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6 NOVEMBER 1986 

China Report 



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6 NOVEMBER 1986 



noeanr pote —Hrpr Tr, , ssTarta 


israel’ olan Heights Policy Discuss: 
Liu Lin; RENMIN RI BAO, l Sep 8h ) “eee ee ewer eeereneeeeneeeneeee l 

New Rul for Studytng Abroad Explains 
INGGUO JLAOYU BAO , . Jul Sh ) “ese erereeneeeneeteeneneeeeeeeeeeee 2 
lation ip Between Political, ynomic Refor discussed 
(Zhou Ximing; GONGREN RIBAO, 15 Aug 86) ..cccccccccccccccs ] 
Cadr System Reform as Key in Political Reform 
(Y Ning; GONGREN RL BA , ‘ ; Jul “st ) “eee eevee ereweeeeeewn eee eee LO 
ti | Making False Accusations Discusse 
UANGMLNG RIBAO, 20 Aug of ) ee ee ee | 13 
. ' r ° ’ 
Cultural Revolution Propo 
(Ba Jin; XINMLIN WANBAO, 26 Aug Mf ) “eer eveoeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeer 15 
Lon Misinterpreted Marxist View 

(Liu Peihua, Liu Shizhou; ZHONGCUO QOLNGNIAN BAO, 7 Aug 86) Lh 

[ea ist Tt Political Retornr Analyz 
| hengping; ZHONGGUO OLNGNIAN BAO. 8&8 Aug 36) cecccccccce 19 

Theorist Chen Shi on Socialism 
(Chen Shi; GONGREN RIBAO, 8 Aug Ee necaackeeuseeee eens auee 

Theoretical Research, Political Structural Reform Discussed 
(Xiao Yuhua; GUANGMING RIBAO, 23 Aug 86) ....cccccccccceees 

Scholar Discusses Economic, Political Reforms 
(Shao Ding Interview; CHENG MING, No 106, Aug 86) ........ 

Party, Government Division of Labor Discussed 
(Ye Sheng; WEN HUIL BAO, 15 Aug 86 ) *eeeeeeneenenseeeeeneeneeneeete 

Legal Protection of ‘Double Hundred’ Policy Urzed 
(ZHONGGUO FAZHI BAO, 31 Jul 36) ..cccccccccccsccscescccces 

Liberalization of Press Discussed 
(Ma Rulong; GONGREN RIBAO, 8 Aug 86) ....ccecccccccccccess 

Freedom of Speech, Press, Thought Advocated 
(Yu Haocheng; XINGUANCHA, No 16, 25 Aug 86) ..cccccceceees 

Sccialist Democracy, Allowing Masses To Talk Examined 
(Wang Jianping; WEN HUI BAO, 5 Sep 86) ...cccecccccccceees 

Commentary Criticizes Individualism 
(Loi Chaorong; SICHUAN RIBAO, 17 Jul B86) ...cccccccccccees 

Reasons for CYL's Lack of Appeal Listed 
(ZHONGGUO QINGNIAN BAO, 30 Jul 86 ) *eeeeneeeeenseneeeeeeanneeeeee 

Reform of Existing Political Structure Discussed 
(Yan Jiaqi; JIEFANG RIBAO, 13 Aug 86) .ccccccccccccccccees 

Efficiency, Political Democratization Discussed 
(Wang Huning; JIEFANG RIBAO, 27 Aug 86) ...ccccceccccevcces 

Characteristics of Larceny Analyzed 
(Li Huaiying; ZHONGGUO FAZHI BAO, 11 Aug 86) ......eeeeess 

Yan Jiaqi on ‘Human Nature’, Legal System 
(Yan Jiaqi; XINGUANCHA, No 17, 10 Sep 86) ...ccccccccccees 



Implementation of Party's Policy Toward Intellectuals 
(Jiang Haibo; ANHUL RIBAO, 7 Aug 86 > seeieeeeenenseeneeneteeneteneeeee 









Conference on Fighting Major, Economic Crimes 
(Ji Dajing; DAZHONG RIBAO, 3 Aug 86) ........00-- easaneen 

Forum on Political Structural Reform 
(Luo Guangyuan; ANHUI RIBAO, 14 Aug 86) ...ccccccccccecess 

Wang Fang on Ideological Work, Party Work Style 
(ZHEJ LANG RIBAO, 20 Aug 86 ) »>_eeeeeeeeneeeneneneeeteeneenseeeeeeetee 

Failure in Administrative Reform Explained 
(Yang Xuemin; ANHUI RIBAO, 22 Aug 86) ...cccccccccccccscess 

Consolidation of Achievements in Party Rectification Work 
(JLEFANG RIBAO, 5 Sep 86) *eeeeoeeeeeeenreeneeneeneeneneeneeneneeneeeteeete 

Party Rectification Work in Shanghai Suburbs Reported 

(Hui Kang, Pei Kun; JIEFANG RIBAO, 4 Sep 86) .........- —~ 
Anhui Forum on Reform of Higher Education 

(Su Zequan, Wang Jse; ANHUI RIBAO, 24 Aug 86) .....eceeeeee 
Henan Plant Directors Call For Political Reform 

CEeny RR, FS FEL GO) ccccvecodssscccsccscceccecescceses 8 | 

Party Recruitment at Health Institute Ri, 

Problems in Discipiine Inspection Work 


Plant Directors’ Right To Hire, Fire Cadres Discussed 
(Lo Maocheng; GONGREN RIBAO, 9 Jul 86) wocccccccccccces eee 5 


Conference on Handling Major Cases Reported 
(Zhang Biyou; SICHUAN RIBAO, 6 Aug 86) ..cccccececcceceees 5 

Plant Director Responsibility System Discussed 
(Zhang Shihong; RENMIN RIBAO, 26 Jul 86) ....ccceccccceess 8 

Commentary on New Approaches to Ideological Work 
(GUIZHOU RIBAO, 19 Jul 86 ) seeeeeeeeeeneeeeeeeteeneeeeeeeeeeee 9) 

Party Recruitment at Chongqing Academy " 


Ningxia Promotes Cadre Training 
(NINGXIA RIBAO, ll Jul 86) eeneereeeeveeeeeeneeneeeneeneeneeeeeeeeee y) 

/ 9986 

Hou Zonebin Addresses Provincial Rectification Conference 

(Zhang Yan; GANSU RIBAO, 3 Aug 86) ......eeeeeee- 

Navy Commander on Naval Modernization 
(Shen Lijiang; JIANCHUAN ZHISHI, No 8, 8 Aug 86) 

Reforms in PLA Airborne Troop Training 
(Ch'en Ming-chih; CHUNGKUNG YENCHIU, No 8, 15 Aug 

Nanjing MR Artillery Brigade 
Heilongjiang Conscription Begins 
Fuel Tank Monitoring Device 
Military Factory Commodity Production 
Type 83 152MM SP Gun/Howitzer 
People's Armed Forces Training 
Chemical Plant Transferred to Locale 
Helicopters Cross Xizang Plateau 
Military Uniform Factory 
Heavy Crane Produced by Militia 
Military Subdistrict Leaders 
Chinese Mines in Vietnam 
Photographs of Marine Exercises 
Logistics Modernization 

RH ) 

6 November 198 


HKO040624 Beiji: = RENMIN RIBAO in Chinese 1 Sep 86 p 6 
[“Jottings” by Yue Lin [2583 7207]: "Indulging in the Wildest Fantasy"| 

[Text] News fiom the Middle East says that Israel is forcing inhabitants ot 
the occupied C. ‘an Heights to acquire Israeli citizenship as well as coercing 
them into taki part in Israel's elections. 

Since its foun ing, Israel has continuously recruited Jews from all over the 
world in order to beef up its own sparse population. This is known to all. 
As long as it could latch on to someone, Israel would move heaven and earth 
to get them anc not hesitate to spend money. For instance, it spent U.S.$ 
300 million in late 1984 to transport 25,000 Falashas from Ethiopia into the 
country. According to research, they are descendants of King Solomon and the 
Ethiopian Quee. Sheba of 12th Century BC. Nevertheless, the Golan Heights i 

Syrian territor’ forcibly occupied by Israel during the third Mideast war in 
1967. The inh >»itants of the Golan Heights are not descendants of Hebrews 
and this does t need to be verified by research. To force them to acquire 

Israeli citizei .hip is really “baseless” and is no doubt a wild fantasy of 

the Israeli au. iorities. 

However, from this coercion one can see the evil intention of Israel, which 
is to occupy this piece of Arab land permanently, and to disguise this act in 
legal clothing. It is not necessary to dwell on the uproar raised by the 
Israeli leaders. They have long cried that “only lunatics would withdraw 
from the Golan ileights". In late 1981, the Israeli Parliament approved 
resolutions to  xtend legislative, judicial and executive powers into the 
Golan Heights- tis signified Israel's attempt at a complete annexation of 
this land by i al means. Today, it wants to incorporate the people Living 
in the Golan H+ ights as part of “its subjects", and seeks to thoroughly 
severe their ties with Syria. Indeed, it advances gradually and entrenches 
itself at ever, step, yet everyone knows its every twist and turn. 

Still, will Israel realize its wishful thinking? This is not just for Israel 
to say. 

CSO: 4005/058 

6 November 1986 


Beijing ZHONGGUO JIAOYU BAO in Chinese 8 Jul 86 pp l-2 

{Interview with a spokesperson of the State Education Committee by reporters 
of XINHUA and ZHONGGUO JIAOYU BAO; May 1986, Location not given; first para- 
graph is source supplied introduction} 

[Text] In May this year, a working conference on personnel studying abroad 
was convened by the State Education Committee. The Conterence was covered 

by XINHUA RENMIN RIBAO, ZHONGGUO JIAOYU BAO, etc. Recently, no small number 
of readers have been writing to news agencies and newspapers asking questions 
ibout studying abroad. For this reason, reporters trom XINHUA and ZHONGGUO 
JIAOYU BAO interviewed the person in charge of the State Education Committee. 
The following are his answers to our questions: 

QO: It's said that we'll dispatch fewer personnel to study abroad. Is that 

A; No. Just the opposite, our estimate is, not only will we not cut down 

the number, but we'll increase it. The reasons are: in the first place, 
while the number of students dispatched through state ftinancial allocation will 
remain at the current level during the Seventh 5-Year Plan, on the existing 
basis one can predict an increase in the number of students on tunds raised by 
their own localities, their departments or units, and exchange students. In 
the second place, with developing international exchange, the number of per- 
sonnel selected and dispatched, subject to the state, locality, unit or in- 
dividual being able to get the consent of the unit concerned, through various 
channels such as scholarships, loans and financial aid according to plans, 
will also be increased. 

QO: <At the Working Conference the State Education Committee emphasized imple- 
menting the dispatch-according-to-need principle. What concrete measures do 
you have regarding that? 

A: At present, we are getting ready to take tive concrete measures to do 
our utmost to dispatch students according to need: 

Ll. We need to give more guidance macrocosmically. Disciplines that are 
urgently needed for the country's four modernizations, newly developing dis- 

ciplines--these are the areas tor which more personnel need dispatching. 
areas which are already more developed domestically, fewer people need t 
dispatched. Stress needs to be placed on dispatching visiting scholars and 
personnel for refresher courses. 

2. In view ot the tact that internally greater development has been made 
postgraduate education, when it comes to dispatching graduate students, tly 
number of graduates going abroad tor postgraduate degrees should be reduced 
gradually, while the number of internaily-trained fresh Master's Degree holde: 
directly going abroad to stucy for doctorates should be increased. At th 
same time, we must actively open channels through which domestic tertiary in- 
Stitutions ana scientitic research institutions could jointly supervise 
Chinese Doctoral candidates with toreign institutions. 

3. The present method ot selecting candidates to do graduate work abroa 
needs restructuring. Beginning this year, the majority of the quotas for 
State-dispatched graduate students ahve been assigned to the personnel selecti 
organs, which make selection decisions according to how the units need then 
how the country needs them for reconstruction. 

4. In selecting the right candidates, the selection organs must closely « - 
bine the needs for the country's reconstruction and the unit's actual situat 
They should also consider how to make use of their expertise when they return 
and make sure certain conditions are available in good time. 

5. Guidance and management should be augmented as regards personne! ‘: 
dispatched abroad to study but not at the state's expense (including the per 
sonnel studying abroad who used to be labeled “self-supperted and state 
dispatched"), to make sure their selection and dispatch are in keeping with 
needs of the state, according to plan, and joal-oriented. 

Q: What does the state demand of personnel studying abroad? 

A: For some years practice has proved t us that the overwhelming majority 
the personnel dispatched to study abroad are good. Both the country and ttlv 
people trust them and place great hope on them. We expect them to set strict 
demands on themselves without letting the people down. We expect them to mak: 
every effort to become ideal-oriented, moral, cultured and disciplined expert 
bent on the cause of socialist modernization reconstruction; to self-consciou 
fulfill their study mission in accordance with the needs of the country and tlu 
dispatch plan, and to return home in good time to take part in the four modern 
izations reconstruction and restructuring to carry out the duties and comnit 
ments due to them tor the prosperity and strengt. ot the count ry and the hap- 
piness of the people. Besides, we call tor their fostering the thought ot 
coming home with a pioneering fortitude, their cherishing the aspiration of 
strenuously producing first-rate results in the present situation where our 
country has not overcome all its ditficulties, and we call for their dedicat 
to the cause of the Four Modernizations in a down to earth manner. 

Q: What are the new rules governing studying abroad at one's own expense? 

recent i‘ that el Té pe©rsovil ‘ vt { ‘ 
. ! ‘ as (tO pa the stat £U.UUU Vvuan 
t t i 1ee. is that sp itied D t the 
; [ ti Lommittee never cic Make § ' r I ; 
: t : Pr . At the Working Conterence the ' ‘ 
[ . rsni ind loan system for personr t 
; ‘ system wheret t ne lispatche per i 
’ . SS Omer *t . . } ° .4 ’ ~ 
‘ eemel 5 tnat th partic ‘ i 
> i A T¢ at irly 7 < ii st . I] it s 4 ‘ 
t t ncie issue ncermin er ‘ [ 
racticed in many tries throu at ft rid. 
t tt t tne Committees i ) , Ct ward t ‘ | : 
rat research: 
t é t lear up tirst of all. rst, ta . 
t the tirst degree. Second . ‘ ‘ 
torate research. The ultimate aim o! t torate research, 
; . . ; . 7 we « ? ‘ ; a . 
> At Lin UOCVCLOMNC IIL ur o6G ‘ ; t i ‘ 
tn le, we ask the gradvate student a re 
! t m™ acK tirst ing wor ror i / ‘ t ft t 
. ‘ ’ t it tat ’ r at , 4 ‘ tut " " ‘ : 
. . ir the neecs, i ing Gd some rescil , 
r ‘ abt im wo etter TT ned wit tre ‘ 1 
, est inits erne it scienti reseat 
t te 1 r to be irried out ibroad | the ter ti t 
torat » © in i ‘ me itjter iIppT ; 
‘ . r try wil set some polic ic in thi respect. es 
iid levelon science education in this untry. é tat 

, > _ 
I eT su at Senior s ence researchers and tea j { 
: > - , = 
itn Te itt fexene rt Sie ™Meé 7 t re ” ‘ ‘ ’ 
t tte nternational a é mierences, ther t ' i 
” ° > > a -) 1 7 av. , . , 
. Lners Wii t j ‘ iyTTy [ ré eat } ‘ 
4 ,* pon rT) ert ‘ r me | ‘ : ’ it ; ' ; | 

; Tate- pat i@d personne! tudvin roa mi vi . 
t rv t ip? mM” sis) snort, i Ss @ ears tne wi e. tne 

r the State-dispatched graduatc students who stay abr er : 
‘ irage them t return for vacation. For them, we have work 
te mw rebdy raduate students on public ftunding are entitled t 
‘ it n at the expense o! the State atter a ! md one-hati ! 
his way not only can they have a reunion with tlhe 

re importantly, they may take the opportunity of their vacat 

ter understandin f the home situation and t have nt t wit t 

l : t ©ei;r wT its. ; 1! 1s t he re) ré : me-st me-tw > ita 
| : r their spouse at me, ii they wish ¢t vO Visitin relative } 
rt period, the uld easily aftore their expense: broad. 
t to their units’ approval following the application and arranpement 
e re rding their work in their absence, their applications wil 
roved. During the specified period of their spouse-visiting aoroat, 
r waves | paid is isNai. 
re nt needs to be made clear concerning this tssue, in the past there 
r é in some units who lett behind their wor: nd went abroad t 
iccoMpanied stucies. imat ractice nothin t ™ 
; ; 


6 November 195: 


Beijing GONGREN RIBAO in Chinese 15 Aug 86 p 3 

[Article by Zhou Ximing [6656 3556 2494]: “A Superficial Inquiry Into the 
Present Relationship Between the Two Forms of Structural Reform” ] 

[Text] The political and economic systems of socialism could be said to 
constitute two sides of the same coin--they are not only part of the same 
entity, but are inextricably interwoven with no clear line of demarcation. 
Therefore, reform of the political and economic systems form two aspects of the 
same process of social reform, and should proceed simultaneously and develop in 
a coordinated fashion. Both share the same fate, whether that be success or 

Is this understanding of the relationship between political and economic reform 
contrary to the basic principle of historical materialism that states that 
economics ultimately determines politics? The answer to this question should 
be in the negative. First of all, although according to historical 
materialism, economics plays the final determining role in relation to 
politics, politics is never regarded as an appendage to economics, and has a 
dynamic effect on economics. Second, if we face reality we would discover that 
in a socialist country the system of public ownership and the state play a 
vital role regarding economics, and that all of economic life is permeated with 
political elements. The well-known Polish economist, [Bulusi] made a 
comprehensive, detailed description of this: 1) The first point of departure 
for economic activity (the target function), is the resuit of political policy 
making; 2) Selecting the best program from among those developed via economic 
calculation is also a form of political policy making; 3) Indirectly 
determining economic parameters of calculation via the effect that the scope 
and structure of consumption funds will have on human behavior in economic 
activity in the process of deciding on that scope and structure is also 
political policy making. In China, politics has a particularly marked dynamic 
effect on economics: political elements permeate almost every aspect of life 
in society, and almost all economic questions are also political questions. 
Given such a situation, the deciding role of economics towards politics is only 
manifested in the permeation of political factors into every cell of the social 
organism. This abnormal phenomenon is, in the final analysis, due to economic 
underdevelopment. In addition to this, economics and politics are reflected 
merely as mutually determining each other. Third, the relationship between the 

political and economic systems and politics and economics cannot be si 

equated. If we say that although the entire economic process in a ‘ al ist 
country is replete with political factors, the decisive role played | 

economics in relation to politics can still be dimly seen, then th raditional 
socialist economic and political systems would appear to he fused into a whole. 
In no sense would there exist the decisive role of the former on the latter, 

and the relationship between the two would only be one of mutual determination 
and coordinated, identical existence and change. 

It is just this united relationship between the economic and | itical systems 
that determines the necessity of the simultaneous advance of ¢t t both 
the economic and political systems. The last 7-odd years of practice in reform 

in China have shown this to be true. 


From the very beginning, economic and political structural reform is 

characterized by an identity of process--both are initiated together and 
continue to develop in a coordinated fashion. Deng Xiaoping has said, “Th 
overall economic reform cannot succeed without engaging in overall political 
reform.” In other words, the two aspects of the reform must, and can ) 
proceed at the same time, or else the reform will not succeed. In the past few 
years, the gigantic successes achieved in China by the overal! ymnomic reform 

have been recognized by the entire world, but if we admit this fact, we must 
also recognize the equally great successes achieved by our re! 

political system as well. Some comrades believe that the overa! onomic 
reform has shown a good deal of development, but that the political reform has 
not even begun. In their view, the successes of the economic re! ‘er the 
past 7 years were achieved without the slightest political reform, which is the 
Same as saying that economic reform can make great strides in ndently of 
political reform! Perhaps the reason why these comrades have com » such a 
conclusion is that they have been confused by the following phenomenon: — th 
overall economic reform had been placed on the agenda a long time aso, while it 
has only been recently that people have been paying attention to the reform of 
the political system. This is indeed, an objective phenomenon. However, 
before people had a conscious conception ot placing the overal! political! 

reform on the agenda, the reform id long since been put on th 
objective practice, a fact which cannot be refuted. First came practice in 
reform, then a specific awareness ot it. This process from practic: 
understanding, as relates to the reform, is one of a development from lack of 

AWareness to awareness. 

Worthy of emphasis is that our intention in pointing out and analyzing the 
boundless premeation of politics throughout economic life in China for some 

time and the fusing of the political and economic systems into one is to stress 
that we must consider these facts during the practice of reform, not |! 

advocate the retention and protection of these phenomena. [ believe that this 
widespread permeation of politics and the fusion of the political i economic 
Systems is abnormal. The separation of politics from economics and other 


aspects of social life and the division of the political and economic systems 
should be one of the current objectives of the reform. Precisely because of 

this, any progress obtained in China's reform at least in the near future will 
be manifested as progress both in the political and economic systems. It can 

be predicted that by the time the reform has developed to a definite degree, u 
normal relationship will be established between politics and economics and the 
political and economic systems, which will open up even more bright future 
vistas for the reform. When that time comes, we should change our angle of 
approacu and study the mutual relationship between the poiitical and economic 
Systems proceeding from the interdependence and independence of both systems. 
This is an immutable law of historical development. 

CSO: 4005/956 

6 November 1986 


Beijing GONGREN RIBAO in Chinese 25 Jul 86 p 3 

{Article by Ye Ning [0673 1380]: “Reform of the Cadre System Is a Breakthrough 
in the Reform of the Political System”] 

[Text] Regarding the question of breakthrough in the reform of the pclitical 
system, some comrades advocate starting with freedom of speech, while others 
feel we should begin from the reform of administrative organs. Both views are 
reasonable to a certain degree, because both problems dealt with are major 
issues that must be resolved by overall political reform. However, selecting 
the breakthrough point is similar to how one must lead a cow by the nose to get 
her to move--I believe we must siart from the reform of the current cadre 


First of all, regarding the relationship between the reform of the cadre system 
and the political system and other aspects of the reform, the reform of the 
cadre system requires the removal of the unscientific, undemocratic and 
imperfect components of that system, the correction of various deviations and 
defects in cadres' work and the rectification of incompetent personnel from all 
posts at all levels in the ranks of the cadres, and the selection of comrades 
who completely meet the standards of the “four modernizations”™ and who are of 
fine moral quality to join the ranks of the cadres and fill leadership 
positions at all levels. Since the founding of the PRC, reform of the 
administrative system has been carried out on numerous occasions and in 1982 
the movement seemed to be gaining momemtum. The reason why results have been 
poor, even ending up with more overlapping organizations and more personne] 
than needed is most likely related to our cadre system and those cadres with 
power, and the creation of work to give people something to do, a problem which 
is far from resolved. Therefore, the reform of the cadre system is a 
prerequisite for success in the reform of the political system and in other 
areas, and is the key to whether or not the reform of society as a whole can 

develop in depth. 

Second, regarding the important role of cadres in all this, “After the creation 
of the political line, the cadre is the decisive factor.” No matter how good 
the line, principles and policies of our party and state are, they all must 
depend on the cadres for implementation and execution. No matter how good our 
experiences and typical cases in the practice of reform are, they all rely on 


the cadres for review and 
the masses 
and fate of 
of the plant director system of res; 

functioning and achievement of results 

of the 

- ’ 

N2aOon! es 
re 4 


director and the leadership team. 
cadre system and the strict adher t 
promotion provide the guarantee | 
leadership and to thriving developm ; 

Third, as relates to the current stat 
the condition of the cadre system an 
Central Committee has repeatedly stress 
of the cadres and has issued many direct 
places and units have boldly conducted r 
resulting in some progress in tl rir 
the needs of the party's undertakings a 
modernizations and the hopes of the ma 
still much that is unsatisfactory about 

cadre ranks reminds “Ws rh it 

condition of 
come to the 
5-Year Plan, 


Zhao Zivang pointed 

the overall economic reform of the rest 
cadres” should elicit the close attentri 

adoption of firm 
unsuitability of 

measures Co rap 



By the cadre system, we usually refe: 
selection, employment, 
promotion, impeachment, 
aspects of the cadre system, and inte 
work of cadres. These ts are ir 



believe that the reform of cadre sele 
foundation of the reform of the cadr: 
In the reform of the selection of cadré 

of “imperial decrees,” traditionalizat 
democratic, scientific and systematic. 
important. Without it, 
mention promoting scient 
promote professionally and politically s 
the “four modernizations.” The re! 
“improving top to bottom and bottom to 
Comrade Hu Yaobang at the conference att 
present time, the creation and perfect t: 
particular importance. The 
manifestation and guarantee 

we cannot overc 




the people t 

enabling the masses of 
the fundamental 

task in the construction 

our country s great undertak! 

management, Superv 

and sys 

of the democt 

“ St ‘ ‘ 
ids tid na 
r nines ti tutu 
I S vey of test site 
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Supe rvision is an Important 

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s of fate, is 


Strong, socialist country. Another aspect of the creation and perfection of a 
system of supervision is the genuine implementation of a system by which cadres 
can be demoted as well as promoted. Resolute measures should be taken with the 
unanimous supervision, inspection and verification from both upper and lower 
ranks, to demote, dismiss or retire all incompetent cadres and cadres with a 
lot of problems deserving of such treutment. Appropriate wages should be paid 
for all posts. Evil should not be tolerated sacrificing the interests of the 
party and people, because of personal relationships in this regard. The 
implementation of a strict system of supervision over cadres is the only 
effective, positive measure to put an end to the lifelong tenure system for 
leadership cacres. 

Recently Comrade Deng Xiaoping emphasized the necessity of a step-by-step 
reform of government organs and the cadre system to follow the overall 
development of the reform of the economic system. However, the problems of how 
to reform the cadre system, and to what degree directly involve the interests 
of a great many cadres. Therefore, the reform's fate will largely be 
determined by whether or not leadership cadres at all levels can have the 
resolution to be selfless and fearless. This is another proof of the theme of 
this article. 

CSO: 4005/956 

6 November 1986 


Beijing GUANGMING RIBAO in Chinese 20 Aug 86 p 1 

[Article by staff commentator: "Combat Anonymous False Accusations; Protect 
Reform Efforts"] 

[Text] In the course of reform today, while facing the risks and difficulties 
in their work, some enthusiastic reformers have to dodge slander and false 
accusations made behind their backs, suffering attacks front and rear and 
fighting on two fronts. The report published toda, in this paper on how 
Jilin's Dongfeng pharmaceutical plant director Liang Youyi [2733 0645 4135] 
suffered anonymous false accusations is one instance. Liang Youyi was 
falsely accused anonymously 5 times in 3 years and lost 3 chances for a merit 
award. Yet in spite of the false accusations, he refused to become discour- 
aged, but remained energetic and pursued reforu. His spirit is most 
commendable. Today, his problem has finally been clarified. It is the 
verdict of history and calls for celebration. However, there are still many 
reformers suffering similar misfortunes, and the evil practice of making 
anonymous false accusations will not be thus stamped out. 

"Six months' punishment for 8 cents.... Lifetime discredit for 16 cents." 

It is an abnormal and distressing social phenomenon. Reform touches the 

sore spots of some people. Resentful yet unable te express themselves in the 
open, they resort to anonymous accusations. There are also those who suffer 
from jealousy, regarding others’ achievements as their own incompetence, 

and others’ success as their own failure. Acting on rumors, they find one 
flaw today and a problem the next, and will not be satisfied until their 
targets are ousted. Anonymous accusers stress timeliness, displaying their 
skills at moments of commendation, naming, promotion, grade evaluation and 
wage adjustment. The anonymous accuser is also an opportunist. When the 
higher level urges policy implementation, he accuses you of failing to 
fulfill policies; when the higher level opposes unhealthy tendencies, he 
charges you with promoting them; when there is a crackdown on economic crimes, 
he claims that you have economic problems. In addition, such rumors as 
"sexual relations" serve as the "ever effective” magic weapon in his hands. 

The success of anonymous accusers often hinges on the attitude of leaders. 

Some leaders immediately become excited upon reading an anonymous letter 
and lose their confidence in a formerly trusted subordinate. Thus, regardless 


of whether the problems are true, they "suspend" the accused first for 
further consideration. Wary of the outstanding subordinates to start with, 
others find anonymous accusations good opportunities for them to express 
themselves. Thus, they make a big fuss and launch "marathon" investiga- 
tions, until the accused is discredited. "One fears not the 8 cents, but 
the gullibility of the leader" is a portrayal of reality. 

Making anonymous accusations has today become a major scourge of society. 
Hit by such hidden arrows, some reformers have come under investigation, 
encountered attack, and "fallen from their horses midway." It makes some 
reformers tremble with fear, unable to proceed yet reluctant to quit. There 
is an even more frequent situation: After investigations and transfers 
lasting 6 months to a year, though an anonymous letter has been proved false, 
no one comes forth to clear up the matter for the accused or redress the 
wrong. On the contrary, such arguments as "no smoke without fire” and "one 
must not disbelieve the accusation, but nor must one believe it in full" 
thereby placing a burden on the accused, inflicting on him an indescribable 
pain. A plant director complained indignantly: "I spend much time of my 
working hours dealing with groundless censures and accusations. It takes 
the investigation group 3 to 5 months to investigate. When no problem is 
found at the end, the matter is settled by leaving it unsettled. One cannot 
ask for the name of the accuser, because his rights have to be protected. 
However, who is to pay for the time wasted and work delayed? What is the 
guarantee of the dignity of one's character?" 

Pinpointing at the detrimental impact of anonymous accusations in social 

life, some comrades suggested the policy of "ignoring them." In other words, 
leaders of various levels should throw anonymous letters into the waste- 
basket. One should say that it is the last resort in handling the flood of 
anonymous letters today. Some comrades feel that, while the problems reported 
in anonymous letters should be investigated according to the circumstances, 
such letters should not affect the trust in, employment and promotion of a 
cadre, and the unconfirmed facts in the letters should not be spread far and 
wide. Undoubtedly, it is a responsible attitude. We feel that handling 
anonymous accusations is actually a course of “supporting the upright and 
driving out the evil.” Supporting the upright means publishing the true facts 
obtained in an investigation and rehabilitating the accused. Especially in 
terms of those comrades who uphold justice and "remain standing in spite o: 
false accusations," we must firmly back them up and publicize their spirit 

and deeds. It is the purpose of the affirmation and support given to Liang 
Youyi for his spirit of upholding reform in disregard of false accusations 

and of his election as a provincial labor model reported in this paper today. 
Driving out the evil means that, upon investigation, those deliberately making 
false accusations should be earnestly prosecuted, and serious offenders 
violating criminal law should be punished according to law, for otherwise we 
will not be able to curb the evil practice or protect reformers. 

Persons making false accusations should take warning! In a major sense, the 
practice damages the enthusiasm of reformers and endangers the moderniza- 
tion cause; in a minor sense, with society's contempt for the practice and 
the gradual strengthening of the legal system, those making false accusations 
will eat their own bitter fruit. 


CSO: 4005/962 14 

JPRS-CPS- 86-081 
6 November 1986 



Shanghai XINMIN WANBAO in Chinese 26 Aug 86 p 6 
(Article by Ba Jin [1572 6855]: "A ‘Cultural Revolution' Museum" } 

(Excerpts] I believe that many people who had suffered the utmost of 
"grinding and tempering with blood and fire" in the "cultural revolution,” 
will most likely not remain silent. Each person has had his own particular 
experiences, but no one will describe the "cowsheds" as "paradise," or regard 
the merciless and inhumane murders as "a great proletarian revolution." 
Although ways of thinking differ, we all have formed one common resolution: 
Under no circumstances shall there be another "cultural revolution" in China, 
because a second catastrophe will completely destroy the Chinese nation. 

Some say: "To happen again? That should be impossible.” My question is: 
"Why should it not be possible?" In recent years, I have thought a lot about 
it in the hope of finding a clear and definite answer: is it or is it not 
possible? Though I am now not afraid of queer dreams at night, but who is to 
guarantee me that things that happened 20 years ago will not happen again? 

It is not that there is no soil, or not the weather, that would make growth of 
a second “cultural revolution” impossible. Quite the contrary. 

Establishing a museum of the "cultural revolution" is not the affair of any 
particular individual, we all have the responsibility to let our children and 
grandchildren, generation after generation, remember well the lesson of the 10 
cruel and painful years. "Don't let history repeat itself,” must not remain 
merely an empty phrase. We must make everybody see it very clearly, and 
remember it very distinctly. The best way to do that is to build a “cultural 
revolution" museum. This should use specific and actual articles, display 
soul-stirring true scenes, and explain what indeed had occurred on this very 
soil of China 20 years ago. Let everybody see the whole course of the 
"cultural revolution," think of what every individual did during those 10 
years, tear off the masks, make it a matter of conscience, reveal your own 
true colors as of those days, pay back all debts of the past, large and small. 
Only when acting without selfish motives, one will not be cheated or fooled; 
daring to speak out truthfully, one will not give easy credence to falsehoods. 

Only persons who well remember the "cultural revolution" will be able to stop 
history from repeating itself and bar the return cf the “cultural revolution." 

Erecting a "cultural revolution" museum is an extremely necessary affair; 
only those who do not forget the past can master the future. 

CSO: 4005/036 

6 November 1986 


Beijing ZHONGGUO QINGNIAN BAO in Chinese 7 Aug 86 p 3 

[Article by Liu Peihua [0491 0160 5478] and Liu Shizhou [0491 1102 0587]: 
“Clarifying Some Erroneous Interpretations of Marxism" 

[Excerpts] There is a misunderstanding which holds that Marxism as a 19th 
Century product is no longer applicable today. Indeed, Marxism came into 
being in the 19th Century, and it began only as one of the many schools of 
socialism. However, since its debut it has demonstrated unrivalled power. 
From the “spectre” that stalked the European Continent it took one leap to 
become a “giant" popular the world over, so much so that "his foes were forced 

to pose as Marxists." That is because it scientifically brought to light 
communism as the inevitable end-result of the development of human society; 

it showed us the path to this target; it pointed out the power to fulfill this 
mission. Thus it has become the guide to action for the proletariat. Today, 

over 100 years after its birth, the times are very much different. Socialism 
in its realistic context is not quite the same as its creator envisaged, but 
that does not mean Marxism is outmoded. As an integral scientific system it 
must enrich and develop itself in practice. Marxism in this sense is espec- 
ially more important today. Macrocosmically speaking, the issues are: How 
to build socialism? What is socialism characteristic of? What are its laws? 
How should we guide its construction? Speaking microcosmically, the issues 
are: How to practically link the party's guidelines and principles with the 
concrete work of the locality's region, its departments, its trades and pro- 
fessions, and its units? And how in the linking process to continue studying 
new situations, solving new problems, thinking out new methods, and making 
breakthroughs. As a matter of fact, so far as our party is concerned, the 
results we have thus far achieved since the 3d Plenum of the llth party 
Central Committee are the results of holding fast to the Marxist fundamental 

On the other hand, unless we are amply familiar with Marxism, we cannot 
objectively evaluate such a broad but profound scientific system, nor can 
we develop it on the premise of grasping it. 

There are also people who hold: "After all these changes, every time it is 
justified no matter how it is changed." That only proves Marxism is something 
you can dispense with, they reason. But that is ancther misinterpretation-- 


the re.::lt of seeing the issue on the surface without analysing it in conc: 
terms. It must be admitted, however, that during the 10 years’ internal chaos 
a lot of correct things became objects of criticism while erroneous theories 
were crowned with the Marxist laurels. That bewilders people's minds. It 
seems to them that is the way Marxism is. This practice has played havoc with 
our party’s goodwill and its theoretical and ideological work. But as was 

just pointed out, the theory of those 10 years never was Marxism, it was even 
anti-Marxist. Therefore, to face “change” squarely, that which is wrong should 
be set right. This kind ot change is necessary: it does good to both country 
and people. 

Marxism itself is, we must also realize, a science subject to development. 
Its vitality hinges on constantly revising certain outdated conclusions and 
making new scientific inferences on the basis of new situations. That, too, 
is “change,” but it i Marxism being developed. Marx and Engels did regard 
their theories as theories of deve lopment. the tact was that on the basis ol 
the developed situation they, too, adjusted and revised, in good time, certain 
concrete strategic theories regarding proletariat revolution. So tar as our 
party is concerned, we have, since the 3d Plenum of the ILlth party Cent ral 
Committee, not only brought the chaos back to order and talse back to true, 
but "changed" individual conclusions to suit our country's situation on the 
basis of insisting on the basic tenets of Marxism, giving Marxism a torward 
push. Therefore, we cannct discuss "change" ir vague terms. Instead, we must 
solidly view the situation; we must adhere to the Marxist views on “practice 
as the sole yardstick of truth.” 

There are yet some other confused ideas about Marxism: “In carrying out 
economic construction what we need is special technological knowhow and 
pragmatism. Marxism is empty theory. Makes no ditterence whether you learn 
it or not." That is another distortion of Marxism. In the beginning Marxism 
was enriched and developed through practice. Hence its close Link with prac- 
tice. Our reform today is the result and manifestation of this very Linkage. 
Both reform and economic construction demand technological expertise, but no 
technological studies can replace Marxist studies. Why is reform necessary? 
How to view the problems arising from retorm? These are problems that no 
specialized knowledge can solve, except Marxism. It is true that retorm re- 
quires practical work. But it takes the guidance of Marxism to tind answers 
to questions such as what to do and how to do it, or we would tall a prey to 
putschism, lose our way, and tail in the reform, 

Some are even prejudiced in some way against Marxism. They hold that “Marxism- 
guided socialism cannot keep pace with capitalism in its development." So 
they do not believe it can beat capitalism and doubt its validity. That 
socialism can prevail over capitalism is the basic theory of Marxism. It is 
the scientific conclusion drawn from the analysis of the contradictory func- 
tioning of capitalist society and the understanding of the law of social 
development. That capitalism will be prevailed upon by socialism is determined 
by the contradictions inherent in capitalism itself. Socialization of pro 
duction objectively demands public ownership of the means of production, and 
socialism helps realize this objective demand, making it possible to creite 
conditions for production rates higher than those of capitalism. There are, 
however, subjective and objective reasons why it has yet to bring its 
superiority into full play. That capitalism still has its vitality also needs 

turther study. Socialism has a history of 60-odd years. We are still in the 
process of groping as to how socialism should be practiced, and in actual 
practice, its starting point was far trom high. Besides, during the space of 
but a few decades there cropped up a few blunders, which checked the tull play 
of its superiority. On the whole, the socialist countries have been growing 
at a rate which is no- at all low since World War II. The fact that the 
socialist countries’ productivity is lower than the capitalist countries" 
(which is but a temporary phenomenon) should not shake our faith in secialisa, 
nor should we suspect its validity. Following the jd Plenum of the Lith 

party Central Committee, we have achieved worid-acclaimed successes in the 
economic, social, cultural and other aspects. Socialist superiority is being 
brought into full play. 

CSO: 4005/960 


JPRS-CPS- 86-08 i 
6 November 198; 


Beijing ZHONGGUO QINGNIAN BAO in Chinese 8 Aug 86 p 2 

[Article by Li Shengping [2621 4141 1627]: “Pondering China's Political Reform 
in the Perspective of History”™] 

[Text] China is undergoing a course of profound changes. The economic reform, 
with its powerful momentum and careful planning and its theories, goals and 
operation, is gradually winning the understanding and acceptance by more and 
more people. However, in terms of the starting point and progress of politica! 
reform, many comrades are still vague. Thus, some people find it sudden and 
incomprehensible, others remain silent, and still others see no basic necessity 
for it in view of China's superior political system. In terms of the goal, 
theory and practice of political reform, people's ideological understandings 
are not unified. 

Actually, China's political reform started at the 3d Plenary Session of the 
llth party Central Committee. Transformation of the political system, 
readjustment of the structure, evolution of the organization, development of 
theories, changes in culture, progress in concepts, and democratization of 
political life have been going on for more than 7 years, and tremendous 
achievements have been made. 

1. The Third Plenary Session signified the party's total repudiation of the 
“Leftist” line of “taking class struggle as the key link,” established its 
correct leadership in the new era, and proposed the guiding principle of 
building China into a highly civilized and highly democratic modern social ist 
power. These were the historical changes and developments of China's political 
leadership and theories. 

2. The thorough denouncement of the “Cultural Revolution” was the negation of 
the incorrect political line and program and of the form of political struggle 
with a strong feudal flavor. 

3. The rehabilitation of people unjustly punished and persecuted in the 

successive poiitical movements and the Cultural Revolution presaged the 
democracy and progress of China's political life. 


4. The glorious ideological emancipation movement cicared away the atmosphere 
of personality cult long enveloping the party's and state's political life and 
broke down the ideological shackles of the “two whatevers.” 

%- The repudiation of the incorrect principle of 
the key link” indicated the development of political theories. From discussing 
practice as the criterion to test truth and applying Marxism on the basis of 


aking class struggle as 

development, to Comrade Deng Xiaoping's proposal, on behalf of the party 
Central Committee, to build socialism with Chinese characteristics, the outline 
of the development of political theories was delineated. 

6. In the past 7 years, the NPC, the State Council and the legislatures of 
the various areas created and strengthened several hundred laws, decrees and 
regulations, introduced the principle of judicial independence and reinstated 
the lawyer system. The building of the legal system is an important part of 
political reform and serves as the means of its protection. 

7. Direct and special elections of people's deputies at the county ievel were 
introduced, electoral methods and procedures reformed, and voters given the 

right t. propose the dismissal of people's deputies. Citizens" roles in 
politics were expanded, their democratic rights enlarjed, and their 

consciousness in political participation enhanced. 

8. The functions and roles of people's congress power organs were gradually 
enhanced and expanded, its guidance and supervision of the political life of 
the state given serious attention, all kinds of special committees of a wor’ 
nature created, the legislative system perfected, the system of the people's 

congress improved, and China's political system advanced. 

9. An unprecedented development was made in China's patriotic united front, 
and the standing and functions of the CPPCC enhanced and strengthened. 

10. The life tenure of the highest party and state leaders was gradually 
abolished and replaced by the ter: ystem. Separation of party and government, 
in theory and practice, was under discussion and in the course of 

implementat ion. The Central Discipline Inspection Commission was created, 
exercising supervision over part yrganizations and leaders of all levels, 
including the central government, there>y improving inner-party leadership and 
the checkirz mechanisms. 

ll. The division of the party's supreme leadership organs into the Central 
Committee, Central Advisory Commission and Central Discipline Inspection 
Commission was the result of our party's historical recapitulation and 
scientific planning, conducive to the scientific layout of its supreme leading 
organs and the rational distribution of power. 

12. The reinstitution of the state hairman produced an important impact on 
strengthening the state system, clarifying state power, improving the operation 
of state mechanisms, and eliminating the abuse of substituting the party for 

the government. 

13. The creation of the Central Military Commission perfected the system of 
the state and that of the military. 

14. The administrative system of the state was reformed, the senior officer 
responsibility system under the constitution introduced, the administrative 
functions and power of the State Council expanded, the auditing system created 
and the auditing organ reinstated. The reform of the administrative system of 
the state constituted the premise of administrative modernization. 

15. Administrative mechanisms were simplified, personnel reduced, duplicating 
organs merged, management levels cut down, departmental responsibilities 
clarified, efficiency raised, bureaucratism lessened, and contact of the masses 
with the administration strengthened. 

16. The proposal of cadre requirements, namely, more revolutionary, younger in 
average age, better educated and professionally more competent, signified the 
transition of the cadre system from the pol.xtical party principle to the 
principle of ability, and the creation of a mechanism for the fair and 
objective discovery and employment of competent people is underway. The reform 
of the cadre system guarantees the progress of political reform. 

17. The implementation of the policies on nationalities and religion in the 
new era safeguarded the democratic rights of minorities, gave objective 
recognition to the position of religion in social life, and readjusted China's 
social structure and political life. 

18. The changes in rural policies greatly expanded the rural social productive 
force, raised the enthusiasm of the vast number of peasants for production and 
politics, improved their status in the political life of the state, 
strengthened the worker-peasant alliance, and reinforced the foundation of the 

19. The multiparty cooperative political system was developed and improved, 
and the relations of “devotion to one another and sharing the honor and the 
disgrace” and “long-term coexistence and mutual supervision” established. 
Within the scope of the constitution and laws, the various democratic parties 
were granted political freedom and organizational independence, thereby 
readjusting the political composition of the state. 

20. The open-door policy broke down the state of isolation, placed China in 
the midst of world development, and serves as an important path for its 

21. By its proposal and practice, the “one country, two systems” principle 
developed the Marxist theory on the issue of the state, and provided a feasible 
means for the peaceful unification of China and the solution of international 

22. The freedom of creation was advocated and the laws of literature and art 
respected. Literature and art no longer serve as weapons of political 


struggles, nor do writers casually become the sacrifices of certain 
individuals, thereby charting the course for political reform in the 
ideological and cultural realms. 

23. By its comprehensive exposition and gradual fulfillment, the intellectuals 
policy has gradually improved the status of intellectuals in the political life 
of the state. Large groups of fine intellectuals are participating in decision 
making and leadership and producing a positive impact on the economic and 
political developments of the state. 

24. Local governments were given autonomy in managing the economy, and their 
administrative powers appropriately expanded, thereby preliminarily solving the 
relations between centralism and power sharing and making administrative 
control and power distribution more scientific. 

25. The beginning of a liberal and harmonious environment for academic 
research and the implementation of the double hundred policy serve as signs of 
political democratization. 

26. In a certain sense, economic reform is itself political reform. China's 
society is undergoing profound economic changes, shifting from a natural 
economy to a planned commodity economy, and from a unitary planning system to a 
controlled market system. In the absence of a commensurate political reform, 
it would have been impossible to imagine or achieve such profound economic 
changes. The changes in themselves denote a major political reform. 

When we review the course of China's political reform since the Third Plenary 
Session, what are the enlightenments? 

1. Reviewing and recapitulating thoroughly from the perspective of history the 
road traveled by us and fully recognizing and analyzing the achievements will 
strengthen our confidence in the success of political reform and dispel 
unnecessary concerns. 

2. Following the trail of political reform since the Third Plenary Session we 
will discover regularities in certain experiences and lessons conducive to a 
more accurate grasp of the intensions and extensions of political reform and a 
higher and deeper understanding. 

3. Political, economic and cultural reforms are the different waves of China's 
reform tide. Any theory separating them from the whole or considering 
political reform subservient to economic reform is inaccurate. Yet we may say 
that the political reform initiated by the Third Plenary Session was the 
inception of China's reform tide and has become the continuation of its 
development today. 

4. Instead of hastily proposing immature programs, the urgent task of 
political reform is, on the rational basis of a profound recapitulation, to 
turn the central government's broad and long-range determination for political 
reform into that of the people throughout the country, transform the 


contingency nature of political reform into political consciousness, channel 
the piecemeal and scattered endeavors into a complete set, and progress from 
practice to history. 

5. For the smooth progress of political reform, we must create new concepts, 
terminologies and patterns of political science, in order to depict and 
interpret more accurately and scientifically today's complex social phenomena, 
form research communities, fully activate the enthusiasm of young researchers, 
and regard political reform as systems engineering under meticulous planning 
and strict operation. In addition to propelling political reform toward 
technical, quantitative and procedural developments, operation includes 
controlling the aspects and phases of reform and maintaining a favorable 
environment. We must cherish today's political situation and environment, 
progress steadily, instead of rising in a swarm and proposing slogans 
irresponsibly, and actively follow the strategic plans of the central 

Only on the basis of recapitulation will political reform progress from the 
realm of necessity, the first phase, to the realm of freedom, the second phase, 
and attain a steadier, broader and deeper growth. 

CsO: 4005/963 


6 November 1986 


Beijing GONGREN RIBAO in Chinese 8 Aug 86 p 3 
[Article by Chen Shi [7115 1395]: "Socialism Reinterpreted"] 

[Text] After experiencing the practice of economic reform in the past few 
years, we have deeply realized that it is impossible for reform to have 
smooth sailing all the way, that it may encounter resistance from various 
sides, and that how to surmount them is the key to its success. I feel that 
the foremost task is to overcome the psychological resistance found in 
ourselves--the fear that reform will lead to capitalism. Therefore, it is 
necessary to reinterpret socialism. 

We should face up to such a fact: After pursuing socialism for decades, many 
people are still not very clear about what socialism is and how to build it. 
Due to historical reasons, China built socialism on the base of a semi-feudal 
and semi-colonial society and skipped the capitalist phase of a fully 
developed commodity economy. Thus, China's current social formation is 
quite different from Marx's conception of socialism. To build Chinese-style 
socialism in the patterns envisioned by Marx in his time is obviously 
incompatible with present needs. Reality demands that we reinterpret 
socialism and, in line with China's specific conditions, find a new path to 
build socialism under the condition of underdeveloped productive forces. 

That is the goal of all reforms pursued by us today. In the reforms today, 
due to our inadequate understanding of socialism, plus our unrealistic fear 
of capitalism, many people turn pale the moment the word "capitalism" is 
mentioned. As a result, reform remains stalled in the midst of the qualita- 
tive evaluation of capitalism, finding it difficult to proceed. It is a 
major obstacle. Hired labor is an inevitable phenomenon when developing a 
commodity economy. In recent years, people have been entangled in the 
question of whether hired labor is socialism or capitalism. The reason for 
deeming it capitalism is none other than exploitation. In fact, the seizure 
of political power by the proletariat does not imply the total elimination of 
exploitation, and certain exploitative phenomena found in a socialist society 
are not that alarming. To determine whether a society is socialist, the 

most basic criterion is whether public ownership of production means is its 
main economic form and whether the exploiting system has been eliminated, 

and not whether it has generally established public ownership in the whole 
society and whether all exploiting phenomena have been eradicated. Moreover, 


we cannot call it exploitation just because the income of the employer is 
several times higher than that of the employee. So long as the hired help 
receive a fair wage, namely, compensation equivalent to the marginal 
productive force of each worker, it cannot be deemed exploitation. 

The reinterpretation of socialism covers mainly two aspects: First, are there 
commonalities between socialism and capitalism? Next, can socialism learn 
from capitalism? 

According to many comrades, socialism and capitalism are as incompatible as 
fire and water, conflicting with each other in everything. The criterion 

for anything is whether it is clearly demarcated from capitalism. We do not 
want anything found in capitalism, and we must establish whatever is absent 

in capitalism. On the surface, such oversimplified "differentation" appears 
to be safeguarding the "purity" of socialism, but it has actually caused 
enormous losses to our construction cause. If capitalism promotes a 
commodity economy, does it mean that socialism must not do so? If capitalism 
advocates humanitarianism, does it mean that socialism must reject it?.... 

It is typical metaphysics. After undergoing more than 3 decades of trials 
and tribulations and paying costly "tuitions," we have today finally realized 
that the development of a commodity economy is a phase which cannot be skipped 
in building socialism. Nevertheless, many comrades declared time and again 
the essential distinctions of a socialist commodity economy from a capitalist 
commodity economy, resulting in further hesitation in the course of develop- 
ing commodity economy. It should be pointed out that our socialism is unique, 
emerging from the womb of a feudal society. This uniqueness determines the 
presence of many common features between the tasks of China's socialist 
society and those of the capitalist society. These tasks include the vigorous 
development of commodity economy and the thorough elimination of the remnant 
feudal influence. Thus, instead of persisting in a hostile stand, we must 
strive to expand socialist productive forces, fearlessly study and refer to 
our commonalities with capitalism, and seek common grounds while reserving 
differences. The ultimate indicator of the superiority of socialism is the 
maximum emancipation of productive forces, surpassing capitalism. 

For the same reason, we must learn from capitalism--learn its experiences 

and strong points in managing and organizing a commodity economy and all 

the advanced qualities in its material and spiritual civilizations. The 
problem is actually very simple: "The socialist system is not identical with 
the concrete practice of building socialism." ("Selected Works of Deng 
Xiaoping," p 214). Utilizing capitalism to develop socialism does not mean 
following the capitalist path. The purpose is to surpass capitalism in the 
future and lay the material foundation for its ultimate elimination. From 
the practical experience of the Soviet Union's brief period of socialist 
construction at the time, Lenin pointed out clearly: "We should utilize 
capitalism (guiding it on to the track of state capitalism) as the link 
between small production and socialism and as the means, path, method and 
pattern of improving productive forces." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 4 

p 525). No need for reticence, capitalism has more abundant experiences than 
us in developing productive forces. Drawing lessons from their experiences, 
making use of them, and vigorously developing our productive forces will be 
much more beneficial and effective than groping slowly in the dark. 


It is groundless fo 

represents a better future 
of some comrades that 

for such concern. 

capitalism, the gia 
to build its own pa 
come our groundless 

fronting us and, tor 

with reform in the 

criterion to determine 

reform as a whole: 

CSO: 4005/990 

cause the tormer 


erstand the concern 

wre is no need 
apart trom 
ulders of capitalism 

rm, completely over- 

the reality con- 

ive forces, proceed 

There is only one 
of reform and of 

forces is promoted. 

6 November 1986 


Beijing GUANGMING RIBAO in Chinese 23 Aug 86 p 1 

[Article by Xiao Yuhua [5135 3768 5478]: "Seminar Discusses Political 
Structural Reform" ] 

[Text ] At a political theory seminar in Changchun in mid-August, some young 
and middle-aged theoretical workers from Jilin University, Beijing University, 
Zhongshan University, and other institutions said that we must overcome the 
mentality of seeking security and avoiding risk in order to meet the 
requirements of political structural reform. That way theoretical research, 
particularly political theoretical research, can stay ahead of political 
structural reform. 

They noted that as economic structural reform gains depth, political 
structural reform, which is an even more arduous and complex task, becomes 
inevitable. It requires that we not only take a positive and cautious 
attitude but also go out of our way to use theory as a vanguard and 
scientifically examine in an overall context the direction and principles of 
reform and the social objectives we want to achieve. 

They said that today we must discard a number of old ideas in political 
theoretical research. Because of the 10 years of turmoil, some comrades still 
have a lingering fear toward political science research. Others feel that 
there is not much one can do in political science. These ideas are stumbling 
blocks to the development of political theory and partly explain the 
backwardness of political theory in China. 

They argued that academic freedom and the notion that no subject should be off 
limits in academic inquiry should be equally applicable to political science. 
They suggested that we must carefully and clearly differentiate between 
academic matters and political matters and not label intellectual inquiry and 
political science research as “notion of party" and "bourgeois ideology," etc. 

They also discussed ways of making progress in political science in the midst 
of political structural reform. They said that as a basic social science, 
political science is substantial in content; it consists of a number of 
branches and covers a wide area. Political science departments and political 
science curricula were abolished in 1952 during the reorganization of the 

departmental system and curricular reform at colleges and universities. It 
was not until after the "gang of four" was crushed that this discipline was 
revived and had a chance to develop. Today, about a dozen institutions of 
higher education have a political science department or offer this field of 
study. The political structural reform now under way has provided many new 
topics for political science research. This discipline is bound to expand 
during reform, which will in turn help the restructuring of the political 

CSO: 4005/964 

6 Novembcr 1986 


Hong Kong CHENG MING [CONTENDING] in Chinese No 106, Aug 86 pp 34-37 

[Interview with Shao Ding, scholar and strategy analyst, by Chin Chung [6855 
6988]; July, in Hong Kong; First paragraph is source supplied introduction] 

[Text] Editor's note: Mr Shao Ding [6730 0002] is a visiting scholar in the 
United States at Princeton University and an overseas representative of China's 
Economic System Reform Research Institute. His and his colleagues’ suggest tons 
on China's strategic development won the serious attention of Premier Zhao 
Ziyang and had considerable influence on the policies made by the reformists. 
Mr Shao Ding visited Hong Kong in July. Upon request by this publication, he 
discussed extensively many profound and macroscopic issues in China's reform 
which are of most concern to people. 

Question: You proposed the policy of giving first primary to market forces 
supplemented by a planned economy, a further step in the economic reform, to be 
introduced after the implementation of urban reform. Does it imply changing 
the basic policy of the Third Plenary Session? 

Answer: I feel that the distinction between primary and supplement is not 
rigid. Rather than giving primary to market forces, I suggested building an 
economic system with the market as the base. [It is consistent with the policy 
of the 3d Plenary Session of the llth party Central Committee. What is meant 
by the market as the base? It means that, in terms of all products, including 
labor and capital, the determination of their values and their courses of 
exchange must undergo the test of the market. 

Question: Is this the concept of “market socialism?” 

Answer: In terms of substance, I feel that we should leave ideology out. I am 
only discussing the motions of the economy, the functions of the various 
aspects and their interrelations, as well as the flow of capital, the flow of 
labor, the flow of goods and materials, and how they move through channels of 
all kinds. As for ideology, it is a purely theoretical issue which may be left 
to others. 


On Ideology 

Question: Is the characteristic of Deng Xiaoping's reform “deeds only, not 
words,” or “do more and say less,” thereby sidestepping ideological issues? 

Answe : Our time is limited, and we must reform China's system in a short 
period. We can only do the most effective and beneficial work and are 
unwilling to discuss such issues as “whether Adam had a navel” like in the 
Middle Ages. 

Question: Did the Ma Ding [7456 0002] incident which occurred recently bring 
up ideological issues in economics? 

Answer: If there are people who do such work, it is alr’ght for them to argue 
back and forth, winning and losing. However, as policy consultants, we will 
not take part in it. When it comes to issues regarded as basic in nature, we 
will not be involved. We have only one goal--a strong country, a wealthy 
people and an open society. 

Question: But if you do not establish your own theoretical system, you will 
face some challenges. 

Answer: This problem has to be solved, but not now. The “doctrines” in the 
past produced great harm. To waste energy on such problems will land us ina 
pitfall. Things which confused and poisoned people's minds in the past are not 
socialism. I was jailed for bringing up this point. 

Question: Was it essential for Deng Xiaoping to include the “four 
perseverances” in the constitutions of the state and the party? 

Answer: Anything compatible with the four modernizations conforms to the four 
perseverances. The most important of the four perseverances is reform, 
modernization and liberalization. Aside from them, anything is sham. 

Question: Is what you say somewhat farfetched? 

Answer: Not at all. Some people in America also asked me why we always attach 
a label, such as “four perseverances,” “socialism,” and so forth. I told them 
that there is a great subtlety. Mao Zedong revealed the secret with one 
remark. He said: Lenin and Stalin are two knives, and the Soviet Union has 
lost one of them, leaving itself only one. Since it is a knife, why put it in 
che hands of the opponent? We put it away, and you cannot hit us. It is the 
best way today. I have a simple logic: Socialism is bound to be good, and 
what is good is bound to be socialism; what I do is good, and what is good is 
bound to be socialism. Many people abroad must clear up this problem, but it 
is very difficult. It was a mess in the past. 

Question: In that case, are you mainly relying on the power leverage to 
promote reform today? 


Answer: As reform proceeds from the higher levels to the lower levels, 
naturally it has to rely on power. Lenin also relied on power in tax reform. 
Our reform has three major characteristics: 1) proceeding from the higher 
levels to the lower levels; 2) planning and steps; 3) compensation, not 
deprivation. Those suffering a loss in reform are more or less compensated. 

On Succession 

Question: You use the echelon succession method for the continuation of power 
to promote reform. Do you have cc.fidence i1 it after Deng Xiaoping? 

Answer: Echelon succession serves only as an ixterim measure before the modern 
civil service system is formed in China. It is after all better than life 
tenure and seniority. Political democratization is still extremely remote. 
Only after ecc:..omic reform has succeeded to a considerable extent will there be 
hope for democracy. Therefore, I believe that the strategy of China's highest 
leaders is to promote steadily and effectively China's current economic system 
and, instead of relying on one person, form an irreversible situation. Once 
many things have been firmly put in place, it will be very difficult to 
dismantle them or to justify such action. There have been many subtle changes 
today. The system relied on by the gang of four to persecute people no longer 
works. In another 3 or 5 years, economics will also reach a turning point. 

Question: Once something has become a fait accompli, there is no way to turn 
the clock back. 

Answer: Time is on our side. The longer the interval, the more favorable it 
is to us. The young and middle-aged emerging in the reform arena, those in 
their thirties and early forties, are the most active in China's reform. They 
will become in a few years’ time the backbone elements in the various strata of 
China's society. The phenomenon of “two ends positive, the middle negative” 
will change. 

Question: Are you overlooking people in their fifties and sixties? They are 
fairly important figures in China's power structure today. 

Answer: I dare not analyze specific individuals, but there is no doubt that 
they want to build China and hope for its modernization. 

Question: Deng Xiaoping said in 1980 that he would retire in 1985, but 
recently it has been reported that he will continue for a few years. Does it 
indicate that the personal factor repudiated by you a while ago will not be 

Answer: It is good if Deng Xiaoping has the energy and ability to continue to 
hold the helm. The problem now is very complex. I hesitate to touch on 
personal issues and can only discuss phenomena. By comparison, those in their 
fifties and sixties appear to be conservative. In an article, [ divided China 
into five generations. The disillusionment with ideals in the second 
generation is very severe, and [I am very sympathetic. 


Question: Is that the group of the 1950's? 

Answer: Yes. What they believe in is basically unattainable. We have a 
better path today. 

Question: Analysts abroad pay serious attention to the split in reform. If 
this point is totally denied, where does the resistance to reform come from? 

Answer: I feel that there is no obvious split into reformist and conservative 
factions in China. Resistance to reform comes from two major aspects: 
economic and non-economic. At present we still do not have a set of fairly 
effective measures to promote reform, thereby the situation of two steps 
forward and one backward, and taking two steps and watching the third. 

If a certain individual is said to be rather conservative and pro-Soviet, as 
long as I have something good and approach him with it, I believe he will 
accept it. 

The non-economic resistance is stronger. Because the old system is favorable 
to some and unfavorable to others, inevitably all kinds of the unexpected 
occur, and it is hard to attribute them to the conflict between reformists and 

Question: A nation has to pay a price for a major reform. Will China have yet 
to pay a price? 

Answer: Our reform has grown from a solid irrigated with blood for 100 years, 
and much has been paid. Twenty million people died in the periods of 
difficulties. But the reform this time is not irrigation without harvest--we 
are harvesting now. As a person struggling for more than 2 decades for China's 
reform, I have not even dreamed of many things occurring today. We wil! 
naturally continue to pay the price. The foreign exchange issue last year was 
part of the price. 

Question: Hopefully it will not be the price of the 1898 Reform Movement. 

Answer: History is hard to predict. Of course, ours is different from the 
Reform Movement. First of all, we are pursuing reform backed by power. 
Secondly, our reform is not targeted at a corrupt system; we are in a period of 

Question: Is there a model of reference for China's reform, such as Yugoslavia 
or Hungary? 

Answer: One major characteristic of reform is the absence at all times and in 
all countries of experience which can serve as direct reference. Some people 
suggested Hungary and Yugoslavia; others Japan. Today some people advocate the 
emulation of South Korea and Taiwan. I also agree. 

However, the connotations of China's reform are extremely profound, and it 
absolutely is not as simple as transforming the Stalin model into a new one 


based on market forces. Casting off the burden of tradition is a drastic 
change in several thousand years of the nation. Thus, we can imagine the 
formidability confronting us. 

Question: What is the greatest difficulty in urban reform? 

Answer: Naturally we run into many problems. When we want to reform any one 
aspect, it is bouna to affect the whole. In terms of the Labor market, for 
instance, we must .onsider many problems: dismissal of employees, security 
during unemploymen*, Labor insurance, supervising personnel, and so forth. 

On the Soviet Model 

Question: You just mentioned the Stalin model. Do you feel that the Soviet 
economy has totally failed” 

Answer: This question is somewhat complex. If a planned economy is a total 
failure, the question will be much simpler. In terms of pure theory, planned 
economy is best if we can promptly collect all the social and productive and 
demand parameters. But I believe that all the computers in the world put 
together canno. haudle them. Moreover, China's framework of the fifties and 
sixties looked somewhat Like a planned economy, but actually it was basically 
not; to a large extent, it was not a planned economy. It became localism at 
the lower level. Planned economy has its superiorities; it aims at 
transcending the irrationality of resource distribution resulting from the 
purposelessness of market forces. In the past we did not recognize all the 
strong points of planned economies, nor did we handle the economy correctly. 
With its many flaws, it was neither fish nor fowl. Rather than a simple Stalin 
model, China's system consisted of three components: 1) copy of the Stalin 
model; 2) China's craditional bureaucratic system; 3) China's unique 
characteristic of che peasant revolutionary war. The Soviet planned economy is 
not bad. Though i* sacrificed butter, the country has become powerful. It is 
indeed amazing, a fact which cannot be denied. 

Question: According to mainland reports and dispatches on the Soviet Union, 
though below the West, its people's standard of Living is not Low. 

Answer: Their housing is extremely good. According to many returning 
visitors, the Soviets devoutly believe in their current system. The Soviet 
practice is fairly compatible with its national conditions. Russia is an 
Eastern Orthodcx ccuntry, but it will be disastrous if transplanted to China. 

I am only talking about “the market as the base,” not a complete market 
economy. China has only one alternative, and it is what is referred to by Deng 
Xiaoping as “Chinese-style socialism.” 

Question: In that case, will there also be problems if China copies the West? 

Answer: Yes. When I gave a speech in Harvard University, many Americans said: 
You have so many people studying social sciences in America, but you must be 
careful; transplanting them would be disastrous. We go to America for the 
following purposes: 1) broadening our horizon; 2) learning new ways of 


thinking; 3) learning scientific methods of a technical nature. We c2n only 
make corrections and learn simultaneously. “Feeling the rocks to cross the 
river;” Chen Yun's remark is correct. 

Question: To what extent can China tolerate the inevitable disparity between 
poverty and wealth which is bound to emerge in an open economy? 

Answer: “Let a part of the people get rich first” advocated by us implies 
fairly large disparities between poverty and wealth. As for the extent, 
theoretically speaking, it can be unlimited, but it is Limited in practice, 
namely, the restriction of secondary distribution, such as taxes. As long as 
you violate no law and pay tax, you can develop all you want. 

Question: Will the wide gap between the rich and the poor engender social 

Answer: Though there is no top limit, attention must be given to guarantee of 
the minimum. What happens in case of unemployment and inflation? We must draw 
a poverty line and provide relief for those below the line. In addition, we 
must guide the rich to reinvest their money. 

Question: Today some rich people are reluctant to put their money in banks.... 

Answer: I know. It reflects the issue of faith. The communist wind of “large 
in size and collective in nature” in the past was too devastating. 

On Political Reform 

Question: In your view, has the need for political reform emerged in today's 
economic reform? 

Answer: What is needed now is “order.” Reform relies on order to proceed. 
Order is aimed at violators, but also serves as a guide to those who do not 
quite understand reform. We have not alternative. Some people loud!yv clamor 
for democracy and demand general elections. It will only push China ‘nto an 
abyss. After tasting all the adversities, if we are taken in yet another time, 
we will have sinned against the nation. Democracy can only be expanded 
gradually, and it can only be enjoyed by the qualified. It has always been so. 

Question: But the trend of China's ideological community and the thinking of 
people in general seem to differ from what you have just said. 

Answer: My proposal to introduce political reform in the fifth phase is of a 
rather high standard. As for a true general election system, namely, a 
representative system, and even a multiparty or multifaction system, it can 
only be in the distant future. It is determined by the degree of economic 
development and the responsibility emerging in society. Democracy is primarily 
responsibility, not equality. 


Question: Should the start be a little sooner? 

Answer: My views were discussed long ago in an article. Democracy has three 
phases and parallels the reform of the system. Today we can only implement the 
first phase, namely, democracy of the competent: Let the competent people with 
ability and the sense of responsibility in performing social functions enjoy 
democracy, and expand the channels of political participation. The brain 
trusts, including many young people, active in all strata today, for instance, 
offer advice, make suggestions and express views in various forms to influence 
decision making at various levels. They are the key force today. There can be 
no democratic election of managers in plants and corporations. They must be 
appointed by quarters responsible for the plants and representing their 

Question: What about Yugoslavia's worker autonomy? 

Answer: Yugoslavia was a major failure in reform, and we must not look to 
them. Many Yugoslavian visitors here told me in private that they have failed 
and basically have not accomplished much. Plants in the future should have two 
committees, an experts committee and a workers committee. In regard to the 
operation of the plant as a whole, workers have no right to speak, but 
naturally it is not absolute. The workers committee is in charge of matters 
concerning distribution and protects workers' interests and welfare, but it 
must not be excessive. 

Question: In that case, what is the status of democratic election? 

Answer: I discussed the matter with Hu Ping [5170 1627] who campaigned for 
election in Beijing University. I said: What you do is more harm than help. 
The central government has its strategy. When it comes to freedom of speech, 
and so forth, it is not that simple. I was much more radical than you in my 
younger days, but now I am more conservative than people in general. Why? 
Because I learned a bitter lesson. Today I only ponder how to make the reform 
effective. Deng Liqun once asked me about Hu Ping and Wang Juntao [3769 6511 
3447]. 1 said that one can rest assured that they are not against socialism. 
They hope that the country will grow strong, but they also have their immature 
side. During the election campaigns in Haidian district and Beijing 
University, they actually propose slogans like in presidential campaigns. 

Question: In elections for district representatives in Hong Kong, only 
po!itical programs concerning the district are proposed. 

Answer: Beijing University is the birthplace of China's democracy, but an odd 
phenomenon also occurred: When a woman student campaigned for election, large- 
letter posters appeared and personal attacks were launched, first snatching the 
microphone, then fistfights, then knives and guns. A Western historian said: 
When a peasant country is given democracy, it will use it to destroy freedom. 
We learned a bitter lesson in the Cultural Revolution. The strongest 
characteristic of Western democracy is its linkage with responsibility. 


Question: What is your concept of the second and third phases of China's 

Answer: The second phase is the democracy of social forces. With the civil 
service system, there must emerge some pressure groups and interest groups. We 
must introduce legal and organized politics, but not necessarily party 
politics. The third phase is democracy with the individual as the unit. Once 
this phase is reached, we will not be far from a fine society. 

Question: Well, thank you. 

CSO: 4005/989 


JPRS-CPS- 86-081 
6 November 1986 


Shanghai WEN HUI BAO in Chinese 15 Aug 86 p 2 

{Article by Ye Sheng [0673 3932]: "Division of Labor Between Party and 
Government Requires Above All a Change of Concepts"; excerpted from an article 
by Sun Bin [1327 2430] previously published in XINGZHENG YU RENSHI] 

AFFAIRS] magazine, Sun Bin writes: Since quite some time and for various 
reasons, certain socialist countries have gradually developed in the course of 
their existence leadership systems of highly centralized state power, where 
there is, to a serious extent, no separation between party and government and 
where the party assumes the functions of state government. This phenomenon is 
a serious obstacle to the realization of a system of socialist democracy. 

Sun Bin believes that the achievement of a division of labor between party and 
government requires above all a change of concepts, mainly in the following 

1. There has to be a break with the traditional concept which confused being 
the core in the leadership of the socialist undertaking with a state of having 
the party secretary take charge of everything and involving himself in 
everything. It is necessary to make it clear that the leadership of the party 
consists mainly in leading and keeping in line all political thinking, the 
most basic essence of this leadership being the organization and support of 
consciousness among the people of being masters of their own affairs. 

2. There has to be a break with the staid concept of placing strengtnening 
the leadership of the party on the one hand and ensuring the independent 
exercise of their official functions by the organs of state power on the other 
hand into an antagonistic contrast. It is necessary to make it clear that 
there is a unison of party leadership and the exercise of official functions 
by the organs of state power; these two do not exclude one another. 

3. There has to be a break with the muddled idea which gives to understand 
that the unified leadership of the party means that the party is placed above 
all organizations. It must be made clear that the party, in the same way as 
the government and other social organizations, must observe the constitution 
and the laws adopted by the People's Congress; the party organizations at all 
levels and all party cadres can only act within the scope of the constitution 
and the laws. 

CSO: 4005/035 


6 November 1986 


Beijing ZHONGGUO FAZHI BAO in Chinese 31 Jul 86 p 2 

[Article: "Create a Liberal and Harmonious Environment; Promote Reform 
of Economic and Political Systems: Summary of Forum Held by the Editorial 
Department of This Publication on the ‘Double Hundred' Policy and Legal 

[Excerpt] At the forum on the "double hundred" policy and its legal 
protection held by this publication in the middle of July, the 20-odd experts 
and scholars from Beijing's jurisprudence, political science, literature 

and art, and media communities expressed numerous excellent opinions on 
implementing the "double hundred" policy. They are summarized as follows: 

1. The essence of the "double hundred" pclicy is to implement the constitu- 
tional provision on the freedom of speech and publication. 

First proposed as a principle on the development of art and science, "let 
one hundred flowers bloom and one hundred schools of thought contend" is a 
figurative formulation. As pointed out by Comrade Lu Dingyi [7120 1353 0001] 
in 1956, the purpose of the policy is to "encourage the freedoms of indepen- 
dent thinking, debate, creation and criticism, expression, and adherence 

to and reservation of one's own views in literature and art and in scientific 

Reviewed some 30 years later, these words touched the hearts of participants 
at the forum. They declared: The essence of the "double hundred" policy is 
the implementation of the sacred constitutional provisions on "the freedoms 
of scientific research, literary and artistic creation and other cultural 
activities" and "the freedoms of speech, publication...." Not a purely 
personal right, the freedom of speech and publication belongs to the people. 
It was won by the people, under the leadership of the party, by their own 
struggle, and its enjoyment by scientific and cultural workers and other 
citizens is perfectly just and natural. Nevertheless, due to the "Leftist" 
ideological influence in the past, the people's democratic rights were 
wantonly trampled, and scientific and cultural workers were unable to enjoy 
fully the freedoms of creation and discussion. Merely because of opinions 
different from the so-called orthodox views, many people were labeled and 
bludgeoned. The scholars and experts at for forum felt that it is difficult 


to make a clear demarcation between political and academic issues, especially 
in case of political science, jurisprudence and sociology among the social 
sciences, as they themselves deal with political issues or issues of a 
strong political nature. If a clear demarcation between academic and 
political issues is made the premise of the “double hundred" policy, it will 
make it impossible to implement it. Participants at the forum said with 
deep feelings: We cannot regard the "double hundred" policy merely as a 
policy dealing with cultural and academic issues. Its essence is to imple- 
ment the constitutional provision on the freedom of speech and publication. 
It has a universal significance and should be embodied in political life and 
other realms of social life as well as academic and creative activities 
pertinent to science and culture. Therefore, to fulfill the "double hundred" 
policy, we must first fulfill the constitution. 

2. The implementation of the "double hundred" policy needs specific legal 

The "double hundred" policy is concrete as well as basic. Participants at 
the forum felt that just constitutional provisions alone are far from 
adequate for its implementation, as it is impossible for the constitution to 
make specific and detailed provisions on the rights and freedoms of citizens 
to pursue scientific research, literary and artistic creation and other 
activities. In the absence of specific legal protection, there may be those 
who will wield their power to distort the "double hundred" principle by means 
of various pretexts and "grounds," wantonly prefer charges, impose restric- 
tions and strangle democratic rights. Take the freedom of speech and 
publication: Though it is stipulated and affirmed by the constitution, if 

it remains merely a principle, an ideology, then it is not yet a stable 
freedom in form of law. If a universal, public and fixed law applicable 

to everyone is formulated, clearly designating the limits of legal protection 
bestowed on the "double hundred" policy, it will not only furnish people 
with the guidelines in exercising the freedom, but also prevent its abuse 

by some people and wanton interference and willful destruction by others. In 
other words, those abusing the freedom and those infringing on its rightful 
enjoyment will be punished by law. It is specific legal protection. 

Participants at the forum further deciared that just the formulation of an 
appropriate law alone is still inadequate. Only its correct enforcement wil! 
manifest its power to regulate conduct and protect the people's democratic 
rights. Thus, we must attain the stage where all laws are observed and 
enforcement is strict, and truly hand the laws to the people. 

3. The “double hundred" policy must also be implemented in the field of legal 

Consideration of legal protection of the “double hundred" policy will 
naturally involve issues of reform and contentions among the different schools 
of thought found in the realm of jurisprudence, Participants at the forum 
felt that China's legal studies are still relatively backward. In times of 
reform, practice has brought out numerous new problems in jurisprudence, and 
existing legal theories are apparently not well suited to the rapidly 


changing situation. To replace them, we need boldness in breaking through 
the restrictions of the old framework. Some people remarked that there are 
three fears in doing research: fear of being accused of “negating Marxism- 
Leninism," fear of being charged with the "three evils," and fear of “criti- 
cism after liberalizing."” In view of the bitter lessons of history, jurists 
feel that legal research must also come under the "three permissions" and 
"two protections,™" namely, under the premise of the four basic principles, 
the permission to contend among the different schools of thought, to doubt 
and to make mistakes; protection of the minority and protection of people 
(not mistakes) making mistakes in discussions. Meanwhile, the "four basic 
principles" must not be arbitrarily interpreted, nor must mistakes be raised 
to the high plane of principles and lines. Without such safeguards, "100 
schools of thought contending" cannot be achieved. In the current liberal 
and harmonious environment, we should extricate ourselves from our own 
psychological bondage, free our hands and feet, and justly and forcefully 
express ourselves on pertinent issues. Participants at the forum declared 
that, if jurisprudence itself fails to launch contentions among the different 
schools of thought and legal research itself fails to develop and solve the 
problems posed by reality, it will be difficult to protect the fulfillment of 
the “double hundred" policy by legal means. 

CSO: 4005/962 

6 November 1986 


Beijing GONGREN RIBAO in Chinese 8 Aug 86 p 3 

[Article by Ma Rulong [7456 1172 7893]: “Start with the Press in Creating a 
Liberal Environment”™] 

[Text] The word liberalization is heard all over this great land of China. 
From social sciences to literature and art, from ideological-political work to 
human relations, the clamor for liberalization is raised. It is a sign of the 
reawakening and resurgence of this our ancient nation. Nevertheless, as the 
formation of a liberal environment is a composite result, where should it 
Start? This writer feels that it should start with the press. In other words, 
our press should take the lead in creating a liberal environment. 

The experiences of history deserve attention. Since the founding of the 
nation, from the “Biography of Wu Xun” to the “Dismissal of Hai Rui,” from the 
“Population Theory” to “Sanjia Village,” criticism followed on the heels of 
criticism (though at times under the banner of academic discussion, especially 
at the early stage of every critical campaign) and the atmosphere grew ever 
more tense. Recalling the cases one by one, one can only say that they were 
the tragedies of our nation. Naturally, the fermentation of the tragedies had 
its complex and profound social roots, but one undeniable fact was that it was 
always the press which initiated the tension. It proves the important role of 
the press on whether a liberal environment can created. Today, basic changes 
have occurred in the conditions of our country. Nevertheless, it takes more 
than 1 day for the river to freeze 3 feet deep, and it also takes more than 

1 day for the 3-foot ice to melt. Nerves long stretched tight like a bowstring 
cannot be relaxed by one order from above. We should admit that most people 
are still birds startled by the arrow, and the least rustle of leaves in the 
wind alarms them and makes them wonder whether it means “yet again.” Thus, our 
press must be doubly cautious, playing an exemplary role as well as appealing 
for liberalization. Just like the political situation of stability and unity, 
a liberal and harmonious public opinion environment is likewise hard to attain 
and should be cherished, protected and developed. 

Starting with the press does not mean merely proposing some slogans on 
liberalization and harmony and publishing some articles in their appeal, but 
what is even more important is for the press to serve as a model. It involves 
work in at least two aspects. 


First of all, “uniformity of public opinion” must be discarded. In a broad 
sense, our newspapers and periodicals are all party publications and party 
mouthpieces. But at the same time, they are also the people's publications and 
the people's mouthpieces. Social life is complex, and its sounds should also 
be manifold. Thus, articles in the press should not all follow the same tune. 
Not all the articles and views found in the press represent the party Central 
Committee, nor even the editorials. There should be no “uniformity of public 
opinion.” As long as a writer abides by the constitution and laws and observes 
the four basic principles, speaks in a rational and convincing way, and 
expresses his own original thinking, it is perfectly permissible for him to 
take sole responsibility for his views. Different articles in the same paper 
may express conflicting views. The practice of “unifying public opinion” by 
the issuance of one order, echoed simultaneously by 10,000 papers, and 
regarding the press as a battlefield should be stopped. The press should serve 
as the garden for 100 flowers to bloom and 100 schools of thought to contend. 
The sounds of the “100 schools of thought” conduce to the formation of a 
liberal environment, and are themselves its embodiment. In terms of readers, 
the concept that “words in the paper are the words of the party and the only 
correct ones” must be changed. Changing the concept will also conduce to the 
formation of a liberal environment. It is a part of the proper meaning of the 

Next, criticism must be correctly launched. The press is the arena for debates 
and should also serve as the site of criticism. But criticisms must be 
reasonable and aim at helping those criticized. They include holding 
discussions, developing the useful and discarding the useless, selecting the 
essence and casting off the dross, affirming the good points and pointing out 
the shortcomings. Everyone should be equal in front of criticisms. We must 
discard “sticks” and “labels,” guard against “general accounting” and 
“tagging,” and oppose “background checking.” You have the right to criticize, 
and I have the right to counter-criticize. 

Criticism published in the press, including those naming names, must no longer 
serve as signals to oust certain individuals or launch movements. 
Unfortunately, people to date, especially some foreign friends, are still 
unaccustomed to this point. There are always those who attempt to “read” 
between the lines for “new moves.” It thereby reminds us from another angle 
the importance of correct criticisms in the press on the formation of a liberal 
and harmonious environment. 

Perhaps it is the writer's groundless fear. Last August a paper published two 
articles derogating Lu Xun, in an attitude which can be deemed abominable. 
Their refutation was imperative. However, some of the refutations called the 
authors “flies” and accused them of “encircling and suppressing” Lu Xun. More 
insults than reasoning, “the smell of gunpowder” seemed too strong. The two 
sides of the argument were not liberal enough, and it is difficult to regard it 
as correctly launching criticisms. It also reminds the writer of some critical 
articles in the press: At every turn the party concerned is accused of 
“deviating from Marxism” or even “resisting Marxism.” All these are bound to 
cause mental strain to those who have just come through an atmosphere of 


Creating a liberal and harmonious eavironment is the privilege as well as the 
oblization of the press. Responsibility and right are unified. There is no 
obligation without right, nor right without obligation. This is basic 
knowledge, and the issue at hand is no exception. Thus, it demands that the 
pertinent departments especially leading organs, grant such rights to the 

Lenin made a famous dictum: “Newspapers are not only the propagandists and 
agitators of the collective, but also its organizers.” In forming, 
strengthening and developing 4 Liberal and harmonious environment, can the 

press play the roles of propagandists, agitators and organizers of the 
collective? [ think the answer should be completely in the aftirmative. 

CSO: 4005/99] 

6 November 1986 


Beijing XINGUANCHA [NEW OBSERVATIONS] in Chinese No 16, 25 Aug 86 pp 2-3 

{Article by Yu Haocheng [0060 3185 2052]: "Legislation Needed to Safeguard 
People's Freedoms" } 

[Text] China's history since the founding of the People's Republic and events 
in recent years all make it clear to us that there can be no socialism without 
democracy, no economic modernization without political democratization. The 
restructuring of the political system must go hand in hand with restructuring 
of the economic system, perhaps even stay one step ahead. It holds the key to 
the success or otherwise of reform as a whole. The primary goal of the 
restructuring of the political system should be further political 
democratization. And the starting point for political democratization should 
be the achievement of genuine "freedom of speech" and "freedom of 
publication,” solemnly enshrined in the constitution. This is because the 
essence of democracy is putting the people in charge and letting them be the 
master of the state and society. The constitution provides that all state 
power belongs to the people. All state power here refers to, more than 
anything else, freedom of speech. Certainly, democracy consists of more than 
"allowing the people to speak." (Some emperors in the feudal society of 
ancient times also realized the need to “listen to advice" and the truth in 
the saying: “it is enlightening to hear all sides, otherwise you will be 
uninformed." But we can only describe them as "principled, enlightened" 
rulers. We cannot say they practiced democracy in any way.) But it is at 
least a minimum condition for democracy. If even this condition is not met, 
then all the talk about political democracy, about building a highly 
democratic socialist nation, will be just empty talk. 

Comrade Deng Xiaoping has said, "To safeguard people's democracy, the rule of 
law must be strengthened." Freedoms of speech and of publication have now 
been written into the constitution, but as a basic law of the land, the 
constitution can only lay down broad principles. To ensure its 
implementation, we must formulate a series of detailed laws. Based on our 
experience and learning from other nations’ relevant statutes, it is 
imperative, in fact, a top priority, that we draw up a press law and a 
publication law as soon as possible. During his visit to Britain not long 
ago, Comrade Hu Yaobang quoted a famous saying by Montesquieu, "Freedom is 
being able to do everything that the law allows." Our press law and 


publication law must explicitly provide for the principle that "the author is 
solely responsible for his views." As long as they are within the law, all 
Opinions have the legal right to be published without any interference. As 
far as newspapers, radio stations, TV stations, and publishing houses are 
concerned, it is up to the editor-in-chief or editorial committee to decide 
whether to publish or not a particular opinion or a particular piece of work. 
No organization or individual has the power to interfere in their decision- 
making. Any interference will be construed as breaking the law, as 
encroaching on people's freedom. If we do not write these things into law and 
content ourselves with mere declarations by party and government leaders about 
relaxation, about encouraging free expression, about the toleration of 
dissenting opinions...then freedom will lack tangible protection, because if 
they relax, they can also tighten, if experience is any guide; what is given 
can also be taken away. As Deng Xiaoping said, "We must institutionalize 
democracy and write it into law so that it will not change as leadership 
changes, as the opinions and focus of attention of leaders change." 

It should be pointed out that the rise of Marx, the teacher of revolution, as 
a thinker and revolutionary had its origins in exactly the struggle for 
freedom of the press, freedom of thought, and freedom of speech. Marx said, 
"Without press freedom, all other freedoms become illusions. One form of 
freedom constrains other forms, in the same way that one part of our body 
conditions other parts. If any one form of freetom goes wrong, so will 
freedom as a whole." ("The Collected Works of Marx and Engels," Chapter 1, pp 
94-95.) In a letter to A. Beibeier in 1891 protesting the imposition of 
Strict censorship on the publications of the German Social Democratic Party, 
Marx said, "Since you adopt an anti-socialist law in the self defence 
contingent, then what is the difference you and [Putekamo] (interior minister 
of Prussia)?"...You--your party--need socialist science. Yet this science 
cannot exist without the freedom to develop." ("The Collected Works of Marx 
and Engels," Chapter 38, p 38.) 

Let the restructuring of China's political system begin positively--with the 
realization of genuine freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of 
creation, and with the granting of legal protection to these rights of the 
people. This is the only way to go if China is to become a democratic, 
modern, socialist nation under the rule of law. 

CSO: 4005/014 


6 November 1986 


Shanghai WEN HUI BAO in Chinese 5 Sep 86 p 2 

[Article by Wang Jianpirg [3769 1696 1627]: "Allow the Masses To Talk, Is 
That Democracy?" } 

[Text] At the end of one of its articles, a certain newspaper emphatically 
Stated: "Allow the masses to talk, that is democracy." At first glance, this 
seems to make sense, but on thinking it over more carefully, one carmnot help 
questioning the statement: 

"Allow the masses to talk" seems to leave out a subject, but by implication 
the subject seems self-evident and may for the time being be designated as X. 
The way the word "allow" is used here gives it the meaning of "giving 
permission to." The writer of the said short article has certainly not paid 
excessive attention to his wording, but let us earnestly reflect on the 
following question: As China is a socialist country with a people's 
democratic dictatorship, the masses are the masters of the country. If they 
want to talk and express opinions, this is their sacred right, so why should 
they be only able to exercise their right after obtaining permission from X? 
Does this not signify that this democratic right, which the masses are 
entitled to enjoy, still depends on a favor to be granted by X? 

The democracy that we speak of today refers to the right of the masses to 
administer the country and to freely express their opinions. There is a big 
difference between being free to express opinions and being allowed to express 
opinions. China has after all had a history of over 2,000 years of feudal 
rule, and in the olden days the two characters "min zhu" meant exactly the 
opposite of what they mean today. They are explained in the "Ci Yuan" 
dictionary as "lord over the people," which refers to emperors, kings, and 
officials. In those days the "min zhu" would hardly allow common people to 
participate in the affairs of the state. It was the "min zhu" who was master 
in lieu of the people, and only what the "min zhu" said would count. If the 
common people would have wanted to express an opinion, action would still 
depend on the mood of the "min zhu," and action could only be carried out if 
the "min zhu” allowed it. This kind of "min zhu" is actually a "king over the 


Would it not appear from the above that this expression “allow (give 
permission to) the masses to talk, that is ‘min zhu' shows the birthmark of a 
feudalism that has long ago faded away? Even today's mention of "allowing the 
masses to speak" seems to indicate that there still exist in certain places 
some “min zhu" of today who do not allow the masses to speak out. 

Article 1 of the Constitution of the PRC determines that China's state system 
is that of a people's democratic dictatorship. Article 2 prescribes, 
furthermore, that all powers of the PRC belong to the people. It is, 
therefore, my belief that within the sphere permitted by the constitution the 
masses in various ways and forms participate in, administer, and supervise the 
affairs of the state and may express all kinds of opinions, suggestions, and 
criticisms, and that these are sacred rights which ought to receive legal 
protection and be respected by those at the helm of the state. There is here 
no need to obtain permission from that X, to be allowed to exercise these 

The expression “allow the masses to talk, that is democracy" may perhaps have 
been formulated to some extent under the influence of a saying of the past, 
namely that "democracy is the theory of tricks." In the last 7 or 8 years, 
there has been a growing atmosphere of political democracy; this is an iron 
fact. However, in many “forgotten corners" feudalism and ignorance are still 
hampering the development of socialist democracy; there, the shadow of that 
ancient type of "min zhu" is still being venerated. The CPC is soberly 
looking reality in the face. The 12th CPC National Congress made the 
establishment of a high degree of democracy a major component of the overall! 
tasks in the new era. Today, democracy is not a trick; realization of a high 
degree of democracy is our great objective. Therefore, the assumption that 
the masses are allowed to speak out only after obtaining permission is 
contrary to the spirit of the overall tasks of the party. 

Socialist democracy must be extremely widespread; the people are the masters 
of the country, and if the people are to be masters of their own affairs, the 
field that is implied and that is manifested in this fact is extremely wide. 
How the masses will effectively, and not only as a formality, in certain ways 
participate in, administer and supervise the affairs of the state is an issue 
that is still to be continuously meer in the course of the reform of the 
political system. 

CSO: 4005/040 


6 November 1986 


Chengdu SICHUAN RIBAO in Chinese 17 Jul 86 p 4 

[Comment ary by Loi Chaorong [6351 2600 2817] in column "Ideology Commentary”: 
"Who Says ‘Everyone Is an Individualist'"] 

[Text] Just as we are correcting the new unhealthy tendencies through educa- 
tion in ideals, purpose, and discipline, some people are propagating what they 
say “Everyone is individualistic; it's impossible to serve the people whole- 
heartedly." It sounds so deluded that we should lose no time in clarifying 
the truth. 

By “individualism" is meant the ideology oriented to one's own interest to the 
exclusion of the interest of others or of society. It finds expression in 
hurting others for one's gain, scheming after nothing but gain, and each 
trying to cheat the other. Individualism is the reflection of the private 
ownership economy on the conscious mind; it is the kernel of the bourgeois 
world outlook; it is also a characteristic of the world outlook of the small 
producer. Hence its social and class attributes. And those who claim "“every- 
one is individualistic" regard individualism as something reflected in a 
person's intuitional and physiological needs as part of his subjective thought 
and behavior, thus denying its class and social nature. This view grossly 
misrepresents human nature in its origin. 

In his “On Feurbach's Outline" (or “Notes on Feurbach"?) Karl Marx already 

had this to point out: "The inherent nature of humanity is not a single 
individual's inherent abstract entity. In its actuality it is the sum total 

of all social relations." In other words, human beings are not natural beings: 
they are social beings, their thoughts and behavior being influenced and con- 
ditioned by certain social relationships, the most basic of which is that of 
production. So the very nature of the production relations exerts the most 
basic influenced and conditioning on human thinking and behavior. In a pri- 
vate ownership society the production relations are founded on private 
ownership of the means of production, and one of the most basic economic 
activities of the individual is carried out to meet his or her own needs. To 
satisfy and protect its private interests, the ruling class invariably makes 
every effort to preach that the individual's gain is the sole motive and result 
of his or her behavior, and that it is the norm for measuring and assessing 
morality, and right and wrong. Thus individualism permeates into every realm 
of social life, poisoning everyone's soul and becoming a common social 


phenonmenon. While capitalist society is a highly developed product of a 
private ownership economy, individualism therefore finds more outstanding 
expression in it. In our sociaist society today, as production relations 

are based on public ownership of the means of production, so the individual's 
interests are closely linked to society's interests. The individual's interests 
being contained in the whole community's interests, the individual must do 
something for his community before he can get his material needs. Therefore, 

a collectivism characteristic of disinterestedness and an exclusive orientation 
to societal interest bent on serving the people wholeheartedly becomes the 
ethical norm commonly observed by all. To say “Everyone is individualistic; 
it's impossible to serve the people wholeheartedly" is to overlook the inherent 
characteristics of laborers' ideology and ethics determined by the superior 

One must admit, of course, that in our society today individualistic people 
are not yet extinct. Influenced by feudalistic remnants and capitalistic 
ideology, some comrades still separate the interests of the individual from 
those of society, placing emphasis only on the individual's interests. They 
practice deviationism in pursuit of private interests and drag themselves 
through the mire of individualism. That, however, is an isolated phenomenon 
rather than the mainstream. With the development of the two civilizations, 
individualism will surely make its exit, step by step, out of our society, 
while the ideology of serving the people wholeheartedly will further 
strengthen its foothold to become a strong spiritual power in propelling 
society forward. 

CSO: 4005/959 

6 November 1986 



Beijing ZHONGGUO QINGNIAN BAO in Chinese 30 Jul 86 p 3 

[Article: "Why Has the CYL Failed to Attract Membership Applicants?"] 
[Excerpt] Comrade Editor: 

I am the CYL branch secretary of a basic level unit which has many league 
members and young people. For some unknown reason, some young people do not 
actively apply for membership on the league organization, and my efforts have 
produced no apparent result. What is the reason for the situation? 

Wang Ping [3769 5493] 
Comrade Wang Ping: 

The problem brought up in your letter is found in some units to different 
degrees. it is actually the issue of how to improve the attractiveness of 
the league organization. The responsibility does not rest on the young 
people, and the reason must be found in the work of the league. 

1. League activities lack new ideas in substance, form and methods, and fail 
to fulfill the needs of its members and young people. With the progress of 
society, as the young people's range of knowledge is continuously expanding 
and their theoretical and educational levels are gradually improving, they 
are posing higher demands on the ideological and artistic qualities of 

league activities. On the other hand, in terms of some league organizations, 
launching activities means volunteer labor, and studies consist of newspaper 
reading. Uninteresting to league members and young people, they have lost 
their attraction and appeal. 

Failing to exert an adequate effort on solving the young people's practical 
problems, league organizations have created a “crisis of confidence" among 
them. We know that the league organization is the party's link with young 
people. When young people encounter actual problems in work, living and 
study, some league organizations, instead of doing everything possible to 
help, are perfunctory and indifferent, hurting their feelings and destroying 
their sense of intimacy with the organization. 


3. League building is not quite up to the mark, and league members fail 

to develop their exemplary roles. Young people often judge the league 
organization by its members. When a young person wishing to join the league 
sees the undesirable images © individual members, it engenders a feeling of 
doubt and conflict in him and makes him lose his respect for league members. 

4. League organizations have failed to educate the young people regularly 

and systematically on league membership, and some young people do not under- 
stand the league organization's nature and struggle goal. As the young people 
have no profound basic knowledge of the league, while the league organiza- 
tions have failed to impart such knowledge to them promptly, some young 

people think that joining the league is something mysterious. 

Your friend, Fu Yuan [4395 0337] 

CSO: 4005/962 


6 November 1986 


Shanghai JIEFANG RIBAO in Chinese 13 Aug 86 p 4 

[Article by Yan Jiaqi [0917 1367 0366]: "China's Present Political Structure 
and Objectives of Its Reform") 

[Excerpts] The Present Political Structure: Overconcentration of Power 
There are mainly three aspects of China's overconcentration of power: 

1. No separation between the responsibilities of the party and of government. 
For a long time, there was no concept of a "lateral separation of power" in 
China, and the various party organizations, therefore, in actual practice were 
taking charge of matters which should be handled by the organs of the state, 
such as the executive and judicial organs. Because there was this lack of a 
separation of party and government ("government" here to be understood in its 
broad sense, comprising legislative, judicial, and executive organs), not only 
does the party act in place of government (meaning: all administrative organs 
of the state) to an extremely serious extent, but the system of people's 
congresses is also prevented from developing effectively and playing its due 
role in China. 

2. The organizational structure and the cadre system is imperfect; there is 
no clear division of power between the central and local authorities, or 
between the organization as a whole and the individuals in it. Influenced by 
traditional Chinese cultural concepts, people generally lack consciousness of 
any "vertical division of power," thus believing that the higher the pecition 
of a man, the more is it possible for him to make all decisions for everyone 
below him in rank. However, according to the concept of the "vertical 
division of power," the leaders at the various levels should have certain 
spheres within which they would have to make their own independent decisions. 
Higher level organs may have the right to rescind a decision of the 
subordinate organ, but must not assume a decision-making position for all its 
subordinate organs. The lack of “vertical division of power" caused 
overcentralization of power in China, which prevented the full development of 
local initiative. Even in the party and government organizations and in the 
leadership of the various enterprises and industries, there is no possibility 
for the people to fully develop initiative because of this overcentralization 
of power and due to the various shortcomings that prevail in the cadre system. 


Precisely as Comrade Deng Xiaoping expressed it, these organizations “have 
lacked for along time a strict system of administrative rules and regulations 
and a system of personal responsibility, from top to bottom. They have lacked 
rules to go by, so that most people are often unable to handle independently 
and responsibly the matters, big and small, which they are supposed to handle. 
They merely keep busy all day long making reports to higher levels, seeking 
instructions from them, writing comments on documents and passing them 

3. If there is no separation of responsibilities between government, 
enterprises, and social organizations, the enterprises and the various social 
organizations actually become appendages of the administrative organs, and the 
central and local governments will take on many matters which should by rights 
be handled by the enterprises, social groups, and social organizations. This 
phenomenon is related to China's traditional cultural concepts. For a long 
time, people believed that there is no limit to the jurisdictional sphere of 
the government. People used to say: "An honest official will find it very 
hard to rule in family affairs." It is precisely because "family affairs" are 
vexatious, that the government will shun this area, but if ever the government 
would care to take them on, it could also administer such "family affairs." In 
the “cultural revolution,” political power penetrated all spheres, even into 
people's ways of thinking and their private lives, which was indeed the 
extreme expression of that traditional concept of "political power" which 
prevailed among the people. 

The overcentralization of power has come about in the course of the protracted 
development of China's political and economic system, but it is also closely 
linked with the lack of the concepts of “lateral division of power," "vertical 
division of power," and "division of power between government organization and 
social organization," a lack that has persisted over a long period of time in 

The “Three-Faceted Policy" Not Applicable to the Reform of the Political 

The reform of the political system is a major affair of a comprehensive nature 
and of a deep and long-lasting impact. Without the leadership of the CPC, the 
reform of the political system cannot be successfully achieved. The change of 
the state of undivided responsibilities between party and government has as 
its purpose the improvement of party leadership, enhancement of government 
efficiency, and the greater effectiveness of the state and social 
organizations in the socialist modernization. Precisely because the reform of 
the political system is a major affair with bearing on the entire nation, the 
"three-faceted policy," namely of a simultaneous exploring, designing, and 
executing, is not suitable in the case of the reform of the political system. 
The reform must be built on the foundation of a thorough investigation and 
scientific analysis; the reform must be built on the foundation of a sound 
legal system; the reform must be carried out step by step in a well-led and 
well-planned manner. It will become necessary in the near future to 
coordinate action with the reform of the economic system and to set as our 
major objectives the reform of the cadre system and of government 
organization, to institute a division of labor between party and government, 

to change the functions of government, and to enhance the efficiency of 
government work. In the long-term view, our major objectives must be to 
perfect the system of people's congresses, develop citizen participation and 
political democracy, and to provide through law effective guarantees for the 
democratic, free, and equal rights of the citizens. We believe that under the 
leadership of the CPC, and relying on the joint efforts of the various 
democratic parties, the various people's organizations, and the peoples of all 
races, China will certainly be able to establish a socialist political system 
with a high degree of democracy, a perfect legal system, and of great 

CSO: 4005/0035 

JPRS-CPS- 86-081 
6 November 1986 


Shanghai JIEFANG RIBAO in Chinese 27 Aug 86 p 4 

[Article by Wang Huning [3769 3337 1337]: "Raising Efficiency in Relation to 
the Reform of the Political System"] 

[Excerpt ] The reform of the political system comprises two levels: 
democratization and achieving greater efficiency. Improvement of § the 
efficiency in the political system is one of the primary tasks faced in 
China's social development, because all efforts to raise the efficiency in the 
political system are now seriously obstructed by bureaucracy, overstaffed 
organizations, a surplus of personnel, procedural confusion, overlapping 
authority, and the low quality of performance. These phenomena constitute 
veritable fetters, which hamper to certain extents the social, economic, and 
cultural developments. It is, therefore, one of the important objectives of 
the reform to achieve a higher efficiency in the Chinese political systen. 

Efficiency of any political system may be divided into many layers, such as 
policy-making efficiency, administrative efficiency, efficiency in meeting 
emergencies, efficiency in obtaining feedback, efficiency in attaining a state 
of balance, efficiency in self-renewal, etc. The total of all the various 
types of efficiency constitutes the efficiency of a political system. However, 
at the very roots of the matter, policy-making efficiency and administrative 
efficiency are the most basic ones. Only a political system that shows 
outstanding qualities in these two respects, can have attained a high degree 
of efficiency. 

When analyzing the improvement in the efficiency of political systems, it is, 
first of all, necessary to determine a "reference coefficient" for a political 
system of high efficiency, as a basis for our analysis of political system 
efficiency. A comparative analysis of the great variety of political systems 
in today's world shows us that a political system of high efficiency must have 
the following characteristics: 1) It must be able to accurately evaluate and 
observe the trends of all the various social activities and relations; 2) It 
must have a comprehensive and far-sighted concept of the progression in the 
political system; 3) It must be able to reject and eliminate by itself any 
unsound concepts; 4) It must have a frame of mind that is all-encompassing 
in its policy decisions; 5) It must have great strength and capability to 
deal with emergency situations; 6) It must have abundant creativity and the 


strength to pioneer new things; 7) It must possess an attitude conducive to 
implementation of modern administration; 8) It must possess authority for 
strict enforcement of orders and prohibitions; 9) It must have perfect means 
to give explanations of its policies; 10) It must be able to adjust quickly 
to changed situations. In the reform of our political system, it will be 
necessary to progress in the 10 directions indicated in the above, in order to 
attain greater efficiency in China's political system. 

Whether the condition of these 10 indices will be achieved, will depend ona 
series of intricate and complex mechanisms. Because these mechanisms 
determine the degree of efficiency of the political system, they may be called 
efficiency mechanisms. Judging by the present organization and functions of 
China's political system, we have to admit that the existing efficiency 
mechanism adversely affects, and even obstructs, progress in the political 
system toward greater efficiency. The reform of the political system must 
transform the efficiency mechanism that is still attuned to patterns of the 
past; we must break out of the ossified patterns of the traditional economic 
System and of the corresponding noneconomic systems, to establish a perfect 
efficiency mechanism that will give impetus to progress toward greater 
efficiency in the political system. 

Considering ways to perfect the efficiency mechanism, it seems China's reform 
of the political system must be pursued in the following three directions: 

First, the power mechanism. This mechanism is a factor of key importance in 
determining the degree of efficiency in the political system. Whether 
authority is rationally distributed and appropriately arranged will directly 
determine the flexibility of the political system. China's many problems, 
past and present, are actually linked to its irrational or inadequate power 
mechanism. Irrational power relations cause all kinds of corrupt practices 
that hinder progress toward greater efficiency in the political system, such 
as overlapping of authorities, confusion in powers and functions, 
jurisdictional gaps, mutual jurisdictional disputes, mutual obstructions, and 
mutual shifting of responsibilities. As things stand today, the proper 
adjustment of power relations would, first of all, require that consideration 
be given to the relationship between party and government. This relationship 
is a basic facet of the political system in all socialist states, as it is 
also a relationship that requires superb political skill to arrive at a 
scientifically designed relationship. Because of their particular historical 
and social conditions, the socialist states have formed unique power 
mechanisms, which comprise the following four factors: the authority of the 
party, legislative power, administrative power, and judicial power. However, 
for a long time the relationship between the first and the other three spheres 
of power has never been properly resolved and constitutes a major problem in 
the reform of China's political system. Party and state have in recent years 
repeatedly stressed regulating party-government relations and separating party 
affairs from those of the government, but the two sides more often than not 
maintain a rather lukewarm relationship to each other. This has created a 
kind of twofold power mechanism and made it difficult to deal with the 
relationship between the departments of the party and those of the government 
in a satisfactory manner. The reform of the political system must, therefore, 
solve this problem by establishing a mechanism that, on the one hand, ensures 


the leadership of the party and, on the other hand, forestalls any 
inharmonious relationships which could lead to mutual jurisdictional disputes, 
thus placing the leadership of the party in matters of state and government on 
a more scientific basis. Comrade Deng Xiaoping pointed out that in the 
relationship between party and government administration, adjustments should 
begin with the central authorities. That is a very perspicacious opinion. Of 
course, the problem as to how, specifically, the relationship between party 
and government administration at the various levels is to be regulated, will 
still require careful and scientific investigation and research, before a 
solution can be gradually worked out. Furthermore, there has to be a reform 
of the vertical and horizontal power relations. The vertical power relations 
refer to the power relations between the various levels of the political 
System, which are the same as the ossified patterns in the traditional 
economic system. China's vertical power relations of the past had been 
centralized to a high degree. A country of so large a size, with a population 
of 1 billion, having all matters, huge or minute, decided by one central 
decision-making organ, is a system that is bound to hinder the efficiency in 
its political systen. On the other hand, this situation is also apt to 
obstruct the development of creativity and creative capacity in the lower 
level organs, which would have an adverse effect on the flexibility and 
reaction capability of the political system. In the last few years, after 
smashing the ossified patterns in the economic system and following the 
Simplification of government administration and the delegation of powers to 
lower ranks, great changes have already occurred, but these changes can 
evidently not yet meet the needs of China's four modernizations. The reform 
of the political system must further perfect the vertical power relations. 
The horizontal power relations refer to the power relations between organs of 
the same level in the political system. If these jurisdictional relations are 
not clearly defined, it may happen that some affairs are handled by everybody 
and some by nobody, so that efficiency, naturally, cannot possibly be high. 
If the above-mentioned three levels of relationships could be appropriately 
regulated, it would provide an excellent foundation for the achievement of 
greater efficiency in the political system. 

Second, the conduct mechanism. The efficiency of the political system--to get 
to the bottom of the problem--is always made up by person to person actions. 
In a certain sense, the important factor that determines the efficiency of the 
political system is man's activities and man's conduct. The persons that are 
active and operate within the political system, their conduct, concepts, 
values, activities, and consciousness, directly determine the behavior of the 
political system, and, consequently, determine the efficiency of the political 
system. Our endeavors to achieve greater efficiency in China's political 
system will of course encounter man-made obstacles of various kinds. The 
achievement of greater efficiency in the political system will, therefore, 
depend on the transformation of the conduct mechanism. The primary factor of 
the conduct mechanism is man. The political system must, therefore, first of 
all, possess a practical and effective mechanism which can ensure that it will 
itself continuously and at a steady rate replace the old by the new, and which 
will ensure that outstanding talents of society are brought into the political 
system, thus leading to a change in the conduct pattern of the political 
system. It will, furthermore, be necessary to establish perfect conduct norms 
for the political system, i.e. a perfect legal system, and to ensure through 

laws that the conduct mechanism of the political system will be beneficial 
for, and not hinder, the achievement of greater efficiency in the political 
system. What we have to formulate now is a systematic set of administrative 
laws, rules, and regulations. A solution must also be found for the problem 
of procedures for administrative litigation, to guarantee supervision by the 
political system itself and by society of the way the political system 
conducts itself. To be sure, from a broader viewpoint it appears that the 
conduct mechanism is tied up by a thousand and one links with a certain social 
and cultural environment, particularly linked, inseparably, with the political 
and administrative culture in it. The pattern of conduct that people display 
in the political system is guided by the political and administrative culture 
which they accept and maintain. Viewed froma broad angle it would, 
therefore, appear that raising the cultural level of the entire society wouid 
constitute an all-encompassing condition for the improvement of the conduct 
mechanism in the political system. These tasks will indeed require our 
protracted and untiring efforts. 

Third, the technical mechanism. A political system of greater efficiency 
requires, aS a guarantee for its continued existence, a certain organization 
and certain facilities. Generally speaking, as regards technical mechanism, a 
political system of greater efficiency must have at its disposal the following 
technical apparatus: 1) The decision-making organs at all levels, 
particularly those at higher levels, must have advanced auxiliary organs, such 
aS specialized organs for the analysis of policy decisions, specialized 
advisors in matters of policy decisions, perfect information and evaluation 
teams, fifth generation computer systems, etc.; 2) Political organs at all 
levels must have certain brain trust networks; 3) Effective channels must 
exist for the public announcement of policies, as, for example, by means of 
‘ popular broadcasting media, policy white papers, etc. To keep the general 
public aware of the activities of the political system through the publicizing 
of its policies is an important condition for greater efficiency in the 
political systen; 4) A quick and ready system must exist for the appraisal 
of efficiency, a system which should be able to promptly appraise and test the 
efficiency of the political system and provide the relevant departments with 
feedback, so as to facilitate regulating the efficiency mechanism of the 
political system at all times. Though we see during the last few years the 
appearance of an inkling of these mechanisms, they are still insufficient, and 
great effort must still be exerted for their establishmert. 

Of course, as the political system is in the process of pursuing decision- 
making efficiency and administrative efficiency, there is, apart from the 
direct demand for greater efficiency, also not to be left out the achievement 
of a high degree of democratization of the political system. Without political 
democratization, there can be no democratic decision-making, no democratic 
consultation in political matters, no democratic supervision, no democratic 
administration, and indeed no improvement to speak in the efficiency of the 
political system. In this sense, these two levels of the reform of the 
political system, efficiency and democratization, supplement and complement 
each other, depend on each other, and promote each other. The development of 
one level by itself then would also signify development of the other level. 

The highly developed efficiency of its political system is the principal 
indication for a country to be a modern state. Judging by present 
developments, raising the efficiency of the political system is also China's 
inevitable step on its way to modernization. 

CSO: 4005/036 

6 November 1986 


Beijing ZHONGGUO FAZHI BAO in Chinese 11 Aug 86 p 3 
{Article by Li Huaiying [2621 2037 5391]: "Larceny On the Rise"] 

[Excerpt] As I see it, larceny today has the following characteristics: 1. 
the high incidence of crimes committed by roving bands of criminals. Roving 
larceny traditionally has been the target of crackdown by judicial organs, but 
it is still on the increase these days. Among the gang of robbers and 
hardened thieves uncovered in aocertain city, for instance, were four 
criminals who roamed through the city's outlying suburbs, Guangzhou, Lanzhou, 
and Beidahe in Hebei from February to November 1985, committing over 30 
robberies netting more than 14,000 yuan in cash and valuables. What 
distinguishes roving larceny are that it covers a wide area, is highly mobile, 
and cannot be solved readily. Criminals take advantage of this and rob with a 
vengeance. They are highly dangerous and should be dealt with seriously. 

2. the large number of crimes committed by fugitives from reform-through-labor 
camps and people who work in those camps. Crimes committed by people who run 
away from reform-through-labor camps and those who work there nowadays account 
for a considerable portion of all robberies. With no legitimate means of 
livelihood after fleeing the camps and totally hostile toward society, they 
turn to crime with abandon. As veteran criminals, they are reckless and 
wedded to their evil ways and break the law with no thought of consequences. 
They steal whatever they can get away with. Should they be caught red-handed, 
they would resort to violence there and then and rob. Criminal Hang, for 
example, was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment in 1980 for robbery, theft, 
and escape. In 1983, he was sent to Xinjiang for reform through labor. In 
March 1985, he ran away from the labor camp and found his way to Beijing. One 
day he was discovered stealing in a private home. The owner gave chase and 
was soon followed by members of the public along the way. Zhang immediately 
pulled out a dagger and spring knife to threaten the masses and stabbed 
somebody in his left arm. We can thus see that robberies and other crimes by 
fugitives from labor camps and camp workers constitute an even greater danger. 

3. The large number of crimes involving hardened criminals. To these people, 
robbery is second nature. They are professional robbers, either part or full- 
time, and consider their ill-gotten gains their means of livelihood and the 
source of their extravagance. Qne city, for instance, has uncovered a major 
gang of robbers. Of its 11 members, 10 have been robbers for at least 2 to 3 

years, some as long as a dozen. They survive on whatever they steal. They 
have long criminal records, move surreptitiously, and have a repertory of 
robbery techniques. Characteristically they are repeat offenders, their 
criminal history going back a long time. 

4. The high incidence of crimes involving public properties and upscale 
merchandise. There are still weak spots in the management of a number of 
organizations, enterprises, and institutions. Taking advantage of this, 
robbers have a field day in shopping centers, warehouses, factories, and work 
places. Four members of a robbery gang robbed the warehouse of a labor 
service company five times between January and March 1985, walking away with 
various kinds of piece goods and clothes worth a total of 21,000 yuan. After 
being robbed, units rarely report to the authorities. When judicial agencies 
check with them after a criminal has confessed a crime, the units, for a 
variety of reasons and considerations, refuse to divulge the exact value of 
the stolen articles and even deny outright that they have been robbed. This 
causes immense difficulties for judicial work and may prevent the criminals 
from being brought to justice. This is one reason why public property theft 
is going up. In addition, robbers have been upgrading their targets, which 
now mainly consist of cash and such expensive items as gold and silver 
jewelry, TV sets, video cassette recorders, and woolen clothes. 

5. High incidence of crimes in which foreigners are robbed. After opening to 
the outside world, the number of foreigners visiting China as investors, 
tourists, or to look up friends and relatives has risen substantially each 
year. And so has the incidence of crimes in which foreigners were robbed. 
Some robbers specialize in targeting foreigners. The service personnel at a 
number of hotels and guest houses and chauffeurs, in particular, exploit the 
convenience provided by their work to steal. Robbing foreigners creates a 
disastrous international effect and seriously undermines China's reputation. 

6. Stolen goods can be disposed of easily. Controlling the disposal of stolen 
goods has always been en efficient way for judicial organs to investigate and 
solve robbery cases. But things have changed in recent years. Exploiting the 
loopholes in our management and the failure of some departments to strictly 
enforce relevant government policies and regulations, larcenists have been 
able to get rid of their stolen goods through diverse channels. Some 
criminals sell them at low prices to individual peddlers or out-of-town people 
who visit the city to procure sundry items. Some enter the illegal buying and 
selling business by simply marketing what they have stolen. In one city, two 
criminals committed 14 cases of larceny within a little over 2 months, 
stealing a large quantity of goods, renminbi, gold rings, TV sets, VCR's, 
cigarettes, and clothes with a combined value approaching 10,000 yuan. They 
operated at night and sold off some of their booty on the street during the 
day. Attracted by low prices, some people purchase articles of unknown 
origin. This makes it easy for larcenists to dispose of stolen goods. By 
promptly getting rid of stolen goods, larcenists deprive judicial organs of 
adequate evidence. Besides, it is difficult to track down stolen goods. Ali 
this vastly complicates the investigation and trial of larceny cases. 

CSO: 4005/964 


JPRS-CPS- 86-081 
6 November 1986 


Beijing XINGUANCHA [NEW OBSERVATIONS] in Chinese No 17, 10 Sep 86 pp 15-16 

[Article by Yan Jiaqi [0917 1367 0366]: "Reflections on the Goodness or Evil 
of Human Nature" } 

[Text] 1. "Taking Short Cuts" a Common Phenomenon 

There was a popular saying during the Cultural Revolution about "material 
force" and “spiritual force," “Material force must be destroyed by material 
force; spiritual force must be destroyed by spiritual force." The latter half 
of this saying actually served as the "theoretical basis" for the "mass 
criticism" unleashed by the Cultural Revolution. Now we advocate the 
development of a “spiritual civilization." Some people still harbor at the 
back of their minds the ideas that “unhealthy trends" and negative spiritual 
phenomena must be overcome by "spiritual force." In fact if we see spiritual 
progress only in this light, we will have trouble achieving our aim. 

Nowadays many people abuse public office for private interests, give poor 
services, and otherwise “engage in all manner of  improprieties 
professionally." How can we overcome them effectively? This issue deserves 
serious examination. 

There are two ways to overcome these shortcomings. 1) "reform the system." 
2) depend on the force of spontaneous social opinion. Of the two, the first 
is fundamental. 

In any endeavor, if the legal system is not sound or equitable, then people 
will take “short circuits" in all kinds of ways, which means that they will 

exploit loopholes in the system and in the law and resort to short cuts to 
achieve their goals. This is what the public is talking about right now, that 
there are people who take advantage of shortcomings or inequities in the 
system and the law, and, defying both tradition and public opinion, commit 
acts injurious to social well-being and the interest of others. 

There are gaps in China's current legal system: Many old institutions have 
been abolished, while new ones have not been perfected or made totally sound. 
So the phenomenon of taking “short cuts" is very widespread. Under these 


circumstances, simply calling on people to be "civilized beings" is actually 

2. The Starting Point for Sound Laws and institutions Is The Recognition That 
"Human Nature Is Naturally Evil" 

The question whether human nature is good or evil is not a question of whether 
man is good or bad at birth. The debate over the goodness or evil of man is 
an academic debate and has no significance whatsoever. The question we are 
discussing here about whether human nature is good or evil has to do with 
advancing spiritual progress, taking human nature as the point of departure. 

Some people think that we need only work through the power of government to 
promote a positive social climate. That way everybody will be spiritually 
purified and become "a civilized being," moral and noble-minded. 

Discussing ways to check “government abuses," an 18th century thinker in the 
West noted the need to use power to restrain power. He said, “It may be an 
insult to human nature to use this means to check government abuses. Yet if 
government itself is not the greatest insult to human nature, then what is it? 
If human beings were all angels, they would not need any government. If human 
beings were governed by angels, then they need not impose any checks on 
government." Il agree with this interpretation of human nature. All 
institutions exist to guard against or restrict a merger between “evil human 
nature" and "power." Unfortunately, some of us, imagining human beings to be 
perfect, are always searching for the perfect man--the prototype "good" 
person--in the hope that he will spearhead the movement to improve the social 
climate. How can that be possible? When some individuals indulge in 
exaggerating their lofty morals and virtues, people of normal intelligence 
will say, “There! Either they are blowing their own trumpets, or they are 
trying to fool others." 

3. The Call for Structural Reform Marks a Sharp Departure from Traditional 
Chinese Culture 

The idea that man .s naturally good is deeply rooted in China. Confucius 
talked about the rule of man. ("The Book of Rites," "The Doctrine of the 
Mean.") According to Mencius, “with an upright ruler in power, national 
stability is assured." ("Mencius, Li Lou," Vol 1.) Successive generations of 
rulers also advocated “benevolent rule." All of them pinned their hopes for 
national prosperity on the emergence of the "goodness in human nature." For 
thousands of years, people yearned for the emergence of "honest officials" and 
"enlightened monarchs" as if once "virtuous" rulers came to power, they would 
be relieved from suffering and could live and work peacefully and happily. In 
traditional Chinese culture, people also looked to "chivalrous heroes" with 
their shining virtues to promote their welfare and deliver them from danger. 
These traditional ideas were deeply imbedded in the national psyche in the 
past, seemingly leaving no room for the notion of "structural reform." 
"Reforms" like those initiated by Wang Anshi were mere tinkering within the 
Status quo. Only as recent as the late 19th and early 20th centuries did a 
number of Chinese propose and implement "reform" and make "revolution" in a 
desperate effort to reshape China's traditional institutions. Because of the 


powerful influence of “traditional culture," reform efforts either failed or 
achieved only limited results. After the founding of the PRC, China created 2 
brand-new socialist order. Yet it was not long before the ideas of “searching 
for the perfect successor" and "fight selfishness, repudiate revisionism"-- 
manifestations of the ideal of the "goodness of human nature"--took center 
Stage in revolutionary garb. The Cultural Revolution abounds with examples of 
cruelty to humanity. The disaster of the Cultural Revolution awakened people 
to the eritical importance of good laws and institutional reforms for China's 
progress. What should we do when stores display a poor service attitude? It 
would not have lasting effect merely to advocate that we become "civilized 
human beings." More important is to press ahead with reforms in the 
commercial and economic systems. We can say that practically as well as 
theoretically the restructuring of the economic and political systems marks a 
Sharp departure from a Chinese cuitural trait going back thousands of years, 
namely, the reliance on the “moral perfection of man." 

4, Ever Good Laws and Systems Must Be Enforced By Man 

It is not that we do not stress man's moral perfection or the development of 

tne spiritual civilization, but we do so only within the framework 0! 
"structural reform." 

If the starting point for drawing up good laws and establishing good 
institutions is the “evil of human nature," then it can be said that the 
Starting point for improving the social climate is the "goodness of human 
nature." To enable society to develop healthily, we must not only open our 
eyes to the evil side of human nature, prevent the combination of "evil human 
nature" and “power” in all its forms, and prevent all attempts to take the 
"short cut," but also see the “goodness of human nature" and realize that it 
takes man to carry out even good laws. In a society with sound institutions 
and good laws, a society where few people take short cut, morality combines 
with conventions and public opinion to effectively elevate the social tone. 
Jnlike institutions, laws, rules and regulations, morality, conventions and 
public oninion cannot be effected through “administrative fiat." While we can 
make institutions and laws perfect by relying on the policy-making and 
administrative power of the state to check the “excesses of human nature," we 
cannot tackle matters in the spiritual reaim by acrtinistrative decree. 
History has time and again proved that it is wrong to use administrative power 
to adjudicate academic arguments. Similarly, administrative decisions cannot 
be relied upon to elevate the social tone. 

Social organizations are extremely complex entities in nature, depending as 
they do on the integration of a web of rules, regulations, institutions, laws, 
morals, public opinion, and conventions. The progress of human civilization 
and the improvement of the various institutions in human society are so 
closely related that they cannot be separated. When a TV set breaks down, we 
all know that it must be fixed carefvily. Yet. when all manner of maladies 
crop up in a social organization, we resort to simplistic solutions, fall back 
on administrative decrees and decisions, °% merely rely on spiritual forces to 
nelp solve problems in the spiritual world. It seems that we have been 
oversimplifying a complex issue. Therefore, to overcome the multitude of ills 
in society today--abuse of public office for private gain, unhealthy trends-- 


we must take a two-pronged approach. On the one hand, we must zero in 
"institutional" reform. On the other hand, 

educational, literary, artistic, academic, and publishing circles, on the 
universalization of education, on the development of culture, on spiritual 
progress, and on the power of spontaneous social opinion. 

CSO: 4005/014 

we must rely on the work of the 


6 November 1986 


Hefei ANHUI RIBAO in Chinese 7 Aug 86 p 1 

{By reporter Jiang Haibo [3068 3189 3134]: "Anhui's Implementation of the 
Policy Toward the Intellectuals Shows Fast Progress and High Quality”) 

[Excerpt ] From August last year to June this year, residual problems in 
concerning intellectuals that needed solutions throughout the province have 
been resolved to 86.24 percent, and efforts are being made to basically 
fulfill the task of implementing the policy toward the intellectuals by the 
end of this year. 

To ensure that the task of implementing this policy will be basically 
completed prior to the opening of the 13th CPC National Congress, the 
provincial party committee and organizational departments direct their 
attention to action against such mental impediments as the idea that 
"implementation of the policy toward the intellectuals is overdone” and the 
attitude of "being too busy, having too many things to attend to, being unabie 
to attend to these tasks too." They energetically propagate the party's 
policy toward intellectuals, advocating respect for knowledge and respect for 
capable talents. At the same time, they linked implementation of the policy 
toward intellectuals with the composition of leading groups, and resolutely 
adjusted and replaced leading groups and leaders who did not respect the 
intellectuals, who impeded implementation of the said policy, and who, after 
due education, still did not change their attitude. 

To accelerate the implementation of this policy, the responsible comrades in 
the party committees and organizational departments at all levels improved 
their style of work, went to the grassroots, and enhanced leadership. Since 
the beginning of this year, responsible comrades of the provincial party 
committee, of the organizational departments, and of the provincial office for 
implementation of the policy toward the intellectuals proceeded on different 
occasions to 9 prefectures and cities, among them Fuyang, Chuxian, and Lu‘an, 
and to 19 counties (municipalities) for inspections and to superv‘se and urge 
completion of the task. In all of Anhui, 391 units of county level have 
basically completed their tasks of implementing the policy toward the 

CSO: 4005/036 


6 November 1986 


Jinan DAZHONG RIBAO in Chinese 3 Aug 86 p 1 

[Article by reporter Ji Dajing [4764 1129 4842): "The Province-Wide 
Conference for the Exchange of Experiences in Combating Serious Economic 
Crimes Emphasized Investigation of Major and Important Cases and Ensuring 
Smooth Progress of the Reform") 

[Excerpts] The present conference was held at Taian from 27 to 30 July. The 
conference was of the opinion that great successes have been scored in the 
fight against serious criminal activities in the economic field. However, the 
struggle had proveeded in a very uneven way. Particularly in the 
investigation of major and important cases, progress was not very fast, and 
the blows dealt out to certain criminal elements were not sufficiently 
forceful. The conference emphasized that the investigation of major and 
important cases must still be pushed more vigorously. It must be the firm 
resolution: first, to be firm; second, to implement the accurate principles, 
namely to strictly implement the policies of the party, to punish serious 
criminal elements in the economic field according to law. Attention must be 
paid to differentiate between mistakes committed due to inexperience in the 
reform, or due to the incomplete state of rules and regulations, or deviations 
that had occurred in the course of exploring new methods in the course of the 
reform, from actual acts of taking advantage of loopholes in the reform and 
engaging in criminal activities in the economic field. When handling cases, 
there has to be clarity of facts, authenticity of evidence, and proceedings 
that will stand the test of history. The party secretaries at all levels 
shall strengthen guidance, include these matters as important items on their 
agendas, clearly and definitely establish responsibilities, accomplish these 
tasks, and closely cooperate with the public security, procuratorial, and 
judicial departments, and truly vigorously and effectively push the struggle 
of combating serious criminal activities in the economic field. 

CSO: 4005/035 


6 November 1986 


Hefei ANHUI RIBAO in Chinese 14 Aug 86 p 1 

{Article by reporter Luo Guangyuan [5012 0342 6678]: "Recognizing the People 
as Masters and Scientific Allocation of Powers are the Overall Purpose of 
Reform of the Political System; A Symposium of the Editorial Department of 
This Paper Discusses Issues in the Reform of the Political System"] 

[Excerpts] On 12 August, the editorial department of this paper invited some 
workers in the theoretical and practical fields from the Hefei Prefecture to a 
symposium for a discussion of issues in connection with the reform of the 
political system. 

On the question of the guiding ideology for the reform of the political 
system, many comrades expressed that there is a sense of urgency, but that one 
nust guard against impatience for quick results; one must proceed 
energetically yet with great care. Otherwise, it might be a case of haste 
failing to achieve desired results. 

There was a general recalling of the past and comparing i* with the present, 
looking into the future, and after, as a start, recounting the many abuses in 
China's political system, the debate turned to the importance and urgency of 
the reform of the political system. Everybody agreed that it was precisely 
the existence of serious abuses in the political system that allowed a 
political upheaval like the "culture revolution" to occur in China, and then 
to last for 10 years, those abuses are also the reason why the thorough reform 
of China's economic system and the development of a socialist commodity 
economy cannot make smooth progress. If these abuses are not eradicated, 
they are sure to become the proverbial "chin gu" magic formula [bestowing 
irresistible obnoxious powers] to plague China. The reform of the political 
system is, therefore, not only imperative but also a matter that is. better 
done 1 day earlier than later; this is the sense of urgencv in this matter. 

However, since the reform of the political system will affect certain 
leadership institutions of party and state, and there is the need to uphold 
the four fundamental principles, while there is the need to improve party 
leadership and state institutions, this is a case of systems enginecring with 
strong political and scientific connotations. Seeing the many circuitous 
roads that have been take in the past by certain socialist countries in 


reforming their political systems, China has had little experience with 
reforms in its past, but learned many lessons. Even in several of China's 
recent organizational reforms, the anticipated objectives were not achieved. 
It even happened that the more efforts were made to retrench organizations, 
the more they swelled up, the more effort was made to reduce ranks, the more 
numerous they became, and the overstaffing of offices is becoming more and 
more of a serious problen. For instance, between 1980 and 1985, party and 
government cadres alone increased 49.3 percent. Moreover, since the reform of 
the political system lacked adequate theoretical preparation, had no ready- 
made patterns to go by, involved the personal interests of thousands upon 
thousands of cadres, particularly leading cadres of all ranks, also met 
obstruction by feudal ideologies, it had great difficulties. Only by 
maintaining an enthusiastic and cautious attitude, by transforming the reform 
of the political system into a process of political democratization, into a 
process of a thorough investigation and research of domestic and foreign 
political systems, into a process of probing into its theory, and also by 
instituting scientific debate, will it be possible to arrive at a good program 
for the reform of the political system and achieve ultimate success. 

what is the inherent meaning of the reform of the political system, what areas 
joes the reform comprise? Those at the symposium made varying comments from 
different viewpoints, displaying a variety of understandings. However, there 
was unanimity of opinion among those at the symposium on the overall 
orientation of the reform, namely that, while generally recognizing the 
principle of the people being masters, there is the need to arrange the powers 
of the state--whether in vertical or horizontal respects--in a scientific 
manner. The former principle is a question of China's basic institution, 
namely implementation of the people's democratic dictatorship, the latter 
concern is the problem of substantiating and perfecting China's political 
system. It is, therefore, necessary tiiat the recognition of the people as 
masters accede priority to the basic political right of the people to 
administer the state. We must not interpret the recognition of the people as 
masters as allowing something like “being lord-master on behalf of the people” 
or “posing as spokesman for the people," mor must we interpret it merely as 
"letting the people speak" or as the development of a democratic style of work 
by leading cadres. Under the premise of a genuine recognition of the people as 
masters, we must institute a scientific allocation of powers, according to the 
provisions of the constitution, among the organs of authority, such as. the 
NPC, the governments at all levels, the law courts, the procuratorates, etc. 
In this matter, it is particularly necessary to seek a solution in the 
question of the party-government relationship and as to the overcentralization 
of power. We must change such phenomena as “the party committee decides and 
the government carries out" or of having the NPC as an organ of state 
authority without being endowed with full state powers. 

To implement the above-stated overall orientation of the reform, some comrades 
proposed that a “representative system" replace the present "senior official" 
system," that an “election system" replace the present "disguised hereditary 
system," that a “term appointments" replace the present "lifetime appointments 
for leading positions," that the cadre system should be reformed, and that the 
principle of recognizing the people as masters be realized. Many comrades 


considered a penetrating criticism of feudal ideologies as the major 
ideological precondition for the reform of the political system and wanted 
this ideological work to permeate the entire process of the reform of the 
political system. 

CSO: 4005/038 


JPRS-CPS- 86-081 
6 November 1986 


Hangzhou ZHEJIANG RIBAO in Chinese 20 Aug 86 p 1 

[Excerpts] The Zhejiang Provincial CPC Committee held a meeting on 18 August 
at Hangzhou of leading groups in units directly under the provincial 
government for the exchange of experiences in ideological work and party 

Comrade Wang Fang [3769 5364), secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial CPC 
Committee, spoke on the questions of how to intensify ideological work and the 
buildup of party workstyle among leading groups in units directly under the 
provincial government. 

When speaking on the question of ideological development, Comrade Wang Fang 
pointed out that a further deep-going development of the reform requires 
breaking the fetters of all kinds of outmoded concepts. For instance, what is 
meant by leadership of the party. The CPC is the core of leadership in the 
socialist undertaking, but the leadership of the party is mainly one of 
political thinking and of political line, principles, and policies. On this 
issue, our ideas had been blurred in the past, when we assumed that leadership 
by the party meant too that the party involved itself in all affairs, an idea 
that had a detrimental effect on enthusiasm in many other quarters. The 
lessons that we learned from positive and negative experiences should have 
made it clear to us by now: First, that the party organization is not an 
organ that issues orders. In all its activities, the party must observe the 
provisions of the constitution and of all laws and decrees. We cannot depart 
from or violate law in issuing policies or assigning cadres to certain posts. 
Second, that we must not add all and sundry matters on to the agenda of the 
party, and in the matter of requesting instructions from higher authority, the 
method of doing so on a wholesale scale must also be changed. If a unit has to 
refer a matter for instructions to the NPC or the government, there is no need 
to refer all such items to the party committee for instruction. Whenever 
anything is referred to the party committee, it will have to check and see 
whether it is really a matter to be handled by the party committee. Third, 
that enterprises must acquire a new concept of the leadership of the party. 
It must be clearly defined to what limits reform and construction are being 
extended, so that the political and ideological work of the party may be 
extended to these very limits, ensuring the smooth progress of reform and 
construction. For instance, in the matter of recognizing the superiority of 


socialism, there have been in the past a variety of one-sided explanations, 
preserving such ideas as egalitarianism, eating from the big pot, freezing 
commodity prices, etc. as constituting the superiority of socialism. Although 
there has by now been a great change, there is still diversity of opinion 
among the people as to what is socialism and what is capitalism. I believe 
merely accepting socialist economy as the principal component, upholding the 
principles of allowing some people to become prosperous ahead of others in 
order to attain prosperity for all, upholding the principle of distribution 
according to work, these are the characteristics of socialism. The core of it 
is that what is beneficial for the development of the productive forces and 
the factors that arouse the enthusiasm of all quarters fully represent the 
superiority of socialism. Furthermore, there is, for instance, the question 
of how to view traditional styles of work. The party has many excellent 
traditions, for instance, the workstyles of linking theory with reality, 
maintaining close links with the masses, criticism and self-criticism, being 
hardworking, thrifty, and economizing, building up the country through thrift 
and hard work, being industrious and thrifty in all affairs, engaging in 
arduous struggle, etc. All these styles of work must be continued, upheld, 
encouraged, and glorified. However, there are also some matters which, though 
playing a positive role under the historical conditions of their times, have 
by now with the progress of time and changes of conditions, to be provided 
with new content. There are also some things which in their time were 
"leftist" errors, which must now be thoroughly abandoned and negated. of 
course, in the process of reform, we must be directed by the theories of 
Marxism. Moreover, there is the question of maintaining political identity 
with the central authorities. This is an article of political discipline that 
must not be violated. However, this does not mean that we have to copy and 
indiscriminately apply the instructions of the central authorities; we must 
rather implement them by integrating them with the realities of the unit or 
system in question and start work in a creative manner. 

When discussing the establishment of a style of work, Wang Fang emphatically 
stressed the need to solve the following three questions: First, there is 
need to intensify tempering everyone in party spirit and to create true 
servants of the people with honesty in the performance of their duties. [It is 
demanded of every leading cadre that he remain completely incorruptible, that 
he use his authority for the common good, that he conscientiousiy put a stop 
to all unhealthy tendencies which show characteristics of special trades or 
professions, and that he wholeheartedly accept service to the people as the 
purpose of all his activities. Second, there is the need to uphold the 
principle of democratic centralism and to strengthen the solidarity within the 
leading groups. We must oppose on the one hand an attitude of "letting one 
person alone having the say," but must rather have a democratic atmosphere in 
which everyone is allowed to speak his mind freely, and should also be 
resourceful and decisive, enabling the collection of appropriate ideas from 
everyone, anu being able to arrive at promot decisions. Third, there is the 
need to establish a down-to-earth style of work, with little empty talk and 
many accomplishments. 




6 November 1986 


Hefei ANHUI RIBAO in Chinese 22 Aug 86 p 4 

{Article by Yang Xuemin [2799 1331 2404]: "Why Such Poor Results in China's 
Many Organizational Reforms?" ] 

[Text] China has undergone several organizational reforms since the founding 
of the PRC; why have results been so poor? Besides, government organs that 
retrenched frequently grow even larger. What is the reason for this evil 
cycle? Of course, there are complex circumstances and a variety of different 
reasons. In my opinion, the following are the main reasons: 

First, when government organs are established, there is always pressure to 
have a correspondence between higher and lower levels. Whatever departments 
the higher authority has, they must correspondingly be set up at its lower 
levels, otherwise, operating funds, supplies, etc. would suffer restrictions. 
During the last few years, especially when temporary agencies were set up, 
this phenomenon was particularly notable. According to a report from Wuhu 
City, more than 90 temporary agencies were set up in that city last year, 
which all emphasized this correspondence between higher and lower 
organizations. As an evil consequence of setting up these temporary agencies, 
the functional departments were directly and adversely affected in their 
performance, and there was a large increase in leading cadres. It is 
therefore necessary in organizational reforms to reform from top to bottom; 
the central authority must be reformed first, because without a reform in the 
central authority, it will not be possible to reform at the lower level. 

Second, the irrational cadre and personnel system. The fact that for many 
years it was impossible to achieve a retrenchment in state organs, and that, 
on the contrary, retrenchments made them even grow larger, is directly related 
to the irrational cadre and personnel system. It is my opinion that the 
current cadre system in China still maintains, in disguise, a system of 
lifetime appointments; cadres can move up but never down, can become officials 
but will never be returned to civilian life. Some leading cadres of 
retirement age are still moved from "first line" to "second line" appointments 
of welfare nature, or if not possible to make it into officialdom at this 
department, may be able to become official in another department. Many people 
are appointed as investigating and research personnel, supervisory personnei, 
actually given titles but no functions and getting salaries without working. 


Organizational reforms, to be successful, must, therefore, be closely Linked 
with a reform of the cadre and personnel systen. 

Third, there has been no corresponding change in the administrative functions 
of the government. Divorced from changes in the administrative functions of 
government, any independent pursuit of organizational reform is doomed. This 
point is fully evidenced by the lessons of the past. The administrative 
function of government is the basis for setting up the administrative organ, 
and the occurrence of an administrative function of government has to come 
about through a corresponding organization. The establishment of an organ of 
administrative operations must, therefore, serve the needs of an 
administrative function. China's political system and its organizational 
Structure was established in the early years after the founding of the PRC. 
Several reforms have made little change, but the system is beset with many 
shortcomings, such as overcentralization of power, no separation between party 
and government, serious constraints on the people's enthusiasm, initiative and 
creativity. If organizational reform is to succeed, it is necessary to effect 
a transformation in the administrative functions of government organs, 
otherwise, reform cannot possibly show results. 

Fourth, inappropriate disposition of centralization and decentralization of 
power. Many years of practice have proven that whenever the central 
authorities emphasize centralization of power, there is an inflation of the 
organs of the central government and shrinkage of local administrative organs. 
Whenever decentralization is stressed, there may be a reduction in organs of 
the central authorities and inflation in the adminis rative organs of the 
local authorities. There is, therefore, a constant fluctuation, an up and 
down in the establishment of government organs from central to local 
authorities, depending on centralization or decentralization of power. In 
future reforms of the political system, this problem must be effectively 
solved, otherwise, even if the reform will show certain temporary results, 
they cannot be of long duration and will not stand the tests to which they 
will be put. 

CSO: 4005/038 


JPRS-CPS- 86-081 
6 November 1986 


Shanghai JIEFANG RIBAO in Chinese 5 Sep 86 p 1 

{fext] The work of consolidating and developing the achievements in party 
rectification at Shanghai is currently being undertaken by all leading organs 
of ward, county, bureau and higher levels, as an important component of party 

The situation during a little over 2 months at certain leading organs 
indicates that the consolidation and development of the achievements of party 
rectification are beneficial for the promotion of the reform and for economic 
development, also beneficial for the rectification of party work style and for 
an improved structuring of leading groups. 

Further rectification of service guidance ideology and enhancing the overall 
knowledge of the reform. Since a little over 2 months, the party and 
government at Minxing and Putuo wards worked hard to promote the reform and 
for economic development. In its efforts to develop the regional economy, 
Minxing ward emphasized municipal construction, and, furthermore, by such 
methods as helping the large municipal factories in its area to start up 
tertiary industries, developing collective economy, and establishing 
horizontal economic ties with other provinces and municipalities, and 
accumulated capital, thereby greatly increased the financial reserves of the 
ward. Putuo ward started out from the actual conditions of the ward, set up 
"Sanwan Lane 1" as key sector for transformation, and is now working hard in a 
down-to-earth manner to transform the old district and build up a new 

Further rectify and strengthen the building of party work style. Having set 
up a party work style responsibility system at all organs of the 12 wards, 
some of the wards intensified the investigation and analysis of the party work 
style in the leading groups of the subordinated units, some made periodical or 
irregular checks on party work style in units that had completed party 
rectification, some emphasized the detection of major and important cases and 
the conscientious investigation and elimination of unhealthy tendencies in 
organs of the districts in question. 

Continuous efforts to improve the structuring of leading groups. Efforts are 
now being made to solve residual problems and newly arising problems in 



certain leading groups, after completion of the party rectification. 
party committee at the Municipal Bureau of Construction is conscientiously 
engaged in settling certain residual problems from the party rectification in 
organs and of new problems that surfaced during the first stage of party 
rectification. The party committee of Nanshi ward resolved on different 
occasions the problem of weaknesses and lack of solidarity in two leading 
groups of subordinate neighborhood party committees. During return visits to 
leading groups of units, where party rectification had been concluded, the 
party committee of Xuhui ward discovered that particular leading groups 
required further adjustments and removed from office five incompetent leading 
cadres in units of county delegation rank. 

Further perfection in the institutional life of the party. An obvious turn 
for the better has by now occurred in the 12 wards as to the tendency of 
leading cadres finding themselves unable to periodically attend the 
organizational life of the party branch of their station. The leading groups 
of the party committees in the Municipal Bureau of Communications, the 
Municipal Bureau for Rural Affairs, and in the Municipal Bureau of Agriculture 
have launched criticism and self-criticism as part of the democratic life, and 
have sought out shortcomings in the leading groups, as such were pointed out 
or became revealed in the course of the party rectification at the basic 

However, as we understand, the work of consolidating and developing the 
achievements of party rectification is very uneven in the leading organs of 
the party committees and the offices of the highest level. Some are still not 
yet forceful enough in implementing appropriate measures, and they do not show 
distinct achievements. For this reason, Zhou Ke [0719 0344], head of the 
Municipal Office for Party Rectification, again demanded at yesterday's party 
rectification symposium of large ports and wards that all leading organs must 
be sure to make overall dispositions, and with a view toward further 
development, pay serious attention to the effective pursuit of this type of 
work. He pointed out that how the relevant party branches administer party 
affairs, how the party shows itself apt to manage party affairs, how the 
relevant party branches render service at the grassroots levels, also the 
strengthening of vertical crosswise relationships, strengthening cooperation 
between city and countryside, and establishing a new work style in professions 
and trades, are all problems for which solutions must be found within th: 
consolidation and development of the achievements of party rectification. 
Consolidating and developing the achievements of party rectification will 
bring about a broader outlook and a further revolutionization and 
modernization in thought and knowledge among all our leading cadres. 

CSO: 4005/038 

JPRS-CPS- 86-081 
6 November 1986 


Shanghai JIEFANG RIBAO in Chinese 4 Sep 86 p 1 

[By reporters Hui Kang [1920 1660] and Pei Kun [1014 0981): "Party 
Rectification is Fully Under Way Among the Last Group of Shanghai Suburbs; 
Studies Emphasize Enhancing Knowledge of the Reform Among Party Members, 
Resolving Simultaneously the Problem of Serious Cases of Misuse of Authority 
for Private Gain and of Violations of Law and Disruption of Discipline 
Committed by a Small Number of Cadres"]) 

[Text] At present, over 105,000 party members from more than 6,400 basic 
units in the suburbs of Shanghai are beginning their party rectification 
Studies. As part of the last batch of the suburban party rectification units, 
they will particularly stress enhancing their knowledge of the reform, as the 
key topic to attain unification of thought among party members. 

During the latter half of this year, over 189,000 party members from a total 
of 9,000 basic party branches in the suburbs of Shanghai will take part as the 
last batch in the party rectification, which is scheduled to end in January of 
next year. Many basic party branches, in reviewing the process of reform in 
the rural areas during the last few years, summed up experiences and lessons, 
and overcame a certain mentality, which they originally held, such as fearing 
the risks involved in the reform, maintaining a wait and see attitude, 
sticking to the old ways, not daring to be creative, etc. Many party members 
gained new knowledge regarding the reform in the rural areas, which is now 
being carried out with increased intensity. This helped them free themselves 
of the small producer mentality of the natural economy and acquire the new 
concept of a planned commodity economy. 

The basic party rectification currently going on in the suburbs, with its key 
concern being the rectification of the style of work and of discipline, 
resolved the problem of serious cases among a small number of party members 
and leading cadres of misusing authority for private gain and of serious 
violations of law and disruption of discipline. The party organization in the 
counties, townships, and villages began, starting with the preparatory stage 
of party rectification, to generally pay greatest attention to the 
investigation, study, and searching out of the "two serious" problems. 


The party rectification office of the municipal party committee and the rura) 
party secretaries of the municipality held a meeting yesterday at Xinzhuang in 
Shanghai County for the exchange of information on the basic rural party 
rectificalion in the suburbs. Zhou Ke [0719 0344], head of the party 
rectification office of the municipal party committee, and Ni Hongfu [0242 

7703 4395], secretary of the rural party committee of the municipality, 
attended the meeting and gave speeches. 

CSO: 4005/040 


6 November 1986 


Hefei ANHUI RIBAO in Chinese 24 Aug 86 p 1 

[By reporters Su Zequan [5685 3419 3123] and Wang Jie [3769 2638]: "At the 
Forum of Party Secretaries and Heads of Propaganda Departments of Provincial 
Institutes of Higher Learning, Xu Leyi [1776 2867 5030] Demanded of These 
Institutes that they Effectively Implement the Separation of Party and 
Government, Organize Democratic Administration, and Forge Ahead at the New 
Pace of the Reform" ] 

[Text ] At the recently concluded forum of party secretaries and heads of 
propaganda departments of provincial institutes of higher learning, Xu Leyi, 
deputy secretary of the Anhui Provincial CPC Committee, pointed out that there 
are presently two basic problems to be effectively solved in the reform at 
colleges and universities, namely the separatior of party and government and 
the institution of democratic administratior. He demanded that Anhui's 
colleges and universities forge ahead at the new pace of the reform, so that 
they may catch up as quickly as possible with the overall state of the reform. 

At the speed that advances were made during the last few years in the reform 
at Anhui's colleges and universities, some breakthroughs have indeed been 
achicved in their organizational system, and certain valuable experiences have 
been gained in establishing a responsibility system for department heads. 
However, certain problems remain and deserve our attention. The progress of 
the reform at the colleges and universities is not yet fast enough and lags 
behind the state of the reform of the economic system. Teaching and study 
morale among teachers and students is not high enough, and the school spirit, 
as wel) as the spirit of teaching and studying is not yet ideal. Although 
there has been great progress in ideological and political work, that area is 
still a weak link, as it does not yet fully play its role in effectively 
mobilizing and inspiring teachers and students to devote themselves to the 

It is Xu Leyi's belief that the unsatisfactory state of the reform at colleges 
and universities is caused by many reasons and actual difficulties. He 
emphatically pointed out that the reform is the opportunity for a radical 
solution of all contradictions now existing at colleges and universities, and 
also for the elimination of difficulties these institutions are facing. The 
institutions of higher learning must look at the rapid developments made in 


the reform of the economic system and of the system of science and technology 
throughout the country; they must gain an increased sense of urgency and must 
rea] f they do not accelerate their own reform, anddo not train 
talented specialists who are imbued with a strong spirit of reform, they will 
suffer the fate that history will allot to them! Party secretaries at 

and universities must absolutely place reform as a primary concern on 
treir agendas, must command the initiative in the reform, stand at the 

refront of the reform movement, and energetically promote its progress. 

nstituting a responsibility system for college and university presidents is 
in important step in the reform of the college and university system and will 
nave a major impact on the various aspects of reform at the institutes of 
higher lea towerg Comrade Xu Leyi urged all colleges and universities to 
actively create conditions that will allow the gradual introduction of a 

responsibility system for college and university presidents. He said that 
instituting the responsibility system for college and university presidents 
requires, first of all, the effective solution of the problem of division of 
labor between party and government. The party secretary shall take charge of 
arty affairs; his duties are to do a good job of party work; that is his 

luty. If he were to take on administrative work, it would inevitably 

ammount to “planting someone else's private plot, while neglecting one's own 

lity field’.® The party secretary must regard ideological and 

political work Strengthening party building, as well as ensuring and 

Sul vising implementation of the specific and general policies of the party 

at lleges nd universities as his main tasks. A responsibility ets em for 
t retaries of the type “whatever the party secretary says goes," and 

sf lity system for college and university presidents of the type 

"wha r the president says goes" is completely wrong. The responsibility 

Sy m for presidents is also not intent on having them take on all anc every 

task and to Jabor the whole day over business affairs without being able to 

anything. Implementing a responsibility system for presidents 

nat Ss not decided singly by the one person of the president, as it 

not a simple transfer of authority, it is rather he reform and 
stablishment of an institution. Presidents and party secretaries should "go 

nto battle with a light pack,” and pursue the reform wholeheartedly. Because 
ld system of having the party take the place of government, and having 

the party secretary handle all kinds of matters, has been practiced for many 
ars, people have, psychologically and in their working methods, formed fixed 

patterns and habits. For this reason, Xu Leyi expressed the special hope that 

party secretaries at colleges and universities will, during the process of 
instituting the responsibility system for college and university presidents, 
make efforts ts explore completely new methods, conscientiously work at 

reforming the system of internal administration at colleges and universities, 
Simplify administration and delegate authority, and, through ampie f 
extremely meticulous ideological and political work, actively assist the 
presidents in their work, mobilize and organize cadres at all levels to draw 
listinctive lines of official vm sagappanir sytney draw up systems of persona] 
responsibilities for each position, and have -.he presidents not get bogged 

jown in business affairs. 

id that the reform is an undertaking that can be 
th the participation of the masses of millions. This 

- ~ 

requires a full development of socialist democracy and the creation of an 
environment and atmosphere concucive to participation by the people in our 
reform experiment. An environment of this kind is particularly important for 
the institutes of higher learning, engaged in instruction and scholarly 
research. The reform at institutes of higher learning wiil arouse the 
enthusiasm in all quarters and, most importantly, the enthusiasm of teachers. 
Following the total and thorough reform at colleges and universities, 
democratic administration within the schools must be raised to become an 
important point on the agenda of the day. There has to be, first of all, 
perfection and enhancement of the role of teacher representatives assemblies, 
using appropriate forms to have professors and specialists (including 
government and industrial cadres) participate in administration and decision- 
making, rendering the decision-making in school affairs more democratic and 
scientific. Second, the democratic administration of the schools should be 
enhanced by means of student unions, having the students gain an increased 
sense of responsibility as masters. There definitely has to be a change in 
the work style of the school leadership; they must listen attentively to the 
dissenting opinions of teachers and students and create on the campuses an 
excellent atmosphere conducive to reform and scholarly research. At present, 
there is in our colleges and universities on the one hand an insufficient 
development of democracy, as we also have the occurrence of lax and improper 
conduct and discipline. Excellence in school spirit is demonstrated not only 
in an environment and atmosphere of democracy, solidarity, and harmony, but 
there also has to be excellence in the way order is maintained, strict 
discipline is observed, and there has to be the spirit of energetic progress 
and of assiduous instruction and study. The party secretaries at colleges and 
universities must make establishment of an enlightened school spirit the core 
task in their ideological and political work. The workstyle of the party has 
to be further corrected, and greater efforts must be made to establish an 
excellent school spirit and to promote the healthy and rapid progress of 
reform at the institutes of higher learning. 

CSO: 4005/035 

6 November 1986 


Beijing RENMIN RIBAO in Chinese 5 Jul 86 p 2 

[Article: “Interfering Grandmas Take Away Authority Delegated by the Central 
Authorities, Making It Hard To Run Enterprises; Some Plant Directors in Henan 
Call for Reform of Political System To Ensure Delegation of Authority to 
Enterprises” ] 

[Text] “The central authorities delegate us authority, then all the meddling 
grandmas below them take it back. It‘s just impossible for us!" This repor- 
ter heard these words repeatedly while recently interviewing several plant 
directors in Zhengzhou City, Henan Province. It is the belief of these 
directors that without a reform of the political system and the streamlining 
of supervisory agencies, the genuine delegation and expansion of authority 

to the enterprises cannot be guaranteed, and it will be nearly impossible 

to arouse enthusiasm. 

According to my understanding, 196 units in Zhengzhou City have implemented 
the plant director system of responsibility, approximately half of the city's 
industrial, transportation, and commercial enterprises. In the last few 
years, the Zhengzhou municipal CPC committee, the city government, and the 
enterprise supervisory departments have done quite a bit of work in imple- 
menting the regulations of the State Council regarding the delegation of 
authority, but due to the fact that corrersponding overall political reforms 
have not been made in the supervisory units and departments of quite a few 
enterprises, and to the failure to implement fully the delegation of 
authority, some powers that should have been given over to the enterprises 
hav> not been delgated; some powers have been delegated, but after a short 
period of time, they are taken back by the supervisory departments. Accord- 
ing to a survey of typical cases, more than 40 percent of the powers 
designated for decentralization announced by the State Council have not yet 
been implemented at present. The most noteworthy manifestations of this 

1. Failure to implement the delegation of the authority to market products. 
According to the State Council's regulation on the delegation of authority, 
all products with the exception of raw materials allocated by the state may 
be marketed by the enterprises. However, this May the Henan Province textile 
bureau issued a regulation stating: "Any textile mill that needs to export 
cloth outside the province msut obtain stamps of approval from the textile 


bureau and the bank and railway department or else permission will be 
denied." The Xhangzhou City CPC committee ruled that “all enterprises must 
regard products that are listed as raw materials for other industries as 
part of a directive plan and conscientiously implement it. Cotton yarn and 
other cloth may not freely leave the city without the permission of the city 
textile company." Faced with such regulations, the textile mill directors 
said with great emotion that in the past 2 years, while sales of cotton yarn 
and grey cloth were stagnant, the province and city did nct do a thing to 
help, but rather required the enterprises to find their way out of their 
quandary. Now that sales are good, they have issued all these regulations 
to hinder us. As a result, the enterprises not only lack the authority to 
market their own products, but there has been a detrimental effect on the 
enterprises’ business relation- with the outside as well. 

2. Failure to delegate authority over organizational structure. The State 
Council has stipulated that within the bounds of the supervisory organs 
relating to personnel, the enterprise shall have the authority to organize 
its own structure and assignment of personnel according to special production 
needs and practical realities. The relevant departments may make demands 

on the enterprises based on the needs of business-related work, but no 
department can force the enterprises to change the ratio between structure 
and allocated personnel. Yet some departments insist on doing this. Or 
they adopt various measures to harass the enterprises. Since 1984 one cotton 
mill combined some of its sectors according to the needs of production and 
operational management. This brought on criticism and inspections from 
numerous different departments, leaving the director at a loss as to what 

to do. Some departments demand that the enterprises adjust their organiza- 
tion establishment, and assign specialized personnel according to a 
prearranged :;roportions. Also, there must be a letter of employment for 

the director, an official stamp, and an office. When factories suggest the 
an.algamation of several similar offices and sections, each work item must 
have a specialist appointed as responsible person, without someone specially 
appointed to take care of each job, the supervisory unit disapproves on the 
grounds that this shows a lack of conscientiousness, and insists on special- 
ized offices for each task. 

3. Failure to implement the delegation of authority over personnel manage- 
ment. The State Council has stipulated that the enterprises may choose 
cadres from among the workers based on need. Terms of office are to be the 
same as those of other cadres. When such cadres revert to being workers 
again and are no longer cadres, they shall stop receiving cadre pay and 
treatment. One factory celected a young worker to be the director's assis- 
tant, but the supervisory bureau has ignored the request for approval, drag- 
ging the affair out for half a year. The State Council has stipulated that 
the enterprises have the right to recruit workers openly based on production 
and special professional needs, with the guidance of the labor departments. 
But the labor departments have refused to implement this regulation, and 
insist on not only managing but demanding the right to approve the number 

of workers that the enterprise recruits and from where they may be recruited. 
One large-scale cotton mill wanted to recruit contract workers in the city, 
but the labor department would not approve and insisted that the mill recruit 
from a neighborhood 20-30 li away. As a result, the 1] contract workers 


recruited transferred out of the mill within less than a year. Last year, 
the city's labor department refused to give instructions when there was an 
urgent need for more labor in the mill, so there was no other choice but 
to seek aid from a textile enterprise of a neighboring county, borrowing 
some of their workers to get the job done. 

An analysis of the situation reveals that the reason for this is that the 
supervisory organs are too large, with more personnel then necessary, which 
leads to sluggish work. With so many offices and personnel, they have to 
look for things to do to keep them busy. Some will not relinqgiush an iota 
of power; some stipulate that they will only approve things in their own 
interests. Anything else will be clamped down on. The plant directors call 
for an expansion of the plant director responsibility system and a serious 
attempt to resolve the problems of the limits of power of enterprise super- 
visory departments, along with the deepening of the reform. If this is not 
done, the plant director will remain the same as in the past, having only 
responsibility but no authority, and it will be impossible to implement 
effectively the plant director system of responsibility. 

CSO: 4005/955 


6 Novemver 1986 


[CHINA'S HIGHER EDUCATION], a journal sponsored by the Ministry of Education, 
reports in Chinese in its 13 Aug 86 issue on pp 43, 40 that the CPC Committee 
at the Wuxi Health Institute in Jiangsu has been actively recruiting new party 
members among students, and that there are no quotas restricting the number 

of new recruits. [Editorial Report] 

PROBLEMS IN DISCIPLINE INSPECTION WORK--At yesterday's working conference on 
the municipality's discipline inspection work, Wu Bangguo [0702 6721 (948], 
deputy secretary of the Shanghai Municipal CPC Committee, pointed out: ve now 
have the following problem: Once emphasis is placed on rectifying the party's 
Style of work and on correcting unhealthy tendencies, comrades engaged in 
economic work are feeling pressured; once emphasis is placed on rendering 
support to the reform and the reformers, then pressure is again felt by the 
comrades engaged in discipline inspection work. It shows that there is still 
a tendency to place the reform into antagonistic contrast to the rectification 
of the party's style of work. However, actually, taking action in major and 
important cases and in the correction of unhealthy tendencies is necessary to 
ensure success of the reform. Because if unhealthy tendencies are not 
corrected, especially if unhealthy tendencies of a professional nature are 
allowed to continue, it would not be pursuing the reform, but rather satotage 
of the reform and destroying the reputation of the reform. In a more positive 
sense, the correction of unhealthy tendencies as such is preparing the way for 
new productive forces. [Excerpt2] (Shanghai WEN HUI BAO in Chinese 1 Aug 86 
p4) 9808 

CSO: 4005/036 


JPRS-CPS- 86-081 
6 November 1986 



Beijing GONGREN RIBAO in Chinese 9 Jul 86 p ! 

[Article by Lo Maocheng [5012 5399 1004]: “Plant Director To Have Final 
Say in Hiring and Firing of Middle-level Cadres; Sichuan Province Adheres 
to Plant Director System of Responsibility” ] 

[Text] The Sichuan Province CPC committee and provincial people's government 
recently resolved that all enterprises implementing the plant director 
responsibility system must guarantee the director's right to direct produc- 
tion, to make policy decisions on operations, and to employ and dismiss 
administrative cadres. Proposals for the selection of a plant's chief 
engineer, head accountant, and deputy director are to be submitted by the 
plant director to the enterprise party committee to elicit the committee's 
opinion, and then are to be sent on for review and approval based on cadre 
administration authority. Proposals for the selection of middle-level 
administrative cadres are to be made by the plant director by consultating 
with the party committee, with the decision to be made by the director. 
When there is a difference of opinion between the director and party com- 
mittee, the plant director will have the Last word. 

Sichuan Province's attempts to implement a provisional plant director system 
of responsibility began in May 1984. As of today, 1,033 of the province's 
local state-run industries, and transportaiton, construction, and installa- 
tion enterprises within the budget, or 34 percent of the total, have already 

implemented such a system. 

In order to ensure the smooth functioning of the plant director system of 
responsibility, the Sichuan Province CPC committee and government have called 
for the selection and assignment of cadres of high political, professional, 
and educational caliber, with a strong ability to manage production and 
administrative organization as plant directors. Plant directors are expected 
to accept the supervision of the party committee and to do a good job of 
democratic management relying on the worker masses. 

CSO: 4005/955 

6 November 1986 


Chengdu SICHUAN RIBAO in Chinese 6 Aug 86 p 1 

[By correspondent Zhang Biyou [1728 1801 0147]: "The Conference of Provincial 
Law Courts on Handling Major and Important Cases Demanded Punishment To Be 
Meted Out With Severity, While Also Strictly Drawing Clear Distinctions of 
Policy Nature"] 

{Text] When handling major and important cases, the principle of punishing 
with severity must be upheld, while also strictly drawing clear distinctions 
of policy nature, the aim being to be accurate and quick. This is the demand 
that was put forward at the conference called by the provincial law courts, 
held rrom 29 July to 2 August, and attended by the presidents of intermediate 
level people's courts and presidents of criminal tribunals of the entire 

lt was pointed out at the conference that since the beginning of this year the 
number of particularly obnoxious cases has increased in certain localities, 
and adjudicating the many serious criminal cases in the economic field has 
become a very arduous task. 

It was pointed out at the conference that, while ensuring the quality of 
proceedings, major and important cases should be adjudicated with greatest 
possible speed. Where the death sentence has to be imposed, it should be done 
without softheartedness, and where severe punishment has to be imposed, it 
Should be done with firmness and without leniency. Wide publicity should be 
given to the judgements concluding such cases, inorder to deal merciless 
blows to the arrogance of the criminal elements. In handling criminal cases 
in the economic field, attention must be paid to economic sanctions, and under 
no circumstances shall such criminal elements be allowed to gain improper 
economic advantage. In the case of government organs, organizations, or 
commercial and industrial enterprises committing serious economic crimes, such 
as engajing in speculation and profiteering, smuggling and trading in 
contraband, tax evasion and resisting taxation, they shali not be allowed to 
excuse themselves by the fact that there had been no embezzlement of public 
funds or personal aggrandizement. In such cases there must be not only a 
thorough investigation of the criminal responsibility of directly responsible 
personnel, but also an investigation according to law of the responsible 
personnel who directly organized, planned, and directed the crime. Government 


personnel who use the facilities of their offices to engage in criminal acts 
must be punished with the greatest severity the law permits. Severe 
punishment according to law must also be meted out to those who act highly 
irresponsibly in production or in their economic activities, or who through 
neglect of duties cause serious losses to the state or to people in ways that 
constitute criminal acts. 

The conference also discussed several limitations of a policy nature, when it 
was pointed out: attention must be paid to draw a clear distinction between 
cases where in the course of carrying out reforms mistakes have occurred due 
to inexperience and cases where advantage had been take of opportunities 
offered by the reform to exploit certain loopholes by criminal actions; clear 
distinction must be drawn between violations of administrative rules and 
regulations and violations of criminal law; clear distinction must be drawn 
between unhealtay tendencies and economic crimes; clear distinctions must be 
drawn between cases of bureaucracy and criminal dereliccion of duties. 

CSO: 4005/040 

6 November 1986 


Beijing RENMIN RIBAO in Chinese 26 Jul 86 p 1 

[Article by Zhang Shihong [4545 0013 7703]: “With I[denticial Objectives, 
Each Performs His Duties to the Fullest with Close Coordination; CPC 
Committee Secretaries and Directors of 10 Shanghai Steel Mills Discuss the 
Plant Director Responsibility System" |] 

[Text] In the 2 years that the plant director system of responsibility has 
been implemented in Shanghai's 10 steel mills, striking achievements in 
production and reform have been made. Quotas for both production and profits 
were overfulfilled from this January to May. CPC committee secretary Yang 
Yiping [2799 4135 5493] told this reporter that “in the plant director 
responsibility system, the plant director takes responsibility, and the 
function of the CPC committee is to ensure that the plant director respon 
sibility system will be implemented. Now that we have had some practical 
experience, we have some right to speak.” 

I asked him: “What do you feel most strongly about?” 

He said: “After the implementation of the system, the plant director has 

a heavy burden. The party committee secretary has to imagine himself in 
the director's place and put forth the greatest possible effort to work in 
coordination with him. Now that administrative authority has been returned 
to the plant director, the party committee can concentrate on party work, 
which is a form of liberation.” 

I asked: “We've become accustomed to the old way of doing things and are 
unfamiliar with the new way, so we will have to experiment a bit. Our 
experience can be summed as follows: give a free hand, offer support, and 
provide coordination and supervision.” He explained further that first of 
all this means giving the plant director a free hand in the enterprise's 
production, operations, and management and giving the director the authority 
to use people as he sees fit. If the director is to run an enterprise, he 
will naturally choose competent staff so that he can work effectively. If 
we trust the director, then we should trust his choice of personnel. By 
giving support, we mean enthusiastically supporting the director in promoting 
reform. The party committee should express its support for any correct 
reform measures proposed by the plant director. Cadres and staff who refuse 


to follow the director's lead must be seriously criticized and educated in 
order to ensure the director's ability to perform his job. By coordination, 
we mean that the party committee has to coordinate the work of the party, 
the CYL, the union, and the plant director to educate everyone to have 
respect for and cooperate with the plant director. After implementing the 
plant director responsibility system, the party committee must, more than 
ever before, energetically take the initiative to arouse the enthusiasm of 
the workers and weave ideological work into the fabric of production and 
operational work. 

Supervision is not a passive thing, nor does it require being in opposition 
to the director or playing the role of an “after-the-fact Zhuge Liang” or 
“biding your time to settle accounts,” but rather calls for energetically 
making suggestions before policy decisions are made, supporting them once 
those decisions are made, and sharing responsibility when problems occur. 

| asked: “What happens when a contradiction occurs between the plant direc 
tor and party committee secretary?” 

Plant director Zhang Qisheng [1728 1142 3932] said with a smile: “There 

are no major contradictions, but there will always be minor ones. As long 
as there is mutual support, it is not hard to resolve them. I have set up 
the tollowing rules for myself: discuss all daily work or major policy 
decisions with the party committee; make sure to listen to the party 
committee when employing people and actively allow for their supervision; 
and at the same time, do ideological work together with the party committee. 
Division of labor does not mean divorce.” 

fhe party secretaries and plant directors of Shanghai's 10 steel mills said 
that there must be a complete set of regulations for the plant director 
system of responsibility, requiring a “system of guarantees,” so that there 
are rules to follow in most circumstances and that everyone can perform his 
duties to the fullest. Problems require that people take care of them. 

[t is the human factor that is decisive. Zhang Qisheng said that the most 
important thing for the plant director is to remain constantly aware of the 
national interest and handle correctly relations between the state, enter 
prise, and the individual. If a director fails in this, he is not competent 
and will find it difficult to fulfill his duties. Yang Yiping said that 

the party secretary must be familiar with the party's principles and policies 
and set an example by his own behavior. He must support the reform and 
oppose clinging to old ways. [In particular, he «<annot be picky about 
differences in authority among individuals. Without this ability, he cannot 
function well as a party committee secretary in these new times. 

The 1O steel mills of Shanghai have competent party secretaries and dire 
tors. Therefore, they have been able to adhere to the plant director system 
of responsibility and consolidate and constant! improve it, bringing a new 
look to their enterprises. 

CSO: 4005/955 


6 November 1986 


Guiyang GUIZHOU RIBAO in Chinese 19 Jul 86 p 1 
[Commentator's article: “Spur People To Boldly Probe and Innovate" ] 

[Excerpt] There can be two different trains of thought, and two different 
emphases in ideological-political work. One is on restraint, supervision, 
and control. It aims at making the object of work obey orders docilely and 
onform to convention. The other is on elicitation, guidance, and stimula- 
tion. It aims at allowing people to boldly explore, innovate, and pioneer 
forward toward a common goal. Though the two practices are not sharply 
intagonistic, they differ in emphasis and in thinking. 

Reform has brought us into a historic realm which is new and uncharted. None 

the reform items has any beaten track to follow or any mature experience to 
borrow from. We can only embark on a tough probe no predecessors have ever 
ittempted, under the guidance of the fundamental tenets of Marxism. To 
ittempt to work out an integral project at one stroke would be an impossible 
task. In the course of the probe, new situations and new problems emerge 
without end. It is only inevitable that, due to differences in cognition, 
people commit some mistakes in their work. People who make mistakes for all 
their efforts should be allowed to correct them. Difference in cognition, on 
the other hand, should be discussed in an atmosphere of relative calm, coor- 
dination and harmony, mutually complementing views that are imperfect and lop- 
sided, eliminating erroneous, unpractical viewpoints, and making the most of 
the correct, practical opinions. We have to learn to move closer and closer 
to one another talking over different views, urging people to exchange views, 
to have courage enough to express their own opinions and accept those ot 
others, to hold on to the truth, to correct mistakes, to seek mutual under- 
standing and mutual trust. We should not label others at will as either 
“Liberalized"” or “ossified" or the like, which only serves to generate sharp 
opposition between different views. In short, we must try everything possible 
to prompt people, through public opinion, to boldly carry out exploration work 

pave the way for the new productive forces. If we opened fire every day, 
people would keep a wary eye on a possible "yellow sign” warning signal ahead 
tor tear of their brains being blown off. With such a frame of mind they 
sould deem exploration a perilous path, and reform could not be carried on 


While in our ideological-poiitical work we stress the need t rol 

to boldly expiore, we do not rule it the necessity t« yractice re 
supervision, and control. Everything divides into two. n stre 

laxed environment for public opinion, we have no need t lodge the 
work front. The realm of ideology s! have it é ect. 

For instance, the provision regardin t ban on pornograpni ide 

otner pornograpnic products 1S rls rous, ind Chie 1imits itt it 

taf 4 ] . 3 __ .< . > .. ; me Cant ‘ -_ seal = 7 
aetined. Such commodities tnat ire nar ii to tne stabdiiit mad unl " 
the civilization and progress, of the whole ot ociet - 1] ie 

strictly in accordance with 1] 

however, we cannot shackle it. Be it academic thinkin r | itical ¢t , 
the entire train of thought is very dynamic. It is a pity th ther 

rather long period of time when a number of things were tur 

+) } [oo — _— 74 ] ; 7 : — | — Ts 7 2 _ on . a 2 
When law and discipline violatiuns and the rilty irtv were eate 

ideology were taxen too seriously. i. WaS WCaE i A il ‘ re 4 
-sae — = SatA > a a j » 6 , ‘ 1 ! 
controlled too rigidly in the other. The two situati ild hev Tar 


In order to encourage peonle to boldly explore iowar 
ding socialism with a Chinese characteristic, th rade t} 
ical-political work front and especially the leadin 1c re ! ll ra 
need to change the work habit of the past when hundreds responded t 
call, they need to learn to exercise appropriate guidance in the midst 
endless comments and to choose and follow that which is the 
multitudinous opinions. In the middle of the current of reform, su 
together with dynamic thinking are these endless comme 

This is a good sign, poles apart from the davs when not even a ct 
dared to utter a sound. In pondering the various problems arisin 
reform, in putting forth various views, and in criticizing the unhealt 
tendencies, they are embodying the spirit of being master f the count 
That shows ciearly that our country is full of vitality, and that 
solidarity and internal strength are unprecedentedly strong. hi 

Situation we have been dreaming ot tor many vears. Though not 

the same views, despite the slight unevenne . vet so lor , t Tar 
2 a . ] . . 5 - . 9 1% ] , -me ] } +o} : ‘ 

political work is guided properly, we in surely impel the wholes 
it, } } fo own 17 ‘ y ' ‘ ' 

unite as one under the big umbrella tne f ent 3 ir ¢ T 

- _ ] . mm e » ] ™} — os I eS comme th . : 
explore toward our common goal. hus we will triumphantly et 

founding period of the retorm. 

1] 3227/8918 
CSO: 4005;960 

6 November 1986 


[CHINA'S HIGHER EDUCATION], a journal sponsored by the Ministry of Education, 
reports in Chinese in its 13 Jul 86 issue on pp 25-27 on CPC recruitment 
efforts at Southwest Academy of Political Science and Law in Chongqing. The 
Academy's CPC Committee carefully screens and evaluates candidates chosen 
from among new students and seeks to achieve the following goale«: It hopes 
that by the end of the first year there will be new CPC members in every 
freshman class. By the end of the second year, party-member students should 
form a party cell in every class, and a CPC branch by the end of their third 
year. Special efforts should be made to recruit seniors before graduation. 
In this effort, the Committee claims to be acting in accordance with the 
resolution on party rectification adopted at the 3rd Plenary Session of the 
llth CPC Congress. [Editorial Report] 

CSO: 4005/66 


6 November 1986 


Yinchuan NINGXIA RIBAO in Chinese 11 Jul 56 p l 
[Article: “Ningxia Preliminarily Forms a Cadre Training Network”™] 

[Text] In recent years, Ningxia's cadre training has been fairly successful. 
The political, cultural and professional qualities of cadres throughout the 
region have made obvious improvements and the educational compositions of 
leading groups of various levels are growing ever more rational, thereby 
effectively promoting the fulfillment of the “four transformations” in the 
cadre ranks. 

Since the 3d Plenary Session of the llth party Central Committee, Ningxia's 
party committees of all levels earnestly implemented the essence of the party 
Central Committee's and State Council's “Decision on the Education of Central 
Party and Government Organ Cadres” and “Decision on Achieving the 
Regularization of Party School Education,” generally formulated cadre education 
plans, adopted a series of effective measures, and launched multiform, 
multilevel and multichannel training. Today, the region has resumed and 
established 20 regional, prefectural (municipal) and county party schools and 
21 cadre and worker schools, set up special and training classes for cadres in 
20 regular advanced and secondary technical schools, created a full- and part- 
time teaching contingent, and preliminarily formed a cadre training network. 
The various prefectural, municipal, county and district departments annually 
hold short-term training classes. By the end of last year, party schools of 
various levels, cadre schools of various types and training classes of various 
kinds trained a total of over 58,000 persons, constituting 52 percent of the 
total to be trained and including over 23,500 college and technical secondary 
school graduates and enroilees. The personnel trained included various trades 
and professions and covered over 60 specializations in science, engineering and 
liberal arts. 

In cadre training, party committees of all levels throughout the region give 
priority to leaders, especially leading and reserve cadres at the county level 
and above. They have trained over 160 office and bureau cadres, constituting 
29.3 percent of all cadres at these levels; over 2,400 county and departmental 
cadres, constituting 5/7 percent of all cadres at these levels; and over 12,000 
section cadres, constituting 72.7 percent of all cadres at this level. More 
than half of the over 1,300 reserve cadres at county and departmental levels 
and above underwent training of various kinds. 

To remedy the longstanding low educational level of minority cadres, the 
regional party committee adopted such special measures as establishing 
additional nationality classes and giving priority to minority cadres to study 
in colleges and schools of various types and party (cadre) schools of various 
levels inside and outside the region, and increased the proportion of minority 
cadres of technical secondary and senior middle school levels from the 

47 percent of 1978 to today's 65 percent. 

Through training, the vast number of cadres learned Marxist theories and 
scientific and cultural knowledge, enhanced their ability to analyze and solve 
problems and improved their skills. 

CSO: 4005/963 


JPRS-CPS- 86-08] 
© November 1986 



Lanzhou GANSU RIBAO in Chinese 3 Aug 86 p 1 

[Article by Zhang Yan [1728 3601]: “Hou Zongbin Stresses Solid Achievements 
in His Address to a Provincial Rectification Conference for Organs Directly 
Subordinate to the Province" 

[Excerpt] On 2 August a conference was convened by the Leading Group for Party 
Rectitication in Organs directly subordinate to the province. 

In his address to the meeting, Hou Zongbin [0186 1350 6333], deputy secretary 
of the provincial party committee, brought forth four concrete demands: 1) 
Have a correct understanding of the relationship between reform and party 
rectification to ensure smooth progress in the four modernizations construc- 
tion. The guidelines relating to reform, opening to the outside, and stipu- 
lating the domestic economy must be firmly adhered to. All departments must 
put reform in top priority, support and protect it. In carrying out party 
rectification they must study, and discern the difference between the faults 
committed in the process of restructuring and the reform loopholes people 
avail themselves of. They must also allow to be put to test reform measures 
that lead to production development and which fosters economic effects. When 
it comes to investigating and settling breach-of-discipline issues, care must 
be exercised in handling cases involving the interests of the masses, which as 
a rule can be either treated with leniency or even overlooked. However, mis- 
takes made by responsible leading cadres should be handled appropriately 
according to the rules specified. New situations and new problems arising 
from the current reform must be handled with great care. In the midst of the 
reform all advanced units should be disciplined law-abiding models. In the 
event of any breach of discipline, not only should their achievements be 
adequately recognized, but the breach of discipline issue should be settled 
according to the principle that all are equal before the law. On the other 
hand, those who make false accusations should be punished severely. 2) Deepen 
understanding, strengthen leadership, and handle big cases and serious cases 
without mercy. Wrong doings such as "interposing on behalf of the offender" 
should be firmly corrected. In handling big or serious cases we should not 
disregard them and criticize the interposer and, if the case is serious, in- 
vestigate and prosecute the guilty party. At this juncture, all units, large 
or small, should make a serious study of all cases placed on file, putting 
stress on looking into grave economic crimes, serious law violations and dis- 

+ rms .¥ " ; 
a . : : : 

cipline breaches, and 
losses, economically or politically, t the tate. a ciplinary, 
legal, and auditing departments i] 
settle the cases. The cases which have beer 
grasped firmly, especially the 20 priority cases rs 
dinate to the province, which should be dé it 
Check the unhealthy tendencies in every tr 
ness. Leading cadres of all ranks, all trad 
and departments should further rectity : 
work. They should handle the | 
° would redress a vital aspect of part : 
defining responsibilities. They must t aside ti 
ing into and correcting all existir 
tion and self-correction. Once selt-i: tigat , rrect 

1 October, these problems wil! 
checked out on or after 1 October, or am istal ts 7 the 

gation is in progress, will be deal vith more ' twe 
the end of this year, the party | ' 

units should, in conjunction with the party di tion ram, 
conduct a round of party spirit mass ed tion tiviti rt emt 

It should take a flexible multiple torn, lose tv, 

positive and negative examples should | | 

aims at heightening their 

right from wrong, and fosteri: thei 

the party ideologically and oreanizati . 

party's organizations °t the r | 

CSO: 4005/960 

6 November 1986 



pp 2-3 

{Article by special correspondent Shen Lijiang [3088 4539 3068]: "Chinese 
Navy Uses More and More Guided Missile, Electronic and Automatic Equipment-- 
Navy Commender Liu Huaqing [0491 5478 3237] Talks about Navy Building") 

(Text ] China is large country which stands towering like a giant on the 
western rim of the Pacific Ocean. It has a convoluted coastline of more than 
18,000 km, more than 6,000 far-flung islands and more than 3.5 million sq km 
of natural sea areas. How is China's navy now? This is a question of 
universal concern and interest to people at home and abroad. On the eve of 1 
August, Army Day, the correspondent called on the PLAN commander Liu Huaqing 
with this question in mind. 

Commander Liu Huaqing is a native of Dawu County, Hebei Province, now aged 64. 
He took part in the 25,000-li Long March, studied abroad in the 1950's, and 
after the founding of New China, spent the greater part of his military life 
in the navy. After occupying leading posts in naval bases, academies, and 
scientific research departments, he became navy commander in 1982. Some 
foreign military commentators called him "the veteran equipment expert of the 
Chinese navy." 

In a straightforward manner, the correspondent asked for a general 
description of the Chinese navy. Commander Liu said: The people's navy was 
built on a foundation of "povercy and blankness." Now it has developed from a 
Single service arm, namely, surface vessels, into a composite service of many 
different arms and formed a three-dimensional system of joint military 
operations. Under water, there are various types of power driven submarines; 
on the water surface, there are destroyers, escort vessels, minesweepers, 
landing vessels, submarine chasers, escort boats, guided missile boats and 
torpedo boats of various models, and various auxiliary vessels engaged in 
supporting tasks in the coastal and distant seas; in the air, there is an air 
force consisting of bombers, attack planes, fighter planes, torpedo planes, 
antisubmarine planes, scouting and sea rescue planes, and many other types of 
aircraft; and on the coast, there are coastal units with guided missiles and 
shore batteries of different calibers. There are also marine units for both 
offensive and defensive purposes, and many other special technical and 


security units. Now the people's navy is capable of either coordinating with 
the army and the air force in joint operations or undertaking independent air, 
surface, and underwater naval operations. As a fairly large naval force with 
three-dimensional offensive and defensive capabilities, it is now using more 
and more guided missile and electronic and automatic equipment. Gone are the 
days when "China has seas but no sea defense." 

Since weaponry is an important material foundation of naval modernization, 
the correspondent requested Command Liu Huaging to talk about the weaponry of 
China's navy. Liu Huaqing said: The people's navy is stepping up its 
modernization, and its weapons are continuing to be updated and improved. At 
present, the number of various major fighting vessels has increased 10-fold 
over the 1950's. The quality of weapons has been remarkably improved, and in 
navigation, the ships are using satellite navigation and other modern 
techniques. In the past, the vessels engaged in naval operations were mostly 
small gunboats using cannons and torpedoes; now there are guided missile 
destroyers, guided missile escort vessels, guided missile boats, and various 
types of submarines, all designed and manufactured by China itself. There are 
many types of guided missiles among the weapons used by the navy, namely, 
shore-to-ship guided missiles, ship-to-ship guided missiles, ship-to-air 
guided missiles, air-to-ship guided missiles, and air-to-air guided missiles. 
In October 1982, China successfully launched a submarine-based carrier rocket, 
Signalling a new cevelopment in its equipment and technology, and the new 
strength of China's national defense and sea defense. 

The constant modernization of equipment and technology has increased the 
Chinese navy's capacities for coordinated operations, swift reaction, rear 
security, and survival in naval operations. Commander Liu told the 
correspondent: Because of the backwardness of equipment and technology in the 
people's navy during the 1950's and 1960's, the scope of activities and radius 
of action of its submarines, surface vessels and air units were confined to 
areas along China's coast. The situation is now much different, and the scope 
of these activities have been extended to the sea areas of West Pacific and 
the Xisha and Nansha Island. In May 1980, to provide security for the 
launching of China's carrier rocket to the destined area in the Pacific Ocean, 
more than 30 ships of the people's naval formed a gigantic special composite 
service unit which cruised the Pacific Ocean for more than 30 days and covered 
more than 13C,000 nautical miles without relying on supplies from any foreign 
port. All the important tasks at sea were satisfactorily completed. In 
November 1984, the J121 salvage-rescue ship and the "Xiangyang Red Cross" 
scientific research vessel sailed together into South Pacific and the South 
Pole for scientific research and set up the Changcheng Observatory in the 
South Pole. In January 1985, a guided missile destroyer and a _ large 
comprehensive supply vessel of the people's navy sailed together on friendly 
visits to Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. These facts show that China's 
navy has entered a new age of historical development. 

The correspondent next asked Commander Liu to talk about the prospects of 
China's navy development by the turn of the century. The commander said: The 
navy has always been regarded in the world as a symbol of national strength, 
because it strongly reflects on the country's economic, industrial, scientific 
and technological level. Compared with those of some developed countries, 

China's navy is still backward to a certain extent. Ac jing to t t 
UN Maritime Law" adopted at the Third World Conference on Maritim 
1982, the continental shelf and the al economic zones with a sea area 

>] Ci 
more than 3 million sq km--about one-th ird of China's land area--and with 
mineral, biological and energy resources, should be returned to China's 
jurisdiction. To strengthen China's sea defense, to safeguard its territorial! 
integrity and legitimate maritime rights, and to create a safe and reliable 
environment for its socialist modernization, we must lose no time and exert 
every effort to build a strong and “worthy” naval force with a capacity for 

modern warfare. Specifically, the word “strong” should apply to th 
personnel, the organizational structure, and the equipment. On the basis of a 
certain quantity to be maintained, we should strive for quality, so that our 
fighting power can be greatly increased. The fighting power of an over-size 
navy cannot be very strong. To be “worthy,” the navy must have a contingent 
of cadres who have high political consciousness, inderstand the idvane 

military theories, and are of fairly high scientific and cultural levels; 
modern high-performance weapons and equipment; and an ntensive training 
program and a rational system of organization. "Capacity for modern warfare" 
mainly refers to the fighting strength in all-out sea battles under moder 

Before the end of the interview, Command Liu assertively said that the imme 
forces can be strong only provided the country is wealtny. However he was 
confident that along with progress and acceleratior f nina's four 
modernizations, the grand objective of building a strong navy by the turn f 
the century can certainly be attained. 

CSO: 4005/028 

6 November 1986 



8, 15 Aug 86 pp 91-99 

[Article by Ch'en Ming-chih [7115 2494 4249): "Reforms in Training of 
Airborne Force of Chinese Communists’ Air Force"] 

[Text] I. Foreword 

Airborne (paratroop) units possess the ability to move long distances, at high 
speed, and cross all obstacles on the ground. During offensive and defensive 
operations, they have unique superiorities that other service arms do not 
possess. In today's world, 70-odd countries deploy airborne units. The 
Chinese communists’ "Airborne Force" was formed and established on 17 
September 1950, and at that time was named the "Ist Brigade, Air Force Ground 
Combat." At the beginning of the sixties, in accordance with Mao Zedong's 
call “build the Airborne Force like a model,” the Military Commission of the 
CPC Central Committee transferred an army unit to this brigade, changed its 
name to the "Airborne Force" with an army-level establishment, and put it 
under the command of the "Airborne Force Department" of the Chinese 
Communists’ Air Force. Since its formation, this unit has always been 
handicapped by its form, namely, “the Airborne Force is an army plus 
parachutes." Therefore, in its system of organization, there exists the 
irrational phenomenon of “emphasizing infantry and deemphasizing special 
arms." The force is composed of three divisions, and each division is 
composed of three infantry regiments and one artillery regiment. In 
equipment, except for antiaircraft guns, the 12mm recoilless gun used as an 
antiaircraft gun, and artillerymen, the rest of the weapons are the light 
machinegun, heavy machinegung, mortar, and rocket launcher--all like those of 
an infantry division. In education and training, it follows the principles of 
infantry ground operations and is basically unable to suit the mode of modern 
airborne in-depth operations. In 1979, after the Deng faction came to power, 
to reform the training of the Airborne Force it set forth the practices of 
"learning from foreign armies" and of assiduously studying the strategic 
policy of “active defense." Centering on the key point of reform, the 
Airborne Force is studying the military thought and airborne operation 
experiences of advanced countries, analyzing and studying its own operational 
characteristics and roles, and gradually reforming airborne operation training 
and the content and system of airborne training. 



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attacks on the enemy army's command organization, communication lines, 
5 s 7 7 ca 7 ~ , . - . . “4 y y ~* . . . 
missiie and nuciear weapon iauncn positions, anc otner important tars : 
r r ’ ; 

4. Airborne forces have great modility and shocx fltect. rhe pportun 

. - - > > 4 + ~ . 4 . _i* .*, . . ° 
momenvtv ior an airoorne operation often coincides with © ian Ils i 
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Spposing airbdorne operations cannot, oecause of the ¢ ity 
sir - ns s.1e6 , , - tin > - ‘of , , , +a? roe : . 
equipment Or veca 4se they are Supporving LvNne . it’s o7 & mi i® sii a4 : 
+ns eneny 4 “> 7 ~ — > th ir “~t < rhenwe 4 9 on 4 ; 
wi wteweie sy 9 ie J var’?! y OUL ne. anviail ~~ ‘ ‘- Js . aie " . 
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inist cringed advocates that the rborne rorce,” which is d 

5 ae 

m s i 
qd mobility, oppose the enemy's airborne units. 

or Jperations to reinforce units holding fast t tratezi ‘ nts. 

= * 

irborne Operations Theory 


Airborne Force has been deeply in 

is an army owe parachutes,” iike the army units, there ex 

phenomena of “overestimating infantry and u 

"overestimating techniques and underestimating tactics,” and ere 

Separate operations training and underestimating coordination 

: Capability for coordinated operations: Because the mmunist 
“tf ) a 

1983, he Military Commission of the CPC Central Committe . 

demand to improve the "five operational capabilities,” the ! f whi Wa 
to strengthen the training in “coordinated operations.” . rdinat 
Operation” means an operation in which "all branches and arm f the ery 
an the military, under unified organization and command, losely t 
and coordinate as one to jointly complete a mission." JIEFANGJUN 
[LIBERATION ARMY DAILY--LAD] 8 Apr 84 p 1 “Strive to Improve Our Ar , 

Survivability.") fhe preparation for aa airborne operation an \¢ ink 

are complex. The stages of concentrating forces, awaiting transport, ioading, 
being airborne, and being airdropped all require ground-to-ground, 
ground, and air-to-air ogee by all service arms 't t 
coordination before the mission can be accomplished. Therefore, the mmunist 
army's Airborne Force, based on the principles of “coordinated perations,”™ 

atttaches importance to coordinated operations by the transpor air rm, if 
air arm, the supporting artillery, the units at the front, and ali service 


ae Loordination between the Airborne Force and the transport ai: 

air transport units are the means of delivering the airborne un! oi 
zone. There are three keys to the cordination between these tw ervice arms. 
The first is correct airborne guidance so that the transpor ini 

arrive precisely at the point in the air above the landing area. 

communist army's Airborne Force formerly adopted the pattern of having 
guidance fendui make a landing in advance and then p de guidance within 
the landing area. In this way the airborne intent wa 
the enemy could timely complete his antiairborne pre 

parations. Also, th 
guidance fendui could be attacked by the enemy and lose its guidan 

capability. Therefore, the communist army's Airborne Force now advocates the 
adoption of many forms of airborne guidance. The methods are: “when there are 
ground markings of armed forces in the enemy's rear there is no need to 
provide guidance”; "following the reconnaissance fendui the guidance fendui 
Slips into the landing area ahead of time from the ground and provides 
guidance"; “the guidance fendui makes an a“vance landing, and from a place 
to 10 km distant from the landing area provides guidance from outside the 
area": and “at night the guidance fendui using ae. fril parachutes lands at 4 
place 5 to 10 km in the windward direction of the target, and in a concealed 
manner slips into the predetermined landing area and provides cuidance.” 

The second key is to shorten the time that the airb rne operation is sustain: 
in order to increase the of surprise. The air transport units pos 
the characteristics of long-range, fas’ transport, and are the main forces for 
air transport and air drops in airborne operations. The length of tim that 
an airborne operation is sustained decides the type of airborne operatior 
(strategic, campaign, tactical, or special). With its military forces, 
materiel, and number of airborne waves, a strategic airbo: 
sustained for the longest time, and next in order are campaign, tact sl, and 
special airborne operations. The length of time that it is su 

basis for the strength of the suprise element in an airborne operation. Th 
shorter the time that it is sustained, the shorter the time that the enemy ha 
to prepare his antiairborne operation, and the greater its surprise and 

Stability. Therefore, based on the scale of the irborne operation, the 
number of landin, areas, the terrain conditions in the landing areas, and the 
level of the transport air arm, the communist army's Airborne Force has 
adopted the pattern of increasing the size of its formations and entering the 
landing zone by many air routes, in order to shorten the time that the various 
types of airborne operations are sustained. 

The third key is to shorten the time that the troops are in the air landing by 
parachute in order to reduce their casualties from enemy fire. The optimum 
method to shorten the time that they are in the air is to lower the altitud 
at which aey make their parachute jumps. The minimum safe altitude for the 
communist army's Airborne Force to open its parachutes is 150 meters, and that 
of its spare parachute is 100 meters. The transport aircraft fly at a speed 
of 300 kilometers per hour. Therefore, the parachute jump altitude has been 
set at 300 to 400 meters 

d. Coordination between the Airborne Force and the supporting artillery: Ths 
regiment- and battalion-scale tactical airborne operation and landing area of 
the communist army's Airborne Force are selected to be within the effective 

range of the artillery of ground units. To enable the artillery to coordinat: 
swiftly and accurately with the requirements of an Airborne Force operat! 
an operational group of the artillery accompanies the airborne units and 

relays information back to the artillery on the operational situation of the 


Airborne Force. When the Airborne Force penetrat 
hinterland to carry out a campaign of strategic airt 

be far out of the range of ground arti ’ 
Force, therefore, advocates that the necessary 
transported by air to support the OF 
firepower. Tnerefore, the Airborne Force sends 
supporting artillery. 

c. Coordination between the Airborne Force and th 
Bombing by Air Force warplanes c* the landing area i 
for accomplishing the attack mission of the airborne units. 
coordination vetween these two service arms, the mmunis' 
Force advocates the setting up of target guidar f 
mission of calling up and guiding the bombing and st: 
planes, fighter planes, and bombers of the air arn. 

d. Coordination between the Airborne Force and the 
most advantageous moment for an airborne operati 

at the same time as the units at the front a 
enemy army finds itself involved in operations on tw ides, 
the units at the front to accomplish th 1 : 

the enemy. Therefore, the communist army's Air 

the frontal operations of the ground units, and 

Force send airborne operation groups to the unit 

lead and command the Airborne Force. 

B. Rapid Reaction Capability: the communist army's 
constrained by the categories of army operational thi: , 

train based on the airborne units’ characteristi 

example, there are 20 to 30 types of training exe: 

there is no record that in more thar 2 years’ t t , 
have taken parachute training. In 1983, the comm t 
reaction capability” a requirement for training. T aa 

two aspects. One aspect is that the cor f rar act 
‘fast.’ This not only inclues fast information, fast d 
refitting and reorganization, and fast closing with ¢ nem 
but also includes fast capture of positions, fast t | 
works just before the battle, and fast changes in tactical 
operational forms." The other aspect is that ti Le t 
capability is the achievement of automated command, the dis; 
of the whole, and the effective curbing of the enemy's movement 
Apr 84 p 1 "Strive To Improve Qur Army's Capability for Fast 
enhance this capability, the communist army's Airborne For 

following principles of reform: 

1. Accurately grasping the war situation and ra; 
information. The strength or weakness of the advance wary 
‘he basis on which it is decided whether the units are i: 

meet the enemy. Therefore, the communist army's Ai: 
organizing of various means of reconnaissance and the perf 
communications equipment between units at ali ievels and 't 
arm, s0 as to timely find out the enemy's situation, 

war, and the main direction of his operations. By this means the opportune 
moment, region, and targets to be attacked in an airborne operation are 

26 ified command: On the basis of the situation in coordination with an 
airborne operation, what is involved is coordination between the Airborne 
Force and the transport arm, and the supporting operation by the assault 
planes, fighter planes, and bombers of the air arn. It also involves 
providing information on the fighter dispatching, enemy situation, terrain, 
and weather in the iifferent war zones. In a ground battle, it also involves 
coordination with units on the front and local armed forces. Its command 
levels and coordinated movements are extremely complex. Therefore, the 
communist army's Airborne Force advocates the reduction in the number of 
command levels in an airborne operation, and that the senior officers of 
combined arms units exercise unified command. In the preparations for an 
airborne battle and in the stages of the airborne operation, the senior 
officers of the combined arms units exercise command through the Air Force's 
command post. When an action cuts across war zones, the command and 
coordination of each war zone is still organized in a unified manner by the 
Air Force command post. During a ground battle, the Airborne Force is put 
under the direct command of the senicr officer of the combined arms units. 

3. Training conducted by differentiation of mission: Because the mainland's 
territory is vast, each war zone has its own characteristics in terrain, 
climate, environment, and condition of the people. The communist army's 
Airborne Force advocates that its units take on the airborne operation mission 
in different war zones. On this basis, it sends units to the predetermined 
war zone for which it is respnsible to become familiar with the natural and 
human environments, to become familiar with the mission of the units there and 
the methods of coordinating the operations of the two sides, and to find out 
the position and state of the airfields that can be provided for the Airborne 
Force's use and the air routes and ranges to reach the area of operations. It 
also formulates action plans and organizes the units to practice landings in 
the predetermined war zones. 

C. Logistics Support Capability: The communist army's cadres have always 
had two mistaken ideas about logistics work. "One mistaken idea is to 
consider logistics management to be concerned with eating, drinking, 
urinating, defecating, and sleeping, that once seen everybody understands it 
and once done everybody can do it, and that there is nothing scientific about 
it." "The other mistaken idea is that of only seeing logistics as a support 
force, and not seeing that logistics itself is also a kind of combat 
effectiveness." (3) (LAD 16 Apr 84 p 1 "Strive To Improve Our Army's Logistics 
Support Capability.")Therefore, to improve the “logistics support capability," 
the communist army is reforming the abovementioned malpractices. "Logistics 
support capability" means "a synthesis of the factors of the political and 
ideological consciousness of logistics personnel, the level of modern science 
and technology, the art of logistics command and organization, the capability 
in specialized skills, the supply system, the materiel and equipment, the 
degree of all the support preparation for switching from a peacetime to a 
wartime footing, and the defense and operational capability of the rear 
area."(4) (Ibid 3) Because an airborne operation is far from the units at the 



‘ont, it is an operation that crosses into the enemy's rear, and it has no 
lrect rear to act as a prop; also, because at the same time the weapons, 
ammunition, and other equipment airdropped by the units that followup an 
airborne operation are dispersed and scattered, the process of collecting them 
is complex. Therefore, the enemy's antiairborne units make the logistics 
inits of the airborne units the main target of attack. Therefore, based on 
S own characteristics, the communist army's Airborne Force has set out the 
ollowing principles for reform: 
1. Strengthen logistics defense forces: The depth of an airborne operation is 
Shallow, and the rear deployment zone is in direct contact with the enemy 
army. In a regiment-level airborne unit of the communist army, the defensive 
logistics unit that is responsible for collecting the airborne materiel, 
Zuarding what is airdropped, and taking care of the ammunition on the ground 
only consists of a little over 160 men, and they are unable to give 
consideration at the same time to the above three tasks. Therefore, the 
.irborne Force advocates the retention of the original service unit and adding 
o it an infantry platoon, an engineer and antichemical warfare squad, and 
ther specialized fendui, and also, modeling itself on Soviet Russia, fitting 
ehicles with antiaircraft machineguns and antitank weapons, in order to deal 
with the enemy's antiairborne units, which are mainly composed of helicopters 
and mechanized units. 

2 « Rational deployment: Under normal circumstances, the logistics unit of a 
regiment-level airborne unit of the communist army deploys in echelon and is 
t up in battle formation in a rear deployment zone about 3 km from the 
orward edge, forming a ring-shaped defense of the core position with an area 
of about 2 to 4 sq km. From now on, when using the rear area force, the 
communist army's Airborne Force will put particular stress on controlling a4 
certain mobile force, which will have a military strength of about one-fourth 
of that of the rear area force. At the same time there will be a division 
into two to three security areas, in each of which there will be a battle 

uping to carry out the “three attacks and three defenses," and each 
efense sector and lookout direction will be stipulated, so as to oppose the 
three broadaxes" (airborne troops, tanks, and helicopters) of the enemy's 
tiairborne units. 

=o he GQ 
rm O 


3. Combining defense and attack with defense made primary: The logistics 
defense force in an airborne operation of the communist army is weak, and it 
r a is unable to take the initiative to attack the enemy army's 
iairborne units. Also, it is unable to achieve dominance on the 
tle field, and the logistics zone is easily hit by air raids. Therefore, it 
advocated that for the logistics support of an airborne operation "defense 
and attack be combined, with defense made primary," and its characteristics 

First, after the airborne troops assemble and arrive at the deployment area, 
they need to select conditions for swiftly building simple and easy, concealed 
defense works and warehouses, with naturally concealed sites such as ridges, 
caves, tunnels, and woods. 


Second, when logistics units are attacked by nuclear, biological, or chemica! 
weapons, they must immediately inform the “basic command post" and dispatch 
"three defenses" rescue and rush-repair parties to do decontamination work. 

Third, defense facilities must be built in areas where the enemy army could 
mount an airborne operation or charge into with its tanks. When the enemy 
army attacks the rear area, support needs to be sought from the “hasic command 

D. Field Survivability: The threats to the survival of armed forces on the 
battlefield come from no more than two quarters: one is nature's threat, 
namely, precipitous terrain and bitter weather; the other is the enemy’ 
threat, namely, the other side's weapons. The communist army's definition o 
"field survivability" is "the ability of armed forces in a dangerous natura? 
environment and under heavy enemy fire attacks to restore effectively an 
quickly their combat power." (5) (LAD 26 Apr 84 p 1 "Strive To Improve Our 
Army's Field Survivability.") The airborne operation site of the communist 
army's Airborne Force is decided provisionally on the basis of the war 
Situation, and is even fixed deep within the enemy's area. This situation is 
unlike that of the ground units, which have specially designated battlefields 
and which can carry out exercises in advance suited to the various 
environments of the war zones. In addition, the communist army's Airborne 
Force lacks the capability for long-distance reconnaissance, and in wartime it 
is unable to clearly get information about the weather, terrain, and enemy 
Situation at the landing areas. Therefore, it stresses the strengthening of 
field survival training, the content of which includes stamina training, 
training in airborne operations in complex terrain, and training in airborne 
operations in foul weather, so that its airborne units can adapt to the 
natural environment in the various kinds of war zones. 


- f 

cu > 

E. Electronic Countermeasures Capability: By “electronic measures" is 
meant the electromagnetic struggle waged by the opposing sides with the 
relevant equipment and instruments. On the one hand, it means the adoption of 
electronic countermeasures reconnaissance, the application of electronic 
jamming, and the use of neutralizing and destructive measures to wreck the 
normal functioning of the other side's electronic equipment, so as to put his 
command, control, and communications out of order. On the other hand, it 
means taking defensive measures such as anti-electronic countermeasures 
reconnaissance, anti-electronic jamming, and anticontrol to insure that the 

efficiency of one's own electronic equipment can be used normally." (6) (LAI 
21 Apr O4 p 1 "Strive To Improve Our Army's Electronic Countermeasures 
Capability") Nowadays, in making an airborne operation, one must first have 

ground and ship-based jammers emit clutter to cover up the echoes of aircraft, 
so that the defending units find it hard to distinguish targets on the radar 
florescent screen. Second, on the air transport route or in the air above the 
landing are put jammers, or one or two jamming aircraft throw out a large 
number c. metalfoil strips or electromagnetic waves, thereby forming a jamming 
corridor to cover the movements of the aircraft group. In addition, during an 
operation, airborne units must use quite a lot of vlectronic equipment, radio 
equipment and radio navigation equipment, to establish communications anda 
liaison with the guidance fendui and the units attacking at the front and + 

maintain air-ground coordination. Therefore, the airborne units must be able 


to resist the enemy's electronic jamming. At the present stage, the communist 
army pays particular attention to the electronic countermeasures capability of 
the units under the Air Force of tie former "Wuhan Military Region," and 
engages in training in such topics as “active jamming" and "passive jamming" 
in order to coordinate airborne operations. 

III. Making Reforms in the System and Content of Training 

Since its founding the communist army has adopted the principle of "first 
replenisning and then training" in which the units’ training as a whole and 
the recruit training are merged into one system, with the result that the 
training content does not meet the demands of actual combat. In 1978, after 
the Deng faction came to power, it set forth the policy of "reforming the 
system and content of training”™ in an attempt to separate unit training from 
recruit training, so that the units, not having to give consideration at the 
same time to recruit training, could concentrate their attention on reforming 
the content of operational training. The recruit training units could also, 
under the overail planning of the cadres and personnel in the formal 
establishment, go all out in training recruits, thereby laying a foundation 
for future tactical and combined arms training. 

A. Reform of the Recruit Training System 

Because the communist army lacked organizations with specific responsibility 
for recruit training, after recruits had completed their callup and enlistment 
procedures, they were assigned to units by the military affairs departments of 
the "military regions." Without yet having any basic training, the recruits 
were mixed in with the veteran soldiers in companies to receive training in 
which “several generations gathered in the same hall" and there was "cooking 
in one pot" and “arbitrary uniformity." This not only caused the malpractice 
of the "training content being the same old stuff year after year, and the 
training content being shallow year after year" and "the veteran soldiers not 
eating their fill while the recruits could not eat at all,” but even more 
importantly led to the appearance in the training plans for the units as a 
whole of the phenomena of “one-sided training, coarse training, "'leaky' 
training, and repetitive training,” and the training remained in a low-level 
cycle of firing, bayonet, and grenade-throwing practice. To reform this 
problem, in 1978 the communist army came up with the idea of "separate 
training for recruits and veteran soldiers," but because the communist army 
was then in the growing stage, the units formulated recruit training methods 
of their own devising, of which there were three kinds: the first was that the 
large military regions "divided up the work at fixed points" in a_ uniform 
fashion and set up division-level "recruit training bases"; the second was 
that every division drew out an infantry regiment and reformed it into a 
"recruit training regiment'; and the third was that one of the three 
battalions under a regiment was organized into a "recruit training battalion." 
(7)(LAD 2 Mar 79) Because of the "mixed training of recruits ard veteran 
soldiers," the communist army's Airborne Force itself stopped at the level of 
training “in firing by the numbers and practicing squad tactics." Therefore, 
in coordination with the communist army's demand for reform of the _ recruit 
training system, it adopted the second method, and in March 1979 formed 
"recruit training regiments." Its practice is to retain the system of 


organization of a regiment and the cadres, squad leaders, mess personnel, and 
four types of company personnel (clerks and concurrently ordnance personnel, 
communication personnel, medical personnel, and supply personnel), and to put 
the veteran soldiers of their regiments into other regiments while 
concentrating the recruits of other regiments in the “recruit training 
regiment" for training.(8) (LAD 30 Aug 79) The method puts into practice the 
"escalated training system" according to service arm, speciality, and weapon 
groups. As an example, in an artillery fendui, recruits are divided into two 
large groups: “second, third, and fourth gunners” and "gun layer." All those 
who through examinations attain an excellent standard for second through 
fourth gunners are escalated to the "gun layer group" for training. (9) (LAD 

In 1984, drawing on the experience of foreign armies in recruit training," at 
an “all-army military training work conference," the communist army set forth 
the principle of "first training and then replenishing,” and ordered the 
Wuhan, Beijing, and Kunming military regions to set up “recruit training 

divisions" and do experimental-point work in them. Again, based on the 
abovementioned principle, the communist army's Airborne Force in the last part 
of November in the same year set up "recruit training centers" in its 
division-level units. Focusing on the problem that in the "recruit training 
regiments" the training content was not systematic, the training patterns were 
not standard, and the examination standards were not uniform, and 
incorporating the experiences of the former "Wuhan Military Region" and the 
"Xinyang Army School,” it made certain adjustments in its original training 
groupings, training content, and examination patterns. (10) (LAD 3 Jan 85) 

1. Adjustment of the training groupings: On the basis of the professional 
sections it formed 13 teaching and research sections, and the "centers" made 
ts for the education and training plan, so that the training 

content, time, and standards were made uniform. 

? Increase in the training contents Besides the training in individual 
weapon operation and individual-soldier tactical movements, the recruits are 
required to learn the skills of using all types of weapons at the squad level 
and below and the tactical skills of several service arms. 

3. Reform of the examination pattern: After recruits have had 10 months of 
training, they are examined one by one. Those who qualify are given 
"qualification certificates" and assigned to regiments composed of veteran 
soldiers; those who fail to qualify remain at the "center" to take makeup 


After the communist army had tried to find out experiences in recruit training 
for the abovementioned 7 years, the CPC Central Committee's "Military 
Commission" in 1985 formally decided to organize in army units "recruit 

coaching regiments," the specific practices of which are roughly: One organic 
regiment or training unit ina division-level unit is reorganized and 
established iri accordance with "school" standards. A number of cadres’ and 
backbone elements and some equipment are taken from the division in a_ uniform 
manner and put into the coaching regiment. Training sites and teaching 
equipment are increased. In accordance with the General Staff Department's 


"Outline for Recruit training in Army Coaching Regiments," the Airborne Force 
has formulated its own teaching plan. The training time is 4 months, after 
which the recruits are put in the units. The Airborne Force, which is under 
the Air Force, in October 1986, in accordance with the abovementioned 
practices of the Army's coaching regiments and the policy of streamlining and 
reorganization, made its original three airborne divisions into brigade-level 
units, and it deactivated the regiment-level "recruit training centers" and 
formed a “recruit coaching brigade." Its specific practices are as follows: 
(11) (LAD 20 Mar 86) 

ae Adjustment of the establishment, functions, and core structure: First, in 
this brigade there are set up common topics and an audio-visual teaching and 
research section. In accordance with the "school" policy, there is a 
functional division of work into a training department, political department, 
and academy affairs department--al! in imitation of the regular academiees. 
The rights and responsibilities of the headquarters, political and logistics 
organizations are made clear. The headquarters is put in charge of teaching 
and is responsible for the recruit training plans of seven service arms; the 
political department is put in charge of the basic political teaching for 
recruits; and the logistics department is put in charge of teaching support. 
Second, cadres have been taken from the army and division training units and 
from the recruit training centers and put into the "coaching brigade." 

D. Formulation of the teaching content structure: The communist army's 
Airborne Force first decided that a qualified airborne force must possess the 
three qualities of knowledge, basic skills, and field operation capability. 
Later it vested the different training content with the three quality 
structures. The knowledge structure includes common knowledge about politics 
and law, common knowledge about weapons, knowledge about science and 
technology, knowledge and theory about individual-soldier tactics, and 
specialized basic theory. The basic skills structure includes formation 
movements, firing, grenade throwing, capturing enemy personnel for 
intelligence purposes, and parachute jumping. The field operations capability 
Structure includes military sports, wartime rescue, on-the-spot map reading, 
psychological training, and survival knowledge. 

C. Increase in equipment: To make its training sites attain the standards 
of "automation, electrification, and simulation," the communist army's 
Airborne Force has extended its comprehensive training #rovunds for individual- 
soldier techniques and tactics, stamina norm training grounds, artillery 
training grounds, closed-circuit television systems, signal corps driving 
Simulation training grounds, venicle driving simulation training grounds, 
infantry firing training simulation sections, and psychological training 
simulation sections. 

d. Quantitative development and directional assignments: The communist 
army's Airborne Force operates on the basis of the principle of "combining the 
training and use of soldiers." It demands that the "coaching vrigade" look at 
the units’ needs for personnel of all service arms, and decide the number of 
recruits to be trained for all service arms. After being trained they are 
assigned by the recruit regiment commander to the related units. To achieve 
this goal, the brigade practices three methods of dividing forces: the first 


method is the initial division by roll call; the second method is a_ sifting 
and detailed division in accordance with the needs for personnel of 
specialized service arms; and the third method is making “assignments geared 
to the needs of the job" when the recruit training is finished. 

B. Reform of the Units’ Training Content 

Since Li Lianghui [2621 5328 6540] became the commander of the 15th Army of 
the communist army's Airborne Force in 1983, he has, based upon the 
operational mission of the Airborne Force and the "five operational 
capabilities," formulated the "Plan for Short-Term Construction of the 
Airborne Force" to reform the training of airborne units, and the plan has 
become a model pubiicized throughout the communist army. The plan's reforms 
include: 1) improving the operational capability of the Airborne Force by 
means of training exercises; 2) improving its establishment and equipment; and 
3) requiring cadres to study science and culture. 

1. improving the units’ operational capability by means of training 
exercises: In the past several years, based on its operational missions, the 
communist army's Airborne Force has staged training exercises on various 
topics. In June 1983 there was the "counterassault operation” exercise; in 
June 1984, there was the “emergency expanded establishment fast mobility" 
exercise; in June 1984 there was the "field survival" exercise in a 
mountainous area of Hubei; in July 1984, there was the exercise in “making 
demolition raids in the enemy's rear"; in August 1984, there was the 
"“antiairborne" exercise; in September 1984, there was the "field survival" 
exercise in a mountainous area of Hubei; and in March 1986, there was the 
exercise in "field survival in cold areas." Of them we take the 
"counterassault operation" exercise in June 1983 (the largest-scale airborne 
operation since the founding of the army), the “field survival" exercise in 
June 1984 (the first), and the "cold area field survival" exercise in March 
1986 (the first): 

Ae The "counterassault operations" exercise in June 1985: The site of the 
exercise was a certain mountainous area in Hubei. Taking part in it were the 
infantry, artillery, signal corps, and antichemical warfare corps of the 
Airborne Force and fighter planes, assault planes, bombers, transport planes, 
and helicopters of the air arm. The form of the exercise was a_ two-sided 
confrontation of attack and defense between Red and Blue forces. Its main 
purpose was to strengthen capability of all service arms of the Air Force to 
coordinate in an operation with the Airborne Force. In the exercise fighters 
of the air arm first obtained contro! of the air over the landing zone. Then 
assault planes and bombers eliminated the enemy's military forces at the 
landing site. Subsequently, transport planes and helicopters of the air arm 
carrying airborne personnel, ammunition, and materiel carried out an airborne 
advance air-landing assault and a materiel air drop. Then, with the enhanced 
capability for conmbined operations of all service arms in the Airborne Force, 
particularlly infantry-artillery coordination, the enemy's antiairborne 
forces, mainly composed of tanks, were resisted. (12) (LAD 7 Jun 83) 

Dd. The “field survival" exercise in June 1984: This was the first "field 
survival" exercise. Its site was the Dahong Mountain in Hubei. The focus of 

the exercise was on practicing vari 
various survival skills. The f 
"three no‘’s" (no ground guidance, no weather data, 

displays) airborne operation, passing through ts, 

fully armed, forced march in a mountainous area with heavy ; . 
demolition raids, destroying communications and ai : 
shifting forces, concealing, and countering enemy 

consisted of enduring hunger and thirst, pre; 

materials on the spot to the bivouac deep in mountains, nbing, 

against sickness and insect pests, ] t , 
catching birds and animals for f , : 
means of batterics, blasting fuses, and rr : 

C. The “cold area field survival exerci 
operational brigades of t! ist a) | 
Stationed in Hubei and Henan provinces. Therefore, 
and environmental factors, more stress is pl: lon “f 
in extremely hot weather. In March 1936, 
field survival" exercise. A total of 1 
interior and flew to the Greater Xing'an Mountains, 

carried out at the landing area 13 training topics, including assembly 
units, forced marches on snow-covered -cround, tt 
exercises, and food preparation in snow-covere ‘ le | Mar 

2. Improvement of establishment and equipment: | " 
operations capability,” “rapid reaction" ipa ty," t 

Capability,” and “field survivability, he communist army's Air = 
has taken measures to reform ics establishment and eauir  # 

As Increase in the military power of special arn 

force "“overempnasized infantry and underemphnasized pecial rms," 
therefore a situation was produced in which t powe! 
arms wasS weak and the number of infantry was ree. 
equipment could not meet the demands of 
Therefore, it formulated a "plan for readjusting ne equip 
establishment," whicn rut jown and merge verla np inits 
organizations, reduced the number of personne) and weapon 
companies, and increased the num! tech: 
artillery, signal, and antichemical warfare. At 

the communist army's Airborne Fors: iclude infantry, rt , 

engineer, and antichemical warfare. ' as formed sir ited 
paratroop regiment," a "simulated enemy tactical antiairborn: ittalion,"™ 

"night demolition raid air special opera n fendui,” and a k-prout 
units, which, with the other units of the mmunist army's Airborne Force, 
carry out in turns two-sided “airborne and antiairborne" tio: tral 

b. Importance attached to command automation: 1 aut 
important link in the communist army’: "rapid reaction ‘apability." 
Therefore, in October 1984 the communist army's Airborne Force formulat: 

"command automation plan," purchased microcomputers ar id tation 

equipment, and set up classes to train cadres in the us mputers. 

At present the army- and brigade-level headquarters of this force have 
computer long-range mutual communication systems, medium-range wired and 
wireless voice communication systems, short-range multichannel hand-held radio 
telephone systems, and operation work data automation and control systems.(15 
(KONGJUN BAO 8 Jun 85) 

Ce Development of logistics equipment: To shorten the time of collecting 
airdropped materiel at the landing area, it has successfully developec 
containers, container cables, airdropped materiel locators, medical and 
surgical kits, and "four-proof, dual-purpose" (mosquito-proof, snake-proof, 
rain proof, moisture-proof, tent-making, and stretcher-making) paratroop 

d. Parachute jump training equipment: At present the parachute jump 
training topics of this force have been increased to unarmed, fully-armed, 
double-parachute opening, night, low-altitude, heavy load, and varied terrain 
parachute jumps. To deal properly with the abovementioned training demands, 
it has developed a “three-meter scaffold" to replace the "one-meter platform" 
in recruit training, so as to lay a foundation in parachute jump training. in 
addition, it has made an aerofoil parachute that can glide for several 
kilometers in order to carry out special airborne training. 

3. Improvement of cadre quality: In the past several years, the communist 
army has set forth the policy of having cadres study science and culture in 
order to improve the quality of the cadres, and the communist army's Airborne 
Force has taken the following measures. (16) (LAD 19 Mar 83) 

a. Running education training units: Young and middle-aged cadres who have a 
fairly low educational level are temporarily taken from their posts to engage 
in study. 

b. Strengthening in-service, sparetime study: "Party committees” at a1) 
levels of its subordinate units have set up sparetime universities and 
Sparetime schools, In their spare time, cadres who have graduated from junior 
middle school or senior middle school, or who have the equivalent of a senior 
middle school education, study in the abovementioned schools. 

Ce Starting “guaranteed teaching and studying” activities: Guidance in 
self-study has been strengthened for cadres who are busy with their 
professional work. 

d. Studying in local academies: Cadres with a senior middle school education 
are selected. After passing an examination given by the Ministry of 
Aeronautics Industry, they study high-altitude lifesaving specialities at the 
Nanjing Aeronautics College. (17) (LAD 18 Feb 85) 

IV. Difficult Problems Facing the Communist Army's Airborne Force 

A. It is Hard to Accomplish the Airborne Operational Mission 

An airborne operation must, first of all, be coordinated with a ground 
operation. Therefore, the time of the landing must be chosen so as to be the 


nost suitable moment for starting the ground operation. It must also be in 
the main direction of the ground operation, and the landing area must be in 
the vicinity of the target of assault and be on terrain convenient for 
concentrating forces. Second, it is limited by air transport and the weather 
and environment in the operational area, and the time when control of the air 
has been achieved--all of which affect the operation. Third, because the 
carrying capability of the means of air transport is limited and the 
operational site is in the enemy's rear, it is impossible to effectively get 
enough logistics supplies. Therefore, there is no major country that does not 
pay attention to the abovementioned limiting factors. and does not strengthen 
communications between airborne forces and friendly forces, long-range 
reconnaissance capability, loading capacity of the means of air transport, 
firepower, and other operational functions. But, looking at the present 
Situation, because of the backward state of its equipment, objectively and 
subjectively the communist army‘’s Airborne Force will be unable to be equal to 
the operational forms of the future. 

Sudjectively, first of all this force does not yet possess a long-range 
reconnaissance capability. In wartime it will be unable to ascertain swiftly 
and accurately the rear area or in-depth disposition of the enemy army that is 
the so-called “object of future operations" and make them the basis for 
operations in its landing area. Second, its electronic communications 
equipment is far inferior to that of the Russian armed forces and is easily 
discovered or jammed, thereby disrupting the coordination between the Airborne 
Force and other units and preventing the airborne operation from proceeding 
smoothly. Third, the maximum weight of bulk materiel that can be carried by 
the main means of transport--the "Yun-8" aircraft--is 50 tons, and the maximum 
weight of container-sized materiel that it can carry is 60 tons. The maximum 
weignt of objects it can air drop is 7,400 kg, and the maximum number of 
paratroops it can carry is 58. The carrying capacity of the largest helicopter 
used as a means of airmobile transport--the Mi-6--is 20 tons. The airborne 
and airlanding materiel of this force is limited to personnel and to trucks, 
recoilless guns, the 85mm cannon, and other light or medium nonmechanized 
weapons and ecguipment. Therefore, after a ianding is made, its firpower and 
mobility is limited. It is reckoned that the battle firing rate of its 
military power can only be maintained for 5 to 7 hours. In addition, after 
the landing, the weapons, equipment, and materiel airdropped along with the 
units are scattered over a wide area, and the capability for collecting them 
is poor. For example, on the regiment-level scale, the time needed to 
complete the collection is as long as 2.5 hours. With this rate of firepower 
and materiel collection, it will be unable to resist the antiairborne units, 
mainly composed of tanks and armed helicopters, of the so-called “enemy army." 

Objectively, the object of the communist army's future operations has a strong 
capability to protect its rear area or in-depth strategic points. In 
addition, it possesses a three-dimensional reconnaissance network that 
combines long and short ranges, air and ground; not only can it swiftiy detect 
the other side's airborne intent and make preparations in advance, but at the 
same time it can achieve control of the air with its advanced warplanes. 
Therefore, in a future war, the communist army's Airborne Force will be unabie 
to achieve the surprise and concealment needed in an airborne operation. 
Also, with its backward airplanes, it will be unable to achieve control of the 

air in its air route zone and landing area. Also, the airborne un 
area of departure or along the air route zone will be destroyed by the othe 
side's nuclear weapons or its warplanes and air defense weapons. 


B. It Will Be Difficult To Achieve Its Antiairborne Operation Mission 

At present Soviet Russia's main force for airborne operations is the “airbor 
shock brigade,” which is composed of two airborne shock battalions, tw 
paratroop shock battalions, and one howitzer battalion. It is equipped with 
80 paratroop combat vehicles (each fitted with one 73mm cannon, one 6.62mm 
machinegun, and antitank missiles) and ACY-85 airborne self-propelled guns 
(each a 152mm gun), and also with antitank missiles, 122mm howitzers, 
multibarrel rocket-launchers, and mortars. The communist army airborne 
brigade is composed of two airborne infantry battalions and one artillery 
battalion. It is equipped with 120mm mortars, multibarreled rocket-launchers, 
and antitank missiles. It will be unable to undertake the operational mission 
of opposing Soviet Russia's airborne units. In addition, with its advanced 
warplanes, Soviet Russia will achieve control of the air in the air route zone 
and the landing area, and in advance will destroy the communist army's air 
defense forces on the ground. Therefore, it will we difficult for th 
communist army's Airborne Force to first seize strategic points and coordinate 
with antiairborne forces on the ground to jointly wipe out the enemy's 
airborne forces. 

V. Conclusion 

The Chinese communist's Airborne Force is a "young" special arm, and since its 
formation it has not directly taken part in airborne operations. Therefore, 
over the past several years it has been influenced by the theory and reality 
of the airborne operations of foreign armies. [It has set about reforming it 

operational principles, establishment, and equipment. With regard to 
operational principles, it has formulated guiding principles in airborne 
operations for coordination, field survival, rapid reaction, and logistics 
support suited to its own operational characteristics. With regard to its 
establishment, it has reformed its recruit training system so that recruit 
training is separate from the units’ training as a whole. However, its 
reforms in weapons and equipment for military power are still extremely 
backward, and it is uriable to deal properly with its needs for the so-called 
"future war against aggression." In recent years, to coordinate with the 
training reforms of the entire army, the Airborne Force of the Chinese 
communists’ Airborne Force has made the following reforms: 

A. It has readjusted the allocation and establishment of its equipment, 
thereby changing the past irrational situation in which the infantry was 
"overemphasized" and the special arms were “underemphasized." 

B. By forming “recruit coaching regiments" it has solved the former problem 
of recruits and veteran soldiers being "cooked in one pot." 


Ce Through research on military theory it has created conditions for further 
modernization and regularization of its military trainirg. For example, it 
has set up a “simulated ‘enemy army' tactical antiairborne battalion” and has 

staged various Kinds of exercises. 

Although the Airborne Force is actively pursuing various reforms in an attempt 
to extricate itself from its backward situation, it must become a highly 
modernized service arm before it can be suited to modern warfare. With the 
present reality of the Airborne Force of the Chinese communists’ Air Force, 
obviously the results of its reform will not be produced in a short period of 

CSO: 4005/944 


© November [986 


NANJIN “Ik RY ; ; . = \ ; " . - ne ‘ 2 i Vs the Nan jing 
Military Regior lery brigade tat n Jiang» solemniy held a 
military review * ; wed ti : ts irit and bear g t be even more 

unified ifter FOS throug! trea y imi «=6reors ization. This brigade 

COOK part ir the la shen, Ping -J . iuaihat ‘ bly , and the War To 
Resist Vie Lname sit Aggres le t ‘ : that + inits such As tt 
Battalior is . is iaAls : =. t Na lil LANGX! RIL RA! if 
’ , _ } ~ 

’ ) ’ 
‘4 \ A’, NS . \ \< . = i" ‘ : v. — if vy" if 

" ' ry . iat ' J i’ wi) be yi uths 
wit ‘ ” tr gr : tamilies wittl 
suf fi A ver; ms sf gra te trom cities and 

yunty t ling ra ’ rofe nal hig ; girls will 
ynily t y ; tes tit ve ; some youths 
“ | . ‘ tact iti " i t hie y have a 
m4 } : t it ‘ mber I iw recruits if 

wes? ha ryt ' y . ters w ; i1jier res if ty or none it ail. 
< t Har N ANG h Se SH | 
ab Ni ON ” YY puteriz 1 <plosion remote 
uid metering gaug as ; ‘ y produced by the Engineering Design 
Office of the nengdu ™ tary Keg! it ree LOgist} Department and the 
State-run Tianfu tr t ictory at t iily certified at 
the beginning tr Aw - ter g gauge eny YS advanced electronics and 
ita iptur ev . ect tical teria Ss. ind Zener Ssatety grids. It 
reliably prevents x! S ind nitors a irately. It an both monitor 
fuel tank wit stat and yrial liquids, and in Simultaneously measure 
flow rates, ma ta storas evels, and manage nventories. [This gauge is a 

vital element for r: , + automated fuel depot jnagement. Text | [Chengdu 

“YT rTAnD YW  « ’ oe i, ’ ‘ sr A yy" 1 > S es 
4TLITARY FA RY ’ : ‘ PLA Factory j: has actively 

leve Loped mmodity product . It recently su ssfully produced the "“Feiyan 

i]s ‘¢ MHA” tw sea ri ' BE his t i is constructed ot 

is B Be eter ' rxcerpts i\Shijiazhuang HEBEI RIBAO in 

TY t r 55 ‘ 2M he L N t wilZER the l £08 trac Ke a seit ‘ 

nas : igh izZZie velocity (655 reters/second wit full narype . : 
(17,20 meters), high rate of tire (4 rounds per nute), 

loadi Zs ign accuracy, good mob: ity, and excellent rot t : 

is‘ is in punter-Dattery perat ns to suppress tt emy 

strengti ind weapons and to destroy enemy field tortif i t ns, a t 

armor. it ises Sustained Lire t Suygport it r t [ . ‘ 

suppres or destroy other targets. Photo pti os et Kw : 
to; i) iS2mm § Zun/nowitzZer wit its gun rew. a 

thie lio tx a4intain liaison with upper and lower , st 
automat uliy Loacs a shell int a hamber. ‘ » Lae : 

irtridge. ) third Gunner passes in propel! t 
ve , 6) Lays sets the parameter and ors its t : 

: . = . . 

root $s a dual-use é£./mm machine gun whict at 

lefens des and is operated by the plat eader. <t 

d > ' r \ ‘ aN ‘ * t) in Chinese ‘ 46 id sf 

t iM : ‘ RAININ After the ty 

7 " 4 : ’ , its i PAFT were transter ‘ . . : 
t v* vy 1iZzes iti versonne i ind t fie t « a Ws 

ra Lt “ a : it 1iity [ t fie »* verson i : 

ind. ro. al military district [Anhui ° 
j »s ior : mancers < -Ounties ana j ! 
Dr , t 1L20-odd people attended the : . 
tia and reserve tasks. In the morning t ; 

i Liv rai iZ@ mobilization meeting held by 

11 r ae trais g dadui. lt was attended by 

nilitary listrict ‘Olitical Commissar Zhang Linyu " 

presented requirements for collective training. | Text N 

hinese 3 Sep 86 p 4] 

HEMICAL PLANT TRANSFER \ n 27 August tl pro. ‘ 
Detense Scien e, ie hnology ana industry rr ice Struck i! iz? “ 
Lanxi ity government to turn a portion of the Yongiin r Of 

305/ ‘5 hemical Plants over ¢t Wanx 1 ity ¢t 1 ip : 
military enterpr ses in the provin Lheiiang) t ' 

ire an important step for ir a tary enterpr t enter 
industry management structure. ited n Lanx! ty, 't 
rPiant in incompiete project tf the provincia nt 

ind is i Zz . r ¢ system, Lots t S Ds &.» ing ’ era . 
spac ind itiiities. [It has grea potent i ror pr ; ! 

hem ai Plant Ls tted in Sul hang x . Tite . i! en : ‘ 

ivilian exp! iv . it 1s remotely located and onditions tor 
rather poor. reer to adjust this disposition, under ttl 
guid! ines it was if ided t¢ move the mai } in roe / Ly | 
the Yongxin ant to the Yongjin plant, and wit tec! , ;, 
na Ke ‘ gZiin a ivilian explosives producti enter tor 4 
ind ¢ Simultaneously develop other light chemical products. 
Yonexi remaining in Suichang Xian will be improved to hav ze 
smali-scals iviiilan expl sives production and will ¢ : : 
locaie. i Text} Hangzhou ZHEJIANG RIBAO in Cninese 2? Sep R86 

6 November 1986 

HELICOPTERS CROSS XIZANG PLATEAU -- Since the development of the airplane, no 
one has flown across the Ali region of northern Xiznag until our military 
helicopters set this record. The northern Xizang plateau has an average 
elevation of more than 4,500 meters, its terrain is jagged, and its climate is 
variable. (From JIEFANGJUN BAO) [Text] [Chengdu SICHUAN RIBAO in Chinese 9 Sep 
86 p 1] 

MILITARY UNIFORM FACTORY -- Factory 3508 is known throughout the southwest 
because the uniforms worn by the soldiers all have this factory's name on 
them. [Summary] [Chengdu XI'NAN MINBING [SOUTHWEST MILITIA} in Chinese No 7, 
10 Jul 86 p 4] 

HEAVY CRANE PRODUCED BY MILITIA -- In order to produce a 125 ton vehicle 
crane, the militia platoon assembly line at the Changjiang Crane Factory of 
Luziou, Sichuan, on seven occassions formed breakthrough teams to 
Outstandingly complete their mission. (Text of photo caption] [Chengdu 
XI'NAN MINBING [SOUTHWEST MILITIA] in Chinese No 7, 10 Jul 86 p 10] 

MILITARY SUBDISTRICT LEADERS -- Luo Nanxiao [5012 0589 1321], commander ot the 
Tongren Military Subdistrict, Guizhou, authors an article on consolidating 
military training, supplies, and mobilization. [Editorial Report] [Shenyang 
DONGBEI MINBING [NORTHEAST MILITIA] in Chinese No 7, 4 Jul 86 p 20] Jinzhou 
MSD Commander Cheng Enzhan [4453 1869 7205] and Jinzhou Reserve Division 
Deputy Division Commander Chen Shenglin [7115 0524 2651] co-author an article 
about problems in realizing rapid mobilization. [Editorial Report] [Shenyang 
DONGBEI MINBING [NORTHEAST MILITIA] in Chinese No 7, 4 Jul 86 p 27) 

CHINESE MINES IN VIETNAM -- Mines produced by the Chinese Army have been found 
floating in the rivers of northern Vietnam. They are stamped with the serial 
number "93-82-652A." A photo showing the mine is published for civilian 
recognition. [Editorial Report] [Hanoi NHAN DAN in Vietnamese 21 Aug 86 p 4] 

PHOTOGRAPHS OF MARINE EXERCISES -- How does one adapt to the requirements of 
modern naval warfare and improve naval integrated operational capability? 
This has been an important training topic for a certain naval unit in recently 
organizing combined exercises with various service arms and many types ot 
naval craft. in the past, this unit's training was mostly in coastal waters 
uSing single arms and types of ships. There was little training in sea-airc 
and sea-ground coord ; ation. In this instance they boldly reformed past 
training methods ana scientifically organized several dozen topics tor 
deep-sea, coastal, and beachhead exercises. They strengthened all conmanaers' 
concept of combining service arms and ships, increased their knowledge of 
naval combined operations, and improved the unit's capability for quick 
reaction and integrated operations. [Photo captions, pp 8-9, clockwise froin 
top} 1) A formation of many types of ships is an important part of naval 
combined operations. 2) Amphibious tanks leave the landing craft and rus: 

towards shore. 3) Helicopters swiftly carry marines to the combat zone. 4) 
The sea is the best place for commanders to practice war. {pp 10-11] 1) 
Sea-air coordination provides mutual guidance and explores a new type ot 

training. 2) Marines surge towards the beachhead to completely suppress the 
enemy's spirit. 3) Troops hitting the beachhead advance under tank cover. 
4) The marines risk the smoke and advance towards victory. [Text] [Beijing 
JIEFANGJUN HUABAO (PLA PICTORIAL) in Chinese No 8, 1 Aug 86 pp 8-11] 


LOGISTICS MODERNIZATION--[Photo captions, clockwise from top 

(Photos are selected from the photo album PLA LOGISTICS) 1) An underground 
depot stores many tpes of weapons and equipment, maintaining wartime 
emergency needs. 2) Chief of the General Logistics Department Hong Kuezni is 
full of confidence for improving logistics modernization. 3) A certain 
communication hub's central exchange needed for modernization. 4) A 
medical treatment device--CT--used by the Nanjing Military Region Gene 
Hospital will serve the troops even better. 5) A certain materiel depot 
training in rapid containerized distribution under field conditions. (Text; 
[Beijing JIEFANGJUN HUABAO (PLA PICTORIAL) in Chinese No 8, 1 Aug 86 po ib-17| 

cso: 4005/070 END 


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