as a rule they must stand in 
long lines waiting their turn. Our people hear justified 
complaints about the poor conditions to which appli- 
cants are subjected. We are bringing these matters up 
with local authorities. Unfortunately, however, we do 
not always receive adequate cooperation 

|Tuhay] Is this picture typical of the entire republic or 
only of the Ukreinian capital, where it is as if they 
deliberately selected quarters unsuited for such a presti- 
gious service as OVIR should be? 

[Shepel] On the whole, conditions almost everywhere are 
below average. Conditions are particularly disturbing in 
those oblast administrative centers where, because of 
their geographic location, mutual travel flow is much 
more intensive than in the republic as a whole. For 
example, we have sent letters to the executive commit- 
tees of the Transcarpathian and Lvov oblast soviets, but 
without any apparent results up to the present time. As 
for Kiev, here the problem is determined not so much by 
the authorities as by the construction people. and here is 

27 June 1989 

why. A decision was issued by the executive committee 
of the Kiev city soviet dated 4 May 1988, calling for 
major repairs on our old quarters at 34 Shevchenko 
Boulevard, Bul as tar as actual execution is concerned, 
we fire talking about years of delay. It took several years 
just to accomplish reconciliation, agreement and revi- 
sion of the plans prepared by the Kiev affiliate of the 
Ukrdipropobut Institute of the UkKSSR Ministry of Con- 
sumer Services. The contractor—the Kievremstroy 
Administration (V. Khristopov, administration chief) 

and the architects were unable to reach an agreement, Go 
talk to them even now, and each party will give you a 
long list of objective reasons, Bul that does not make it 
any easier on the people concerned. And although they 
finally began repairs last November, even erecting a 
lower crane, up to the present time the crene has been 
“unemployed.” To date only 4,500 rub! s has been 
expended on the total 150,000 rubles cost estimate. As 
you can see, not much of a rate of progress 

There are also other problems, first and foremost the 
problem of computerization, And although the first steps 
have now been taken in this area, an area of such great 
importance to us, to date there are no grounds to state 
that things are completed 

But | dont want to end our conversation on a pessimistic 
note. We are already beginning to feel the results of those 
restructuring measures we discussed at the beginning of 
the interview. Therefore, we are hoping to achieve a 
normal work pace by the end of the year 


LKSSR Education Official on Restructuring 
Higher, Secondary Education 

IS/10058 Atev RADYVANSAA CARAYVINA in Ukrainian 
A Jan SY pe? 

lInterview, published under the heading “Interview of 
Current Interest.’ with V. D. Parkhomenko. republic 
minister of higher and secondary specialized education 
by RATAL correspondent’ “Higher School Steps 
Toward Restructuring” | 

[Teat) The CPSU Central Committee message of greeting 
to the All-L nion Congress of Public Education Workers 
stressed: “The activities of the higher and secondary 
specialized school must be directed toward creating per- 
sonne! potential capable of accomplishing revolutionary 
changes in the economy, raising Soviet science and tech- 
nology up to the world standard, enriching culture, and 
renewing the spiritual and intellectual life of society.” 
How is the restructuring of higher education proceeding in 
this republic in light of the decisions of the 27th CPSI 
C ongress and the 19th All-Union Party Conference? V. D. 
Parkhomenko, republic minister of higher and secondary 
specialized education, responds on this topic at the request 
ofa RATAL correspondent. 


|Parkhomenko] During the time which has passed since 
designation of the directions to be taken by restructuring 
of higher education, the tasks of each educational instr 
tution have been specifically articulated, their structures 
are being improved, deformations and bureaucratic 
overlardings are being eliminated, and organizational 
work has been completed on the whole, Today our 
attention is focused on deepening of restructuring, both 
in the training of specialist personnel and in organization 
of scientific research. The transition to an improved 
technology of the learning process has been completed, A 
new principle of training personnel on the basis of 
contractual agreements with industrial enterprises 1s 
being implemented for the first time in higher education 
The mechanism and forms of increasing return on higher 
educational institution science and bringing it up to the 
international standard are being worked out. At the 
congress of workers in public education, at which | was a 
delegate, it was stressed that the development of eco- 
nomic reform and creation of a new political system 
demand a very substantial increase in people's overall 
level of knowledgeability and awareness: on the job and 
in sociopolitical activities, in interpersonal relations, in 
relations within the family, and in meeting material, 
spiritual and intellectual needs. This cannot be accom: 
plished without a school which meets the highest criteria 
of progress 

Therefore, our attention 1s focused first and foremost on 
radical renewal of the content of what college students 
are taught. This republic's higher educational institu- 
tions have proceeded to work on the basis of new 
curricula, and the personnel training profile has been 
broadened. Practices pertaining to organization of the 
learning process and its methodological support, espe 
cially in the field of the social sciences, have been 
revised. Emphasis 1s being placed on teaching students 
the ability of screntific thinking. Stress has been shifted 
to independent study 

IRATAU correspondent] Is the contractual-agreement 
principle of training personnel benefiting the economy? 

{Parkhomenko] Without question. Specific-focus train- 
ing also increases the chent’s responsibility for ensuring 
that personnel requirement figures are substantiated 
and it increases the higher educational imstitution’s 
responsibility for quality of training. At the present time 
more than 70 percent of semor-year students are receiy- 
ing training on the basis of contracts between the UkSSR 
Ministry of Higher and Secondary Specialized Education 
and branch ministries 

In addition, now it 1s possible to respond more flexibly to 
the needs of the economy in specialist personnel in 
various fields. For example, just this year the targeted 
figures were reduced for 60 areas of specialization, while 
at the same time the figures were increased for 28 of the 
most promising specialization areas. It 1s unfortunate 
however, that frequently ministries and agencies 
endeavor to avoid taking part in the final stage of 

27 June 1989 

training Students in a production environment, Some 
even demand compensation tor providing practical work 
experience and even refuse to accept persons previously 
sent to them for training 

One should bear in mind that it costs as much as 30,000 
rubles to train, for example, an electronics engineer or a 
specialist in the field of robotics, And yet according to 
the current standard we are supposed to receive only 
O00 rubles. But in spite of the fact that this figure is 
patently understated, enterprise managers attempt to 
pay even less. Only slightly more than 4 million rubles 
have been actually paid to the UKSSR Ministry of Higher 
and Specialized Secondary Education out of the antici 
pated total of approximately 70 million rubles under the 
terms of contracts for 1988. | believe that the main 
reason for this is the fact that many managers still fail 
adequately to appreciate the importance of expenditures 
On training specialist personnel. The situation may be 
helped by the currently-adopted system of direct “enter 
prise-higher educational institution-student” contractual 

IRATAU correspondent] Forming of the ideological out- 
look of the future specialist personnel and their ability to 
live and work in conditions of broadening of democracy 
and increasing economic and social responsibility on the 
part of the individual is no less important. In your opinion, 
which areas of work with young students are taking on 
primary significance? 

|Parkhomenko] All of us should work with determina- 
tion to close the considerable gap between content and 
‘forms of education and indoctrination on the one hand 
and actual life processes on the other. Only under this 
condition will the problems of forming a Marxist-Le- 
ninist worldview and a higher degree of political knowl- 
edgeability in the younger generation be resolved in a 
practical fashion. The specific individual with his spe- 
cific problems must always be at the focus of attention 
The individual must see that people are concerned and 
placing hopes on him. It 1s extraordinarily important to 
maintain social activeness on the part of student youth 
and not to suppress intelligent initiative. lam convinced 
that the work of higher educational institutions, all 
public organizations and, first and foremost, Komsomol 
must be organized in such a manner that the growing 
activeness on the part of young men and women maxi 
mally helps deepen and accelerate restructuring of all 
aspects of our lives 

Indifference in this matter, delay, and counting on the 
cart showing the way to the horse, as they say. are 
intolerable. Removing the prohibition from discussing 
and debating sensitive topics, truth and openness com- 
bined with party-minded integrity when dealing with 
Students, respect for and faith in them, recognition of 
their rights and determination of obligation—all this 
creates the conditions for forming at the higher educa- 
tional institution a unified collective of faculty and 

students with common goals and tasks. Development of 



Student self-government and involvement in the active 
lies Of learned councils, with more than 2,100 students 
currently participating, is a significant factor in helping 
enhance the role of young people in educational institu. 
lion affairs. 

IRATAU correspondent| Volodymyr Dmytrovych, one 
important item is the need to expand the domain of 
utilization of the Ukrainian language at educational insti- 
tutions and further to develop bilingualism between the 
local national language and Russian. A recently adopted 
Ukrainian Communist Party Central Committee decree 
places particular emphasis on this.... 

|Parkhomenko] As for the higher educational institution, 
one should bear in mind that it ts the final link in the 
public education system. The young people who come to 
us have already become defined to a considerable degree 
in their attitude toward choice of language of communt- 
cation and, unfortunately, this is many times not to the 
advantage of the Ukramian language. This is how the 
situation evolved in our republic over the course of 
many years, and one must bear this in mind. It is 
impossible to resolve the problems of language without 
taking into consideration the structure of the ethnic 
makeup of faculty and student body and the overall 
demographic situation in a given region. Ukraimans 
make up approximately 62 percent of college students in 
this republic, while Russians comprise 32 percent. The 
figures for faculty are 54 and 40 percent respectively. In 
addition, these figures vary substantially from one region 
in this republic to another For example, in the higher 
educational institutions in the eastern oblasts Ukram, 
ans comprise 46 percent of the student body and 44 
percent of the faculty, while in the western oblasts the 
figures are 86 and 74 percent respectively 

| should also note that far from all Ukramans who enroll 
in college make use of the right to take their entrance 
examinations in Ukramian. Only one fifth write a com- 
position on Ukrainian language and Intcrature. There are 
also many other factors which oblige us to adhere rigidly 
to the principle of bilingualism in organizing the educa- 
tional process, for 20 percent of all students enrolled as 
freshmen last year had never studied Ukraimian 

Our specialist personnel must possess an adequate mas 
tery both of the Ukramian and Russian languages. One 
can bring many arguments in favor of this. One of them 
is the fact that on the average |4 percent of college 
graduates are assigned to yobs in other republics 

All higher educational institutions presently have clec 
tive courses for those who desire to master or increase 
their knowledge of the Ukraimian language Beginning 
this year, the curriculum at secondary specialized 
schools includes a required subject entitled “Ukraiman 
Language and Literature.” totaling 200 hours. Publica- 
tion of teaching methods literature o the Ukraman 
language 1s greatly increasing. two-language textbooks 
are to be published. and this year materials for lecture 

27 June 1989 

courses in the social sciences will be published in the 
Ukrainian language. Publishing schedules have been 
revised with the aim of increasing publication of scien- 
tific and scholarly literature in the Ukrainian language. 
Measures are also being taken to improve the training of 
teachers of Ukrainian language and literature. 


Homebrew Operation Becomes Full-Fledged 
Business in Uzbekistan 

18300613a Tashkent PRAVDA VOSTOKA in Russian 
28 Apr 89 p4 

[Article by O. Aleksandrov: “The Liquor Business’) 

[Text] 7he following comes from statistics of the Uzbek 
SSR Ministry of Internal Affairs 

“In 1988 administrative measures were taken against 
109,944 people (which is 3.8 percent more than in 1987) 
for drinking alcoholic beverages and appearing in an 
intoxicated state in public places. In 1988 the number of 
drivers detained for operating means of transport in an 
intoxicated state was 48,726, or 27.2 percent more than in 

It is as if the statistical data which are now openly 
available have removed the veil and exposed in all their 
ugliness many phenomena which previously were not 
discussed. The sharp reduction in the production and 
sale of alcoholic beverages not only has failed to reduce 
drunkenness, it has actually increased it. The statistical 
figures provide evidence of this. Homebrewing has 
reached almost a massive scale and has led to a sugar 
shortage Employees in the field of commerce have not 
been slow to take advantage of the situation. To this very 
day they leave us scratching our heads over their vague 
explanations about the lack of stock or, in the opposite 
case the availability of stock, while inspections by the 
legal-protection and workers’ control organs continue to 
discover hundreds and even thousands of kilograms of 
hidden sugar in the republic's stores, and while sugar 
continues to be distributed to the rest of us on the basis 
of humilitating ration coupons. For example, they seized 
from the house of Samarkand resident Mekhriniso 
Kadyrova not only a distilling apparatus but also 465 
kilograms of sugar in sacks. It would be interesting to 
know whose coupons she used to get sugar in such 
fabulous quantities, which are a far cry from the |.5-kilo 

Some time ago we were forced to recognize that the drug 
business exists in our country. Probably it should also be 
recognized that the liquor business, to use bureaucratic 
language, exists. “Engergetic’” people immediately took 
advantage of the lack of alcoholic beverages. The busi- 
ness has become widespread. At first glance even spe- 
cialists find it difficult to distinguish a bottle of vodka or 
cognac which 1s manufactured under factory conditions, 
from an imitation bottle, produced under very different 


conditions. Nonetheless, these home-grown “factories” 
manage to obtain not only raw materials for mass 
production of alcoholic beverages, but also unlimited 
quantities of packaging, standard labels and even 
machines for inserting corks. In short, the “brand name” 
product comes from the hands of “popular crafismen” of 
the botile. 

In the Srednechirchiksiy Rayon of Tashkent Oblast the 
police (militia) discovered a small trailer, which was in 
no way remarkable from the outside—there are dozens 
of them on the plots belonging to dacha owners. But this 
one was special. In the trailer a certain A. Mirzhataroy 
managed to develop a mini-plant for the production of 
vodka. Here he had a barrel(!) with alcohol, an electrical 
machine for corking botiles, an enormous quantity of 
labels, and previously prepared corks—some homemade 
and some factory made. 

At one time G. Kazakbayev headed the Optika Store in 
the Komsomolabadskiy Rayon in Andizhan Oblast, but 
he achieved his true vocation, which was manufacturing 
illegal vodka. When inspectors in police uniform visited 
his enterprise, they discovered 399 bottles of vodka, 
which Kazakbayev had personally manufactured 

Although the manufacture of home-distilled vodka 
brings substantial profits, nonetheless, it can be trouble- 
some and quite labor-intensive. There are much simpler 
ways to get rich. The main way is to organize. A criminal 
organization of this kind was set up in Namangan by B. 
Abdullayev, the head of the bottling unit of a winery; Zh 
Turayev, chief of the warchouse for manufactured out- 
put of this same enterprise, |. Bazarbayev, chief of the 
Namangan Public Catering warehouse and M. Nur- 
matov, bartender at the Jupiter Restaurant. By itself a 
listing of the positions of these entrepreneurs gives a 
picture of the network within the sector. Truly it extends 
from production to the serving counter. The plant work- 
ers were forming alcohol surpluses by setting the inven- 
tory norms for it excessively high. By means of all 
possible combinations every one of the bottles of stolen 
vodka cost less than half the state price. Bartender 
Nurmatov acquired a bottle for seven or eight rubles and 
took |2 and sometimes even | 5 from restaurant patrons 
During the investigation it was established that in this 
way the criminal group was able to steal 3,000 bottles of 

Quite a few such criminal groups have been uncovered, 
in a majority of them the public catering workers func- 
tion as the salespeople. In the Urma Restaurant in 
Andizhan the bar-tender A. Sabirov was found to have 
350 bottles of illegal vodka 

There are more and more cases of poisoning trom illegal 
vodka, cognac and other home-distilled spirits. And the 
criminal cases are increasing. An investigation 1s taking 
place at the Denau Wine and Vodka Plant, as well as at 
other similar enterprises in the republic, speculation in 
alcoholic beverages has acquired a truly massive scale 

27 June 1989 

Lines at the liquor stores have become quite a common 
phenomenon. One more kind of shortage has developed 
in the republic, and this has led to the development of a 
new type of easy money, 

Crime Increase in Uzbekistan Attributed to 
Alcohol, Narcotics Use 

18300613b Frunze SOVETSKAYA KIRGIZIYA in 
Russian 11 Apr 89 p 4 

[Article by S. Zapolskaya under the rubric of “From 
Competent Sources”: “A Great Noise and Then 

{Text} Crime in the republic is growing; this was talked 
about openly at a briefing held in the Office of the 
Kirghiz SSR Public Prosecutor. Specifically an increase 
in robbery, violent crimes and hooliganism is being 
observed. There are many reasons for this. Two of 
them—drug addiction and alcoholism—were the subject 
of discussion on this occasion. The fanfare surrounding 
the campaign against these evils has declined noticeably, 
while the state of the struggle against both of them, as the 
legal protection organs admit, has not improved. 
Instead, it has gotten worse. 

Here are just a few numbers: the republic has 2,459 
people on the addiction prevention register and 1,204 
people recognized as drug addicts, 466 of them adoles- 
cents. One hundred fifty-two people have been registered 
as abusers of toxic substances. Our area leads not only in 
the use of narcotics but also as a supplier. The highest 
level of drug use is in Frunze, Osh, Kara-Balta and in the 
Issyk-Kul Oblast. 

What relation does this have to the growth of crime? A 
direct one. A drug addict requires 150-180 rubles a day 
to acquire the his poison. Where can such money be 
obtained? Only through robbery or burglary. In order to 
achieve his goal the hardened addict will stop at nothing, 
even murder. As A. Sultalinov, head of the Criminal 
Investigation Department of the republic's MIA (Min- 
istry of Internal Affairs) noted, it is worth stepping up 
the struggle against wild hemp—they are shifting to 
medical preparations. And, of course, in this regard 
nothing can be done without the participation of medical 
workers. In the past year alone about 400 forged pre- 
scriptions were seized, and how many were not discov- 
ered? Criminal proceedings have been instituted against 
two Frunze doctors. 

Things are also going badly, it turns out, with the 
campaign, begun at one time with so much fanfare, 
against drunkenness and alcoholism. The community 
raged: some demanded the closing of wine and vodka 
stores, others supported drinking if done in a civilized 
manner. The result of that campaign, as the police 
recognize, was that there was a sharp reduction in the 
number of crimes caused by drunkenness: discipline at 
the production unit improved. The situation continued 
to be relatively good for two years, but since last year, the 


curve has shot up dramatically, The passion abated; the 
community made a sharp change of course and went for 
an increase in the sales of alcoholic beverages, Once 
again drunks stagger up and down the streets of cities 
and villages without fear or embarrassment (200 more 
people every month, according to MIA data, have started 
to arrive at the detoxification centers, and every year 
almost 1,500 people are sent for forced treatment at 
special clinics). No one knows whether the Society to 
Fight for Sobriety, which was created at one time, still 
exists or not. In any case there are no visible traces of its 
work. All the various commissions that were formed by 
ispolkoms and rural soviets amount to a formality; they 
do not bind anybody to anything. In summary—69,000 
violators of the anti-alcohol legislation were registered in 
a year; the percentage of young people booked for legal 
infractions committed in a state of drunkenness is high. 
And here it is appropriate to talk about leisure time. In 
practice adolescents, young men and women have no 
where to go in their free time. In Frunze, noted A. 
Sydykov, head of the Department for the Protection of 
Public Order of the republic’s MIA, there are almost no 
free activities or sports groups. Hardly anyone can afford 
the prices in the cooperatives. 

When I heard about this | recalled the experience of 
Georgia, which I learned about during a recent business 
trip (maybe we could borrow it?!). There they chose to 
draw young people into sports on a massive scale as a 
way of combating drug addiction and drunkenness. 
How? No tekhnikum, VUZ or vocational school will 
accept documents from a candidate for admission unless 
he has demonstrated a minimum level of competence in 
a sport, any sport, whatever the individual chooses. For 
a year the mass media conducted an educational propa- 
ganda campaign, and only then did the republic's Min- 
istry of Education adopt and publicize its corresponding 
decision. The previously-empty pools, stadiums and 
courts were filled with young people. Soon it became 
obvious that there was a need to build additional facil- 
ties; this is being done, it should be said, without 
scrimping. The money and other resources are being 

The educational work being done with people has 
declined and that is supposedly why they drink and 
break the law. These criticisms are sometimes voiced 
from various platforms and written about in the news- 
papers. Of course, it is necessary to educate those who 
have not reached the age of reason. But what about 
adults? It is appropriate to set high standards for them. 
discipline is needed in the production unit. Recently the 
number of blue- and white-collar employees found guilty 
of drunkenness during work hours has increased by 
one-third. The police levy fines, while the management 
of the enterprise or institution, along with public orga- 
nizations, provides encouragement by awarding bonuses 
at the end of the year or the quarter. 

As for drivers, they continue to drink as they used to, if 
not more. Last year 16,000 people were detained for 

27 June 1989 

driving a car in an intoxicated state, It is not necessary to 
explain what this can and does lead to. 

That is the disturbing picture of our struggle against drug 
addiction and drunkenness, | emphasize that it is our 
Struggle, because it is unreasonable, at the very least, to 
accuse Only the legal protection organs in this matter. 
They deal with the consequences, while the causes are to 
be found in the poor economy, in the lack of order and 
discipline in the production unit, and in the decline of 
morals... And also in our long-standing tendency to rush 
from one extreme to another; first we join with the the 
whole world in rising to the struggle and then, after we 
have cooled off, we quiet down. 

Alcohol Treatment, Prevention Centers Deemed 
Outmoded, Ineffective 
18300615a Riga SOVETSKAYA LATVIYA in Russian 

[Article by A.Kheruvimskiy, deputy department chief, 
Latvian SSR Ministry of Internal Affairs: “Profound 
Changes Are Needed: Once More About LTPs"’} 

[Text] | read the article by journalist Ye.Mazhan “To 
Break the Vicious Circle’ (SOVETSKAYA LATVIYA, 
No 87) with great interest. The author raised a pressing 
issue. However, I would like to discuss this vital subject 
in more detail. 

The attempt to end drunkenness with one blow of an 
administrative nightstick has led to an unprecedented 
spread of home brewing, sharply increased speculation 
in alcoholic beverages and growing drug abuse, espe- 
cially among minors. | think that this has been univer- 
sally recognized. 

Since 1985, the number of patients being treated at 
medical and work treatment clinics (LTPs) has increased 
threefold. It has become necessary to enlarge the network 
of drug clinics, sobering-up stations and LTPs. The 
Situation 1s alarming 

It 1s no secret that the effectiveness of LTP treatment is 
low. This means that the system itself is flawed. It should 
be radically overhauled. Recently, mass media has been 
paying much attention to LTPs. However, many articles 
pursue the same aim: to elicit sympathy for the patients, 
for alcohol abusers. No one argues against the need to 
improve conditions at the LTPs. But this will not solve 
the problem. 

If we see the clinics’ patients as invalids in need of gentle 
treatment, the LTPs should probably be transferred to 
the Health Ministry. We would be glad to do so at any 
time. But ts the Health Ministry ready to accept this 
so-called gift? The makeup of patients at those institu- 
LIONS IS {00 Id1losyncratic. 


Ye. Mazhan correctly points out that “the overwhelming 
majority of patients have a criminal past.” They are a 
menace not only to society but to their families as well, 

The following letter was written by retiree Melicheva: “I 
committed my son Yurty to alcohol abus treatment, | 
thought | could breathe easier. But he... Ever since he 
returned at the New Year's holiday, | have been support- 
ing him. He has been spending more time at home than 
at the LTP. Drunkards have got advocates, they have 
been given preferential treatment. Those who defend 
them should be made to live with a couple of such 
drunkards; perhaps they would think the better of it 

Let me add that Yu.Melichey, born in 1952, has been 
tried on five different occasions and is being treated for 
alcohol abuse for a fourth time. Currently he is under 
arrest for escaping from an LTP 

The republic's law enforcement agencies get 2,000 letters 
a year similar to the one written by Melicheva. 

Advocates of gentler treatment ask why we need the 
LTPs at all, or whether it is legal to commit people to 
those institutions and in effect deprive them of freedom 
merely because of their disease, or why an escape from 
the LTP should be considered a crime. 

Currently, 2,500 patients are being treated at the repub- 
lic’s LTPs, of whom 300 are women. Some 60 percent of 
patients have been previously convicted—up to 14 
times—and half have been previously treated for alcohol 
abuse between 2 and 10 times; 28 patients are extremely 
dangerous career criminals, more than 500 are homeless, 
over 200 have been sentenced to correctional labor and 
some 250 owe fines for services rendered by sobering-up 
stations prior their commitment to the clini 

Most common violations of LTP regulations include 
consumption of alcohol-containing products, refusal to 
be treated, insubordination to authorities, failure to 
return from short furloughs and escapes. In the first two 
months of the year, 49 criminal cases have been initiated 
for escapes, which occurred mainly for the purpose of 
purchasing alcoholic beverages. All escapees have been 
detained on the prosecutor's warrant 

LTP patients are mostly persons with perverted psyches, 
base needs and stunted intelligence. Many have never 
worked, except at penal institutions 

This is the makeup of LTP patients. When | first visited 
an LTP and saw hundreds of alcoholics gathered in one 
place, | was overcome by two sentiments at the same 
time: horror and pity for those people, who have lost 
their human likeness. They are both victims and crimi- 
nals. How much suffering and evil have they caused to 
those with whom fate brought them together, how many 
homes have been broken, how many crimes have they 

27 June 1989 

committed and how many children have they deprived 
of happiness! They themselves have forced state and 
society to defend against them and to set up LTPs. 

Now patients have been allowed to get visits from 
relatives and to wear civilian clothes; they get furloughs 
in case of death or illness in the family or natural 
disaster, as well as weekend stays at home if they have 
served at least half of their sentence and do not have any 
violations. They can buy food and necessities at LTP 
stores, get packages, have unlimited correspondence and 
communicate with relatives over the telephone. 

How did the patients welcome this gentler treatment? To 
be frank, in poor form. Some 20 percent of furioughed 
patients report back late or do not come back at all on 
their own, and 10 percent return drunk. Some of them 
call home and harass relatives. 

Of course, conditions at the LTPs should continue to be 
improved. It would be nice to replace existing barrack- 
like structures with rooms housing 4 to 6 patients mod- 
cled on those at psychiatric institutions. But | think that 
civihan clothes should be replaced with hospital unt- 
forms to discourage escapes and AWOLs. We should not 
reject labor treatment, either, but LTP production quo- 
tas should not be patterned on those used at penitentia- 
ries. Treatment is the main business of the LTP and 
doctors must play the leading role 

Existing LTP regulations are clearly obsolete: they were 
issued in 1964. A law is needed providing for compul- 
sory treatment of alcohol abusers, which would also 
define their legal status as well as the rights and respon- 
sibilities of the administration. In this area we request 
the assistance of the republic's Ministry of Justice and 
the Prosecutor's Office 

1 fully agree with Ye.Mazhan that the court should 
commit alcohol abusers to LT Ps without specified terms 

Let the doctors decide how long the patient should stay 
at the LTP. The May 24. 1985. decree of the LaSSR 
Supreme Soviet’s Presidium should be amended to allow 
lawyer participation in court hearings of cases involving 
commitment of alcoholics to compulsory treatment and 
appeal of court decisions. However, | do not think that 
we should abolish the practice of criminal prosecution 
for escaping from the LTP. Otherwise only those would 
stay who are unable to move, yet, almost all patients are 
a public menace and are capable of committing crimes 

The most acute problem is to find accommodations and 
jobs for patients released from the LTP who do not have 
their own homes. Many of them ask to be kept at the 
LTP since they have no place to live, no one 1s willing to 
hire them and the tall fence ot the LTP 1s replaced for 
them by the bureaucrat’s door that 1s shut tight 



Here, society should show mercy and compassion, We 
count On assistance from the press and television. But 
the problem can only be solved by the republic's Council 
of Ministers. At issue here is the fate of thousands of 
Latvia's natives whose lives are at a dead end. 
Ye.Mazhan’s article “To Break the Vicious Circle” pro- 
poses to create within the social security system a net- 
work of specially reserved homes where social dropouts, 
the homeless and disabled alcohol abusers could work, 
live and get treatment. This is an excellent idea. Yet, its 
implementation entails a considerable expense. Mean- 
while, we are short of properly equipped homes for the 
elderly and single war and labor veterans and for people 
who have been disabled from childhood. | think that 
other solutions would currently be more practical. 

Bul the work of the LTPs is not being discussed at 
sessions of the soviets of the people's deputies, at 
ispolkom meetings or gatherings of party and economic 
managers. Little attention is being paid to such institu- 
tions by the Ministry of Justice, the State Labor Com- 
mittee, the courts, ispolkom administrative Commissions 
and commissions to combat alcohol abuse, economic 
managers and labor collectives. They are poorly 
informed about the LTPs’ problems. And how would 
they know, except by reading newspapers and numerous 
complaints, to which they usually give a standard official 

The system of compulsory treatment for alcoholism 
must be changed to emphasize more gentle and merciful 
treatment of “the green serpent’s” victims, but we 
should also keep in mind that society must be protected 
against criminals and social refuse. 

Leningrad Red Cross Proposes Soup Kitchens to 
Feed Hungry 
18300615h Moscow SOVETSKAYA KULTURA in 

Russian 29 Apr 8&9 p 3 

{Article by M.Kushnir from Leningrad: “To the Red 
Cross for Dinner” | 

[Text] We have heard about soup kitchens before: tele- 
vision journalists stationed abroad used to be very 
prolific on such subjects. Yet, it 1s no longer a secret that 
among our countrymen, too, there are some who can 
barely make ends meet. For them, a simple dinner can be 
a problem. The Leningrad Committee of the Red Cross 
Society has offered to help them. 

“Of course, we would not be able to set up special 
cafeterias serving free dinners,” said T.Lineva, chairman 
of the city’s committee. “We are talking about special 
rooms or areas at existing public catering facilities in 
different parts of the city. Currently, our volunteers are 
inspecting cafeterias and negotiating contracts with their 
management. They are also meeting with retirees in an 
effort to find out in personal conversations who needs 

27 June 1989 

Our assistance most, | stress personal conversations since 
questionnaires and other bureaucratic methods would 
simply be out of place here. 

“It has been decided so far that 60 percent of coupons for 
two dietetic meals a day would be sold to poor retirees 
for RY instead of their full cost of R40 per month. This 
is real financial support, is it not? The remaining 40 
percent would be paid for by the society and the oblast 
trade umion council. Those coupons would be distributed 
free of charge.” 

The interviewee shunned from calling such cafeterias 
soup kitchens. But the name is not important. What is 
important is to make sure that this good undertaking 
prospers; it is certain to find followers in other cities, as 

Deplorable Living Standards Contribute to High 
Infant Mortality 

18300631 Frunze SOVETSKAYA KIRGIZIYA in 
Russian 4 May 89 p 3 

[Unattributed report: “Are We Deliberately Program- 
ming Sickness?”’] 

[Text] Yes, confirm the participants in a mini sociolog- 
ical survey conducted in Sovetskiy Rayon of Oshskiy 

The inhabitants of Oshskiy Oblast have not become 
accustomed to the medical landing parties. For the 
umpteenth year in a row, the sun will burn a little hotter, 
and teams of physician-epidemiologists, infection spe- 
Cialists, pediatricians and gynecologist-obstetricians are 
being sent to the oblast, not only from throughout the 
republic, but also from many distant corners of the 
country -the situation has become so extreme here that 
the curve of indices of mortality, primarily infant, is 
climbing alarmingly upward. 

For decades, these depressing indices have been kept 
Silent, sickness has been driven far into the background, 
where it continues to progress. But finally, people are 
beginning to talk openly about the high infant mortality, 
primarily in the republics of Central Asia. But the 
discussions are few. In order to successfully combat 
sickness, it 1S necessary to research it and know the 
causes and roots. For this very reason, an unusual 
landing of physician-sociologists was undertaken at an 
“inopportune” time, in early spring, on the instructions 
of the Council of Ministers of the Kirghiz SSR. Special- 
ists from two of the republic's leading scientific research 
institutes -the ecology and prevention of contagious 
diseases and obstetrics and pediatrics -conducted a sur- 
vey in thousands of households in Sovetskiy and Batken- 
skiy rayons. A multitude of data was obtained and 
processed which will provide a scientific basis for devel- 
oping a program to fight for our health. 


Today, we have asked candidate of medical sciences and 
head of the department of sociological research of the 
Kirghiz Scientific Research Institute of Ecology and the 
Prevention of Contagious Diseases, |. K. Denislam- 
ovaya, who 1s supervisor of the group of sociologists in 
Sovetskiy Rayon, to talk about this issue. In contrast to 
many of our colleagues, Ishgul Kapievna was sent to this 
rayon with a great store of comparative data already 
accumulated. From 1983 to 1988, she conducted socio- 
logical surveys in Tonskiy Rayon, from 1985 to 1987 in 
Dzhety-Oguzkiy, Tyupskiy and Ak-Suyskiy rayons of 
Issyk-Kulskiy Oblast and in 1988 in Suzakskiy Rayon of 
Oshskiy Oblast. 

More babies are born in Sovetskiy Rayon, than any- 
where else in the republic. Let us compare: whereas last 
year an average of 19.8 babies were born per thousand 
people in our country, 32.6 were born in Kirghizia, and 
43.4 in Sovetskiy Rayon. The average number of chil- 
dren per family here is more than four. We should be 
joyous ... but our hearts are aching! For the mortality 
indices run in direct proportion to the birth rate indices. 
The curve of infant mortality in the USSR during the last 
twenty years has essentially remained the same. In the 
USA, for example, these depressing figures have 
decreased during the last fifteen years from 20 to 10.9, in 
Japan from 13.2 to 6.6, in the FRG from 18.5 to 10.7. 
But in our country these figures have only decreased 
from 25.3 to 24.2. 

It is good that we have begun to give full voice to this 
subject. However, there is little ascertainment of the fact 
that our public health system is unsatisfactory. The time 
has come to take energetic practical action. And to do 
this, we need to have a clear idea on whom and on what 
our, and primarily our children’s, well-being depends. 
We need to recognize priorities in the restoration of our 

We have long been in the habit of reiterating the low 
material and technical level of the public health system. 
We say there are not enough hospitals and polyclinics. 
they are poorly equipped and there is insufficient med- 
ical personnel. And we are deliberately programming 
society, including the medical services, to .. . sickness 
Not to prevention and fighting for our health, but to 
defects and illness. The result of this “purposefulness” 1s 
obvious: we are the most hospital bed-and physician- 
maintained country in the world, but nothing ts being 
done to increase our health. The time has finally come to 
change our priorities. Our desires, plus efforts and finan- 
cial means, should be directed toward prevention! The 
following figure is no longer a secret: only approximately 
10 percent of our health depends on medical institutions, 
the rest depends on our environment and on ourselves. 

Of course, physicians will not be relegated to the back 
seat in prevention. Who else will carry out propaganda 
concerning a healthy way of life and confirm it in 
everyday life by their personal example? Who else will 
intelligently and tactfully involve themselves in family 

27 June 1989 93 SOCIAL ISSUES 

planning? It is a generally accepted fact that the most water from the irrigation ditches, not only for hygienic 
favorable time for child birth is between the ages of 20 purposes, but even for cooking food ('!). How much does 
and 29. However, in Sovetskiy Rayon, only 51 percent of this kind of “prevention” cost? 

the women become mothers during this time. While the 
number of women who become mothers over the age of 
35, which is a particularly undesirable time to give birth, 
is more than 25 percent. 

Or these figures, Only a little more than 50 percent of the 
families surveyed have refrigerators and only five per- 
cent use them in the winter for storing perishable goods; 
| | . . 41.5 percent have washing machines, but very rarely use 
Our mini sociological surveys in Sovetskiy Rayon dem- — them. Twenty-seven point eight percent of families do 
onstrated that a great many women have literally made it not have any furniture in their homes and 66.7 percent 
their aim to somehow become heroine mothers. Despite of families have managed to provide themselves with 
the fact that the minimum conditions for Bringing Up some kind of furniture; 74.3 percent eat sitting right on 

providing them with enough food are lacking. culture, tradition and morals? But we often hear some- 
thing else from the inhabitants: “There is not enough 
Are health professionals justified in maintaining an atti- money.” 

tude of neutrality in a situation like this? We need to shout 
here and convince people of the necessity of efficient 
family planning. It should be explained that when they 
grow up healthy and develop their fullest potential, then it 
can be said that the “family is rich in children”, and that 
words about “primordial love” for children require con- 
crete reinforcement and the creation of at least the basic 
conditions for their growth and development. Alas, so far 
the involvement of medical employees in efficient family = Milk kitchens would help a great deal to relieve the 

Yes, poverty and disorder in domestic life are glaringly 
obvious, especially in families with a lot of children. 
According to our data, only 12.5 percent of families have 
more than 50 rubles for each member. Where can health 
be found in such a situation? 

planning has been practically nonexistent. problem of infant nourishment. Alas, at present in the 

rayon not one standard kitchen exists. The material and 
Let us take the sanitary-hygienic culture of the popula- technical base of the only milk kitchen with 1-1.5 thou- 
lion -a sensitive barometer of mortality, primarily, | sand portions a day, which operates, as the saying goes, 

infant: the lower the level of the first, the higher the level until the first fire (?), in no way meets the sanitary 
of the second. A little more than 43 percent of families in Standards for the huge number of children under the age 
Sovetskiy Rayon have wash-stands and only two percent Of two. Thus, approximately 15 percent of children 
of these are located in the home, the rest are in the yard. receive free food. Is it any wonder that 44 percent of 
It is obvious that in cold weather they are not used. How _ babies are born and become hypotrophic and anemic by 
can we speak of hygiene in a situation like this? And how __ the age of one? 

can health professionals and other specialists with higher 

education diplomas confirm the sanitary-hygienic cul- — When we informed the party and soviet agencies of the 
ture by their personal example if our sociological group results of our surveys, they refused to believe that the 
deems the sanitary-hygienic level of 50 percent of med- faq situation was that serious, referring to the fact that 
ical employees and 80 percent of teachers unsatisfactory? they are in constant contact with the people and had 
never seen such a thing. But facts a: figures are 
Programming for sickness originates in the medical stubborn things. 
learning institutions. The specialists who leave their 
walls are literally larded with formulas for every possible 
ailment: they prescribe medications for us to get rid of 
influenza and explain in detail what to take for hepatitus. 
However, they do not advise the primary and most 
elementary thing: how to prevent these illnesses. This 1s 
“studied and assigned as homework” least of all in the 
academies and institutes. 

The time has finally come for the local party, soviet and 
economic agencies to become involved in the current 
situation. Otherwise, no material and technical base of 
medical institutions with the most up-to-date equipment 
and resuscitation departments and no armada of physi- 
cians will be capable of lowering the infant death rate. 

But if only our health depended on the preventive What are the main tasks for improving our public health 
activity of health professionals alone! The simplest thing system? The first, in my opinion, is the comprehensive 
1s to nod to the physician, “I'll heal myself.” The easiest conducting of sociological surveys (Our institute is pre- 
thing 1s to recommend to someone: “You want to be pared to provide the procedures it has developed for 
healthy, then be it.” “Your health is in your hands.” But this) with widespread discussion of the information 
it is a well-known fact that our surveys have repeatedly obtained in the provinces and the implementation of 
confirmed that a great deal depends on the social well- concrete measures for improving the standards of living. 
being of the population. Let us recall that many villagers We need to be concerned about the general employment 
do not have any water supply, they have to take their of the population and about the genuine, not lip service, 

JPRS. UPA-89-O4! 
27 June 1989 94 

development of personal secondary jobs which will really 
help the family food situation and budget. It is necessary to 
improve the bringing up of a healthy child in each family 
and solve the problems of efficient nursing and feeding of 
young children. Finally, we need to be concerned about 
raising the overall and sanitary-hygienic culture 


All these problems can only be solved jointly, which 
means, by society as a whole, To put it in medical terms, 
only surgery, and not periodic injections, can combat the 
critical situation which is occurring in our public health 
system. Otherwise, we will be deliberately programming 
ourselves for sickness. 

27 June 1989 

Kuybyshev Deputies Prepare for Congress 
18001103a Moscow SOVEITSKAYA ROSSTYA in 
Russian 24 May &Y Second kdition p | 

[Article by special correspondents A. Solarey and V 
Shilov: “Be Reasonable and Resolute!’| 

| Text) Kuybyshev—Although the meeting of USSR peo- 
ple's deputies with the workers had been announced in 
advance in the local newspapers, it was nonetheless 
preceded by a considerable amount of conjecture and 
rumors. Representatives of the so-called “informal” 
public organizations heatedly discussed contentions that 
the “apparat’” was doing everything it could to organize 
things so as to keep undesirables away from the speaker's 
rostrum and to push through a prearranged, streamlined 
resolution. An occasion, Wowever, for jousting and the 
breaking of lances did not present itself. The meeting of 
USSR people's deputies with their constituents was held, 
as the saying goes, with the door open. More than 3,000 
people gathered at the Sport's Palace. Out of 53 persons 
registered to speak, 30 presented wishes, instructions, or 
mandates to Congress deputies 

Kuybyshev Oblast will be represented at the congress by 
almost |5 delegates. Among them are V. Afonin, obkom 
first secretary; A. Chizhov, general director of the 
Progress Association, |. Sorokia, senior executive officer 
in the Department of Internal Affairs for transport, A. 
Sokolov, editor of the oblast newspaper VOLZHSKIY 
KOMSOMOLETS. Other representatives will be drawn 
from the most diverse sections of the society. These are 
energetic individuals who enjoy public popularity, capa- 
ble not only of expressing social concerns but of cham- 
pioning them. Yet on this day there was not enough 
raising of questions or defining of problems. 

Hanging slogans keynoted the sentiments of those assem- 
bled: “Real Power to the Soviets!'’’; “From semi-glasnost 
to full freedom of speech, of the press, and of assembly'”’: 
“Clean air tor the city!’ Slogans also decked the speak- 
er's platform, where a small group of “informals” hud- 
died. But the question arises: Why did the other organi- 
zations and labor collectives exhibit such a passive 
attitude in terms of agitation? Surely, they cannot be 
against full power for the soviets or clean air for the 
cities, can they? This, of course, is just a detail, but it is 
worth thinking about. On tables in the rear of the hall 
were special mandate boxes into which anyone who 
wanted to could drop personal mandates or proposals. 
Hundreds of them were jotted down and deposited. By 
generalizing upon these personal mandates, oral or writ- 
ten, it is possible to assign economic and social priorities. 

Demands for radical improvement of the ecological 
Situation were especially vociferous and insistent. The 
oblast has more that 350 major industrial enterprises 
and 2,500 motor transport organizations, which together 
each year discharge into the atmosphere more than a 
million tons of pollutants. Each year, moreover, about a 
billion cubic meters of drainage flows into the Volga 


basin, almost 40 percent of 1 unpurified, Public opinion 
in the Oblast is extremely upset about this, How is the 
health of the people to be protected’ How are they to be 
provided with fresh air and clean water’ A spokesman 
for the ecological and political club Alternativ, V 
Kartashoyv, emphasized that on a country-wide scale the 
USSR State Committee for the Protection of Nature was 
supposed to play a key role, He called upon the deputies 
to alter the status of environmental protection by making 
the committee independent of the departments. V 
Kozshevnikoy, director of a technical traming school in 
Chapayevsk, was among those participating who spoke 
in support of protecting the environment. A scholar, a 
doctor, an engineer, and a teacher expressed indignation 
over the fact that various departments held control over 
the entire natural wealth of the region 

Recently, at the muitiative of the oblast’s new party 
leadership, certain steps have been taken to be more 
equitable with respect to allotments. A special hospital 
and special hostels have been turned over for general use, 
and quarters once occupied by offices have been taken 
over as apartments. Several prominent leaders have been 
discharged from their official positions and punished for 
exploiting them to improve their housing and living 
conditions All this 1s helping to increase public trust in 
local party and soviet bodies. The task of social justice, 
however, 1s not simply to be equitable in distribution but 
to create the opportunity for people to satisfy their vital 
needs. In this respect the oblast 1s going through a period 
of serious difficulties. In the first quarter, for example. 
the cash income of the population by comparison with 
the same period last year rose by 12.6 percent, whereas 
deliveries of goods other than food products rose a total 
of | percent. Food stocks are less than those of neigh- 
boring oblasts, and the rate of housing construction ts 

While Kuybyshev Oblast has an immense economic 
potential. the industrial giants often hold themselves 
aloof, alienating their o vn workers. Without taking into 
account Volga Automobile Plant production, only 75 
kopecks’ worth of consumer goods are made available 
for every ruble earned in wages. As a result the oblast 
administration of USSR Gosplan periodically issues 
brand new paper money. During the first quarter, 33.4 
million rubles above the plan were put into circulation in 
Kuybyshev alone. Coupons have been introduced in the 
oblast for a number of products and industrial goods, yet 
even with the coupons it is not always possible for the 
public to get obtain the goods. In sum, the oblast 
economy is seriously ailing and for the present cannot 
properly provide the public with products, goods, and 

In this respect proposals made to convert defense indus- 
tries to peaceful production of consumer goods and 
equipment for food and other light industries were 
certainly timely. T. Samarkina, a milker at the Kolkhoz 
imeni V. I. Lenin in Kinel-Cherkasskiy Rayon, declared 

27 June 1989 

that it was particularly important for all the enterprises, 
irrespective of their departmental affiliation, to work to 
strengthen the base of social as well as industrial activity 

It was emphasized in the speeches that the deputies 
should serve not as expediters or deliverymen, nor as 
petitioners of departmental offices, but as statesmen. For 
this reason it was imperative to have a law on the status 
of people's deputies. Once again there was a convergence 
of views among those who spoke on behalf of the labor 
collectives and the informal or non-aligned group. A 
mandate to speed the drafting of a law on local self- 
government and economic self-sufficiency, which would 
serve as an obstacle to arbitrary departmental action by 
vesting economic power in the hands of the local soviets, 
was presented in a similarly amicable manner... In the 
opinion of V. Baranov, a metallurgist, no less than one 
half of enterprise profit should be left for the producers 
to meet local needs. 

The meeting was conducted in a sufficiently organized 
way, without the slightest infringement of democratic 
procedures, proving the fears of the “informal” or non- 
aligned factions unfounded. Incidentally, such move- 
ments as Memorial, the ecological and political club 
Alternativ, the Tatar Cultural Center, and a number of 
others are being provided with more and more opportu- 
nities to play a creative role in public life. The party 
obkom has invited representatives of these moveinents 
and other informal organizations to join the commis- 
sions of the local soviets, study acute problems, make 
specific proposals, and to participate in the election 
campaigns of local soviets as nominees for administra- 
tive posts. Many of the “informals’ were drawn to 
participate in such forms of cooperation. Some, how- 
ever, wanted to disrupt the applause, seeking to exploit 
the social and economic difficulties. 

Attempts to make the situation more heated with rowdy 
behavior did not win the support of the overwhelming 
majority of those in attendance at the Kuybyshev Sports 
Palace. As soon as speakers strayed from subject of the 
meeting or resorted to bombast and empty talk, the hall 
immediately demanded that they get to the point and 
stick to the subject. In this connection, not only one of 
the prearranged, pro forma speakers but also one of the 
non-aligned activists found themselves in an awkward 

The meeting with the people's deputies lasted for two 
and a half hours. Electoral mandates formed the basis of 
collective platform of the USSR people's deputies from 
Kuybyshcv. In enunciating this platform, People’s Dep- 
uty V. Afonin, first secretary of the CPSU oblast com- 
mittee, declared: 

“First of all, we shall advocate emergency measures to 
improve the health of the economy. We shall strive to 


have the labor collectives solely responsible for propri: 
elary control of the enterprises and their material well: 
being. We shall propose dismantling the system of arbi 
trary administration by departmenta! dictation, the 
liquidation of a number of ministries, and a considerable 
cutback in the administrative apparatus 

“We shall advocate, further, substantially strengthening 
the authority of the soviets, Local oblast soviets today 
have at their disposal only 4 or 5 percent of profits and 
tax revenues. This is obviously unfair. Quotas should be 
set not by the departments but by lawful means—that 15. 
by the USSR Supreme Soviet. 

“We shall advocate converting the oblasts to regional 
economic self-sufficiency, and the orientation of their 
economies to serving social needs. Today Category III 
[V] industries in the oblast are four times below the level 
of the country as a whole. No less than half of all capital 
investment must be directed towards the resolution of 
social problems and the development of the food indus- 
try and other light industries on a priority basis. We 
believe tt necessary to establish by law that no less than 
3 to 5 percent of our industrial resources should operate 
in the interests of the agro-industrial complex. Right now 
the allotment for this purpose is miniscule—a mere tenth 
of one percent. We believe it necessary further to sup- 
plement capital investments by as much as |0 percent. 

“The ecological situation in the oblast is extremely 
disturbing. In response to voter demands, we shall strive 
for the adoption of a special decree by the government 
addressed to this issue. 

“To sanction the authority vested in the deputies, we 
shall submit tc the congress a proposal for the passage of 
a law governing the legal status of USSR people's depu- 
ties. Deputies should possess broad jurisdiction, they 
should be independent, they should be given free and 
unrestricted access to all state and public documents: 
they should be able to recruit specialists as required for 
their operations—that is, all conditions conducive to 
fruitful endeavor should be put at their disposal. We 
advocate the adoption of a law on referendums applica- 
ble throughout the country as well as to the oblast.” 

Persons in attendance welcomed this statement of objyec- 
tives for their own deputies with satisfaction. Summing 
up the general atmosphere of the meeting, V. Tuluzakov. 
docent of the Kuybyshev Pedagological Institute, stated: 

“Those selected as deputies have been chosen not 
because of their official positions but for intelligence and 
leadership. Remember this. Be at once reasonable and 
resolute in fulfilling the will of the voters. Your task is 
not an easy one. And so we say, good luck, be strong, and 
work hard.” 

27 June 1989 

Lensoviet Creates Inter-Ethnic Commission 
18001103b Leningrad LENINGRADSKAYA PRAVDA 
in Russian 12 May 89 p / 

[Len TASS report: “Building a Common Home" | 

[Text] The future work of the Leningrad Soviet's Perma- 
nent Commission on Inter-Ethnic Relations in Lenin- 
grad was the subject of a roundtable discussion yesterday 
by representatives of national cultural associations. 

“The necessity of establishing organizations such as this 
one attached to the soviets of peoples deputies ai all 
levels is stated in the resolution of the 19th All-Union 
Party Conference,” V. V. Filipov, first secretary of the 
CPSU's Krasnoselskiy Rayon Committee, told a TASS 
Leningrad correspondent. 

“In response to this need, a decision was made at the 
most recent session of the Leningrad Soviet to form our 
commission. The expediency of such a step is further 
substantiated by numerous appeals and letters we have 
since received by Leningrad residents who are disturbed 
by problems concerning relations between nationalities 
and ethnic minorities. 

“In future we shall seek the counsel at the commission of 
representatives of the various national societies in the 
city. The commission will be working in close coordina- 
tion with a group of experts on inter-ethnic issues. The 
group includes P. F. Its, supervisor of the Leningrad 
department of the USSR Academy of Sciences Institute 
of Ethnography; Yu. A. Petrosyan, departm« * head of 
the USSR Academy of Sciences Institute of Far Eastern 
Studies; B. V. Ivanov, deputy director the the USSR 
Museum of Ethnography ; and scientists of Leningrad 

Readers Evaluate Newspaper's Coverage 
12 Feb 89p 1 

[Article by I. Kosenkova: ““LENPRAVDA in January”) 

[Text] In the 27 January issue we asked you, our dear 
readers, to evaluate the work of the editors’ collective 
during the first month of this year by answering four 

|. Of the articles published in January, which do you 
consider to be the editorial board's most successful? 

2. In your opinion, which important events slipped the 
paper's attention? 

3. What do you think we should direct primary attention 
toward in February? 

4. Which authors did you find the most interesting? 


Today, we will let you know.the readers’ collective 
opiniod, But first, let us mention two facts which 
attracted our attention as we read your laters. First, you 
responded efficiently and willingly to dur request, espe- 
cially when you consider that the deadline for receiving 
your responses was very short. And sqpond judging from 
the letters received, our readership has become signifi- 
cantly younger, at least those who are prepared to 
actively cooperate with us by helping to make the news- 
paper more interesting. We should also mention that 72 
percent of those who responded to the survey were blue 
and white collar workers. 

Now let us look at how you evaluated the newspaper in 

Judging by the results of the survey, severalgarticles 
immediately emerged which readers considered definite 
successes of the collective. The majority of votes went to 
the interview with academician D. S. Likhacheviy enti- 
tied “But Good will Triumph All the Same”. This was 
followed by “Amputation” and “Pitiful Leadership”, 
“Pure Word Poetry", “Adult Concerns about the Kin- 
dergarten”’, “Zone of Increased Danger” and “Distorting 

The survey also revealed an undisputed leader among 
those given a negative rating. This was the article 
“Under the Shadow of the Majestic Cranberry.” Every 
fourth letter which arrived in response to the questions 
mentioned it. Only two of them absolutely supported the 
author. There are maximalists who believe that “The 
Cranberry” cancelled out all the January achievements 
of the newspaper and almost became the “mouthpiece 
for those who oppose restructuring.” Of course, the 
criticism expressed by those readers, and they were in 
the majority, who reproached us for failing to present 
our own definite opinion on this issue, was much more 
justified. We received several hundred responses to this 
article. We will return to this subject in February. 

The readers edited the second question in the survey. 
They maintained that it should not have concerned the 
events omitted by the newspaper, for it is impossible to 
report on the unreported, but should have focused on 
development by the newspaper of those important sub- 
jects which Leningraders have found unsatisfactory. 
These three subjects were mentioned. 

The main one, campaigns for electing candidates as 
USSR people's deputies. Those responding to the ques- 
tions made several serious claims for articles on this 
subject. In particular, the insufficient, from their point of 
view, objectiveness, openness and glasnost. For example, 
in some letters this “semi-glasnost” is featured in the 
article “On Equal Grounds” about how a contest had 
taken place for the right to elect a candidate as people's 
deputy between the chairman of the Leningrad gor- 
ispolkom and an engineer of the Izhorskiy zavod associ- 

27 June 1989 

Wedo not believe that those are right who maintain that 
the outcome of the campaign was decided ahead of time 
Neither do we agree with those who describe the situa- 
tion as “playing at democracy’. We think that we simply 
have not had enough experience yet in pre-election 
campaigns ‘ 

From the readers’ point of view, the newspaper has not 
given enough attention to the candidates’ pre-election 
campaigns and to relating their promotion by the work- 
ers’ collectives. We accept the rebuke. In the final 
analysis, we are all learning democracy, so, let us learn 

Fifteen percent of those who responded believe that we 
are keeping such an important subject as ecology in the 
background. The readers were not satisfied with the 
articles about Lake Ladoga, the Finnish Gulf and the 
dam, believing them to be inconsistent and superficial. 
In their opinion, the material about enterprises which 
pollute the air also suffered from the same shortcomings. 

Leningraders’ dissatisfaction with the activities of soci- 
eties and organizations assigned to protect the environ- 
ment has almost become traditional. In particular, the 
recently established Committee for the Protection of the 
Environment of Leningrad and the Leningrad Oblast. 
whose work is still cloaked in secrecy, according to the 
readers. Judging from the survey, the interview with its 
chairman V. P. Vorfolomeev, did not shed any light on 
this issue. After it was published, readers again worried: 
isn’t too much of the Committee's attention being 
directed toward forming the administrative machinery 
and won't this protection of the environment end in yet 
another “mechanical” measure in the spirit of stagnant 
times? In short, you suggested that the paper give con- 
crete expression to its approach to such an urgent prob- 
lem as ecology and not lose control of it. 

And another painful “point” for Leningraders is the 
planned construction of a recreational tourist complex at 
Licyy Nos. Every fifth person who responded to the 
survey mentioned this problem. They believe that LEN- 
PRAVDA has to some degree fulfilled its duty toward 
the readers by publishing a review of readers’ letters 
“Discussion Pressed for Time” on | February and the 
interview “If Only We Can Wait Until July” on 8 
February of this year. But we also agree with the readers’ 
suggestions to return again to this discussion with a 
greater number of participants, including opponents to 
the idea of this construction. 

In February, according to the opinion of the majority, 
the newspaper's main attention should be directed 
toward preparation for the USSR people's deputies 
elections: the paper should familiarize readers with the 
candidates and their campaigns, provide an in-depth 
explanation of the election process of candidates itself 
and also enter into constructive dialogue with readers 
about how to achieve strict observance of democratic 
principles during the conducting of the elections. 


What, in the opinion of those who responded to the 
survey, would make the newspaper more interesting? 
This would be stores about the destiny of the sugges- 
ions and instructions of the delegates of the 28th Oblast 
Party Conference, the position and specific participation 
in the contemporary life of the city of the administrators 
of the oblast, city and rayon links and familiarity with 
their political profiles. Among the subjects announced 
for this month are primarily the course of economic 
reform, ecology, organization of the city’s public amen- 
ities and services, solving of housing problems, restruc- 
turing of the public health service and a discussion of 
legal reform. 

Our most popular author in January was academician D. 
S. Likhachev. 

These are the results of the survey. All of your suggestions, 
dear readers, will be reviewed by the editorial board. You 
will later he able to judge the degree to which we take 
them into consideration in our work. We would like to 
thank all those who expressed their opinion about Janu- 
ary's LENPRAVDA and invite everyone who wishes to 
participate in the next survey. It will be devoted to 
evaluating the work of the editors’ collective in February. 

Remember that your answers should be sent no later than 
| March with “SURVEY” printed on the envelope. Please 
do not forget to include your age and profession. 


Currency Exhange Regulations Changed 
18080057 Riga PADOMJU JAUNATNE in Latvian 
25 Apr 89 pl 

[Interview with Yuriy Vishn’akov, deputy chairman of 
the Latvian Republican Bank Board of the USSR Exter- 
nal Economic Activity Bank, by correspondent Vija 
Paikena, date, place not given] 

[Text] Rumors had already been heard earlier, but last 
week they received a confirmation. Yes, in the Soviet 
Union the regulations for exchanging currency have been 
changed. I asked Yuriy Vishn'akov, deputy chairman of 
the Latvian Republican Bank Board of the USSR Exter- 
nal Economic Activity Bank, to tell us more about it. 

[PADOMJU JAUNATNE] First, briefly—about the pre- 
vious currency exchange regulations.... 

[Vishn'akov] Until April of this year, citizens who trav- 
eled to socialist countries by personal invitation could 
exchange 15 rubles per day, but for no more than 90 
days. Therefore, every year each citizen could exchange 
| 350 rubles and take along three ten-ruble notes: | 380 
rubles altogether. Persons who traveled to capitalist 
nations could exchange 7 rubles per day, but no more 
than for 60 days, in total, 420 rubles annually. Children 
who accompanied their parents exchanged 50 percent of 
the adult norm (to all Council for Mutual Economic 

27 June 1989 

Assistance (CMEA) nations) o* 25 percent (to capitalist 
nations). Private persons who traveled in their own car 
to socialist countries could exchange an additional 100 
rubles to purchase fuel 

Persons who traveled on | business trip to socialist 
countries (cxcept for Poland and Czechoslovakia) could 
exchange up to 500 rubles and take along three ten-ruble 
notes. Busin ss travelers exchanged 200 rubles for 
Poland and 100 for Czechoslovakia. The same exchange 
norms were also set for tourists. If children traveled 
along with their parents on a tourist trip, then they 
received 50 percent of the adult norm, if without their 
parents, only 30 rubles were exchanged for children. 

[PJ] When do the new exchange regulations take effect, 
and what kind of foundation do they have? 

[Vishn'akov] The telegram, which was signed by Chair- 
man of the Board Y. Moskovskiy of the USSR External 
Economic Activity Bank, was sent on | April, but we 
received it on 3 April at 10:30. With this moment the 
changes were in effect. 

{PJ} And what are the main changes? 

[Vishn'’akov] Private persons who visit socialist coun- 
tries (excluding Czechoslovakia) by invitation now can 
exchange 470 rubles each year, and, as until now, can 
take along the already mentioned 30 rubles. For those 
who travel to Czechoslovakia, the yearly exchange norm 
is 220 rubles, and 30 can be brought along. Children who 
accompany their parents may still exchange half of their 
parents’ defined norm. Persons who wish to drive a 
personal car can no longer exchange 100 rubles for fuel. 

Private persons who travel by invitation to capitalist 
nations, as well as to Yugoslavia and China, may now 
exchange only 00 rubles per year. Children may not 
even exchange nioney. If, because of some consideration, 
people have exchanged only half of the sum in place of 
the permitted 420 rubles, they can no longer exchange 
the other half 

Persons who travel for business or tourism purposes to 
socialist countries (excluding Poland, Czechoslovakia, 
Rumania, Mongolia, Vietnam and Cuba) can exchange 
470 rubles. Travelers to Poland, Vietnam, Mongolia and 
Rumania can now exchange 270 rubles; to Czechoslova- 
kia, 70; and to Cuba, | 20 rubles. To all CMEA countries, 
one can bring 30 rubles in ten-ruble banknotes. 

[PJ] THe new regulations have just taken effect, but 
already ‘fresher’ rumors have been heard: supposedly, 
as of | July, private persons who travel to capitalist 
countries will be able to exchange only 30 rubles. 

[Vishn’akov] Such news is not at my disposal. | think 
that the current limits have been accepted only for a 
while, and soon they will be revoked again. 


[PJ] Have the currency exchange regulations changed for 
people who emigrate to take up permanent residence in 
other countries? 

[| Vishn'akov] No, Each person (including children) who 
emigrates to live in any of the capitalist countries can 
exchange 90 rubles at the bank. When emigrating to 
socialist countries, there are no limits on currency 

It is possible that | am mistaken, but, although | really 
want to, | cannot join in this optimism. It seems as if the 
crack that had appeared for a moment in the curtains has 
again been skillfully covered. This time,with the inferior 
Soviet ruble. 

Rationale of New Constitution Proposed 
18001111 Vilnius SOVETSKAYA LITVA in Russian 
14 Apr 89 p 3 

[Article by Candidate of Legal Sciences R. Stanislovaytis 
“Why We Need a New Constitution] 

[Text] The struggle for human rights and the recognition 
of the individual's status as citizen has a history of many 
centuries. It has simultaneously been a struggle for a 
constitution. In meaning and significance a constitution 
bears witness to the essence and nature of the sociopo- 
litical system and the aspirations and desires of certain 
social-class strata and the people as a whole. Therefore, a 
legal document establishing a certain social and legal 
system and expressing its conceptual nature and socio- 
political meaning has been given the name of basic law. 
A constitution includes the society's moral and political, 
socioeconomic, political-legal and cognitive principles 
and defines the direction of the creative activity of the 
human being as a whole. That is the case because the 
constitution gives legal expression to the most funda- 
mental and deepest interests of people who make up a 
specific ethnic and cultural, socioeconomic, demo- 
graphic and political- legal community. The ancient 
Romans defined this specific state of a community by 
four features: lex naturale (natural law), lex imperium 
(the law of the regime), lex dominum (the law of the 
territory), and jus gentium (the law of the people). 

Over the course of many millennia these postulates were 
established on behalf of the powerful of this world. They 
are evident even today. Many peoples have to demon- 
Strate their right to independence and right to a place 
under the sun regardless of, and sometimes despite, 
someone else's will. 

In the person of the enlightenment philosophers, the 
nascent bourgeoisie created, for the first time in the 
world, an integral doctrine of popular sovereignty and 
the legal principles for its realization. The sovereignty of 
the people proclaimed by the revolutionary bourgeoisie 
was legally codified as: 

27 June 1989 

—a system and procedures for the organization and 
activities of bodies of state authority and administra- 

— national-territorial system expressing the principles 
of the administration and self-government of territo- 
rial units; 

—an economic system and principles of ownership, 

—the rights and duties of citizens: the status of citizen- 

symbols: a flag, an emblem and an anthem as the 
expression of the integral ethnocultural uniqueness of 
the people populating a certain territory. 

In this process a mechanism was defined for the protec- 
tion of citizens’ proclaimed rights and liberties, as well 
for the protection as of the constitution itself and the 
constitutional system. 

One such guarantee was the principle of the separation of 
powers—the independence of the legislative, judicial 
and executive authorities along with the indisputable 
supremacy of the law, constitutional principles, and the 
constitution as a whole. In this connection, constitu- 
tional courts arose °s a special body for the protection of 
the basic law. Such courts guarantee the equality of all 
before the law and ensure the constituent's rights— 
equal, direct and secret elections, the right to recall 
elected officials, the struggle against special privileges, 
etc. In this connection the procedures and political-legal 
institutions monitoring the activities of the authorities 
are strictly regulated. They include a bicameral system of 
parliaments, specific ierms of office, various parliamen- 
tary committees and commissions, political parties, and 
nonpolitical social-class organizations: trade unions, 
organizations of women, teachers, scientists, etc. 

The invariable requirement of the activities of each and 
every Organization and institution is that they are 
required to operate on the basis of the constitution and 
not contrary to it. Since the development of democracy 
as an aggregate system of social and political institutions 
expressing political power is noi without contradictions 
and sharp clashes among various interests, their content 
depends on compromises concluded between opposing 
sides. Such solutions have often been reached through 
cruel bloodshed, social revolutions, and strikes. In a 
civilized society compromises are more often worked out 
at the negotiating table, when reason gains the upper 

The struggle for a constitution and constitutional regu- 
lation has brought out two opposite tendencies. The first 
signifies the development of constitutional principles as 
an essential condition of democracy. The second reveals 
a desire to reduce consitutional principles to naught, 
leaving for them the role of a convenient cover for an 
antidemocratic regime. The latter tendency is always 
distinguished by political demagoguery, empty verbiage, 


a special ideologization, and a minimum of actual deeds. 
Various machinations, corruption, obeisance to rank, 
etc. flourish on its basis. Both of these tendencies are 
characteristic of all political structures without excep- 
tion, and they derive from the level of the population's 
cultural and moral and political development. The 
USSR has not escaped these tendencies. 

The development of Russia at the beginning of the 20th 
century was distinguished by the feature that, along with 
the upsurge of the revolutionary democratic movement, 
a national liberation movement that was undermining 
the foundations of the empire gained strength in the 
country. The latter was opposed by the forces striving to 
preserve the new Russia within its former borders. This 
urge toward centralism also manifested itself very vigor- 
ously in the party of Bolshevism and in its program on 
the nationalities question. 

Long before the October Revolution a bitter debate was 
waged over the principle of the self-determination of 
nations. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin demanded its categorical 
application in political practice and believed that self- 
determination, up to and including separation, was the 
inalienable right of sovereign nations. He stressed that it 
was mandatory that the union of nations belonging to a 
socialist federation be voluntary. But against the back- 
ground of slogans calling for world revolution, the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat, and the unity of nations in 
the struggle for the interests of the working class, many 
people understood and accepted the principle of self- 
determination, too, merely as a democratic slogan. A 
substantial number of Communists believed that its 
implementation would signify a betrayal of the interests 
of the proletariat of small nations and nationalities and 
express the interests only of the bourgeoisie. 

V. I. Lenin especially clearly saw and revealed the danger 
of resolving the nationalities question by force at the 
time that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was 
established. At that time Vladimir Ilyich was already 
seriously ill, but on 30 and 31 December 1922 he 
dictated his famous work “On the Question of Nation- 
alities, or of ‘Autonomization.”” In it he warned that 
“freedom of secession from the union” might turn out to 
be an “empty piece of paper,”’ and he spoke of the need 
to protect people of other nationalities from the 
“onslaught of that truly Russian man, the Great Russian 
chauvinist, essentially a scoundrel and an aggressor, 
which is what the typical Russian bureaucrat is."’ But in 
Lenin's estimation, the protective measures had not 
been adopted. And in that he perceptively saw the fateful 
role of Stalin, his “administrator’s enthusiasm,” and his 
“embitterment against notorious ‘social nationalism.” 
And here is Viadimir Ilyich’s main conclusion. He 
envisaged the possibility of turning back as late as at the 
next Congress of Soviets, “that is, of leaving the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics in existence only in military 
and diplomatic respects, and in all other respects restor- 
ing full independence...."" Lenin saw rejection of the 
voluntary and equal nature of the union as a recurrence 
of imperialism. 

27 June 1989 

Viadimir Hlyich’s cruel iliness and isolation from politi- 
cal life, which Stalin unswervingly conducted, did not 
permit the party to utilize Lenin's advice and demands. 
Subsequently the ideological basis of the whole develop- 
ment of the state became Stalin's version of Lenin, which 
gave rise to the rigid, maximally centralized, administra- 
tive-command system. 

The reevaluation of Soviet reality that started with the 
20th CPSU Congress was halted by the long period of 
stagnation and the subsequent process of the devaluation 
of morality and general culture, the formation of science 
supported by special funds, and the political disorienta- 
tion of the population. The 19th All-Union Party Con- 
ference began the search for ways out of the existing 
Situation, not just in the economy but in national-state 
construction, internationality relations, and the func- 
tioning of the country's political system. Before the party 
conference a heated debate got started on the question of 
the essence of the socialist federation, the subjects of the 
federation, and the inevitability of revising the existing 
USSR Constitution as incompatible with the principles 
of federalism and, to all intents and purposes, establish- 
ing a unitary system. Two schools of thought manifested 
themselves in the debate. The first proposed rejecting the 
Constitution as a waole and taking advantage of the 
experience of the world community of nations in state 
construction, giving special consideration to the experi- 
ence of the other socialist countries, and fully restoring 
V.1. Lenin's final behests concerning the restructuring of 
the socialist federation and state apparatus. The second 
school of thought has been applied in amendments to the 
existing USSR Constitution, which has aroused a stormy 
protest, and not just in our republic. 

It is these conceptual positions regarding the improve- 
ment, rather than the revision, of the Constitution that 
have accelerated the process of differentiation in schol- 
arly circles. A certain number of legal scholars who 
previously refrained from expressing their own positions 
now quite frequently demand the repeal of the existing 
USSR Constitution as one that intensifies unitarianism, 
and the revision of the contract on the establishment of 
the USSR on a new basis, whereby the union republic is 
the sovereign subject of the federation. The jurisdiction 
of the USSR would be possible only as a mixed jurisdic- 
tion derived from the union republics. This is the con- 
cept that was applied in the draft Lithuanian SSR 
Constitution that was published. However, since the 
review of the draft by representatives of the second 
school, whose ideologist is Prof B. M. Lazarev, the draft 
itself has been rather spoiled. It can be considered a 
compromise draft with a view to further practical steps 
aimed at the realization of a new concept of the unique 
unification of equal union states. 

It is gratifying to note that as of today there are more 
supporters of our original draft Constitution “in the 
strong center” than there were several months ago. Thus, 
Prof D. L. Zlatopolskiy, a theoretician of the Soviet 
federation, declares outright that Lenin's principles of 


federation are not embodied in the present USSR Con- 
stitution, and that the formula that the USSR is “a 
unified union multinational state” is incorrect and unac- 
ceptable. However, in the published draft Constitution 
the republic did not reserve for itself all guarantees that 
its sovereignty would be realized. One essential guaran- 
tee of its sovereignty is the right to veto decisions 
auopted by union agencies within the limits of the 
authority delegated to them by the republics. It is neces- 
sary to provide for the right of oversight, through a 
constitutional oversight committee, over the activities of 
all the officials of federal agencies, and to provide new 
procedures for the formation of bodies of state authority 
and administration both in the center and in the repub- 

Cosmopolitan universalism in state construction and in 
internationality relations must be resolutely rejected. 
The Constitution should become a firm basis not just for 
the functioning of the bodies of state authority and 
administration, but of the entire socialist political sys- 
tem, which expresses humanistic goals and people's 
aspirations. Therefore, the adoption of a Constitution 
should not be hurried. It should clearly reflect the 
foundation of society and serve as a firm legal guarantee 
for the activity of the country’s citizens for the long- 
range future; it should be a stable foundation legal 
document—the basic law. Such a thing can be achieved 
only when all political-legal institutions are thoroughly 
thought out and are internally logically flawless and 
complete. The publication of the draft Constitution is 
remarkable for the fact that, like a spring icebreaker, it is 
feeling out the way not only for us but for other repub- 
lics, as well, the way to the restructuring of our own and 
all-union state and legal life. 

Despite certain compromises, the published draft Con- 
stitution represents a serious step forward. It begins the 
formation of relations of a new type among the union 
states. It clearly expresses the position that the constitu- 
tions of the union republics should be adopted first, and 
only on their basis should the union contract that serves 
as the constitutional basis of the federation be adopted. 
It recognizes the supremacy of republic law over all- 
union law, and it establishes the basis for relations 
among the union republics through the regularization of 
ownership relations, the formation of budgets, and the 
exercise of their sovereign rights in accordance with the 
principles of parity. It is also important that the draft 
codifies new principles of the economic and political 
system, and the basic principles for the development of 
culture and education. It erects fundamental obstacles to 
diktat by the center. 

The implementation of the constitutional bases of the 
activities of the state apparatus will force many central 
departments simply to disappear, to eliminate them- 
selves as absolutely useless. The first step toward that has 
already been taken—the USSR State Agroindustrial 
Committee has been eliminated. Other departments will 

27 June 1989 

acquire the functions of coordinating agencies in inter- 
republic and international relations and will start to 
exercise arbitration powers of a sort, They are the ones 
that should be responsible, as the draft proposes, for the 
implementation of agreed-upon all-union programs on 
the basis of the republics’ budgetary contributions for 
their implementation. On the whole, in my opinion, the 
draft differs favorably from the existing Constitution in 
its treatment of all the fundamental aspects of sta‘e 
political activity. 

The creation of our republic's new Constitution has just 
been begun and 1s far from completion. Every new idea 
for improving the published draft can become very 
useful. But one must always remember that the consti- 
tution cannot be a normative act that regulates all our 
actions and endeavors in detail. It is only the basic law, 
that is, the law that establishes the unshakable and 
cherished foundations of society's political life 

Presidium of LiSSR Supreme Soviet Meets 
18001124 Vilnius SOVETSKAYA LITVA in Russian 
23 Apr 89 pp 1, 3 

[Unattributed report: “In the Presidium of the Lithua- 
nian SSR Supreme Soviet’] 

[Text] A session of the LiSSR Supreme Soviet was held 
on 21 April. This session was conducted by Vitautas 
Astrauskas, chairman of the Presidium of the LiSSR 
Supreme Soviet. Algirdas Brazauskas, first secretary of 
the Lithuanian CP Central Committee, took part in the 
session. Discussed herein was the activity of the 
Rokishkskiy Rayon Soviet of People’s Deputies with 
regard to strengthening law and order. It was noted that 
crime has not been reduced in this rayon and that, within 
the structure of crimes, there is an increase in serious 
crimes. This has been greatly influenced by the spread of 
drunkenness and by the weakening of the work done by 
the people's guards, as well as that of the comrades’ 
courts, public centers for maintaining order, and other 
public formations; less attention is being accorded to 
teaching people about the law. Home brewing has 
become widespread in almost all the districts of this 
rayon. Twenty-two persons were poisoned last year from 
home-made alcohol. Labor collectives have not been 
strict enough with drunken drivers and machine-opera- 
tors, of whom more than 500 were arrested from behind 
the wheel just last year. Among such abusers of alcohol 
are quite a few responsible employees of enterprises and 
farms. Drunkenness has become widespread even during 
working time. More and more crimes are being commit- 
ted by minors, but preventive measures to avert them 
have slackened. 

The Presidium obligated the Rokishkskiy Rayon Soviet 
of People’s Deputies and its ispolkom to be more active 
in coordinating the efforts of the law-and-order organs, 
labor collectives, and self-help organizations to 

strengthen law and order. Better use should be made of 


the powers belonging to the Soviet’s permanent commis- 
sions, as well as the commissions for inspections, juve- 
n te affairs, and administrative commissions, It 1s par- 
ticularly important to discover the causes of crimes, to 
form within the labor collectives an attitude of intoler- 
ance toward violations of the law. 

Taking into account the wishes of the public, the Presid- 
ium assigned to this republic's law-enforcement organs 
the task of preparing proposals for tightening up the 
responsibility for home-brewing, speculation, and the 
failure to observe traffic-safety regulations. 

This session discussed the work of the local Soviet of 
People’s Deputies and their organs on rendering aid to 
the election commissions and on ensuring the execution 
of the Law or Elections of the USSR People’s Deputies. 
It was emphasized that elections were being conducted 
in a new way, under conditions of glasnost and democ- 

However, not all phases of the election campaign man- 
aged to avoid trouble, and sometimes even violations of 
the Law on Elections. The ispolkoms have insufficiently 
aided the district-level election commissions in drawing 
up the lists of voters. Therefore, such lists had certain 
inaccuracies, which entailed justifiable complaints. A 
considerable portion of the inhabitants did not know the 
knew balloting procedure; therefore, more than 100,000 
ballots were deemed invalid. Because of violations of the 
Election Law, the results of balloting in five election 
precincts were declared null and void. 

At meetings with the voters the deputies were given quite 
a few varied instructions. The Presidium entrusted the 
LiSSR Council of Ministers with the task of outlining 
specific actions for carrying out the voters’ wishes. At the 
same time the local organs of authority are obligated to 
discuss those proposals by voters which fall within their 
fields of competence and to implement them immedi- 

Since the course of the elections also revealed certain 
shortcomings in the election system, it was decided to 
prepare proposals for improving the Law on the Elec- 
tions of USSR People’s Deputies. The working group 
which was set up under the Presidium of the LiSSR 
Supreme Soviet on problems of improving constitu- 
tional laws and enhancing the role to be played by the 
Soviets of People’s Deputies recommended speeding up 
the preparation of draft republic-level election laws and 
presenting them before the end of May. 

At the session a thorough analysis was conducted of the 
progress being made by the draft of the LiSSR Constitu- 
tion. It was noted that labor groups, public organizations 
and movements, as well as the population are analyzing 
the draft with an interested motivation and are introd- 
icing quite a few proposals and remarks. Approximately 
900 have been received by the Presidium of the LiSSR 
Supreme Soviet alone. Most of all, the discussions are 

27 June 1989 

being conducted on those sections of the draft which 
approve and ratify the political and economic system, as 
well as the social development and culture of this repub- 
lic. It 18 proposed that the status of the Lithuanian 
Communist Party be made more precise. A general 
desire was expressed to create national military forma- 
tions in which Lithuania's young people would serve. 
Quite a few notes have been received regarding the need 
to more precisely formulate the contents ot LiSSR citi- 
zenship and the pocedure for granting it. Various pro- 
posals have come in regarding the articles defining the 
republic's exclusive proprty, regulating the operation of 
the Union-level laws, as well as the elections system. 

All the remarks and proposals which have come in are 
analyzed and summarized. The Presidium of the LiSSR 
Supreme Soviet has proposed that the local Soviets of 
People’s Deputies and their ispolkoms activate discus- 
sion of the draft in labor collectives, as well as in state 
and public organizations, and that it more extensively 
involve jurists and specialists from other fields. It is 
important to achieve a situation whereby all inhabitants 
of the republic participate in the preparation of the new 
Constitution. The LiSSR State Committee for Televi- 
sion and Radio Broadcasting, along with newspaper and 
journal editors, have been assigned the task of more 
actively explaining and propagandizing the positions 
made in the draft, especially revealing its social, politi- 
cal, and legal thrust. 

At the Presidium session a decree was adopted by means 
of which the Planning-and-Budget Commission of the 
Supreme Soviet, as well as the permanent sectorial 
commissions were assigned the task of conducting a 
preliminary analysis of the Draft State Plan for the 
economic and Social Development of the LiSSR’s Bud- 
get for the year 1990, as well as the execution of the 
present year’s plan and budget. In contrast to previous 
practice, the permanent commissions this year will begin 
to analyze the plan and the budget considerably earlier. 
The deputies will be able to penetrate more deeply into 
all the indicators of the drafts being prepared, into their 
grounds and reality, whereas the commissions will be 
able to prepare specific and businesslike conclusions. 
Ministers, chairmen of state committees, and leading 
officials of departments has been charged with the duty 
of presenting multifaceted information and of rendering 
other practical assistance. 

The Presidium approved the publicly elected Council for 
Safeguarding Lithuania’s Cultural Heritage and decided 
to consider it operative under the Presidium of the 
LiSSR Supreme Soviet; it also discussed its statutes. The 
goal of this council's activity is to intensify the public’s 
influence on the safeguarding and restoration of the 
republic’s cultural landmarks and on their appropriate 

In recent times there have been more frequent instances 
whereby criminal groups or individuals, by threatening 
to use violence, demand that state, public, or personal 


property be turned over to them (rackets). In order to 
prevent such crimes, a new edition of Articles 96 and 150 
of the LiSSR Criminal Code has been issued. According 
to the new law, extortion of property (rackets), taking 
into account the damage caused and other criteria, can 
entail incarceration for up to 10 years, as well as confis- 
cation of property. 

By an Ukase of the Presidium, changes were made in the 
second part of Article 34 of the LiSSR Housing Code. 
The new edition provides that if a citizen dies or moves 
to another permanent place of residence, and if he was 
scheduled for an improvement of his housing conditions, 
a member of his family shall take his place provided that 
there are grounds for improving his housing conditions. 
At the same time, it is pointed out that, at his place of 
employment, a family member is to be placed on the 
schedule only if he has been employed at the same 
enterprise, institution, or organization. 

Taking into account the wishes and proposals of the 
public, it was decided to create a Commission on the 
Affairs of Military Service by Young People, such a 
commission to be under the jurisdiction of the Presid- 
ium of the LiSSR Supreme Soviet. This commission, 
which will include deputies and representatives of vari- 
ous public organizations, will observe the call-up of 
young persons into the army, be interested in the condi- 
tions of their service, analyze the non-rcgulation rela- 
tions, and maintain ties with the military units and the 
parents of the youths. The composition of this commis- 
sion will be announced. 

The session also discussed the issues of making awards, 
granting pardons, and other matters of state and public 

Family Insurance Coverage Amended 
18001014a Vilnius SOVETSKAYA LITVA in Russian 
29 Apr 89 p 3 

[Interview with Lithuanian SSR Main State Insurance 
Administration Chief Y. Berzhinskas by M. Dauenayte: 
‘Personal Insurance Terms Improved", date and place 
of interview not given] 

[Text] The terms of insurance for citizens were notice- 
ably updated in April of this year. Y. Berzhinskas, chief 
of the Lithuanian SSR Main Administration of Siate 
Insurance, describes the changes to journalist M. Corre- 

[Correspondent] Why was it necessary to introduce 
changes into the terms of personal insurance? 

[Berzhinskas] In order to more fully satisfy the needs and 
interests of the citizens. It was with regard for their 
wishes that many restrictions associated with drawing up 
personal insurance policies were abolished, the order of 
payment of insurance claims was changed, and the range 
of cases in which such claims are paid was expanded 

27 June 1989 

[Correspondent] What has changed, for example, in the 
practice of signing policies? 

[Berzhinskas] While until recent times an individual 
could insure only himself and his children, a husband, a 
wife and parents can now be insured as well. Combined 
life insurance policies can now be taken out with them as 
beneficiaries, and relatives may be insured against acci- 
dents. As we know, personal insurance policies could not 
be signed by persons in disability groups I and II before. 
Now most of these persons (unemployed group I dis- 
abled persons are an exception) can be insured against 
accidents, they can take out combined liie insurance 
policies, and they can insure children and grandchildren. 

[Correspondeni] You mentioned renewal of the range of 
cases in which insurance claims would be paid. 

[Berzhinskas] Yes, this is an extremely important 
change. It has affected, as an example, the terms of 
combined auto insurance, known as “avto-kombi” 
[transliteration], and insurance of the driver and bag- 
gage. While insurance claims were paid previously only 
after the death of the policyholder or driver, now they 
are also paid (in amounts of 300, 500 or 800 rubles) in 
cases in which a motor vehicle accident causes group I, II 
or III disability respectively. 

When he takes out a policy, the individual naturally 
thinks not only of himself. He is also concerned that in 
the event that he suffers a misfortune, his children or 
other loved ones would not be left without material 
support. This is why all personal insurance policies now 
guarantee that in the event of a tragedy, the person 
indicated by the insurer or his legal heirs would receive 
the entire insurance payment foreseen by the policy. 

The new terms of insurance also foresee cases in which, 
for example, a person who has taken out a policy on a 
child until he comes of age and marries suddenly dies, 
and payments on the insurance policy cease. Despite 
this, the policy is not cancelled. Children and grandchil- 
dren remain insured against accidents until they reach an 
age of 17-18 years. After they create their own families or 
attain an age of 21 years, they receive the amounts 
foreseen by the policies. 

Before, following the death of the insurer the insurance 
premiums were never paid back to anyone if the insured 
suffered diseases of the central nervous system, tubercu- 
losis, cirrhosis of the liver and other ailments indicated 
in a special list, and died because of them in the first 
years of insurance coverage. These restrictions have now 
been removed. Under the new terms, cases in which the 

insured is declared to be missing are also accounted for 

under the new terms. Insurance payments are now made 
to the policy’s beneficiaries or to the heirs of the missing 


Al the same time expansion of the list of cases in which 
benefits would be paid on the basis of insurance policies 
has not had an effect on restrictions associated with the 
fight against drunkenness and crime. As before, insur- 
ance benefits will not be paid if the policyholder was 
injured or died while committing a crime or while 
Operating a motor vehicle intoxicated. 

[Correspondent] What can you say about changes con- 
cerning supplementary pension insurance? 

[Berzhinskas]} Introduction of voluntary supplementary 
pension insurance has by itself elicited considerable 
interest among the people, since this practice allows 
many to tangibly supplement their state pensions. —‘iti- 
zens have started expressing many wishes and sugges- 
tions on this account. It was with regard for public 
opinion that the terms of pension insurance were 
amended. Permission has now been granted to both 
younger people and the more elderly to take out the 
appropriate policies. 

While in former times women could take out such 
policies at ages from 30 to 55 years and men could do so 
from 35 to 60, women can now take out such policies at 
ages from 20 to 60 years, and men can do so from 25 to 
65. The longer the period of insurance, the lower the 
monthly premium. For example a 40 year old woman 
who has taken out insurance on a supplementary pension 
of 50 rubles pays a monthly insurance premium of 21 
rubles 90 kopecks until 55 years old, while a 20 year old 
woman who has taken out insurance for the same sup- 
plementary pension pays a monthly premium of just 4 
rubles 90 kopecks. The “shortfall” of money is covered 
in such cases by the state budget. Thus the state has made 
old-age insurance more accessible to the people. It is 
important to keep in mind in this case that while in 
former times only employed individuals could take out 
supplementary pension insurance policies, now an 
exception has been made in regard to women raising two 
or more children up to 16 years old who are not working 
for this reason. 

The following question naturally arises: Because supple- 
mentary pension insurance is designed to cover a rather 
lengthy period of time, who receives the amount paid 
into the policy if the person does not live to retirement 
age? Before, the money was paid to the spouse, or to the 
heirs in the absence of the latter. It is now foreseen that 
when drawing up the insurance policy or at some later 
date, the policyholder could himself determine who is to 
receive the amount paid on the policy or the supplemen- 
tary pension for a period of 7 years. 

[Correspondent] Citizens sometimes complain in their 
letters (including to press organs) that they have to wait 
a long time for claims to be paid on personal insurance 
policies due to all kinds of formalities. 

27 June 1989 

{Berzhinskas] Such letters will now be either a thing of 
the past, or almost so. Here is why. Incapacitation is no 
longer a mandatory requirement for payment of insur- 
ance claims. Payments are now made simply in connec- 
tion with a specific injury loss. 

Assume for example that an insured person goes to a 
hospital due to an injury. The doctor that provides him 
medical care issues the necessary certificate to be sub- 
mitted to the state insurance inspection office. Our 
Organs pay the insurance claim without delay, as soon as 
they receive the victim’s claim and that certificate. The 
health of the insured will now be rechecked only in 
exceptional cases. Let me turn the attention of all citi- 
zens to the fact that if the inspection office receives all of 
the necessary documents and fails to pay the insurance 
claim within 7 days, it will have to pay the client a 
penalty for every extra day. 

I think that the changes that have been introduced into 
insurance affairs will have a favorable effect on the 
budget of almost every family. After all, each family in 
the republic carries an average of two or three insurance 
policies! As a result of the measures discussed above, 
state insurance will make a worthy contribution to 
improving social security and increasing the public wel- 

Joint Enterprise Products Exhibited 
18001014b Vilnius SOVETSKAYA LITVA in Russian 
29 Apr 89 p 3 

[Article by A. Pipiras: ‘ ‘Baltic Amadeus’: The Ties 
Grow Stronger”’] | 

[Text] A three-day commercial seminar organized by the 
Soviet- Austrian joint venture “Baltic Amadeus” ended 
in Palanga on 28 April. A sales exhibition of the latest 
models of the enterprise’s products—personal comput- 
ers, peripheral devices and software—ran concurrently 
here. Specialists from various enterprises and from the 
country’s Organizations had an opportunity to acquaint 
themselves with permanent and mobile electronic instru- 
ments of various capacities. 

“We were attracted by the high quality of the enterprise’s 
products, their outstanding esthetic appearance, the 
good possibilities for their practical use, and the guaran- 
teed technical maintenance,” said V. Ponomarev, assis- 
tant chief surgeon of the medical-sanitary service of 
Kaliningrad’s production association of fish industry. 
“We signed a contract for several personal computers 
without hesitation. We hope to use them to automate 
dispensary treatment of fishermen and workers of shore 
services, statistical accounting and other work that doc- 
tors have to do.” 

The enterprise’s computers, which are capabie of carry- 
ing out from 200,000 to 2 million operations per second, 
also received a favorable assessment from other visitors 
to the exhibition. 


“The seminar has made us optimistic,” said the enter- 
prise’s general director Yu. Zalatoryus. ‘We signed sev- 
eral mutually profitable contracts in Palanga. But most 
importantly, we have been able to reach basic agreement 
to set up branch offices for the enterprise in different 
regions of the country.” 

“Soviet specialists have displayed considerable interest 
in the equipment presented in the exhibition,” con- 
firmed Albert Valtner, the enterprise’s first assistant 
general director. “Now we can take a new bold step 
forward—this year we can start assembling computers in 

Reader Asserts Children Lack Opportunities to 
Learn Ukrainian 

18110063a Kiev RADYANSKA UKRAYINA in 
Ukrainian 28 Jan 89 p 2 

{Reader letter, published under the rubric ‘Readers’ 
Mail Speaking Frankly,” by V. Didenko: “I Am for 

[Text] Good day to you! I have never written a letter to 
a newspaper before, but my attention was drawn by an 
interesting article in your 22 December 1988 issue 
entitled “Speaking Frankly.” A little bit about myself. | 
am a miner, 34 years of age, employed as a mine foreman 
at the Stakhanovugol Production Association Mine 
imeni Illich. My interest was drawn to the article because 
your correspondents were not far from our town of 
Stakhanov. I, as one of your readers, would like to say 
the following. The main reason why people do not wish 
to subscribe to your paper is the language barrier. All my 
kin and that of my wife speak Ukrainian, but our 
children—our nine-year-old daughter and three-year-old 
son—do not know Ukrainian. 

Instruction at school is in Russian, and the same applies 
to kindergarten. The children spend little time with 
us—both my wife and I work. On Ukrainian Television 
only the decorative titles are written in cur language. 
Even the cartoons are only in Russian o the kiddy 
cartoon show “‘Katrusya’s Movie House.” And, take note 
of this, when a Ukrainian Television interviewer 
addresses some party committee secretary in Ukrainian, 
the latter always replies in Russian. Your correspondents 
as well have turned for the most part to those who in fact 
disdain our language. Where is this vaunted bilingual- 


27 June 1989 

Academician on Eliminating Blank Spots in 
Ukrainian Economics 

18110063b Kiev RADYANSKA UKRAYINA in 
Ukrainian 3 Feb 89 p 2 

[Article by Candidate of Economic Sciences P. 
Leonenko, docent, Kiev State University Department of 
Political Economy: “Time to Repay Debts: Concerning 
V. Sikora’s Article ‘Alone With Oneself, or Lost Oppor- 
tunities of Our Economic Science”’’} 

[Text] The 14 January 1989 issue of RADYANSKA 
UKRAYINA contained polemical comments on a topic 
of current relevance by Doctor of Economic Sciences V. 
Sikora, entitled “Alone With Oneself, or the Lost Oppor- 
tunities of Our Economic Science.”’ I would like to share 
some of my thoughts on the problems addressed by the 

In my opinion there are no grounds for objection to V. 
Sikora’s theses on the importance and necessity of con- 
structive study of the development of non-Marxian— 
including bourgeois—thought, reexamination of “‘blank 
spots” in Ukrainian economic science, etc. | am also 
fully in agreement with those critical assessments which 
the author makes of the state of study of non-Marxian 
economic ideas in the Ukraine. The warning by the 
author of these polemical comments about the need for a 
radical reassessment of many items on the history of 
economic thought published during the period of stag- 
nation is absolutely valid. At the same time I feel that V. 
Sidora has somewhat narrowed the problem of the lost 
opportunities of Soviet economic science. This was man- 
ifested, in the first place, in examination only of acad- 
emy of sciences economic thinking (while the over- 
whelming majority of economists work at higher 
educational institutions); secondly, in primary emphasis 
on the task of working on so-called “blank spots” in 
Ukranian economic science, of course, taking into 
account the achievements of world socioeconomic 

The unsatisfactory situation in the field of research on 
the history of economic teachings, especially Ukrainian 
thought, is well known not only to us but to our ideolog- 
ical adversaries abroad as well. A group-authorship 
monograph entitled “Selected Contributions by Ukrai- 
nian Scholars to Economic Theory” was published in the 
West in 1984. Unfortunately, it was ignored by Soviet 
scholars. Its editor, I. Koropetskyy, described rather 
accurately certain shortcomings of contemporary 
research on the history of economic thought in the 
Ukraine and provided a well-substantiated argument 
opposing the almost total isolation of Ukrainian research 
from the development of world science. At the same 
time, one should clearly state the monograph’s ideolog- 
ical function (a task, which, incidentally, Soviet scholars 
should definitely perform in a constructive study of 
development of non-Marxian economic science). It is 
revealed first and foremost in presentation of the specific 
reasons for the deficiencies and ways to correct them. I. 


Koropetskyy sees the reason for the unsatisfactory state 
of affairs in the field of historical-economic research not 
in defects in the professional training of the researchers 
or in Organization of scientific research work (as might 
seem at first glance), but allegedly in “deliberate efforts 
on the part of the Soviet central authorities to reduce the 
Ukraine to the status of an intellectual and scientific 
provincial backwater.” Such an “explanation” clearly 
pursues a political aim of kindling interethnic conflict 
and is without substance. 

One also notes another significant element. Bourgeois 
economists devote considerable attention to the study of 
the views of such conflictive figures in the history of 
economic thought as M. I. Tuhan-Baranovskyy, H. M. 
Tsekhanovetskyy, R. Rozdolskyy, and others. With this 
they provide additional fodder to the claim by bourgeois 
scholars to preeminence in evaluation of the theory 
legacy of those Soviet economists who split with Marx- 
ism due to their class position and whose contribuiion to 
scholarship has to date not been adequately analyzed in 
our economics literature. Therefore, attempts to stew in 
one’s own kettle for an extended period of time in 
actuality constitute not only lost opportunities for our 
economic science but also lead to the appearance of 
“critical points” in the debate with the representatives of 
contemporary Western economic thought. 

It follows from the polemical notes that their author is 
counting on the wisdom of the administrative officials of 
the UkSSR Academy of Sciences Department of Eco- 
nomics and the academy institutes. Indeed, elaboration 
and implementation of specific measures to transform 
historical-economic research into a priority area of 
development of the social sciences would signify a 
change in the existing state of affairs for the better. I shall 
note in turn that up to the present time the Ukrainian 
Ministry of Higher and Secondary Specialized Education 
lacks a strategy and tactics aimed at stimulating devel- 
opment of historical-economic research and improve- 
ment in the training of personnel in this field of 
endeavor. In my opinion the following facts can attest 
most clearly to the consequences to which this is leading. 
Not one Ukrainian higher educational institution has a 
department of history of the economy and economic 
thought. At the economics higher educational institutions 
in this republic courses on history of economics either are 
not offered or at best are offered at certain institutes in 
truncated, predigested form. Not one scientific paper has 
been written on synthesis of development of economic 
science in this country or this republic in the last quarter 
of a century, nor has any textbook dealing with history of 
economics been published. According to the figures from a 
sociological survey conducted at Ukrainian higher educa- 
tional institutions in 1987-1988, only three (!) percent of 
social scientists used foreign-language sources in their 
work. Therefore, those specific areas in which work 
should be done in order radically to restructure histori- 
cal-economics research and teaching of appropriate aca- 
demic courses are clearly apparent 

27 June 1989 

Initially, consolidation of the efforts of university scien- 
tists would, in my opinion, be fostered by organization of 
and work by interdepartmental scientific-problem 
groups in the historical-economic sciences. And in the 
future, it is essential to establish at economics higher 
educational institutions and in the economics depart- 
ments of this republic's universities base departments of 
history of the economy and economic thought, as well as 
the introduction of a major study dealing with this 
problem area. 

It is high time to repay debts, to utilize fully the favor- 
able opportunities opened up for economists by pere- 
stroyka. Obviously, one cannot expect fantastic, imme- 
diate success, in view of the overall state of affairs in the 
area of research and teaching of the historical-economic 
sciences. But there are no grounds for pessimism either, 
for society is ready for a radicai change in this state of 


Newspaperman Asserts Moldavian Culture Better 
Attended to Than Ukrainian 

18110057a Kiev RADYANSKA UKRAYINA in 
Ukrainian 24 Jan 89 p 1 

[Article by I. Herman, executive secretary, rayon news- 
paper NOVYY PUT, Moldavian SSR: “Song Unites 

[Text] The Soviet Union is a federation. Each of the 
union republics is also a kind of federation since, in 
addition to the primary indigenous population, mem- 

bers of othr ‘95 also reside in each of these repub- 
lics, often arge numbers. Frequently, by virtue 
of certain s, they do not have their own ethnic 
formation ne framework of the union republic. 
I reside i h “federation,” on Moldavian soil. 
This regi« a dear to me since childhood. I have 

respect au cower for the Moldavians, and I know the 
Moldavian language fairly well, although I am a Ukrai- 
nian by nationality. And there are more than half a 
million persons like me in Soviet Moldavia. This is a 
large ethnic grouping for such a small republic. 

The displacement of peoples (this may not be a scientific 
term, but I believe that it fairly accurately reflects reality) 
is a historical process. This process has also touched 
Moldavia. According to the 1979 population census, 
ethnic representation among the population of the Mol- 
davian SSR was as follows: 63.9 percent Moldavian; 14.2 
percent Ukrainian; 12.8 percent Russian; 3.5 percent 
Gagauz; 2 percent Bulgarian. These are the largest ethnic 
groups. Germans, Greeks, Jews, and members of other 
ethnic minorities also reside in Moldavia. I should stress, 
and this is very important, that all the peoples which 
reside in the Moldavian SSR, including the Ukrainians, 
live harmoniously with the Moldavians, as a unified 


family, and that is the way it should be, both today and 
in the future. But relations between peoples should, in 
my Opinion, improve on the basis of genuine equality 
and justice. 

The Ukrainians in Moldavia are not recent arrivals. | am 
no historian and shall not delve into the depths of time, 
although that is where the roots of the present-day 
Ukrainian people are to be found. In the 1|7th-18th 
centuries, maltreated peasants, leaving their homeland 
forever, fled to unoccupied land along the Dniester, Prut 
and Danube rivers. 

The Ukrainian refugee in Moldavia was made to feel 
right at home, with the Ukrainian frequently adopting a 
local family name. The Ukrainians also responded to the 
Moldavians with kindness. Harmony, friendship, and 
brotherhood were always the measure of interrelation- 
ships between the two peoples. 

Generation upon generation of Ukrainians have been 
born on this fertile land, growing up, living and working 
together with the Moldavians and other peoples, enhanc- 
ing this region with the fruits of their toil. We have 
everything. In my opinion, only one thing could be 
better—our spiritual and intellectual life. We do a poor 
job of teaching our children our native language and 

Our children study history of the Ukrainian SSR as a 
part, as an individual subsection of history of the USSR. 
Under these circumstances can they learn very much 
about the glorious past of the Ukrainian people? And 
what about literature? I remember after the war I learned 
the works of Taras Shevchenko with just two of his 
poems: “Testament” and “The Dream.” Both then and 
now Ukrainians learn Ukrainian literature, including 
Shevchenko, in Russian translation. And such outstand- 
ing literary figures as I. Kotlyarevskyy, H. Kvitka-Os- 
novyanenko, I. Nechuy-Levytskyy, I. Karpenko-Karyy, 
P. Myrnyy, Iv. Franko, M. Kotsyubynskyy, and Lesya 
Ukrayinka are not even taught in the schools. 

What about contemporary literature? What about the 
poetry of M. Rylskyy, P. Tychyna, and V. Sosyura, the 
prose writings of A. Holovko, O. Dovzhenko, M. Stel- 
makh, and O. Honchar, the brilliant humor and biting 
satire of Ostap Vyshnya, and the plays of M. Kulish, I. 
Mykytenko, and O. Korniychuk? It is unlikely that one 
could even name them all! 

Today it is very rare to hear Ukrainian songs, let alone 
folk songs, in Ukrainian villages. The older generations 
gradually die off without having passed on even a small 
part of that spiritual and intellectual wealth which they 
obtained from their forefathers. The young people sing 
neither the old songs which their parents and grandpar- 
ents snag, nor the new ones. 

27 June 1989 

lt seems to me that the Moldavians residing in the 
Ukrainian SSR are better attended to, For example, 
Ukrainian republic radio has a Moldavian-language ser- 
vice. In villages with a Moldavian population there are 
schools at which instruction is given in Moldavian, and 
there is a publishing house which publishes textbooks for 
these schools. In Odessa Oblast there are Moldavian- 
language radio and TV broadcasts. There is also Mold- 
avian-language broadcasting in Chernovisy Oblast. In 
addition, Moldavian-language oblast and rayon newspa- 
pers are published in Bukovina, in particular the oblast 
newspaper ZORILE BUKOVINEY [Bukovina Morning 
Star]. There are also ensembles which give concerts of 
Moldavian music. 

I recently learned that the Union of Writers of Moldavia 
has sent a letter to its colleagues in the Ukraine, contain- 
ing an appeal to show proper care and concern to both 
Moldavian and Ukrainian villages, to help see that 
Ukrainian villages in Moldavia have Ukrainian-lan- 
guage schools, kindergartens, and books, and that Mol- 
davian villages in the Ukraine have Moldavian-language 
schools, kindergartens, and books. Here we have a way 
out of the current situation, a road toward spiritual and 
intellectual growth, a road toward genuine, even stronger 
and more lasting friendship. 

I am profoundly convinced and believe that people can 
and should live well. And to achieve this they must seek 
out that which unites them, not that which divides. 

To seek and to find. Definitely to find. This is a hallmark 
of man. It is very important here that every individual 
feel that he is no different from everybody else. This is 
prescribed in one of the resolutions of the 19th All- 
Union CPSU Conference, entitled “On Interethnic 
Relations’: “It 1s necessary to ensure that nationalities 
and ethnic groups which reside outside the boundaries of 
their own political-territorial formations or do not pos- 
sess such territorial structures obtain more opportunities 
for achieving ethnic-cultural aspirations, particularly in 
the domain of education, communication, ethnic cre- 
ative arts, as well as creation of centers of national and 
ethnic culture, utilization of the mass media, and satis- 
fying of religious needs.” This is a valid statement. It is 
necessary only that one work hard in this direction, and 
everything can be accomplished in the best possible 


Reader Asks That Ukrainians in Other Parts of 
USSR Be Remembered 

18110057b Kiev RADYANSKA UKRAYINA in 
Ukrainian 24 Jan 89 p 1 

[Reader letter, published under the rubric “Readers 
Write Candidly,” by V. Obodnyuk, Vinnitsa Oblast: 
“How Many of Us Are There?”} 

[Text] | have visited Tselinograd Oblast in Ka. akhstan. 
There are approximately | million Ukrainians living 
there. There are also many of our brothers in Ussuriysk 


Oblast, in the Maritime Kray, Are you aware of this fact? 
Do you ever have contact with your readers in distant 
places? In my opinion they too should be taken into 
consideration. RADYANSKA UKRAYINA should 
reach readers residing beyond the boundaries of this 
republic. They are interested in knowing what is happeu- 
ing in our republic and how perestroyka is proceeding. 
And perhaps readers within our republic would be inter- 
ested in knowing how Ukrainians are doing in other 

Incidentally, do you know how many Ukrainians there 
are in the Soviet Union? How about in Europe? How 
about in the world? Why not write about this in your 

I would like you to pay greater attention to our native 
language and write about it. 

| would think that you should report about life in the 
union republics, from the Kurils to the Carpathians, as 
they say. But how can you do this if you do not maintain 
correspondents in those areas? You should give some 
thought to how this can be accomplished. 

I am aware of the separation of church and state in this 
country. But at the same time our Constitution guaran- 
tees freedom of conscience. Therefore, why are they not 
allowing a church to be opened in my native village of 
Sumivka, Bershadskiy Rayon, Vinnitsa Oblast? 

And why not write about our village, which saw a great 
deal of suffering during the Civil War, in 1933, and 
during the years of Stalinist repression? People are 
waiting in anticipation.... 


Ukrainian Readers Informed of Developments in 
Estonian Press 

18110074 Kiev RADYANSKA UKRAYINA in Ukrainian 
28 Feb 89 p 3 

[Article, published under the rubric “At the Request of 
Our Readers,” by V. Desyatnikov: “ ‘Just One Wrong 
Move’...: From the Pages of the republic newspaper 

[Text] Unfortunately we know little about the events in 
the Baltic republics, and especially in Estonia. And yet 
they are instructive in many respects, and particularly 
from the standpoint of clarification of certain elements 
of the strategy and tactics of perestroyka, the true, actual 
role of the newly-formed associations, societies, and 
groups and their complex, at times sharply conflictive 
interaction. Also important is a sober analysis of efforts 
to create a model of republic economic accountability: 
what is actually viable, and what has arisen on the crest 
of romantic notions which are far from harsh realities 
and now is an impedance, causing discord and dispute, 
failing to promote consolidation of healthy forces. All 

27 June 1989 

these things fill the content of the major articles pub- 
lished in SOVETSKAYA ESTONIYA, We shall there- 
fore glance through issues covering the last several 
months and begin with that which has generated the 
most rumor and fiction. 

Is it true that the Estonians have adopted restrictions on 
the sale of goods to visitors to the republic, that you, 
having arrived in Tallinn as a tourist, might as well not 
go into any stores, because they won't sell you anything? 
Our answer is as follows: on the whole, this is true. Here 
is what Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences Academician 
M. Bronshteyn says in an article entitled “How Can We 
Protect Our Market?” (16 February). After a brief dis- 
cussion of the anxiety on the part of a certain segment of 
the population regarding the export of in-demand goods 
out of the republic, he states: “And therefore we are now 
employing extraordinary measures to protect our domes- 
tic market. We are prohibiting the sending of parcels and 
baggage containing short-supply foodstuffs and manu- 
factured goods, and we are introducing the prohibition 
of sale of a long list of goods to ‘foreigners’. The capital 
of our republic provides an example here as well. With- 
out a document proving that you are a resident of 
Tallinn or Kharyuskiy Rayon, they will not sell you 
high-demand items.” The author goes on: “While all of 
us are happy for our brothers and sisters in the capital, 
for some reason one wishes this was not being done. And 
now proposals are being made that goods be purchasable 
only upon presentation of an Estonian passport. And the 
most ardent defenders of the domestic market propose 
that enterprises be prohibited from exporting consumer 
goods (and perhaps other goods as well) out of the 

This academician is a sober-minded individual. He is 
well aware that the world trend is different. He knows 
(and tells about it) what the Common Market has given 
Europe. He discusses the new steps being taken to 
“eliminate’’ economic boundaries in Europe. The news- 
paper also informs its readers in passing reference that 
Estonia's neighbors are also employing countermeasures. 
In a neighboring oblast they will not sell gasoline to the 
driver of a car bearing an Estonian license plate, and in 
Leningrad they will not sell certain goods to an Estonian. 
Such things sadden one. Is this a preamble to republic 
economic accountability in the Estonian manner? 

Issues of the newspaper in recent months attest to the 
extremely complex political situation in that republic. A 
large number of newly-formed organizations, groups, 
and societies are operating in Estonia, many of which are 
engaging in confrontation with one another, and some- 
times are outright fighting. To date only verbal weapons 
have been put into play, bu: there have already been calls 
to real arms. This is confirmed, for example, in a major 
interview with one of the leading figures of the Estonian 
Popular Front, Kh. Valk, appearing in the 18 January 
issue. This article serves as a guide listing the social 
forces currently operating in that republic. What forces 
are we talking about? The Narodnyy Front [Popular 



Front}, Interdvizheniye [Intermovement], Estonskiy 
Khristianskiy Soyuz [Estonian Christian Union], Forum 
Nezavisimoy Molodezhi [Independent Youth Forum], 
Tallinskiy Nezavisimyy Otryad [Tallinn Independent 
Detachment], and Nezavisimoye Info [Independent 
Info}. There is also a National Independence Party 
[Partiya Natsional'noy Nezavisimosti], How do Kh. 
Vaik and the Popular Front in general feel about this 
party? He states: “It seems to me that you have to respect 
them for their courage (he is referring to party spokes- 
men advocating secession from the USSR), since quite 
recently all such statements (advocating secession—V. 
D.) have landed people in jail. This requires courage-—to 
continue along this road, knowing that the same thing 
may happen as happened to the Karabakh Committee. 
We may be experiencing perestroyka, but power is still in 
the hands of the bureaucracy.” 

A letter written by a Tallinn worker by the name of A. 
Shibin, entitled “From a Position of Common Sense,” 
which appeared in the newspaper on 14 January, is 
indicative of the general political situation in the repub- 
lic. What was the letter about? The author of the letter, 
enumerating absolutely concrete facts, exposed the polit- 
ical essence of a number of statements made by one of 
the leaders of the Popular Front, E. Savisaar. In partic- 
ular, he exposed the latter's inflammatory speeches, to 
call a spade a spade, regarding the role of the Estonian 
Communist Party, the interaction of various newly- 
formed organizations, etc. This really set things off! One 
of the newspaper's correspondents, for example, argued 
in an extensive letter that A. Shibin could not possibly be 
a worker, since he was a person of considerable erudi- 
tion, too well informed about specific problems, in the 
writer’s opinion, and in particular knew too much about 
the events in Armenia. Although the author specifically 
added the statement “not a member of the Popular 
Front” to his signature, it was quite 6bvious what he 
represented. The fact is that this “not a member of the 
Front” found himself in an embarrassing situation, for it 
was confirmed that A. Shibin was indeed a worker, 
although he had a higher education, in fact possessing a 
candidate of sciences degree. He had lived and worked in 
Armenia, and therefore was quite familiar with what was 
happening there. Embarrassing? Yes indeed. But soon 
Popular Front spokesmen launched a frontal attack on 
Shibin. Various labels began to be thrown about. Shib- 
in’s letter, in which he openly and candidly expressed liis 
views and based them on facts which nobody could 
refute, was declared to be an “informer’s false denunci- 
ation” [donos]. A fine example of intelligent debate. Just 
reading it evokes sadness and shame. 

One article on economics which appeared in 
SOVETSKAYA ESTONIYA (“That’s the Way It Is,” 18 
January) contains a rather accurate description of cer- 
tain aspects of the political situation in that republic. I 
should like to end my survey with this article. “The 
Estonian public, in spite of coinciding root interests, is 
becoming polarized before our eyes. Republic economic 

27 June 1989 

accountability and the effort to expand economic auton- 
omy have evoked a new outpouring of opposing propos- 
als and appraisals. The most dangerous thing about them 
is the fact that demands which are morally justified but 
wholely acceptable only as final-stage solutions keep 
being presented as priority tasks. At the present time 
they are not only impracticable but also lead to an 
impasse of extremely dangerous controntation and ten- 

“The Estonian people are famed for the intelligent, 
unhurried hands of their master crafismen. Regardless of 
what others do or say, they know that intricately precise 
work cannot be done with excessive force. One wrong 
move and the tool will shatter, and the work will be 
totally ruined.”’ 

Very well put. 

3024 0 

ArSSR Council of Ministers Chairman 
Markaryants on Priority Tasks 

in Russian No 4, Feb 89 p 5 

{Interview with Armenian SSR Council of Ministers 
Chairman Vladimir Surenovich Markaryants conducted 
by TASS correspondents R. Karagezyan and V. Pono- 
marev especially for PRAVITELSTVENNYY VEST- 

[Text] Yerevan—Our interview kept being postponed. 
The chairman of the Armenian SSR Council of Ministers 
Viadimir Surenovich Markaryants had either gone to the 
disaster area, Or to some remote villages, or to the 
factories... Finally, we agreed to meet on Sunday, for the 
head of the republic government it was no different from 
any other day of the week. His deputies and ministers 
also work... Let us begin the planned interview. 

[Correspondent] Vladimir Surenovich, you are heading 
the republic’s highest governmental office during diffi- 
cult times... 

[V. Markaryants] Yes, there is a great deal to get 
depressed about, but primarily that terrible legacy that 
restructuring has inherited in the republic. The village is 
in an extremely neglected state. Its development appar- 
ently stopped about 25 years ago. Judge for yourself: 
whereas someone living in Yerevan gets 750 liters of 
water a day, a villager does not even get 30. Only every 
fourth village has gas, and the sewage systems are inad- 
equate everywhere. A direct reproach to the administra- 
tive offices is the fact that approximately 20 percent of 
the republic’s able-bodied population is not employed in 
public production. This results in migration and depar- 
ture from the republic in search of a living. It is as though 
people are temporary inhabitants in their native land. 


What has caused the clashes between nationalities, the 
reduction in the standard of living, the lack of social and 
legal protection and other negative phenomena? The 
reasons are distortions in personnel policy, favoratism, 
protectionism and promotion based on personal devo- 
tion to incompetent people who compromise them- 
selves. Abuse of one’s official position, unpunished pro- 
tection of criminal elements and corruption of parts of 
the administration machinery have become common- 
place. This is all aggravated by the social and domestic 
disorder of the population, serious Omissions in carrying 
out the plans of the national economy and disruption of 
the tasks concerning housing construction and the Food 
Program. The people who have been assigned to take 
decisive measures to combat this have been acting as 
though nothing in particular is happening. 

Let's take Nagornyy Karabakh, for example. We argue 
from afar that we have great love for the Armenians who 
live there, but no one has gone there and asked: “How 
are you doing, brothers? What problems are troubling 
you?” For it was a well-known fact that this national 
region has accumulated a lot of problems, but they have 
not been seriously dealt with. 

[Correspondent] What ways do you see for overcoming 
the crisis? 

[V. Markaryants] There is only one answer: restructur- 
ing. Vigorous and dynamic. In all directions. There is no 
other way. Raising the towns and villages in the disaster 
area from the ruins, implementing a comprehensive 
program of development in the rural areas, communicat- 
ing with neighbors, painstakingly and patiently, and 
untying the knots of friction between nationalities on a 
mutual basis. But this cannot be hacked at anyhow. We 
are considering creating joint commissions and represen- 
tation and not allowing a single instance of aggravation 
of relations between nationalities to go unnoticed. Peo- 
ple should return to the place their grandfathers lived, 
where they themselves were born. But they should not be 
forced to return, rather conditions should be created 
which will foster work and a vigorous life. Let us move 
branches of industrial enterprises to the neglected vil- 
lages, and build complexes there for processing agricul- 
tural products so that people can also be employed in the 
winter. Let us built cultural centers and roads and 
organize communication networks and transportation. A 
competition has already been announced for the design 
of the best house for new settlers. 

[Correspondent] Experience shows that the success of 
restructuring is primarily determined by competent, 
selfless and honest people. 

[V. Markaryants] Recently, an open discussion took 
place in the Council of Ministers system. We tried to 
understand why the administrative mechanism was col- 
lapsing. In some places it has become a little rusty and in 

27 June 1989 

others it is also morally worn out. There are omissions, 
disorganization and irresponsibility, and you often do 
not find out who the guilty ones are. 

For example, at the Council of Ministers meeting it was 
unequivocally stated that not a single representative, be 
he of high or low standing, has the right to count on 
support from the republic government if he has not 
organized and fulfilled the planned tasks. We are defi- 
nitely not going along with those who are still practicing 
self-conceit and yesterday's principles in their work with 
personnel. The interests of the people and state will 
dominate the government’s activities. 

We have apparently revealed another misfortune. Dur- 
ing differentiation of the functions of soviet and party 
offices, many of the Councils’ ispolkoms are extremely 
unwilling to take on greater burdens. They have long 
since forgotten how to be responsible and how to solve 
urgent problems. We understand that one of the main 
tasks of the Council of Ministers and its machinery is 
assisting those Councils so that they can gain sirength 
and confidence, go more boldly about their activities and 
assume absolute authority in their territories. Appar- 
ently, it will be necessary to re-instill a sense of urgency 
in all echelons of power toward dealing with events and 
the state of affairs. 

[Correspondent] If you don't mind, Vladimir Surenov- 
ich, please tell us a little about yourself. What do you 
believe in, what do you live for, what do you hate? 

[V. Markaryants] I have seriously believed in rest; uctur- 
ing for a long time, and in good people to whom I am 
always very drawn. I live for work, I have been brought 
up that way since I was small -I started working at the 
mill at the age of 14. And I hate, likc every other normal 
person, mercenariness, slovenliness and insincerity. | 
cannot stand demagogues, unfinished work, and in gen- 
eral, imitation of activity. Recently I have realized that I 
hate nationalism. 

..A secretary looked in at the door and reminded us of 
the time. The prime minister of the republic’s Sunday 
work day continued. 

Unauthorized 20 Feb Yerevan Demonstration 
18300469b Yerevan KOMMUNIST 22 Feb 89 p 2 

[Armenpress report] 

[Text] The election campaign for the USSR people’s 
deputies is being conducted within the framework of 
political reform being carried out in the country, further 
improvement of democracy and expansion of glasnost. 
Pre-election meetings are feverishly being held under 
conditions of free competition between the candidates 
and broad discussion of the proposed programs. 


Under these conditions, the action and activities of 
isolated groups, which are blockading the buildings 
where the local election commission is meeting, are 
absolutely intolerable. They are trying to enter the pre- 
mises without warrants and invitation cards and are 
disrupting the normal work of the commission, 

This situation arose in particular on 20 February at the 
building of the ispolkom of the Sovetskiy Rayon of 
Yerevan. A group of people carrying placards sur- 
rounded the building and, violating legal regulations, 
demanded immediate registration of their candidates in 
addition to the three officially registered candidates. 

The crowd, openly taking advantage of the principles 
and concepts of democracy, shouted demagogical slo- 
gans and openly violated the established regulations and 
public order. 

Using megaphones, the police detail present repeatedly 
asked the citizens to disperse and gave painstaking 
explanations, as a result of which most of the people 
dispersed. However, several young people continued to 
violate public order, for which four of them were placed 
under administrative arrest. 

We are all learning democracy and taking the first steps 
toward creating a legal government, and we should not 
forget that democracy cannot exist without political 
culture, responsibility and duty. A legal government 
primarily requires strict observance by all citizens of the 
existing laws. 

Official Report On Dispersion of 8 Mar Yerevan 
18300469c Yerevan KOMMUNIST 10 Mar 89 p 4 

[Report from the Ispolkom of the Yerevan City Soviet, 
Military Commandant of the Special Region] 

[Text] In the republic’s capital and rayons, where a 
curfew is in effect, troops and the offices of the Ministry 
of Internal Affairs are controlling the situation. 

Nevertheless, on 8 March a group of irresponsible people 
attempted to organize unauthorized measures and incite 
people to carry out illegal acts. The administration of the 
city’s party and soviet offices, as well as the comman- 
dant’s office of the special region, explained the serious- 
ness of the situation to the citizens who had gathered, 
and the crowd began to disperse. 

However, isolated elements moved toward Bagarmyan 
and Lenin Prospects for provocative purposes and tried 
to go out onto V. I. Lenin Square, disrupting the opera- 
tion of public transportation. Violating the regulations of 
the special situation and curfew, they incited passions, 
displayed signs and placards which contradicted the 
ideas and aspirations of our people and shouted irre- 
sponsible slogans. This all roused justifiable indignation 
in the populace. 

27 June 1989 

Other illegal actions were suppressed by the offices for 
the protection of public order. Appropriate measures 
will be taken against the organizers and most active 
instigators of the disturbances. 

During the past two months, instances of unauthorized 
gathering of citizens, attempts to organize processions 
and display slogans and placards and demonstrations of 
a disrespectful attitude toward street patrol officers have 
become more frequent. 

The administration of the military commandant’s office 
reminds the inhabitants of Yerevan and its rayons, 
where the curfew has been imposed, that under the 
conditions of the special situation, organizing and con- 
ducting unauthorized gatherings of citizens, processions, 
meetings and other public gatherings are categorically 

The ispolkom of the Yerevan City Soviet and the admin- 
istration of the military commandant’s office have 
warned the population of the capital that in the event of 
additional developments leading to a violation of public 
order and destabilization of the situation, additional 
measures will be taken to ensure observance of the 
curfew conditions. 

The overwhelming majority of the republic is complying 
with the requirements of the curfew. 

On 9 March, 43 people were arrested and 23 automobiles 
were confiscated in Yerevan for violating the curfew and 
moving about without passes, documents and personal 

Roundtable With ‘Nevada,’ ‘Green Front’ 
in Russian!15 Apr 89 p 2 

{Roundtable materials prepared by L. Baydman: “Inte: 

[Text] “The Problems and Future Development of Social 
Movements” was the topic at the regular “roundtable” 
meeting at the editorial office of KAZAKHSTANSKAYA 
PRAVDA. Taking part in it were: M. Auezov, of ‘Nevada;’ 
M. Chkmbulatov, M. Kanevskaya and K. Zakhvatkin, of 
the Committee on Problems of the Aral Sea, Lake 
Balkhash, and the Ecology of Kazakhstan (’Green Front’); 
Yu. Khan from the ‘Mercy’ Society; and, V. Volosnikova, 
from the Youth Association Fund. KAZAKHSTAN- 
SKAYA PRAVDA Assistant Editor V. Srybnykh, Ideo- 
logical Department Chief Editor L. Baydman, and Candi- 
date of Historical Sciences N. Chistyakov conducted the 

A Position, and Not Opposition 

This is how Murat Auezov, an activist in the “Nevada” 
movement, formulates his conception of the “roundtable” 


[Auezov] I see a good omen in the fact that we—people 
who are not indifferent as to how we are living today, 
and where we are going to be tomorrow—have finally 
gotien together. The KAZAKHSTANSKAYA PRAVDA 
initiative to explore at least a few of the aspects of the 
activities of public associations has, in my own under- 
standing, far-reaching goals. It is truly high time for us to 
understand some things, to delve into some things, and 
to separate the wheat from the chaff, the meeting- 
hysteria from broad and constructive dialog on ques- 
tions of our common existence; to consolidate the forces 
of people who are not socially indifferent, who actively 
oppose whatever hinders the progress of perestroyka. 

Among the lasting problems which I have in mind is that 
complex ecological situation which is taking shape in a 
number of regions in the republic. Therefore, at today's 
meeting it would probably make sense to not so much 
discuss problems of the ecology as such, as to discuss the 
principles of the voluntary movements themselves, their 
internal problems and their social orientation. 

For what reason has such a necessity come about just 

Almost every time a truly serious and urgent problem 
requires solution, instead of working out a concrete 
program and proposing a methodology for solution, we 
get all unhinged and start shouting... But you see this can 
only discredit the social voluntarism of the masses, 
diminish its role and significance, and lead in the final 
analysis to destabilization. 

When a social! movement whose purpose is to solve 
ecological or other problems has just been born, when it 
is brought about by a spontaneous upsurge without a 
specific plan of action, that is understandable. But today 
another concept must also be understood—that of the 
civic responsibility, which every voluntary association 
must possess. Passion cannot be a substitute for serious 
work. Responsibility and discipline: that is what we have 
lacked up to now. And this has often brought the most 
noble upsurges to naught; their lack has led to the actual 
dissipation of the social energies of the masses. This 
should probably be described as the “epoch of meeting- 

In my view, the conflicts which have arisen while 
attempting to solve the practical questions at the same 
time that spontaneous initiatives have sprung up, today 
requires not only new views on the phenomena, but also 
consolidation and coordination of the movements them- 

No, it is not at all a question of placing them under a 
certain kind of formalized control—then we would go 
right back to where we started; but a question of operat- 
ing together, while solving our own circle of problems. 
Perhaps today’s meeting will become the first step on 
that journey. 

27 June 1989 

[Moderator] Some time ago the so-called “Alma-Ata 
Popular Front’ laid claim to leadership of the “overall 
activities of unofficial movements."’ According to its 
program, the Popular Front would: “Conduct mass mea- 
sures, ecological and political campaigns, organize col- 
lective discussion of draft legislation, and also develop 
alternative draft legislation and present it to the Soviets 
for examination, and, work out theoretical questions of 
cooperation with perestroyka...”’ 

[Response] There is no point in bringing this up: the 
“Popular Front” did not receive any popular support in 
Alma Ata. And not least of all because of its ambitious- 
ness, and the eclectic confusion which lay at the basis of 
iis platform; and its ambitious claims to leadership of 
everyone and everything, turning independent organiza- 
tions into a means of conducting “front policy,” which 
was aimed more at confrontation than consolidation of 
forces; hence the totally one-sided attitude toward it. 

[Auezov] Yes, that is one of the significant aspects: to 
have a position, or to be in opposition? To do one’s 
business or to philosophize on every pretext imaginable? 
Guided by just such considerations, I joined the 
“Nevada” movement. 

lis program today is already sufficiently well-known: to 
ban production and testing of nuclear weapons. Such a 
position not only does not conflict with the moral 
conceptions of other movements, it also creates a com- 
mon platform for uniting all “ecologists.” But | will 
make the following proviso right away: there can be no 
talk whatsoever of setting up some kind of “general 
offices,’ rather, consolidating the socially-active forces 
and setting up something in the way of a coordinating 

The necessity for such self-administration is dictated by 
life itself, and requires quite a bit of political art. The 
processes being developed in society most not only be 
supported, but the energy released must be directed into 
a channel which the people need—not eroding the banks 
of the spring floods of democracy; not breaking them 
down with the pressure of the elements, creating new 
gull.cs, but coordinating the social creativity of the 
masses. And here, | would point out, there must be 
objectivity on the part of the mass information media, 
which formulate public opinion and provide an analysis 
of this or that movement. With rare exceptions—there’s 
a black sheep in every family—activists in the spontane- 
ous movements are truly selfless people; movers, who are 
sincerely striving to do good. They should be supported 
and strengthened in the acknowledging their correctness. 

[Moderator] The meeting at the Kazakhstan Writers’ 
Society, at which “Nevada” was established, was held on 
the last day of February; yet as early as the first days of 
March, people were aware of this new movement, its 
platform and its program, and not only in the republic. 


[Auezov] The first testimony to the emergence of 
“Nevada” was dictated by necessity. The idea, as they 
say in such instances, was hanging on the air... All that 
was needed was a small push, in order that thousands of 
people who had long been alarmed at the situetion—not 
only in the area of the nuclear test range and ihe territory 
contiguous to it, but also of the existence of atomic 
weapons in general. 

In my view a unique situation took shape, when we, the 
citizens of Kazakhstan, regardless of our ethnic origins, 
considered ourselves one family, which acutely felt the 
danger of a coming disaster. Of course, at the level of 
individual consciousness everyone understood what the 
testing of nuclear devices, which has been going on for 
several decades, might lead to. But there remained an 
absurd conviction, that the disaster would come to be 
recognized by itself, and the blasts which tore the earth— 
and our souls—would someday cease... 

But “by itself’ signifies only the negation, first of all; 
secondly, the establishment of “Nevada” does not yet 
mean the tests themselves have ceased, nor has Semipal- 
atinsk Test Range closed. And nevertheless this is recog- 
nition of danger at a new social level of understanding, 
the recognition of oneself as a social force which must be 
dealt with. 

We are beginning to think in new categories common to 
all mankind, and therein lies the uniqueness of the 
situation, which has brought our movement to life. 

[Response] While you are orienting on categories com- 
mon to all mankind, everyone is standing pat and 
everything is altogether logical. But at the very same time 
a certain uneasiness has arisen: are we not weakening our 
defensive capability? According to available informa- 
tion, certain capital organizations have refrained from 
actively supporting ‘‘Nevada.” How should this be 
understood: the typical fear of new things, or stereotypic 

[Auezov] | am inclined to take the following point of 
view: There are losses in every cause, the moreso when it 
is unexpected and unusual. After all, “Nevada's” plat- 
form, if one looks at things in a pre-perestroyka tradi- 
tional manner, one could explain things not as a civic 
view on the struggle for nuclear disarmament, but as 
something on the order of “bourgeois pacifism,” liable to 
cause harm to the state’s ability to defend itself. 

Hence, no doubt, there is a certain amount of uneasiness. 
You see, we have become inured to the idea that dem- 
Onstrations against atomic testing are possible “over 
there,” but not in our country. 

What, however, is the dialectic about? 

27 June 1989 

It is about struggling, together with the government, for 
banning further testing, the consequences of which will 
have an affect not only at some future time, but are 
already having an effect today, 

Nevada” is appealing to all citizens in the republic to 
rally to the movement, and has explained the essence of 
its platform. its text has been translated into our basic 
languages; it has been sent to the United Nations Orga- 
nization, and was passed to the United States’ Ambas- 

“Nevada,” as I've already said, was established a month 
ago; but from its very first days it has been receiving 
hundreds of letters demanding the elimination of all 
atomic test ranges. 

There are letters signed by dozens, hundreds of people. 
The sense of the letters is—to forbid for all time the 
production and development of atomic weapons: every- 
where; in any form; on any place on the Earth. 

[Moderator] What is hindering the development of pop- 
ular initiatives? What must be undertaken in order to 
unite all the forces speaking out from positions of 
perestroyka? It is not news that from time to time sharp 
conflicts arise between the official authorities and the 
voluntary associations. What sort of mechanism could 
there be to resolve them? 

{[Auezov] The reason for the conflict is found in different 
ways of evaluating one and the same fact. At the very 
same time the strength of any movement lies in its 
realism, in order that it has sufficient capability and 
energy. “Nevada” cannot ban nuclear testing on its own 
authority; everyone understands that. Through its 
actions it can only exert influence on those powers who 
have been given the authority to make decisions on the 
state level. And that is the task we have set for ourselves. 
At a “single point of contact,” it is impossible to ban all 
nuclear production. Moreover, one must think about just 
what must be banned. After all, just like the wheel, 
mankind cannot get anywhere without nuclear energy. 
But social expertise is needed, which would keep such 
production under continual control. 

I want to be properly understood. The idea and the 
significance of “Nevada” are so serious, that we rule out 
extremism—all kinds, in any manifestation whatso- 
ever—and the inevitable sound effects that accompany 
it. Social expertise must possess the right to receive 
objective information about the radiation level in the 
republic; and in case of necessity, which gives rise to a 
state of alarm, the right of appeal to the people. 

I presume that in such a situation, the military will have 
a more responsible attitude toward their professional 


[Response] But after all, you will possess that informa- 
tion which the military comrades offer you “for your 

[Auezov] In case of necessity, “Nevada” will form an 
independent expert commission to check on the specific 
facts. The information from it can then be compared 
with that received from the military department. And if 
there 1: a considerable difference, we shall conduct our 
own kind of [legal] “confrontation” [ochnaya stavka]. 

One cannot exclude the fact that the data will at times be 
conflicting. On the other hand, we must rule out any 
kind of [p!.ysical] confrontation [konfrontatsiya]. It 
would never further the interests of the cause, in any 
way, shape or form. After all, confrontation and adher- 
ence to principle—are different concepts. Let us from 
the very beginning rule out, that the military are making 
up some kind of secret intrigues behind the people's 
backs. Everyone wants their people to live in security on 
their native land, and no one needs to conjure up his own 
idea of the enemy. It is another thing to make use of 
various criteria in evaluating the fact. But do these 
contradictions really not promote constructive thinking? 

Wherein Lies the Prowess of a Business Manager? 

With this question, Murat CHIMBULATOV, who rep- 
resents the ecological movement at our meeting, began his 

[Chimbulatov] By education and occupation, | am a 
geologist. For more than a quarter-century I have been 
ranging far and wide throughout the republic. But for 
some time I have been very sorrowful: after the geolo- 
gists, after their discoveries, others take up their work on 
the land—for which not only one’s heart, but one’s 
incorporeal soul is wounded. 

In the 1960's I was working on the shores of the Aral Sea. 
It was a sweet, warm sea filled with the famous Aral chub 
and wild carp; with a multitude of fishing villages along 
the shores. In a word, it was life in all its beauty and 

And then I found myself there in 1987. 
Salt was piled up like snowdrifts. 

Eloquence is not necessary; | am a pragmatic man: the 
environment is not a man; it was not created for ven- 
geance. But the salt storms, which several times a year 
cover Turkestan and Chimkent, reaching as far as 
Dzhambul—they could be called such. More and more 
changes are already heing recorded in the entire Central 
Asian and Kazakhstan zone. Unusually intensive melt- 
ing of glaciers has been observed also. 

| am not telling you anything new. And there is no point 
in criticizing the past, to which we cannot return. But I 
would like to understand and give meaning to the Aral 

27 June 1989 

catastrophe, And after | understand, | would like to ask 
all of us who are now living: why have we learned no 
serious lessons? Is it really not enough, what we created 
along the shores of the Aral Sea, and therefore we plan to 
create something similar along the Caspian shores? But I 
will be specific. 

Not long ago | was present at a meeting of a public 
council of Goskompriroda [State Committee on Envi- 
ronmental Protection], which was discussing a plan for 
Organizing the Karachaganak gas-condensate deposits. 
And while | was listing | was thinking: Are we not once 
again doing something, after which we will have to 
establish another fund or movement to save the Caspian 

In 1985 I waded across the Syr-Darya. Will we indeed be 
forced to cross the Ural some day in this same manner? 

But gas is needed, they object; condensate is needed. Of 
course. Who says otherwise. However, are there really no 
other solutions, less harmful for the river? 

Every economic interest is dictated by its own internal 
mechanism. The developers of Karachaganak are think- 
ing about not only to extract gas and condensate, but 
cheap gas and condensate. And this is an altogether 
praiseworthy decision. The difference is only in the 
understanding of what is more costly and what is 
cheaper. It is more advantageous to the ministry to 
construct a aqueduct to the Ural than to extend it 
another 120 kilometers to the mighty basin of the 
Aktyubinsk artesian wells. 

For comparison: over a billion rubles have been allo- 
cated for developing Karachaganak—but only 170,000 
for environmental protection measures. 

However, I just cannot grasp, why the department sees 
no interest in letting the activists from the ecological 
movement propose their solutions? After all, that way 
there are greater guarantees not to err, nor to run afoul. 

And why indeed should they not enter into cooperation 
with the people who are actively interested in protecting 
the environment? And from our side, not to raise clouds 
of dust, behind which one can hardly see, but to seek 
constructive compromises? I said and I caught myself on 
the phrase, “from our side.” As if we were at the 
barricades. For there is after all only one “side,” a single 
one for us all. 

The present level of the volunteer movement is, in my 
view, not completely effective. For one thing, the result 
rate is not high enough. For another, it is disconnected, 
and lacks “points of contact,” between which there are 
zones of unconsciousness. 


I have cited Karachaganak here as an example. There, 
serious problems are already springing up on protecting 
the environment, the pressure on which is becoming so 
great, that the delicate balance may be upset. 

[Response] And to this day, in the fourth year of pere- 
stroyka, the basic prowess of the business manager lies 
in—taking as much as possible. No one, after all, can see 
what they are doing there, under the earth. And what a 
great conscience one must have in order to see what is 
hidden, but not expose it. The sad experience of Samot- 
lor showed us... 

{[Chimbulatov] Very strict public expertise must be 
brought to bear on the development of new mineral 
deposits. Of course not the meeting-variety, which 
Murat Mukhtarovich had in mind, but at a sufficiently 
high professional level, and with a profound sense of 
social responsibility. 

[Moderator] Of course, that is very important, and is 
badly needed—that activists from the ecological move- 
ments are seeking approaches to optimal solutions for 
vast problems. The extraction of gas and condensate is a 
matter that is not without danger to the environment. It 
must be approached very carefully, after considerable 
thought. But at the very same time... Our animal-hus- 
bandry projects, for entirely understandable reasons, are 
situated near water reservoirs. Over the winter months, 
thousands of tons of manure pile up next to the farms, 
and in the Spring—it is not a rare event—bulldozers 
push it into the rivers and lakes... What—are there no 
people in the countryside interested in protecting the 
environment, or is everything there “green” already? 

{[Chimbulatov] A practical observation—We begin to 
talk about our problems only when the situation 
becomes critical. And you see, things are not being put 
into order, and that must be supported. It would seem 
elementary, but such are the phenomena of our mental- 
ity—ii 1s much easier to master the complex than to 
understand the simple things. Everyone understood the 
problems of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash. But you see 
to clean up the Alma Ata irrigation canals, which regu- 
late the micro-climate, and to put the sanitary situation 
in order in the city—these are already complex matters: 
the zones of unconsciousness of which I just spoke. 

For today, the ecologists are not satisfied with the action 
of the Minvodkhoz [Ministry of Land Improvement and 
Water Conservation], Minkommunkhoz [Ministry of 
Municipal Services] and Gosagroprom [State Agro-In- 
dustrial Commission] in the region of the Sorbulak Lake 
reservoir. Or still another problem: neither the “Green 
Front’’ nor other social movements have seriously grap- 
pled with the problems of new construction in the 
cities—Alma Ata in particular. What purpose does it 
serve to give one’s consent now, and not seek the ends; 
but the city blocks have long since gotten longer, creating 
artificial screens which prevent normal ventilation. Even 
in the Samal microregion, which was constructed to the 

27 June 1989 

last word of architecture, it turned out, was obstructed 
from one end to the other, And so, what can one do 
today? The only thing is—not repeat the mistake. But we 
keep repeating and repeating them, over and over... 

In this connection I would like to :eturn once again to 
what Murat Mukhtarovich was talking about. The devel- 
opment of social initiative leads to a situation which 
makes it necessary to both consolidate and coordinate all 
the civic movements interested in the success of pere- 

Objectively it turns out that “Nevada,” in the situation 
which has evolved, is becoming one of the leading social 
forces in the republic. And it is altogether logical if it 
takes upon itself the role of coordinator of the other 
ecological movements. Our splintering and narrowness 
of interests and capabilities are hindrances to successful 
solution of acute problems. I am not talking about this 
with all certainty, but I do pose the question: would it not 
be expedient for the Committee on Problems of the Aral 
Sea, Lake Balkhash and the Ecology of Kazakhstan, 
together with all its “fronts,” to unite with “Nevada,” 
which has already received international recognition? 
This would be not simply combining forces, but a force 
multiplier. After all, speaking frankly—if we in the 
extraction industry continue to do business as we have 
up to now, without any difficulty whatsoever we shall do 
ourselves irreparable damage. We are not far from a 
situation in which entire regions will be turned into one 
solid mining dump, the maintenance of which is far from 
harmless to the environment. It is always the very same 
logic: to extract as many natural resources as fast as we 

[Response] And let our descendants worry about the 

[Chimbulatov] Exactly. We have not seriously concerned 
ourselves with comprehensive raw-material use, and 
how to extract all the components from them. Instead, 
we dig new pits and new mines. In one place we send lead 
to the waste heap because we are interested in copper; in 
another zinc goes to waste, because the enterprise is 
oriented on lead... 

At the same time, here is what we need to pay attention 
to: Are certain of our movements—including the ecolog- 
ical movement—not turning into a kind of “monitoring 
organ?” It is not enough to simply “point out” the 
shortcomings. Ways to resolve them must be sought out, 
and not only on a theoretical plane. This is our Achilles’ 
heel—we hold useful dialogues, but do not follow them 
with useful deeds... 

Not long ago we prepared to defend documentation on 
the Aktogay mineral deposits. And suddenly Mintsvet- 
met [Ministry of Non-Ferrous Metallurgy] declares, that 
its ores are not suitable, and therefore they are not 
processing them. We put some materials together, stud- 
ied the history, and with its help appealed to an elderly, 


retired technologist who lives in Moscow. The little old 
lady spent two weeks in the laboratory performing her 
magic, and solved all the problems: the Aktogay ore 
processes beautifully. 

And this is the point: how much raw materials and how 
many billions could we save, if we seriously occupied 
ourselves with the technology of reprocessing mining 
wastes; and how many pits would we thereby not have to 

[Moderator] What is the essence and the meaning of 
today’s dialogue on the need for public expertise, on 
enlisting the popular masses to participate in monitoring 
the work of certain enterprises and entire industries, 
which has a pernicious effect on the environment? It is 
not, of course, to compare and contrast public opinion 
with the official point of view. And it is not at all about 


We have not spoken about the need for public expertise 
because we have the good life. Dumping of poisonous 
wastes into water reservoirs, mining wastes that are 
dangerous to the environment—which could be put to 
good use in business—and technological helplessness: 
would these not require experts and expert analysis if 
such incidents had not taken place? 

Nature is a Single Entity 

And therefore an understanding of nature must be unified 
as well. Everything in nature is interconnected, as in the 
human organism, if not on an even higher level. Such is 
the opinion of Marta KANEVSKAYA, who, along with 
her “Zemlya” [The Earth] group, has joined forces with 
the Green Front. 

[Kanevskaya] Crudely tampering with the environmenbt 
in one place has loud, resounding repurcussions in 

We criticize, and not without cause, various ministries 
not because they organize the extraction of materials 
which our economy needs, but for plundering the envi- 
ronment, and irrational use of resources. But you see we 
too, the activists in the social movements, are not 
working all that “comprehensively” either: it’s everyone 
for himself. The fact that new initiatives are springing up 
is a good thing. But you see, there are in fact no working 
ties among them. Their efforts are scattered and they do 
not achieve their goals. Therefore the Alma Ata “Green 
Front” decided to integrate as the Committee on Prob- 
lems of the Aral Sea, Lake Balkhash, and the Ecology of 
Kazakhstan. We shall continue to follow the same line as 
we have up to now. But we shall be coordinating our 
work with the movement that has the most influence, 
that has the greatest ability to resolve and the most 

27 June 1989 

energy to influence the ecological situation in the repub- 
lic as a whole. Today we do indeed have an understand- 
ing of the kind of methodology used by ecologists in 
other regions of Kazakhstan, that has placed them at the 
center of public attention, and of just how effective their 
work is. 

[Moderator] No doubt many of us know the parable of 
the two people who met, each of whom had an apple, and 
made an equivalent exchange with one another. How 
they had had an apple apiece, and that is what they 
wound up with... 

But if the two had exchanged not apples, but ideas? Then 
each of them would have had two. 

Indeed, although the scale of their problems vary, how 
much ‘“‘Nevada,”’ and the Committee on the Problems of 
Ecology of Kazakhstan, and the Green Front have in 
common! Moreover, they do not each have an “apple,” 
but an idea. How many useful things they can do by 
combining efforts! 

The Ecology of the Soul 

—is what falls beyond the field of vision of our commu- 
nity. Such is the personally distressing discovery made by 
Yulia KHAN, one of the organizers of the Mercy Society 
in Alma ia. 

[Khan] I have been listening very carefully to what my 
comrades in the social movement have been saying. The 
affairs of state are placing them on the agenda. Of all 
problems, the ecology is truly number two, right after the 
problems of war and peace. But only because if the first 
comes to pass, there will be no one around to take up the 

But who will point out; who knows, where mercy should 
be placed today; into which ecological niche should the 
human soul be placed... 

We often hear that it is a cruel age. But why is it cruel? 
Because mercy, which from time immemorial has been 
an indicator of human maturity, has become...preju- 
diced. Instead of sisters of mercy, we have medical 
sisters. Those sacred words have become an embarrass- 
ment. Such are the grand achievements that are taking 
place on the level of social consciousness. 

But the matter, as you understand, is not in the renaming 
of professions—milkmaids have also come to be called 
**milking-machine operators;” and yardmen, “public ser- 
vices and amenities experts.” But that has not added to 
the milk supply, nor have the cities become cleaner. It 
turns out that we do not understand prestige in that 


Here is what we should be thinking about. If man is not 
the bearer of at least the basic principles of morality, 
what will he do? Will he struggle to preserve the envi- 
ronment, and take part in actions to ban nuclear testing? 

And that is the problem, the approaches to which are 
even more difficult than the problems being discussed 
here today; although I had no intention whatsoever of 
setting one off against the other. Perhaps this is the crux 
of the growing necessity for us to band more closely 
together: All of our objective reality is interrelated and 

The Mercy Society sprang up a year ago on the intiative 
of Alma Ata VUZ students. And this fact is, to me, 
especially noteworthy: that the conception of mercy has 
come to the young people, to the very ones who are filled 
with health and vitality; that is—the moral factor has 

What has called this movement to life? 
I too did not perceive things this way in the past... 

A man, by dint of circumstances, has become—and there 
iS NO point in going into detail here—totally isolated. He 
cannot leave his house; sometimes he cannot even get 
up. He has forgotten what hot food is. And no one 
remembers him, just as if he had been crossed off the list 
of the living. 

Can you imagine anything more serious, if you put 
yourself in that position? 

Does everyone know what it is to receive a 19-ruble 
pension, on which one can neither live nor die? But even 
among those who know this, many try to pass it off as if 
nothing special is going on. 

How then can one be a human being? 

Any answer to that question is not the entire answer. We 
do not think about that fact that, by our impersonal 
attitude toward the fate of our fellow-citizen who finds 
himself in a critical situation, we are not only cultivating 
in other people indifference toward another’s suffering— 
we are cultivating cruelty, and social isolation. To such 
people it’s all the same, whether atomic weapons rend 
our Earth; or whether the Aral Sea perishes. After all, 
everything proceeds from man—but if there is in him 
zero social culture? 

When we banded together as the Mercy Society, we 
understood how tragically the fate of many of our 
fellow-citizens had taken shape; and then we used to 
think, that it was sufficient for others to find out about 
them, and we would then get everything necessary to 
create conditions worthy of a human being for these 


27 June 1989 

But we were naive. People did not at all take a merciful 
attitude toward “Mercy.” We do not even have a per- 
manent roof over our heads. The Alma Ata gorispolkom 
had at one time adopted a resolution that accommoda- 
tions would be allocated to us by last December. But 
time marches on, and there are none. The deputy chair- 
person of the gorispolkom explained the situation to us 
succinctly and clearly: “There are so many of you.” 

But for the time being, “we” are only in Leningrad and 
Alma Ata. But that is not the point, how many we are. 
The gorispolkom is simply demonstrating that “Mercy” 
is unnecessary; although people need our help very 
badly. Unfortunately. 

[Response] What are you deploring? That people need 

[Khan] Exactly. It would better if they didn’t need us. 
But life has evolved in such a way, that they—those 
under our care, the helpless and the alone—amount to 
1,700 people in the capital. And we are becoming for 
them the only connecting link with the world, with life 
itself. Activists from “Mercy,” and we already number 
200 »ersons—clean apartments and make necessary 
repairs. For the completely helpless, we plan to organize 
hot meals, and for the indigent we are opening a special 
dining hall. But so many people need moral support, 
simply a kind word. Here, telephone contact would no 
doubt be a great help. And we would like to organize 
such a duty service. But... 

We let us return to the previous circle. 
There are also a lot of other concerns. 

We would like, for example, to organize a theater for 
children suffering from oncologica! diseases. They can- 
not visit the Pioneer camps, and cannot engage in 
physical culture. But they need at least a little joy... 

“Mercy” has taken under its wing the children’s onco- 
logical surgury department and a hospital of the same 
profile on Shmelev St. But their needs are critical. The 
moreso since there are in general not enough hospital 
attendants at the treatment facilities. 

[Response] On the whole, your impressions on the first 
year of ““Mercy’s” existence are not very happy ones... 

{Khan} Not very. Everything must be obtained by beg- 
ging, just like alms. In Alma Ata there are dozens of 
enterprises which possess assets worth many millions, 
and if they allocate a hundred rubles or so to the fund, 
they really think they’ve done a great thing. It is cost- 
accounting [khozraschet], they say. Mercy on a cost- 
accounting basis? Doesn’t that say it all? 


[Response] Not all. The society announced its establish- 
ment on 3 December last year, and in January the 
legendary KRU [Inspection and Auditing Administra- 
tion] subjected “‘Mercy” to a complete audit. On this 
plane, genuine “concern” was shown. 

[Khan] Yes, that event took place; but let that be on the 
conscience of the auditors... 

I would like to say this about the responsibility for 
everything that takes place in our voluntary movement. 
Sometimes we raise too much of a noise, as if we were 
admiring ourselves from the sidelines. Glasnost is one of 
the first achievements of perestroyka; and we must 
strengthen its mechanism in every possible way. But we 
must not exploit this instrument and do ourselves harm. 
Discipline is the most important condition of glasnost. 
These two concepts must no’ be taken separately. And 
we—are thinking; moreover, very often irresponsibly, 
not thinking of the consequences. My comrades here 
have spoken of consolidation and coordination of social 
movements. That is a necessary thing. But another must 
be stressed as well—the personal responsibility of the 
leader for everything that goes on in this association or 
another. Responsibility before the people and before the 
law. You see, more than once it has happened that 
adventurers and genuine rascals have wormed their way 
into a fine enterprise, which has brought disfavor on the 
voluntary movement. There is a heavy price to pay for 
such carelessness. The cause which we have taken up is 
too serious to permit just anyone access to it. 

It Was Not For Fun 

—that the Fund for Young People’s Associations was 
established, which its leader, Valentina Volosnikova, 

[Volosnikova] We did not arrive at the idea of organizing 
a fund intuitively, of course, but rather by trial and error. 
The comrades here who represent the various move- 
ments have repeatedly stressed that consolidation and 
coordination of all civic action is needed. Our fund has 
become a kind of coordinator. Today it comprises an 
association of artists, medical people, designers, engi- 
neers, scientific-technical workers, construction organi- 
zations and a student association. 

Here is the kind of activeness that perestroyka has called 
into being. 

How were they to get together without the fund? How 
would it have been possible to solve the problems 
common to everyone only by virtue of the fact that they 
are “all” young and socially-interested in restructuring 
life. The fund supports their various initiatives, and 
renders material assistance, especially at first. 

27 June 1989 

No doubt our association is the noisiest in the whole 
capital. Discussions, disputes, debates—there are always 
a lot of people there. As one old lady living next door put 
it, “I find it disagreeable to look at you, at those always 
having meetings...” 

But we were not in conference; we are up to our ears in 
dust—which is the truth in this instance. This is during the 
meetings, and in the intervals between business. But the 
fellows work seriously, and they are also earning seriously, 
according to all the principles of cost accounting. 

The fund has set up a bank for solving social and charitable 
programs. A puppet theater has been opened at its expense, 
and a children’s ecology club has been set up. 

[Response] Of course, doing business with scientific- 
technical workers or artists is not a very great burden... 

[Volosnikova] It’s not a burden with anyone. If some- 
thing is Onerous, it doesn’t pay to take up such a matter. 
But it is not just the young people, who have only just 
organized themselves, who are members of the fund. Not 
so long ago, for example, several groups of juveniles with 
an extremely-specific social orientation came to us. We 
took them in, bought them musical instruments, and got 
down to business. Today they are not quite yet good little 
boys, but neither are they the kind who are terrorizing 
the defensless residents of the blocks. These young 
people are quietly acquiring genuine culture. 

They didn’t think that the fund could achieve complete 
intellectual independence and material self-sufficience, 
or freedom of choice and decision. But this is now a fact. 

[Response] It’s as if the young people themselves took 
that step, the need for which grown-ups are now reflect- 
ing on... 

Consolidation of Forces 

—that is what we absolutely need today. And to no less 
degree than the social revolution needed in its day. That is 
how Kirill ZAKHVATKIN, an activist on the Committee 
on Problems of the Ecology of Kazakhstan, poses the 

[Zakhvatkin] No movement that is cut off from the 
masses can accomplish anything remotely useful for 
society. Its ideology must be affirmed at the level of 
social consiousness the public mind posseses. We have 
had a lot of discussions in our time about the Green 
Front. And a lot more than it has actually done or could 
have done. The movement has called much more atten- 
tion to itself by its “revolutionary nature,” than by its 
practical deeds. 


I am firmly convinced that the social mission of Green 
Front is for its ideas, its views and its principles to 
permeate every apartment, every doorway, every home. 
Even a child, starting with kidnergarten, simply must to 
comprehend the ABC’s of ecological culture. And then 
we Shall truly be able to move the cause off dead center. 
After all, what kind of “front” is it if only the “ordinary 
unenlightened” support it? Because of such massive 
unpreperedness, perhaps we shall be unable to overcome 
the situation and not influence it, while we substitute 
declarations for action. 

Just look around at what is being done. Our forestry 
administration plans to make thousands of cubic meters 
of pulpwood out of the surviving fir groves of the 
Zailinskiy Alatau—Minister Zaytsev says, “for the nor- 
mal operation of their experiment and testing enter- 
prises.”’ They are already building a road in the moun- 
tains, and soon the splinters will be flying. And this in a 
place where a National Park should be established. Well, 
how can one comprehend such a thing? 

It seems to me that it would make sense for the Green 
Front to become one of the wings of ““Nevada.”’ The time 
has come for consolidation of forces. It is time for us to 
act, not as individuals under one’s own flag, but to bear 
the Banner common for everyone. 

[Moderator] Consolidation of social movements on a 
political platform of perestroyka was the basic subject of 
our “round table” discussion. The main thing defined 
was, that the activists of the most varied civic initiatives, 
from the youth initiative to the recently-established 
“Nevada,” have spoken out for coordinating their efforts 
and operating by various methods, but in the same 
direction. Struggling against atomic weapons testing; 
defending the environment against barbaric influences 
on it; summoning mercy in the people’s souls; creating 
for young people conditions for their self-affirmation in 
life—all of these are in essence interconnected to a single 

Of course it is not a question of some kind of formal 
“merger,” subordinating one to another, or dividing up 
the spheres of influence. Something else entirely is being 
discussed: the necessity for multiplying the power of the 
social movements, so that they might more energetically 
attempt to solve the very widest spectrum of problems of 
national importance. To acquire genuine influence and 
political prestige in society; in order to speak their own 
words in the name of the people and in the name of their 
interests, without setting off one conception against 
another, but operating together in order to work out the 
optimal solutions—such is the main idea of our common 

27 June 1989 

Deputy Interviewed on Work of Group 
Investigating Tbilisi Events 

18300620 Tbilisi MOLODEZH GRUZII in Russian 
20 Apr 89 pp 4-6 

[Interview with Yegor Yakovlev by Irina Kuparadze and 
Mikhail Yeligulashvili: “* ‘How Imperfect Our Govern- 
ment Must Be, If Such a Thing Could Happen’”’] 

[Text] After the tragic events in Tbilisi, a group of 
people’s deputies from the USSR Cinematographers 
Union was approached by People’s Deputy Eldar 
Shengelaya and other representatives of the Georgian 
public with the request to form an independent deputies’ 
group to assess what had happened. The following dep- 
uties spent several days in Tbilisi: B. Vasilyev, a writer; 
A. Gelman, a playwright; D. Lunkov, a documentary 
filmmaker from Saratov; M. Belikov, a film director 
from Kiev; and Ye. Yakovlev, the editor of MOSK- 
OVSKIYE NOVOSTI. We met with Yegor Vladimirov- 
ich Yakovlev on 15 April and asked him to answer a 
number of questions. 

[{MOLODEZH GRUZII] What goals has this represen- 
tative deputies’ commission set for itself? 

[Yakovlev] Each one of us has his own tasks and lines of 
endeavor. For my part it also involves targeting the 
newspaper, because we intend to recount the Tbilisi 
events in order to highlight the necessity of a very 
thorough investigation. Incidentally, just prior to our 
departure for the meeting in the Cinematographers 
Union, Academician R. Sagdeyev brought in a letter 
from a group of Moscow intellectuals, in which it is 
stated that the events in Tbilisi showed what kind of 
danger perestroyka is in, and they are ready to help in 
every way to determine the truth and organize coopera- 
tion with specialists and scientists Naturally, the group 
of deputies will prepare general material which will offer 
a political assessment of what happened. We will have to 
figure out whether it was a mistake, a crime, or a 
dangerous scenario which was tested in Tbilisi so that it 
might be repeated later in any other part of the Union. 
Especially since in the Center, in Moscow, just as in 
Tbilisi, we came up against a complete absence of 
glasnost in regard to the events of 9 April. The informa- 
tion that is given out is one-sided and unobjective. 
Perestroyka cannot bear up under such a burden of lies. 

These, then, are our basic goals—to show, using the 
example of Tbilisi, that political reform is lagging in our 
country. I am in agreement with M. S. Gorbachev, who 
speaks of the urgency of perestroyka. The elections in 
Leningrad and Moscow gave grounds for talk that every- 
thing was fine here in that regard. But then the events in 
Tbilisi took place, and it turned out that it was not like 
that at all, that martial law was put into effect here, 
authorized by the authorities. If the present state of 


democracy in the country makes such measures and 
situations possible, we cannot say that political reform 
has been accomplished and is running ahead of every- 
thing else. 

Second. The example of Tbilisi gives an idea of how 
relations with the informals are being developed. In 
effect, the question of power [vlast] is being decided in 
this process. By what means? Either a striving on the part 
of the party system and other social forces to go in one 
direction via compromises, or constant confrontation 
between these structures in the struggle for power. At the 
19th Party Conference, one obkom secretary proclaimed 
the following: Who in the long run is doing pere- 
stroyka—we party workers or these ‘nformals? He for- 
gets that, while he is a party worker, he is at the same 
time an ordinary citizen like everyone else. 

Third. The question of the political responsibility for 
what happened. Ultimately the investigation will show 
how aggressive the actions of the informals on the square 
were and to what extent their leaders were to blame. It 
will show to what extent the decisions of the republic’s 
leadership were justified. Judging by the findings of the 
recent Georgian Communist Party Central Committee 
Plenum, the mistakes that were committed were double- 

A no less important point—the fourth—is that of respon- 
sibility to the victims. We visited the hospitals today, 
and the mothers of the sufferers literally threw them- 
selves at us. We had to listen to a lot of bitter and harsh 
words. You can understand these mothers. Poisonous 
chemicals were used; this is acknowledged by the minis- 
ter of health, and, under the pressure of facts, by the 
military people as well. But the latter do not want to give 
recommendations on how to treat the victims. More- 
over, if the accounts of brutality on the part of the 
soldiers are confirmed, they must be made to answer for 
it. We cannot allow the army to remain anonymous. At 
present it looks like the army was an uncontrolled 
organism: They came, did their business, and left. 

How imperfect our government is today if you can ask 
for and bring in the troops and, what’s more, give a 
mistaken order. Clearly, there will be a number of other 
conclusions drawn in addition to these, which will be 
essential to ensure that the tragedy is not repeated in 
some other part of the Union. Any clash here or some- 
where else is a big gift to the opponents of perestroyka. 

{MOLODEZH GRUZII] Another question arises. On 
the one hand, for understandable reasons, trust in the 
investigation is less than complete. On the other hand, 
however, representatives of public control [kontrol obsh- 
chestvennosti]J—and the people do not doubt their hon- 
esty—are insufficiently competent in purely professional 

27 June 1989 

‘Yakovlev] What we need from the public control rep- 
resentatives is not necessarily competence but rather a 
civic stance and, especially, a political assessment of the 
events. It is from this position that the public needs to 
monitor the professional investigation. Are there people 
in the hospitals who have all the symptoms of being 
poisoned with unknown chemical substances? Then that 
is enough to necessitate asking further questions: What 
kind of substances were they? Who gave the command to 
use them? Who used them? 

[MOLODEZH GRUZII] Both when they took the deci- 
sion to bring in the troops, and now, when the measures 
taken by the government are being reported, we ordinary 
citizens are finding out about the end result. Again, as so 
often before, the decision-making mechanism remains 
unknown, and how roles are assigned remains a secret. 
Inevitably, therefore, it is difficult to speak of leader- 
ship’s personal responsibility. 

[Yakovlev] What took place in Tbilisi is a weighty 
argument in favor of breaking up this secrecy. You have 
come up against a specific situation and, therefore, you 
have the right to insist upon sorting out the facts and 
persons. To speak in general about open government.... 
This does not seem very serious to me. For example, the 
suggestion has been made more than once that meetings 
of the Politburo, for example, be televised by direct 
relay. There is an absolutely reasonable objection to this: 
the Politburo is an ordinary working body whose activ- 
ities involve disputes, clashing ideas and positions. The 
glare of the floodlights would one way or another make 
its mark on the normal course of business in the meet- 
ings. The operation of the government, to some extent, is 
never accessible to absolutely everyone; it is not a 
speaker’s platform in the square. 

[MOLODEZH GRUZII] Let’s reiusu vo the subject of 
glasnost. What’s happening? Has glasnost reached a dead 

[Yakovlev] Since the 27th CPSU Congress and the 19th 
Party Conference we have been put in a unique position. 
We, the press, have not been able to keep up with our 
political potential, which has run ahead of our practice. 
This is natural, because you don’t go to sleep mute and 
wake up talking. Freedom of the press takes more than 
joy; it takes ability. 

Let’s turn again to specific things. What tasks do I see 
facing your republic youth newspaper today? That of 
working out a position in regard to various social forces, 
the ability to find a compromise and bring both sides to 
that compromise. To act against impatience (impa- 
tience, in my opinion, is the chief enemy of perestroyka) 
on both sides. The tragedy in Tbilisi further polarized 
people who were already estranged. And the more they 
drift apart, the worse things will get. 


In my pre-election program, one of the main points was 
this: Glasnost is the first step on the path to society's 
democratization. Under the present deployment of 
forces, the fact that the old structure of commanding the 
press remains in place, without an independent press, 
there can be no democracy. Let’s take a look backwards: 
When the press was forbidden, it kept silent; when it was 
authorized, it started to yell. Hence, there is a danger 
that they will “cut off the water” again. 

I believe that sooner or later, the informal organizations 
and movements will also have their own press organs; 
they cannot survive without them. There’s no such thing 
as “getting just a little bit pregnant.” MOSKOVSKIYE 
NOVOSTI is now creating a kind of European “Club of 
Six”—six European press organs will put out a joint 
newspaper devoted to the general values of humanity 
and to ecological problems. It’s kind of funny: it’s easier 
for us to make a deal about a new publication abroad 
than in this country. 

[MOLODEZH GRUZII] The process of society’s 
democratization requires the presence of a mass of 
Opposition structures. Until they have legal status, there 
will always be the danger that they will not be heard— 
there are those who will not wish to hear them—and 
consequerily there will be no dialogue; consequently, 
there will always be the possibility of a repetition of the 
clash in Tbilisi... 

[Yakovlev] I am not ready to taik about legal status for 
an opposition, and in my opinion that is not the issue at 
this point. We should be talking about opposition struc- 
tures [opponiruyushchiye struktury], whose role today 
can certainly be played by the newspapers, for example. 
Undoubtedly, the social organizations can also serve as 
such.... This is normal, and it is the only way. In our 
history there has always been a struggle for the mutual 
destruction of two camps: the Trotskyites and Stalinists, 
and so on. To me, Gorbachev’s revolutionary character 
is reflected in the fact that he declared immediately that 
we are all in the same boat, on the same side of the 
barricades. At first, | was not very happy with that. I do 
not consider myself to be in the same boat with 
Saironov, for example. On the other hand, however, | 
understood something else. I don’t much like Pamyat, 
and I understand that if it had appeared about 10 years 
ago the whole outfit would have departed for distant 
parts, there to breathe the freezing air of Siberia. But | 
also know that if Pamyat goes today, tomorrow it will be 
me. I know for certain that if some progressive camp is 
victorious today—but at the expense of another camp— 
that will be the end of perestroyka. And we can put a sign 
on the victors’ door reading ““Thanks to Comrade Stalin 
for our happy childhood.”’ I am not ill-disposed toward 
Yeltsin, but in my opinion he does not want to under- 
stand that you have to live on a two-way street. 

Journalists have the task of consolidating against con- 
frontation. However I feel about Pamyat, I must find a 
compromise with it rather than seek ways to destroy it. 

27 June 1989 

Impatience on the part of the press is just as dangerous as 
with politicians, At a meeting with journalists, Gor- 
bachev noted correctly that there are those who think 
that when a newspaper criticizes everybody, that's 
democracy, but if you criticize the newspaper, that's 
suppression of democracy. Even the Law on the Press, if 
it 18 passed, is something | view not from the position of 
a journalist but from the standpoint of the possibility of 
protecting citizens against the dirty tricks that the press 
can play. How many heart attacks and wrecked careers it 
has on its conscience... What the Central press did 
recently in regard to the events in Tbilisi is of that sort. 

[MOLODEZH GRUZII] We believe that, judging by the 
results of the elections, opposition groups will also arise 
in the soviets. What is your opinion about this, and how 
do you assess the elections as a whole? 

[Yakovlev] The elections came off with a big plus. I don’t 
know about here, but in Moscow and Leningrad it was 
quite substantial. This is one more proof of the para- 
mount importance of political reform. As a result of the 
elections, the very narrow circle of leaders of perestroyka 
has been breached on a nationwide scale. Many people 
have come up from the provinces, people who were 
nominated by the voters and have the voters’ support. 
For this reason, we do not now have the right to assess 
whether they are worthy or not. One time some Ameri- 
can journalists asked me to compile a list of the most 
progressive people in the country. That's ridiculous. Am 
I supposed to claim that the Volgograd guy who “beat” 
Yu. Bondarev in the elections is progressive and Bond- 
arev is not? Traditionally we tend to seek an alternative 
in specific names rather than in groups of people. The 
concept of the search needs to be changed. Why not seek 
the alternative in groups of deputies who will strive to 
consolidate with one another, finding compromise, 
rather than creating numerous factions which are always 
exchanging ultimatums? Such attempts are already being 
undertaken, even though there is still a month and a half 
to go before the USSR Congress of People’s Deputies. 
This is a dangerous time. 

[MOLODEZH GRUZII] Isn't there a danger that the 
Congress will turn into a babel and the deputies will get 
lost in a plethora of social programs? 

[Yakovlev] The situation is understandable. Looking 
over the pre-election programs, we can see that they 
include everything that had been fermenting among the 
people for 70 years. The package of specific issues needs 
to be limited during the first Congress. In my opinion, 
there are three directions that should be paramount. 
Determination of the status of deputies (to whom all 
doors should be opened). The second point that needs to 
be dealt with at the Congress is the status of the Supreme 
Soviet, rotation procedures in the Supreme Soviet. The 
third point is to define the most immediate political 
measures. That is, the sequence rather than the imple- 
mentation of the measures themselves. The way I look at 
it, we should not expect more from the first Congress. 


[MOLODEZH GRUZII] Yegor Viadimirovich, here's a 
question from the dangerous sphere of political forecast- 
ing. = it possible that perestroyka might end with one 

[Yakoviev] | don’t think so, And anyway, what does it 
mean to say it will end or not? Let's look a little deeper, 
What did Khrushchev do, coming after Stalin? He 
exposed the man's direct crimes and mistakes, Was any 
forward progress made? In general, no. The system 
remained the same. Brezhnev corrected Khrushchev's 
direct mistakes, for example in agriculture, but he went 
no further than that, and it sank without a trace. Now for 
the first time we are seeing an attempt to create a 
different political structure. The elections are the first 
example of that. If, despite all the resistance, this basic 
reform succeeds, the structure will become self-perpetu- 
ating and assuring. If it does not, it will sink without a 

Perestroyka, in my understanding, breaks down into 
three stages. In the first stage we thought that all we had 
to do was turn our armchair a little, loosen the knot in 
our tie, and everything would be fine. It was not just the 
journalists who thought that. Gorbachev himself empha- 
sized several times that neither he nor the government as 
a whole had a clear idea of the extent of the egalitarian- 
ism [uravnilovka], or the level of corruption, or the 
degree of resistance to new developments in the depths 
of society. 

The second period was dominated by the old mentality 
of finding the wrongdoer who was blocking perestroyka. 
And some 18 million such functionaries surfaced, 
bureaucrats on which everything could be blamed. It 
reminded me of the story of the people who raised 100 
wolves, let them go, and then rushed to catch them. 

The third period started with the 19th Party Congress. 
We began to understand that it was not a matter of 
wrongdoers but that the existing state and political 
system itself fosters anti-perestroyka. People are merely 
the vehicles of what the system produces. 

But life goes on, and it will not do to wait until another 
system takes shape. There is not a single problem today 
that can be resolved in ideally clean laboratory condi- 
tions. Everything proceeds via the union of the old and 
the new, by breaking up customary views. We, the people 
of the system, can almost repeat along with Gogol: “We 
have all emerged from Stalin's tunic.” 

[{MOLODEZH GRUZII] Keep on struggling? Wouldn't 
it be simpler to cross out everything that has been and 
start to build a new system? 

[Yakovlev] I would not cut off like that. A rich man in 
Hamburg collected some of our “left-wing” artists and 
set up a “glasnost gallery.” When I went through it I felt 
bad. My own 57 years have not been as tragic and 

27 June 1989 

senseless as these kids paint it, They are not more than 
35 or 36 years old, They paint things like “War in the 
Crimea Up in Smoke,” although they were not in the war 
in Crimea, 

There is a wonderful play by Merezhko called “The 
Proletarian Happiness Mill."’ It seems some guy in the 
early’30s built a happiness mill, something like a perpet- 
ual motion machine. It required wheels, which were 
taken from everybody's wagons. The chairman of the 
Poor Peasants Committee told the grumbling peasants to 
ride around on sledges and get used to happiness. Then 
it needed something else, and something else again. And 
when the village finally rose up against the mill, the 
chairman of the Poor Peasants Committee came and 
said, “All right, who's against happiness? Step forward 
and be shot!’ To me, this is a very accurate picture of 
how we build our happy future. 

When I hear today that they put a metallurgy combine 
into operation ahead of schedule in 1939, an association 
occurs to me: They would produce poor steel which 
German bullets would easily penetrate. But to the people 
who built that combine it was their life, their happiness, 
their joy. 

What has happened in the course of 70 years, it seems to 
me, was to be expected. Consider, for example, the 
disputes revolving around the origin of Stalinism— 
whether it was engendered by the socialist system or was 
a phenomenon alien to it. It seems to me that Lev 
Karpinskiy has hit upon a very interesting image. He 
compares Stalinism with a cancerous tumor which devel- 
ops in the organism's own cells and kills it. 

Let’s look at it from another angle. Stalin shot us. 
Khrushchev promised us communism by 1980. Brezh- 
nev stole everything he could. But all it took was to 
remind us again of the ideals of socialism and we 
immediately went into action and forgot all about it. 
Here is proof—from the reverse—of the power of these 

Just think why perestroyka is such a raging success in the 
West. Not just because the Union is a great power. It is 
simply that the ideas of democratization and social 
justice are in short supply in the world. As soon as there 
is any hope, people go for it. 

Tajik Student Teacher Riot Described by Victims; 
Cause Still Unresolved 
in Russian 24 Feb 89 p 3 

[Eye-witness account of student teacher riot written by 
M. Lebedev and A. Cherepanov: “At the Hospital and 
the Police Station Is Where You Will Find the Partici- 
pats in the Events of 20 February”’] 

[Text] After the telegraph agency’s report of the suppres- 
sion of the acts of hooliganism in Dushanbe on 20 
February, the telephones at the editorial office rang off 


the hook. Inquiries from the city’s inhabitants poured in, 
as if they would never stop. Journalists were not at the 
scene of the incident and cannot give an eye-witness 
account of the events. We are presenting the words of 
those who were involved in the chain of events and those 
who in the line of duty prevented the conflict from 

Some of the participants in the hooliganism at the 
technical school managed to force their way into the 
Tajikistan cinema where they began to beat the audi- 
ence. The police also suppressed this hooliganism. 

Abduvali Rakhmonov, head of the administration of 
internal affairs of the Dushanbe gorispolkom. 

In order to investigate the events of 20 February, a 
Strategical investigatory group was created which was 
headed by the deputy procurator of Dushanbe, Klych 
Kurbanov. Taking into account the great public response 
to the events, experienced employees from the Ministry 
of Internal Affairs and the procurator’s office of the 
capital were assigned to assist the group. 

The facts which we have at our disposal at the moment 
convince us that the two outbreaks of hooliganism 
mentioned (the time lapse between them was two hours, 
and none of those who participated in the first skirmish 
were involved in the second fight) were not related in any 
way. There was also no preparation for these events or 
any previously organized hooliganism to mention. The 
next day, we went around the neighboring dormitories of 
the youth village: some people had heard about the fight 
from our employees. 

Those involved in the fight were not divided according 
to nationality, as is indicated by the last names of those 
participating in the skirmish at ‘“Binokoron.”” And 
among those inhabitants of the microregion who burst 
into the dormitories were V. Ulyanov, A. Khakimov, V. 
Bondar and some Albert from Termez. The students at 
the technical school are also of different nationalities. 

According to information from the ambulances, 64 peo- 
ple required medical attention and nine people were 
hospitalized the first night. One policeman was hospital- 
ized. Five of our workers received injuries of varying 

There was great deal of material damage. Three trolley 
buses, one bus, two Volgas, one RAF, six police cars and 
private cars were damaged. 

The hooliganism was suppressed. A total of 113 people 
were taken to the regional departments and Ministry of 
Internal Affairs for the purpose of analyzing and shed- 
ding light on the circumstances surrounding the hooli- 
ganism. Now we have to decipher all the circumstances 
surrounding the events which occurred. This, of course, 
requires time. We will inform the public of the outcome 
of our work. 

27 June 1989 

And here are the accounts of others who participated in 
the events, with whom our correspondent spoke at the 
Republic Clinical Hospital No. 3. 

A. Zubarev, athlete. 

On Monday evening four of us were returning from the 
cafeteria. It was about 8 o'clock. Suddenly a group of kids 
came straight toward us. Without a word, they grabbed us 
and began beating us. One of us immediately managed to 
run away. The others apparently managed to later. | was 
beaten and kicked until I lost consciousness. When I came 
to, there was no one around. They had stolen my sports 

V. Tur, senior police lieutenant. 

On that evening | was on duty at the Department of 
Internal Affairs of the Central Rayon. About 8:30 p.m. an 
alarm was raised: there was a fight near the industrial 
pedagogical technical school. | called three of the cars on 
duty on my portable radio and sent them to the scene of 
the incident. A little while later a taxi drove up to the 
regional department. The agitated driver said that hooli- 
gans had attacked his car. They had thrown stones and 
broken the windows. Then an assistant and | grabbed 
shields and rubber truncheons and went to the scene. 
About 150 people holding iron bars, chains and sticks had 
gathered in the courtyard of the DIPT [expansion 
unknown] dormitory. They were aggressive. We tried to 
calm and quieten them and convince them to disperse. 
However, in response we only had stones thrown at us. In 
this manner, we stood facing each other. But not for long. 

Suddenly, isolated shouts rose from the crowd and every- 
one moved in the direction of the Tajikistan cinema. There 
the hooligan adolescents stopped. They broke the windows 
of the cinema. One large group rushed into the building. 
Another went toward the exit of the cinema. I do not know 
what went on inside. But, after a little while, the movie- 
goers poured out of the exit. Unwittingly, they fell directly 
under the rods and chains of the second group. The 
hooligans beat everyone in succession. They did not spare 
anyone -neither women, girls, the old nor the young. It was 
time to use fire-arms again. | shot into the air. 

Then we managed to force the crowd toward the dormito- 
ries of the technical school. And with the assistance of 
those present we managed to drive the outrageous hooli- 
gans into the building. Somewhere in this turmoil one of 
the stones hit me in the head. It still hurt later. I went to the 

[M. Lebedev] Why, in your opinion, did the disturbance 
continue for more than an hour and a half? Couldn't 
measures have been taken? 


[V. Tur] Measures were taken, but at first, apparently, 
they were insufficient. In the beginning we had no idea of 
the magnitude of the incident. 

A. Dronov, Young Pioneer leader, 

In the evening, around 9:45, I was coming back from 
training with a friend. We were riding on a trolley bus. In 
addition to us, there were an elderly couple, two young 
girls and four or five boys on the bus. The bus stopped near 
the Tajikistan cinema. Someone shouted: “Get out!” 

Since the driver did not open the door. the hooligans began 
to force them open and in a moment they tore into the bus. 
The driver managed to hide the girls in his booth, and 
despite the threats, protect them. The old people were 
severely beaten though, until they bled. When I was taken 
out of the trolley bus, I barely had chance to look around. 
Someone hit me forcefully on the head from behind with 
an iron bar, I think. I lost consciousness. 

S. Khikmatulloev, student at the industrial pedagogical 
technical school. 

In the evening, somewhere between nine and ten o'clock | 
went to wash. At that time, I heard a noise somewhere 
below. I did not pay much attention to it and began 
washing. Just then I was struck from behind with some- 
thing blunt. I gained consciousness after everything had 
gone quiet. 

S. Rakhmonov, student at the industrial pedagogical 
technical school. 

On that evening, I heard a noise somewhere below, then 
it grew louder and louder. I thought it was an earthquake 
and dressed as | was, in shorts and a T-shirt, | jumped 
from the second story. Below the windows, several young 
guys began beating me with sticks. When | regained 
consciousness, I ran to the nearest dormitory. They 
called the ambulance for me. 

Abduvali Rakhmonov, head of the administration of inter- 
nal affairs, did not say anything, but he also received an 
injury. The policemen had shields and truncheons with 
them. They formed a barricade with their shields, but they 
only managed to stop the unrestrained hooligans after 
warning shots were fired into the air. 

Yes, the “offenders and victims” included a variety of 
people (we are putting them in quotes because, on that 
evening, some of them fell into both groups). But you see 
any catchword or slogan could be given such an incensed 
crowd of young people. It appears that the entire complex 
of youth problems has currently gained a special urgency. 
And this problem needs to be solved not only by the 
law-protection agencies, but by all of us. Otherwise, where 
is the guarantee that something similar will not be 

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26July 89