Skip to main content

Full text of "LNS 902"

See other formats


MINERS: LNS Report From West Virginia Coalfields: 

Rank and File UMW Miners Reject Contract Proposal 

2400/photos 1 

MINERS: Voices From the UMW Rank and File 

3000/photos 3 

MILITARY: Commando Unit Ordered by Carter as Attacks 

on U.S. Corporations and Executives Increase 
500 9 

BAKKE CASE: National Day of Protest Against Bakke 

Decision Set for April 15 

1100 10 

NATIVE AMERICANS: Call For Removal of FBI From Pine 

Ridge Reservation; Cite Harassment and Violence 
1200 11 

BLACKS/DEATH PENALTY: Imani Faces Death Penalty; Lawyer 

Lawyers and Supporters Work to Overturn Charges 
Against Black Prison Activist During 60-Day Stay 

From Alabama Court 

1000 13 

CORPORATIONS: Texaco Fined For Explosion Which Killed 

8 Workers 

*175 ...13 

ANTI-APARTHEID: Davis Cup Protests Gaining Widespread 

500.... 14 

WOMEN: Akron Anti -Abortion Ordinance Made Law As 

Mayor Declines to Exercise Veto 
400 14 


MALAYS I A/ WOMEN: Malaysia's Women Electronics Workers: 

Target of U.S. Corporations 

3000 5 

GREECE: Greek Defense Minister Meets Protest in U.S. 

600 7 

VIRGIN ISLANDS: "Tropical Paradise" Plagued by Shortage 

of Jobs, Water and Housing 

1800/photo 8 

PUERTO RICO: U.S. Navy Intensifies Pressure on Puerto 

Rican Fishermen 

1200 12 

*Denotes short, 250 words or less 


COVER: West Viroinia Miner comments on contract 

CREDIT: Nancy Stiefel/LNS 

MINERS: photos of striking miners in West Virginia. .P-I 



*902 March 10, 1978 

#902 March 10, 1978 

LIBERATION News Service March 20, 1978 

17 West 17 Street 8th floor Packet #902 
New York, New York 10011 

Telephone:, (212) 989-3555 

Ho u r s o 9 a 0 m 0 t o 7p 0 m 0 

. STAFF COLLECTIVE: Cathy Cockrell, Laura Tandy , 

Barbara Flog* Judy Rabinovitz, Nancy Stiefel 

COMRADES: Frank Forrestal, Joan Gibbs, Michael 

GRAPHIC ARTISTS: Peg Averili, Dave Hereth, 

Michael Scurato 

LEGAL COUNSEL: Stolar, A1 term an § Guile Imetti 

LIBERATION News Service, now in its eleventh 
year, publishes weekly packet's “of news copy 
and graphics, and a monthly graphics packet 0 
Photographs are half-toned on a 65 and 85 line 
screen o LNS is indexed yearly 0 

Sub scri ption -rates; $20/monthj $24 0/year 

Copyright ic; by LNS News Service, Inc 
Second Class Postage paid at; New York, N.Y. 

-“Voices From the UMW Rank and File, continued 
from page 14; 

together now. They can see where they’re at. If 
they have no leadership, then somebody has to come 
out of the woodwork, 

''Somewhere in this union there are people that 
will step out and take a hold. And this is what 
we're going to have to have and it's got to start 
at the local level, 

"The locals are going to have to clean up 
their own locals. The Districts are going to have 
to be cleaned up. And right on up to the Inter- 
national, And once you get these cleaned up and 
get what I call these political hacks out of there, 
well hen we can have a union, and a strong union, 

"But this silent, majority that they keep speak- 
ing about in the union -- this is one of the si- 
lent majority you're speaking to. And I think 
that it's time that the silent majority start 
speaking up," 


"A highly original packet," one LNS 
collective member describes this issue, #902, 
and important first-hand reports from the 
coal fields of West Virginia, electronics 
factories in Malaysia and the Davis Cup in 
Nashville bear out the observation. 

As President Carter, invoking the notori 
ous Taft -Hartley Act to try to force striking 
UMWA coal miners back to work, gives an un- 
equivocal answer to the old question "Which 
Side Are You On?'% the eyes of workers and 
progressives throughout the country are in- 
tent on developments in the coalfields and 
possible repercussions for the rest of the 
U,S, labor movement. Two LNS reporters 
travelled to West Virginia this week to talk 
to striking miners there, and brought back 
the two stories and the photos you'll find 
in this packet. 

The first story, on page 1, focuses on 
.the proposed, and rejected, contract -- its 
key provisions and their meaning to miners 
interviewed, in their own words. The second, 
on page 3, depicts with greater leisure some’ 
of the individual miners the reporters talked 
with and the diverse shades of sentiment 
among them that coexists with their fierce 
solidarity in the face of this crisis. The 
article also reports their feelings about 
UMW leadership and explores possible develop- 
ments within the union as a result of it 
long season of disarray under Arnold Miller's 

From LNS correspondent Ted Chandler 
travelling in Malaysia comes an in-depth 
report on the fate of Malay women as they're 
recruited out of villages- to assemble semi- 
conductors in the run -away shops of U„S, 
corporations now mushrooming in that Asian 

Check next week's packet for photos to 
accompany that story, and for further reports 
and graphics on the miners' story. 



(See photos and p.3 for accompanying article) 



by Nancy Stiefel 
LIBERATION News Service 

"We ain’t gonna buy this contract. If Mr. 
Carter’s going to bring Taft Hartley on us 3 gust 
tell him we ’re ready. . . .We 're not going back to 
work under Taft Hartley law. " 

— A young coal miner outside his 
local's voting place in Cedar Grove, 
West Virginia, March 5, 1978. 

CHARLESTON, West Virginia (LNS) — In angry 
defiance of President Carter and their union 
leadership, rank and file coal miners here in 
West Virginia's largest UMWA District #17 over- 
whelmingly rejected the latest union contract 
proposal March 4-5. And judging from the reactions 
of many of those miners who voted "No," they will 
endure the continuing hardship of their three- 
month strike and defy the government if they must, 
to get a contract they can live with. 

Immediately following the miners' rejection 
of the contract, President Carter announced that 
he would seek to enforce an 80-day back-to-work 
order under the Taft-Hartley Act. Failure to 
work under the injunction could result in heavy 
fines against the union and arrest of local union 
officials. State governors could command troops 
to attempt to enforce the injunction and ensure 
the movement of non-union coal. 

Miner after miner underscored a shared and 
deeply-felt conviction that the contract they 
rejected "would have taken us back 30 years," as 
one miner put it on his way out of the polling 
place at the Cedar Grove local outside Charleston. 

If accepted, the contract would have meant "three 
years of living hell," he said, for the 160,000 
UMWA miners working under it. 

"There ain't nothing there to vote on," 

Ernie Suthers, a young shuttle car operator, com- 
mented. "A little bit of wages is all... I'd rather 
have the wages I was making last year and still 

have a medical card." 

UMW Health Card 

"If we don't get our health card back, I 
won't work in the mines any more," said another 
miner at a free clinic recently set up in Beckley, 
West Virginia for striking miners and their 
families. "The health card's the main reason for 
being in the UMW." 

Loss of their prized UMWA health card is one 
of the contract's provisions that miners are not 
prepared to swallow. One of the union's proudest 
achievements, the United Mine Workers Union Welfare 
and Retirement Fund has been one of the most pro- 
gressive health care delivery systems in the nation. 
For 30 years, the plan extended free services to 
nearly two million retired and active coal miners 
and their families through a network of hospitals 
and clmxcs. 

The proposed contract would have dealt the 
final blow to this system, already decimated by 
the cutbacks of last summer which triggered ten- 
week wildcats in several states. The contract 
would have offered, instead, company-controlled, 
private insurance policies with deductible fees. 

of the most progressive feature of the UMW health 
card — preventive care. In the opinion of Curtis 
Seltzer, long-time coalfield journalist anc special- 
ist in the UMW health care system, people would 
only go to the doctor when they had to be hospitalized 
or else they would wait until a potentially treatable 
condition became serious. 

And miners need all the health protection they 
can get. "One hundred percent of retired miners have 
something: wrong with them" Howard Price told us 
from his office at the Upper Kanawha community clinic, 
while miners from the Cedar Grove local were casting 
their ballots downstairs. A miner for 25 years. 

Price is also on the board of the clinic which 
principally serves miners and their families. 

Many miners suffer serious accidents on the job and 
"small accidents happen to everyone," Price said 
as he enumerated some of the chronic ailments 
affecting miners. At the top of the list is that 
most common occupational crippler— black lung. 


The strong bond between an increasingly young 
union membership and retired miners is one of the 
remarkable sources of unity in this strike. Equal 
pension levels is one of the strikers' major demands — • 
one whose defeat in the 1974 contract has rankled 
miners ever since, and one of immediate importance 
to the retired miners who do not have a right to 
vote on the contract. 

The 1950's pension fund is now broke, so that 
many miners who retired before- 1974 will be without 
pensions as of : j February, 1978, The 

proposed. contract supposedly guaranteed these pen- 
sions, but would have perpetuated an arbitrary , r '.A 
inequality between pensions of miners retired before 
and after 1974. 

"I don't agree with the part where the retired 
miners don't get equal payments to ours [when we 
retire T," said one quiet -spoken young miner outside 
the Cedar Grove local. "Because some time I'm to 
be old too, you know, and I'd like for somebody to 
stand up for me." 

Another young miner echoed his thoughts: 

"These older men's worked hard for this union. 

They've brought this union up for us younger guys... 
and they've been done dirty. They've been looked 
over and you shouldn't look over somebody that 
brought everything good to you. You should stand 
up for them." 

Beverly Johnson, a 27-year-old "red hat" 

(training miner) voiced her anger about another 
stipulation affecting present and future pensioners. 

One section of the contract states that each miner 
must work at least 1,450 hours in a calendar year 
in order to receive full pension benefits for that 

"This 1450 hours , there's very few people 
that'll get it," Johnson told LNS. "If you work 
only 1449 hours, you only get 85 percent of your 
pension that year, and there's very few people that 
are going to get it due to the weather, strikes..." 

Coal companies often reduce production to two or 
three days a week, she explained, further penalizing 
miners building up their pensions. And this section 
could be used against miners who are active in 
union affairs and must find time to file grievances, 

These provisions would knock the bottom out 
Page 1 LIBERATION News Service (#902) March 10, 1978 ~~ more. . 

attend arbitrations, etc.. 

Right to Strike 

Outside the cabin where Ward, local members 
were voting, railroad cars loaded with coal and 
covered by layers of snow stood stranded in 
stark testimony to the length of the strike 
Stanley Hunter, a slight, 3?-y ear-old miner and 
head of the safety committee at a mine owned by 
Quaker Oil, explained the connection between the 
right- to strike and mine safety. 

He pointed out that coal companies’ continuous 
refusal to settle grievances at mine sites tied 
up any possible action in lengthy and often fruit- 
less arbitration, 

"1 think we should ba ! able to close down 
sections of the mines that. we. feel is unsafe," 
Hunter said, - his voice rising: with frustration, 

"I don’t think we should have to call in a mine 
inspector two or three days after somebody’s 
already got crippled up or killed," 

The language of the proposed contract would 
also allow companies to remove outspoken safety 
committee members who lead wildcats in order to 
draw attention to unsafe conditions. — if a mine 
inspector later decides that there was no imminent 
danger This section would clearly discourage 
cons ien clous ness over safety and other vital 
concerns of miners, several strikers pointed out, 

"The only thing a coal: company understands 
is when the black stuff stops. rolling," said 
Stanley Hunter, cutting through to: the heart of 
the right to strike issue, "When that money 
stops, they start listening, That’s the only 
weapon the coal, miner’s got— - t.a . stop production," 

One miner from Cabin Creek stated that the 
miners* right to strike demand, poses a grave 
threat to other industries attempting to control 
their labor- force, "Hell, herels the Mine Workers* 
Union that’s demanding the right to strike," he 
said; And even if the miners "don’t get the 
right' to- strike written into their contract, he 
added, "they're exercising: it,, which is worse," 

"I’m convinced that Carter is in it up to his 
neck," he added, "And they, know exact ly what 
they’re trying to do — that is destroy the Mine 
Workers’ Union, since it presents a militant 
example to other unions," 

Unionists throughout the country are watching 
the outcome of this strike; the United Auto 
Workers, for example, are collecting contributions 
for striking miners at plant gates all across 
the nation. And the union itself gave a $2 
million contribution, 

"It's ironic," the Cabin Creek miner told 
us, "'Cause if that money doesn't get down to the 
membership pretty soon. Miller’s going to use it 
to pay Taft -Hartley fines, and it will end up 
in the government’s pocket," 


LIBERATION News Service 

Key Provisions of Rejected UMWA Contract 

* WAGES: Basic hourly wage increase of $2,40 

over three years, bringing the hourly wage rate 
fronr $2 .80- to $10,20, . „A 31 percent Increase on 
paper, ,, but with no additional adjustments for 
cost of - living -'Increases o If inflation continues 
at the present rate of 6 percent a year, the in- 
crease in actual buying power will be only 7 per- 
cent o 

^HEALTH AND RETIREMENT: Health insurance for 

working miners will be provided directly by the 
companies through commercial carriers like Blue 
Cross, Miners will pay upwards of $300 a year per 
family in deductibles ■ — saving the companies about 
$150 million over the life of the contract. The 
UMWA Health and Retirement Fund will begin phasing 
out its regional operations. 

For older miners retired under the 1950 pen- 
sion plan, monthly benefits will increase from $225 
to $275, With no adjustment for Inflation, the 
estimated real increase will come to about $1 per 
month. Miners returned under the 1974 pension plan 
will average around $525 a month by the end of the 

^STRIKES AND ABSENTEEISM: Companies can fire 

any miner who "has picketed or otherwise been 
actively involved" in causing a strike. Miners 
can also be fired for unexcused absences from work 
for two* days- running or five unexcused absences 

^VACATION: A Christmas shutdown is added, with 
three paid vacation days in addition to existing 
holidays. But the two floating vacation or personal 
leave days included in the 1974 contract are 

*SAFETY: Provides that individuals can be 

removed from a Safety Committee for the entire 
term of the contract for "improperly" exercising 

*GRIEVANCE PROCEDURE: Limits the size of 

Mine Committee. Tightens up time limits within 
which each stage of a grievance can be handled. 
Arbitrators are given 30 days to make decisions but 
can avoid the deadline by telling the company and 
union when they expect to have a decision ready, 


(Thanks to CoaX PcctTot for this summary,) 

"One thing's for sure. When you got a 
Taft-Hartley injunction, you don’t stop people 
who are trying to go to work with picket lines — 
you just get arrested that way. The .way they've 
always stopped them in the past has been with 
gunfire. " 

--a coal miner who spoke with 
LNS in West Virginia, shortly 
after President Carter moved 
to order miners back to work 
under a Taft-Hartley injunction 

March 10 , 



mo re. „ , . 

(See photos and accompanying article, page 1) 


by Judy Bxbinovitz 
LIBERATION News Service 

CHARLESTON, West Va. (LNS)— Traveling down the 
coa" town roads of West > Virginia, you can’t go 
but a few miles without running past train tracks 
and railroad cars loaded with coal., Normally 
these cars are running, to and .from .the mines. 

But there's not much ©Dal running in West Vir- 
ginia these days. And the coal that's been sit- 
ting in these cars since the strike began Decem- 
ber 5 is now buried in snow and stuck so solid 
that, as one miner told us, "it would take a 
case of powder to shoot it out." 

Coal isn't the only thing that has stuck 
together during this strike. If there's one 
thing this strike has done, many miners tell us, 
it's "unified the membership." And while Carter 
may be banking on a Taft-Hartley injunction to 
pressure miners into returning to work, judging 
from the sentiments in this area, it's going to' 
take more than that. 

"We ain't going back under Taft-Hartley," 
Freddy Runyon, a miner from Logan, W.Va. told 
us as he stood on the Capitol steps in Charles- 
ton where about 300 miners rallied March ? to de- 
nounce the Taft Hartley Act and their own union 
leadership — or "lack of leadership" as they 
call it. 

out. I know 'cause my dad got killed there, 
he continued, his voice trembling. "He just 
left one morning and didn't return. , , 

"So I say the coal miner's been done like 
a dog for all of his 13*"e and now's the time 
he's got the big class of people in a bind. 

And we have to hold them there. That's the only 
way we’ll get a contract and that's the. only way 
we’ll get back to work. 

"I ain't walked a picketline yet in. this 
strike," he ended off. "But I'm ready to now. 

And I'll stay out as long as 1 have to." 

Militant Tradition 

Added to this is the long and bloody his- 
tory of mining struggles which miners seem 
acutely aware of in this area. Most all the miners 
we spoke with has grown up in the coal fie! ds, 
comes from a mining family and remeflber the 
hardships and fights their parents and grandpa- 
rents went through to win some of the very con- 
cessions —UMW health car and pensions-- which 
are now on the verge of being taken away. 

"Coal miners never got nothing without, 
fighting, "one ’ean, craggy miner told us as he 
stood outside the small shack which, serves as 
a union hall in Ward, West Virginia. 

Known to the other miners as "Popeye," 
he'd worked the railroads and was six years on 
the river boats between Pittsburgh and New Or- 
leans after he came back from the Korean War in 



"Taft Hartley's slave labor," Runyon 
us, echoing what we heard from so many men. 
stay out another six months if that's what 
takes . " 

"I'll stay out till Christmas," Danny 
a shuttle car operat 0 *i|iom :fe :®h©. Cedar Grove local 
near Charleston, told us- L.aiiiSr'i casting his "no" 
vote for the contract March 5. "I know sometimes 
a lot of men hate to lose what they got. But 
I've started over, beforeyaud I will again if I 
have to. At least if we got a good contract we'd 
have something to build on." 

Not everybody is r*A#y. to 'Stick it out quite 
so long as Butcher, but many we speak to are. 

Their readiness is due to factors such as the 
more than 3 months' time they've already invested 
in this strike, and ^i^:^^tii#;^|^vthe' contract 
that they have to show for, it ~r a contract they 
term as "no good," "rotten," "a company contract," 
"a step back 30 years, Vie# ^"t|ig/ : ain't no. con- 
tract at all." >•; ■ 

Dangerous Work 

Another big facfe$£ in ttf^ji'willingness to 

stick it out for a de^nt contract is the danger 
of the work they do — work which has left so 
many of those we talk t.o‘-^itiif^^sted knees, smash- 
ed feet, bad backs, Arfehritf^ ind, of course, 
for the older miners, black Itmg. So many we 
speak to have friends and', relatives; killed or 
disable in the mines. 

"To me, a man .g§ 
life is in danger," oftfl 
March 7 Charleston rally; 
under a mountain that doi 
you that mountain will 



and his 
gfei miner at the 
When yon walk 
! can 1 1 tell 
mte till youcget 

the early *50s to find many mines closed and no- 
one hiring e 

"But- mining's my favoiite," he told us 0 
He f d been born and raised In a mining family 
and was union to the core® "People in thane ? 
parts take the union personal, like a. religion," 
he emphasized 8 "Union means your bread and 
^er on the table®" 

He pointed down the creek, past the para- 
:oal cars, to some houses In the distance® 
"That f s where there were tent cities back In 
1919® The company throwed the people out of 
houses when they went, on si 


know about 


the Mingo Massacre? Paint Creek? 

thuggery Is 
but so Is ' the 

The history of coal 

in many 

of miners c 

memories , 

't let 
you," ha- 
tha health and 

your livelihood 
, talking about the 
retirement fund in the 
er, "We ! d rather go out. 
Plenty of people here got their ar— 
Hell, 90% of us are ex-G®Ls. You 


loss of 

can just be shoved so far and that 
New Generation of - Miners 

* f s a new generation of 
r , people here tell us. 
the miners are now under 31 year 
are ?ietnam ve 
in combat, the 


miners in the 
Over half of 
i of age, many 

s, and after- risking their lives 
f re not ready to go get killed 
told what 

in a coal mine or 

"it seems like this contract was 




March 10, 1978 


us by the government, and that just don't work 
nowadays," Jeff Rilesey, a young miner at the 
Cedar Grove local told us. "The men's different, 
don't want to be pushed around. They're not gonna 
let people run over them and control them.. It's 
our free choice." 

Commenting on the controversial contract 
provision which would allow companies to fire 
"anyone actively involved in causing a strike" 
another young miner told us, "Way I read that 
piece, if you go down here in a tavern and they 
hear you taking about the company, they can fire 
you, as rar as I can see. So it's got to be 
took out or we'll never be able to have our voice 
or anything... 

You got to strike about things that concern 
you and your family and the union as a whole," he 
continued. "And this thing about firing us for 
speaking out, that's against democracy." 

Younger miners aren't the only ones that 
feel this way. "This stiike business. I feel 
like they re trying to take your freedom of choice 
on that away," on old miner in his late 50 's or 
early 60 's told us after casting his "no" vote at 
the Cedar Grove local March 5. 

"They got so many ways to get at you and 
fire you on that business. That ain't no good. 

I always felt I had a right to say what I wanted 
to and I'm going to. I don't care who don't like 
it or where it comes from, that's my freedom. 

"I ain't living under communism and don't 
plan on it," he concluded, expressing the deeply 
ingrained anti-communism so prevalent in these 
parts . 

Unity Despite Differences 

In the very same local you'll find rabid 
anti-communists, religious miners preaching the 
gospel, and those who will openly call themselves 
"radicals" — all at least temporarily united by 
this strike and their commitment to their union's 
survival . 

"I'm what you'd call on® those radicals," 
Stanley Hunter, age 37, chairman of the mine 
safety . committee at the Ward local, told us only 
five minutes after Popeye had been talking about 
communists" and "outsiders" and threatening to 
hang them from the nearest tree. 

Born and raised in Kanawah county, his 
father, grandfather, and seven brothers all 
miners, Stanley Hunter is clearly no "outsider." 

He tells us how the contract stinks, why the 
miners need the right to strike, and how if the 
government nationalized the mines that actually 
might be better. 

At that point, the president of the local, 

Mark Keenan, interrupts: "I want to make it 

clear. I'm not for nationalization. I believe 
in the free enterprise system. But 1 want to 
tell you one thing, the brother standing here 
is chairman of the mine committee. I'm president 
°f f this local. From talking to us you can tell 
we've got differences of oj inion on things. But 
we re brothers. And no matter how this thing 
goes, the way the majority goes, we'll be stand- 
ing elbow to elbow if it's on a picketline or 
whatever i t takes, together." 


lhat's the way it is," Stanley Hunter 
agreed. "We're union brothers." 

No Leadership 

Given such militant rank and file solidarity, 
why didn't the union win a better contract? Ask 
miners in the coalfields this question, and in 
two seconds they'll tell you: "the coal compa- 

nies are out to break the union," and "we ain't 
got no leadership." 

According to many miners, the overwhelming 
vote against the contract was as much a vote 
against UMW president Arnold Miller as it was 
against his contract. 

"He's not done nothing for us," Danny 
Butcher from the Cedar Grove local told us. 

We need a good leader now. Especially after a 
long contract strike like this, we just don't 
have nothing." 

"I supported Miller in the last election, 
but I wouldn't again," another miner told us. 

"He's a traitor." 

"He ain't got no backbone about him," 
another miner adds. "He's got a strong union. 

He's got the men behind him. But the coal 
companies make him run." 

One local president told us that Miller 
hasn't even been in on the negotiations for the 
last few months and that for the last year Vice 
President Sam Church has been running the union. 

It was the Federal Mediation and Conciliation 
Service, he tells us, which appointed the union's 
negotiating team and hired a public relations 
and research firm to prepare for negotiation to 
try to sell the contract to the membership. 

The people we got in Washington ain't 
capable of negotiating a contract, that's what 
I think," one miner told us. "The union needs 
new leadership — someone like John L. Lewis— 
a strong man to control the union." 

That s right," another miner standing next 
to him agrees. "We need a leader that can talk 
back to the coal operators. 

John L . Lewis is on a lot of miners' minds 
these days the UMW presidential tyrant who 
stood up to the companies and government, defy- 
ing the Taft -Hartley injunction and winning for 
miners the Health and Retirement Fund they now 
stand to lose. But Lewis also ruled the union 
with an iron fist and made some serious trade- 
offs which laid the basis for the problems the 
union faces today. It's unclear whether UMWA 
miners would be ready to accept a dictator and 
give up the degree of democracy they won so 
recently through the reform movement. 

As Stanley Hunter told us, "What we need 
is a strong leader with some authority. But 
I think even John L. Lewis would have some prob- 
lems running this union teday, with the way the 
membership is. Democracy and respect are two 
different things," he explains. I mean, Arnold 
Miller could have this union in his hands. He 
could get anything he wanted, 'cause he had the 
respect of the membership. That's how he got 
it there. But he didn't follow through. He 

(continue on page 14) 

LIBERATION News Service 


March 10, 1978 

more . . 

(Check next week’s packet for photos)* 



by Ted Chandler 

RAYAN LEPAS, Pinang Island, Malaysia (LNS) — 
"Female Workers Wanted Immediately" screams the 
banners outside the U.S* electronics plants in 
this Free Trade Zone" of West Malaysia, There 
is also the soft-sell version, "Immediate Vacan- 
cies for Young Malaysian Ladies," But either 
way, the message is clear: the same U.S. corpo- 
rations that have closed out thousands of jobs 
in the U.S, are now busy recruiting young Malay 
women out of their dtap -leaf houses in palm- 
shaded hinterland villages to create a new, suit- 
able work force. So today Pinang Island’s 
18,000 electronics workers have sonorous Malay 
names like Norizah, Hamimah, and Raj, and for 
most of them it is their first experience with 
urbanization and industry. Yet already, accor- 
ding to Malaysia’s Deputy Premier, they have 
helped to make the country the world’s number 
one producer of electornic semi-conductors. 

For ITT, RCA, Texas Instruments, and Nation- 
al Semiconductors (and a few German and Japanese 
firms as well) , it is a rock-candy mountain of 
profits: at most U.S. $2.00 a day (versus an 
average of U.S, $4.60 an hour to American workers) 
— the companies here are cleaning up 9 As one 
labor investigator put it, "It costs them M$ 0 95 
(U.S. $.38) to make a component they can sell in 
the U.S. for M$20.00 (U.S. $8.00)!’’ One company 
made a half a million U.S. dollars a week in 
profits during 1976 „ 

What the companies have been seeking is a 
work force that is eminently predictable and con- 
trollable. In Malaysia, their workers are first 
of all young —which means they’re agile (for 
purposes of production) yet inexperienced (for 
purposes of control). Second, they are largely 
single and likely to marry eventually and leave, 
saving the corporations from having to pay higher 
wages to, or confront, older more savy workers. 
Third,, they are primarily women, from a Muslim 
society, likely to think positively of the degree 
of freedom a factory job affords them, and un- 
likely to overcome their restricted backgrounds 
sufficiently to challenge management. 

Procuring the Work-Force 

Over the past six or seven years the Malay- 
sian government itself has attempted to lure the 
• elect y.cnics companies here. After British colo- 
lialism handed the country over to local officials 
ana politicians in 1957, Malaysia’s leaders open- 
ly advocated a policy of "sink or swim with the 
Wes**." To attract foreign investment, the 
Malaysian authorities have granted "pioneer" 

(tax free) status to corporations willing to in- 
vest. The result has been an orgy of capitalist 
development. Forty two major rivers are now 
heavily polluted, and a proposed national park 
recently had to be scrapped when the entire site 
was hurriedly logged over. 

Apparently the Malaysian government also 
views the women of the country as an exploitable 
natural resource. An official publication, 
"Malaysia: the ’Solid State’ for Electronics," 

baldly states that "the manual dexterity of the 
oriental female is famous the world over. Her 
hands are small and she works fast with extreme 
care. Who, therefore, could be better qualified by 
nature and inheritance than the oriental girl? No 
need for a Zero Defects program here! By nature, 
they quality control themselves 0 ’’ 

As a further incentive, the Malaysian govern- 
ment optimistically guarantees prospective inves- 
tors against "Insurrection, revolution, and war." 

For its part, the U.S® government has helped se- 
cure the whole package by jumping military credit 
sales to Malaysia ten times since the end of the 
Indochina War* 

As a result of all these activities, repre- 
sentatives of U.So corporations have swarmed into 
the kompongs (villages) in search of potential 
workers o In some cases, agents of the United Malay 
National Organization, the country’s ruling party, 
handled the job for the companies 

Probably the majority of the women never in- 
tended to be factory workers at all,. They were 
promised "operators jobs", regarded positively in 
Malaysia — secure, sit-down government employment 
at the telephone exchange® Only after the new *nd 
intimidating experiences of interviews, travel 
(sometimes by plane for added effect) and being 
manoeuvred into signing a three-month "contract" 
do the women discover they will actually become 
production operators" — that is, assembly line 

As Azizah, 23, told LNS, "When I came here I 
was given a machine, and that’s when I realized I 
wouldn’t be a telephone operator®" 

Speeding up Production 

From necessity, shame, ignorance (the contracts 
have no legal basis whatsoever), or curiosity, most 
of the women stay to work — and work thev do, on 
monotonous, painstaking tasks six days a week, in 
three six hour shifts, turning out an avalanche of 
highly saleable electronic components® 

The pace Is frenetic and exhausting® Fatimah 
24, explained how she was expected to position 
exactly 11,000 tiny dies every shift for the next- 
in-line*, That amounts to 1,375 every hour, or 23 
right-side-up, properly alligned units every minute 
of the working day® 

In some factories, each woman faces a graph 
representing her production curve (and it is supposed 
to be an ever-ascending one), with neighbors’ graphs 
visible nearby as an added incentive to higher pro- 

"It’s hard to have to meet the target — make 
quantity and quality," explains Fatimah. "There 
is a lot of n^ssure. They need quantity — if not, 
kina screwed" (by which she means ’you can get 
screwed by the supervisor ’) . 

Adde Azizah, "If they say one hundred and we 
can do it, then next week they give us a lot more to 

Predictably, the night shift is a problem. 

The Malaysiar government has compliantly rescinded 
laws forbidding women to do night work — but the 
labor force is simply unaccustomed to an 11 p.m.- 
7 a.m, work schedule 0 The companies generously 
supply free coffee and interminable blasts of hard 

Page 5 

LIBERATION News Service 


March 10, 1078 

more . . . 

rock music from the public address systems to 
keep the women alert, but with limited success e 
So the women employ other means. 

When asked whether she used drugs, Fatimah 
answered, with a shocked expression, "Oh, no! 

No drugs! Sometimes ’tabs’ (tablets— actually 
amphetamines)." After a while the tabs’ "lift" 
naturally decreases, requiring higher and higher 
doses. One woman, for example, was popping 
seven or eight pills at a time before she exerted 
tremendous self-discipline and gradually cut 
herself back to zero. 

Health and Safety 

In a situation geared to generate super- 
profits, health and safety naturally suffer « Many 
of the operations are openly dangerous, involving 
bubbling cauldrons of molten solder, smoking vats 
of concentrated acids, and constantly fuming 
lethal solvents 

"I am sick every month because of acid 
concentrated," reveals Maznah, who has been 
assigned to dip components in acid rinse for about 
three years. The company refuses to allow her 
to transfer to other work. Every time she sees 
the company doctor lu feels her she has the flu. 

The floors in the acid room are usually a- 
wash with water, making them slippery* One 
company provided one set of rubber boots for 
three shifts. The w’omen found this spread foot 
disease and stopped wearing the infested '-footgear. 
In another plant, officials left a broken fume 
hood unrepaired for five years. 

Gloves are another safety precaution under- 
cut by company policy. "If we work fast, we 
reach the target. In order to do it, we take 
off the gloves," Manzah explains, demonstrating 
how difficult it is to pick up one of the wafer- 
thin micro— circuits with any speed while wearing 
gloves. The companies are similarly negligent 
of the health and safety of workers dealing with 
dangerous radioactive isotopes. 

Even the standard assembly work has its 
hazards. In a 1975 survev of workers In a Mon- 
santo company plant, 44*” reported deteriorating 
eyesight, 42/ reported headaches. 

An older worker told Japanese investigators 
for AMPO magazine last year, "After some time 
we can't see very clearly. It's blurred. We 
have the gold wire — very thin, very fine, just 
like our hair." 

"If we work too long," one woman summarized , 
"we have to wear ' specs ' . " 

Keeping Control is Company Goal 

By law, Malaysian workers are not allowed 
to challenge any of these procedures. The 1969 
Industrial Relations Act giver companies total 
control of production, from recruitment and 
hiring through work allocation and methods, to 
retrenchment (lay-offs) and dismissal. In ad- 
dition, U.S. corporations operating in the coun- 
try have added imaginatively to management's 
arsenal of anti- labor tools-- many of these 
adaptions of anti union strategies employed 
against U.S. workers by conglomerates like IBM. 

To begin with there is the question of wages. 

"They could afford to pay M day (U.S, 

$4) and still make an ernrmoilfTpfoifit," one 
Finang resident pointed out} ffie piuch lower wage 
of US $2, though, is set abov^ltf^i^ard textile 
workers' wages of U.S. $ . 80 ; . way the 

electronics companies hope to^'^tt^hrage workers 
from organizing. Even at thatOKre has been 
at least one successful stride wages. 

familiar to many 
■" approach. 

A second corporation : 

US workers, is the "one big 

The boss is supposed to be as "Jim" just 

another guy working in the pi^|? 1_ |.i|ce everyone 
else; companies sponsor annual ■ outings and other 
activities designed to unify the .'factories under 
management and to mf. sk the profits being 

extracted from the women's labot^i, < 

More viciously, the eom$A|pfl|$’ prey on the 
women's thirst for "moderniza£|^ , V. offering the 

sexist trappings of consumer-i.s^’such as fashion 
shows, beauty contests, cosmetics classes, even 
tupperware parties -- all on e'twfJ.egs installment 
payments— as well as films, Pl^yt>gy% ad 'pop* 

' ^ ' *^„this way, by 
[eir influence 

’4'h which 

stars as a model for emulation?! 
providing "Western culture" to 
the companies further strengi 

- .. v'wstes 

over the workers 

Even more cynical is the"f& 
the corporations turn the best qualities of th.A 
workers into weapons to be upe£ against them- 

qualities of honesty, serio 
thoroughness which indeed 
boasts. The companies eatt0$3 
women by manipulating these 
you demanded — Have you prod 
the signs prominently displf| 
lines . Another device is f|f 
productivity with that of < 
arousing a pride-in-workmansK 
turned into alienation 

Living Conditions am 

— — 

Jtoeerity and 
'government ’ s 
ptrip the 
mb i "Have 
f^LITY?" query 
the assembly 
^vthe workers’ 
_,_ean workers, 
uat has not yet 


After contributing to famtli 
do, the women have little le 
an extremely modest life. -g, 
dine-fashion 20 to a three-f 
(At any given moment about a * 
pants are working, which re|j~ 
provides adequate sleeping s. 
with family or rent small rod 
for example, of heat-retainih 
cement floors, and ply-wood f 
one such apartment a flourejj 
exactly over the line of thf 
intended to shed light into 
was no refrigeration, and ef= 
buy a single- burner camp st’p - 

For M $10 (U.S. $4.) ea< 
share these quarters. At Ljp 
adjoining apartments on eith'( 
women sharing one continuously 
facility. Their landlord, 

$3,000 a year, also supervig 
cuffing day shift workers £ 

Regimented at work an<l 
evitably resist. At this p» 
form of resistance is best 


, .. J 

The labor investigator^ 

March 10, 

.come, as most 
/thing but 
"^housed sar— 
fey apartment, 
p£ the occu- 
lt congestion and 
!pv r V0thers live 

x *. i & 


If'Wr „ 9 

metal roofs, 
8&titions e In 
|tlpn was 
$yooms o There 
fnt had to 
Rooking purposes 

liti, seven women 
>er 50 occupy 
' 'Side , all the 

.owing toilet 
|i ^nearly UoS a 
fatten’ s morals, 
out late« 

She women in- 
to st common 
{as "freaking 

xlier describe, 

more 8 , . 

Page 6 

LIBERATION News Service 


the phenomenons 11 It obviously: has to do with con- 
ditions of work. I saw one case screaming , beat- 
ing her head against the wall. She was yelling, 
f I hate it here; I want to go home; I don ¥ t want 
to work here any more 1 0 

ff The other women explained to me, ’Look, it f s 
not her, it's some devil that has entered her ane 
is saying it. 1 

"X heard of another case, about 15 ye^^s 
old, who kent saying every time she lookea through 
the microscope she saw her mother’s. faee c She 
was delirious/’ 

Such incidents happen "at least two or three 
times a year /’another source reports 0 Sometimes 
the hysteria catches like fire, leaping from 
worker to worker in a crackling arc of protest® 
Factories in Melaka in the southern part of the 
country have had to be closed for days or even 
weeks® In such cases, the ILS 0 corporations call 
in traditional magic practitioners or bomohs to 
restore discipline. 

"They go through an exorcism/’ reports the 
labor investigator. "The girl is ’cured’ and 
goes back to work in the factory 0 " Some firms 
have hired their own resident bomohs 0 

These outbreaks are 'symptomatic of .the present 
ambivalence of the women workers 0 They speak 
nostalgically of the padi fields of Perils or the 
coconut groves of Kelantan — ’but few have ac- 
tually returned to the kompong 0 They dislike 
their work but the status of wage-earner still 
is attractive to them® They "freak out" —but 
they go back to the assembly line. 

Yet there are also signs, the women can 
deal more directly with their situation® Recent- 
ly a successful strike at the Atlas plant in 
Pinang raised wage, a dollar 2 , to M$4 9 80 a day® 

The workers, optimistic " ’tS a / aun i on could help 
them, seemed interested and alert, by no means 
beaten into passivity® Their understanding of 
the sitution, and electronics workers’ willing- 
ness to organize, can only grow stronger® 

One of the side-effects of the new movement 
of women into the factories, for example, is 
the possibility of transcending traditional 
ethnic division between the Chinese (who con- 
stitute the impoverished proletariat and are 
considered radical) and the Malay (who have made 
up the impoverished peasantry who are considered 
uninvolved) „ Thus the great irony is that by 
terminating the livelihood of thousands of U 0 S 0 
workers in order to exploit unorganized Malay 
women, the thSo corporations may indeed be en- 
gaged in creating something new and revolutionary 
in Malaysia. 


(Ted Chandler is an LNS correspondent travel- 
ling in Asia®) 


NEW YORK (LNS) — Several hundred students 
picketed at the gates of Columbia University 
March 1 to protest the lecture being given inside 
by the Greek Minister of Defense, Evangelos Aver of 
In Greek and English they chanted, "Out of NATO 
forever , " "Get the bases of death out of Greece," 
"One Cyprus for all Cypriots," and "Down with 
treaties with the imperialists/’ 

The ostensible reason for Averof: f s visit, 
at the invitation of Columbia’s Greek Studies 
Department, was to speak about his book Five and 
Axb 3 which was recently translated into English. 
The book covers the period of the Greek Civil 
War (1945-49) , and as one demonstrator explained: 

"The book puts forward the Greek .reactionary- 
account of this important period. It completely 
distorts and maligns the heroic Greek people’s 
struggle against the massive U.S. intervention 
under the Truman Doctrine. The defeat of the 
democratic forces resulted in the consolidation 
of a regime of internal reaction and servile 
dependence on U.S. imperialism." 

This regime soon found a leader in the per- 
son of Constantine Caramanlis , with Averof as 
a right hand man from the beginning. Together 
with Caramanlis he was instrumental in conclu- 
ding the 1959 Zurich— London agreements between 
Britain, Greece and Turkej which eventually 
led to the Cyprus catastrophe of 1974. During 
the military dictatorship of 1967-74, Averof 
served as "bridge maker" between the junta and the 
outside world. His efforts were interrupted 
by the uprising in Greece ignited by the Novem- 
ber 1973 occupation of the Athens Polytechnic 
Institute, the right-wing Greek coup against 
Makarios in Cyprus in July 1974 and the subse- 
quent invasion of Cyprus by Turkey, all of which 
led to the fall of the junta. 

Called back to Greece by the junta itself 
on its way out, Caramanlis reappeared as the 
leader of Greek reaction and premier of the new 
civilian government in 1974. And Averof resumed 
his role of right hand man. 

Demonstrators stressed that Averof ’s visit 
had little to do with literature, but rather with 
the coordination with the U.S. on the issues of 
Cyprus and the Aegean, the resumption of mili- 
tary aid to Greece and Greece’s formal return to 
the ranks of NATO, which it left in the wake of 
the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, 

At the end of Averof ’s "literary" presenta- 
tion, demonstrators distributed leaflets to the 
out coming audience, explaining the real reasons 
for his visit to the U.S. The demonstrators re- 
buffed attempts by right-wing supporters of the 
Greek government to break up the protest. 

Turkish students participated alongside Greek 
students at this rally sponsored by the Committee 
for the Initiative to Defend Our National Interests 
The presence of Turkish students, explained one 
demonstrator, "stresses the identity of interest 
of the Greek and Turkish peoples against the im- 
perialist —mainly U.S. —meddling in our countries, 
and against the policies of our reactionary 
governments which are trying to set our two peoples 
against each other." -30- 

Page 7 

LIBERATION News Service 


March 10, 1978 

more. . 

(See photos in -this packet. See packet #891 for 
more information and photos on- the Virgin Islands,) 


by Barbara Firikelstein 
LIBERATION News Service 

ST, THOMAS, Virgin Islands (LNS) — Local busi- 
ness groups and government agencies in the U»S„ 

Virgin Islands are speedily dictating self-congratu- 
latory press releases in an unsuccessful attempt to 
dispel the latest series of water, housing and un- 
employment crises hitting this "tropical paradise," 
According to official rhetoric and room occupancy 
statistics, tourism, "the backbone of the terri- 
torial economy," is staging a "remarkable recovery," 
making this season the "best ever," for business. 
Meanwhile, local residents contend with the dubious 
benefits of the St, Thomas Sc , Croix/St, John 
tourist economy - 

WATER: While the Commissioner of Commence 

expresses concern about the availability of waiter 
by remarking on its importance for the cruise ship 
business, many families living in public housing are 
withholding rent payments because governmant-cfwned 
drinking water is available only irregularly. 

The intermittent water supply often leaves a 
family, sometimes with a dozen members or more, unable 
to bathe, cook or flush toilets for several days at 
a time. Private home owners and most apartment dwel- 
lers are assured of reasonably dependable cistern 
water. But the poor, mostly black, public housing 
residents must catch rainfall in buckets, lug 
heavy pails from inconveniently parked water trucks, 
or wait for poorly desalinated, rusty water the local 
government rations for a few hours each day. 

For most project residents , as, described by the 
Island's Daily News , "water means getting up at 
5:30 or 6 a,m, when the water is turned on for the 
day, and storing and saving it in any way possible, 
before the water is turned off again at 9:3Q a,m," 

When the water is finally delivered, entire 
households frequently experience health problems , 
such- as skin disorders that last indefinitely 9 », 

After a bath, one woman reports, "I itch all over 
my skin," 

The alarming — and as yet undiagnosed — 
water contamination is part of a long-standing 
health and sanitation problem primarily affecting 
St, Thomas- In St Thomas’ Bovoni project, the 
impure water and uncollected garbage prompted one 
woman to complain, "Bovoni is just a place to dump. 

It was built too fast and too cheap, and it is not 
low income housing. Some people pay $200 a month 
to live here , " 

The real losers , one man wrote" in a letter 

to the Daily News , "are not the [losal^ senators who, 
I'm sure, can, go on flushing their toilets and cook- 
ing their meals because they don’t depend on the 
V,I, Water and Power Authority, But the poor peo- 
ple in the projects are [the losersj," In mid- 
February, the Vo I, Post reported that the Water and 
Power Authority was responsible for mismanagement 
of funds over the last few years. 

Fairness (TUFF) , is ready to sue the Virgin Islands 
Housing Authority (VIHA) for not actively maintain- 
ing water pipes and wells in the housing projects, 
Eudelta Joseph, spokeswoman for TUFF , has asked 
VIHA officials to meet with tenants. So far, the 
VIHA has not complied, abdicating all responsibility 
for the water supply, "We understand that VIHA is 
not responsible for the potable water supply," says 
Joseph, "but someone must be held accountable Many 
tenants don't know they have the right to hold back 
their rent if the landlord doesn't provide action," 
Tenants in one St Thomas project have filed a class 
action suit against the VIHA seeking an end to the 
unhealthy water situation, 

HOUSING: The Virgin Islands Housing Authority 
states in its most recent (1976) annual report that 
it will "provide for the housing needs of low income 
families of the Virgin Islands with safe, sanitary 
and decent housing in an environment of community 
life," The report features photos of glowing and 
satisfied public housing residents and discusses 
various housing programs, such, as an "upward 
mobility homeownership plan," 

Yet the housing and residents themselves will 
tell a different story, Says a St, Thomas Rasta- 
farian, "Fifteen years ago, the government took my 
family's land by eminent’ domain, only to put up this 
ghetto-type public housing that nobody's happy with. 
Before, people could at least keep a little garden; 
you can't afford to do any farming if you live in a 

The Authority implies that it is doing every- 
thing possible to meet its goals. But the real 
problem, the VIHA states, lies with the public 
housing population. Its report accurately describes 
the residents as "working poor" in poorly paid, 
dead-end jobs which guarantee "perpetual poverty," 
Moreover, says the report, this situation is aggrava- 
ted for women, who head 41 percent of all public 
housing households, and who may work for a desperate 
gross salary of $4,400 a year,’ 

Outside of public housing the worst houses are 
those more aptly defined as shacks, grouped in such 
urbanized areas on St, Thomas as French town and 
Hospital Ground, They are ramshackle peeling, 
windowless cubicles, raised off the ground in case 
of flooding. They have none of the basic amenities 
of project: apartments — nor are they situated on 
lots large enough for a small garden. Never far 
away are the perfectly preened estates and hotels 
with their private banana, papaya, soursop and 
mango orchards, 

UNEMPLOYMENT: The local papers have said prac- 
tically nothing about the Hess Oil Corporation's 
planned cutback on production f$r 19 78 and accompany- 
ing layoff of some 668 employees on St, Croix, A 
senior vice president at Hess says with smarmy 
confidence that the layoffs are "temporary Yet 
rumors abound that the mammothioil refinery is 
relocating to St, Lucia, a small British West Indian 
island about 300 miles south of the Virgin Islands, 
where labor is cheaper still. The layoffs come, 
suspiciously, two months after' -'fruitless negotia- 
tions between Hess and the V , I ^government over how 
Such-fags* m aHirgN ikag s could contfitfbute to the V - 1 , 
treasury, Hess agreed to pay $15 million for 1978, 
though the government alleged the company could 

One citizen's group. Tenants United for 

Pag§ 8 

LIBERATION News Service 


March 10, 1978 


afford $50 million. The talks ended without any 
mutually agreeable solution. Union leaders repre- 
senting the displaced workers have declined to com- 
ment on the layoffs o 

A recent study by the V®X« Economic Policy 
Council CVIEPC) documents some dismal unemployment 


* Public high school drop-outs are not in- 
cluded in Virgin Islands unemployment statistics, 
nor are the high school graduates who do not go 

on to further schooling,, Only 59% of ninth grade 
students in 1973 stayed in school until twelfth 
grade. In twelfth grade, another 16 5% quite The 
unemployment rate is unquestionably higher than 
the 8,5% cited in the government’s Third Quarter 
Economic Review (1977) 0 

* As the VIEPC report puts its ,f The tran- 
sience of many businesses, plus the low wage 
structure and lack of fringe benefits has made 
[work in the private sector] a rather tenuous 
choice for long-term residents-. Tourist enter- 
prises seem to present little by. way of a career 
ladder, n 

* Construction activity declined about 80% 
between 1972 and 1976 in St 0 Croix with a "con- 
current shrinkage in employment in that area G n 
The report suggests that Virgin Islanders should 
"decide whether the road to survival should be a 
revival of construction per se, or the development 
of alternate activities a !f 

The report myopically implies that there is 
limited construction work to be done in the islands, 
though there are hundreds of shacks and abandoned 
buildings, and scores of bankrupt hp tela that could 
be rebuilt into schools, day care centers" or 
affordable food s tores 0 Instead, American-s tyle 
shopping centers and high priced novelty shops 
are being crammed into this "unincorporated U C S 0 
territory 0 " As a case in point, the former 
Vole Hilton Hotel, closed for the past four years, 
has been bought by an undisclosed New York-based 
group o The government had indifferently toyed with 
notions to turn the hotel into a medical school 
or use the building to provide low income housing 
for elderly residents 0 The ex-Hilton will reopen 
as a tennis ho tel o 

The Virgin Islands, glows a recent Chicago 
Tribune Service feature story, "is one. of the hot- 
test tourest attractions in the western hemisphere 
a -model' for the development, of. tourist facilities 
in the Garibbean 0 " But’ with many residents bar- 
gaining with the VoXo government for small parcels 
of farm land, young people expressing cynicism 
at '.the Water and Power Authority’s savage . incom- 
petence and employees voicing contempt for their 
employers and demanding equitable salaries , the 
luxurious stateside ad men and the local U Q S 0 - 
reguiated colonial government t will have to 
stretch their talents more and more in order to 
maintain the Islands 1 luxurious, enticing and 
tropical veneer 0 


(Barbara Finkelstein is a UoS* citizen and 
writer living in the Virgin Islands ) 



NEW YORK (LNS) — The increase in attacks on 
U.S. corporations and executives abroad, and to a 
lesser extent within the U s S M has prompted the 
Carter administration to form an elite commando 
unit to protect the companies a 

In most cases, U®S. corporations are attacked 
aborad by armed guerrillas for their exploitation 
of workers or their assistance in bolstering re- 
pressive regimes with military equipments 

A good example of this is the case of Rock- 
well International. In 1976 Iranian guerrillas 
killed three officials of Rockwell, a U.S. based 
corporation which has set; up, among other things, 
an internal bugging system to assist the Shah of 
Iran in weeding out the resistance movement there. 

Carter’s new commando unit, code-named 
"Project Blue light," is now being set up in a 
stockade at Fort Bragg, North Carolina® The 
commando unit will be headed by Colonel Charles 
Alvin Beckwith, a counterinsurgency specialist, 
with three combat tours as a Green Beret under 
his belt. While In Viet Nam., Beckwith headed a 
secret anti-guerrilla force known as Project 
Delta— part of a CIA-led pad float ion program respon- 
sible for the deaths ot over 20,500 people who it 
believed were members and sympathizers of the 
Vietnamese National Liberation Front (NLF) . 

The Carter administration’s war on "inter- 
national terrorism" has led to a significant 
reorganization of the National Security Council. 

In any given "crisis" situation, the Working Group 
on Terrorism — which consists of representatives 
from the Pentagon, State Department, CIA and 
Justice Department, as well as the National Security 
Council staff — would convene immediately to 
work out a strategy. 

The Working Group on Terrorism proposed the 
creation of the elite commando unit after 
conducting a six month study. 

In its fight against "international terrorism," 

( a term that the government and established media 
indiscriminately apply to many leftist movements), 
the Carter administration has also consolidated 
closer ties with intelligence agencies around the 
world. These include the C1N of Chile (formerly 
called the DINA) , SAVAK of Iran and the South 
Korean KGIA, the very intelligence, agencies notori- 
ous for systematic violation of human rights within 
their own countries’ borders and internationally • -30- 

^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ jl jl jl, jl ju 

<TT> ctT 9r> ,TT> <7Ts <f\> t <7T fff, .-fr: V. (7T5 (jo <7^i (7T> Ov TV <7% 7% 

"I am a black man on death row in Alabama. 1 
too have hopes and dreams just as you do® Every 
day I must renew my fight against my oppressors 
with those dreams in mind® I call on you to seize 
the power our oppressors hold over us® We must not 
let the government use the death penalty to legally 
kill off one-by-one. We must not let, them destroy 
our hopes and dreams for ourselves, and our people. 
Our lives, hopes and dreams are ours to control." 

Page 9 

LIBERATION News Service 


-statement: by Imani, whose execution, 
scheduled for March 10,: was stayed for 
60 days bv the Alabama Supreme Court _ 

more 0 . 0 

March 10, 1978 


LIBERATION News Service 

NEW YORK (LNS) — A national coalition of anti- 
Bakke organizations is calling for an April 15 
march on Washington, D.C. to protest the Califor- 
nia courts decision on the Bakke case, now before 
the U.S. Supreme Court. The coalition, called the 
April 15 Anti-Bakke Planning Committee, includes 
the Black American Law Students Association, the 
National lawyers Guild, the People's Alliance, the 
Anti-Bakke Decision Coalition and the National 
Committee to Overturn the Bakke Decision (NCOBD) 
and their member organizations. 

The march will raise four slogans: Overturn 
the Bakke Decision, Unite Against Racism and Na- 
tional Oppression, Fight for Full Equality for 
Women, and Support and Expand Affirmative Action 
on the Job and in Education. 

The call for the April 15 march came at the 
culmination of the recent "National Week of Edu- 
cation and Action Against the Bakke Decision and 
Racism" February 19-25, which NCOBD designated to 
educate activists on the implications of the 
Bakke case. During the week hundreds of acti- 
vists throughout the United States participated 
in educational programs and rallies held by labor 
unions, civil rights and women’s groups, and 
several other local and national organizations. 

Case Background 

Allen Bakke, a 34-year-old white aerospace 
engineer, who was twice denied admission to the 
University of California at Davis Medical School, 
filed a suit against Davis in 1974 charging that 
he was the victim of "reverse racial discrimination." 
The suit was successful in California courts and 
is now being reviewed by the Supreme Court, which 
is expected to make a decision this spring. 

Activists who oppose the California decision 
charge that the case will effect employment as 
well as educational discrimination and, is an at- 
tempt to roll back the hard-won gains of the civil 
rights and women's movements during the 1960’s and 
early 1970 s. They also charge that the University 
of California, which appealed the case to the 
Supreme Court, revealed an unwillingness to pro- 
tect even its own special admissions program by 
offering an extremely weak defense. The University 
has also been criticized for its policy of reser- 
ving a set number of admissions slots for wealthy 
upper-class students. 

Historically, during times of economic crisis, 
third world people have been blamed for society's 
problems and overt racial attacks as well as subtler 
government repression has escalated. At the end 
of World War II, for example, with the sudden flood 
of returning veterans wanting work, racial and 
sexual discrimination stepped up, forcing many 
women and blacks out of their jobs . 

The current economic crisis has meqnt rising 
unemployment, with minorities and women again sub- 
jected to the rule of "last hired/first fired," and 
Mexicans and other nationalities hunted down under 
a stepped up campaign against undocumented workers. 

"Reverse Discrimination" Disputed 

Have special programs for minorities now gone 
too far — to the point of reverse discrimination — 
as Bakke, his conservative supporters and much of 
the press contend? Those who make this claim ignore 
the discriminatory conditions which women and minori- 
ties still face today. For example, though overall 
unemployment dropped from 7.8 percent to 6.9 percent 
in the last year, according to official figures, the 
official unemployment rate for blacks rose from 12.9 
percent to 14 percent. Figures released by the 
National Urban League estimate a much higher figure 
of 25 percent for black people with the rate among 
black youth in cities reaching 75 percent even accor- 
ding to the estimates of Business Week magazine. 

As for educational opportunities, third world 
people are still not allowed into schools in num- 
bers that are proportional to their population. 

While the number of black and Latin students en- 
rolled in college nearly tripled from 1964-65 to 
1974-75, they still only represented il percent 
of the student population while constituting 16 
percent of the general U.S. population. And in 
the past three years, with nation-wide budget slashings, 
increased tuitions, cutbacks in financial aid and 
new admissions restrictions aimed especially at 
third world students, their numbers in colleges 
have begun to drop. 

The picture is bleaker still within the medi- 
cal profession. Despite a large number of appli- 
cants for medical schools and the acute need for 
medical care in this country, especially in third 
world communities, admissions slots remain extremely 
limited. In part this is due to efforts of the 
American Medical Association and other doctors’ 
groups that work to keep the number of doctors 
down so as to keep their incomes up. 

Bakke blames his rejection on the U.C. Davis 
Medical School for designating 16 positions in 
the entering class for minorities rather than 
questioning why there were only a total of 100 
openings in the first place. Over 3,700 students 
applied for these 100 positions. 

Statistics on doctors per capita in U.S. 
communities indicate why training of third world 
doctors is especially important: the average ratio 
of doctors to the white population in the U.S. is 
one to every 700 pers‘~“™ In some wealthy communi- 
ties, for example, Beverly Hills, the ratio of 
doctors to population is one for every 61 people. 

In contrast, for Chicanos the ratio is one 
doctor for every 16,000 people. For blacks in the 
U.S. the ratio is one for every 5,000 people. 

Irreality, special efforts to counter racial 
discrimination have scarcely made a dent in the 
racial inequalities indicated by these figures. 

Programs which seek to end these inequalities 
need to be strengthened, not eliminated. 



LIBERATION News Service 


Macch 10, 1978 

more . , » 


(The following report is compiled from dis- 
patches by Candy Hamilton 3 LNS correspondent on: the 
Pine Ridge Reservation . ) 

PINE RIDGE, South Dakota (LNS) — The govern- 
ment has been cracking down on progressive Native 
Americans in recent years, especially since the 
1973 occupation of Wounded Knee on the Pine Ridge 
Reservation* And the main arm of government re- 
pression on this reservation has been the FB1 0 

But the people on the reservation have fought 
back* They have exposed FBI complicity in covering 
up the murder of American Indian Movement activist 
Anna Mae Aquash on the reservation in 1976 and they 
have organized to support four activists falsely 
accused of killing two FBI' agents on the reservation 
in 1975. Now they are attempting to prevent FBI 
■agents from entering the reservation altogether. 

Tribal Court hearings are now under way in 
response to a petition calling for removal of the 
FBI from the reservation. The petition was filed 
in early February by Wasu-Duta, (Red Hail) a reserva- 
tion resident recently returned from Geneva., Switz- 
erland, where hr* was a delegate to the U.N. -sponsored 
conference for native peoples of North and South 

FBI Role on Pine Ridge 

Since the 1972 impeachment proceedings against 
then- tribal chairman Dick Wilson and the 1973 occu- 
pation of Wounded Knee, the FBI has maintained a 
daily force of agents on the reservation. Their 
numbers have ranged from five or 10 to the hundreds 
who arrived within hours after the deaths of two 
FBI agents in the Ogala community in 1975. The FBI 
office in Rapid City (the nearest South Dakota .city 
to the reservation) is the largest FBI office out- 
side that of Washington D.C. and regional head- 

The FBI had responsibility for investigating 
the charges against participants, at Wounded Knee'. 
Although federal grand juries indicted almost 200 : 
people, less than a dozen were^yer convicted 0 
During this period, reservatio#'"actlvists became 
increasingly critical of the FBl ! s conduct. . Al- , 
though the reservation was swamped with FBI; men, the 
daily presence of often a dozen or more, agents- \ 
didn’t seem to stem the beatings, .^assaults andcmur- 
derso in fact, the violence eseaTate<f.\ 
incidents often went unijives tigated-^ 
unsolved 0 

As tribal chairman Wilson 
power, his supporters, who- called ,thfma#lves;. M 
squad," made more and more attacks opprO : ^^ • 
Yet, reservation residents say, -when the FBI cape 
to investigate, It seemed the vie t ±ms .just, had.- one 
more source of harassment and intimidafl© 


Such behavior prior to the 1975-;. deaths-.. f:f V: 
agents resulted in increasing -tensions land hoatlll- 
ties. After the deaths of the, 

of other FBI agents who descended on the reservation, 
especially In Oglala, actually led^plny,: of 
people, traditionals, and AIM supporters ,tp / ; f fetfr for 
their lives, according to a report ;by 
Rights Commission. 

LIBERATION News Setvic# ';!; " 

During the two years since, there has been 
little change. In the early spring of 1976, Bill 
Muldrow, deputy director of the Mountain States 
Regional Office of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, 
investigated FBI activity concerning the Investiga- 
tions of the separate murders of AIM activists 
Byron DeSersa and Anna Mae Aquash on the Pine Ridge 
Reservation. According to Muldrow 1 s report, the 
FBI acted unprof essionaliy, did not seem Interested 
in a thorough investigation, and In the case of the 
Aquash murder had left Itself open to charges of 
cover-up . 

After almost five years of massive FBI presence, 
most reservation residents have become accustomed 
to seeing agents daily, driving through the cluster 
housing units, parking in people’s driveways, knock- 
ing on doors apparently just to see who will answer and 
attempting to question people about their friends. 

Court Effort 

In response to Wasu-Duta’ s petition, Oglala 
Sioux Tribal Judge Marie Gonzalez ordered the FBI 
into court to show cause why It should not be enjoined 
from coming onto the reservation e The FBI failed to 
appear. Instead, an assistant district attorney 
sent a letter to Gonzalez from Washington insisting 
that the Tribal Court has no jurisdiction over the 
FBI since they are not Indians. Furthermore, he 
claimed that the FBI has jurisdiction over certain 
crimes committed on the reservation and has the 
right to investigate them on the reservation. 

Despite the FBI’s failure to appear. Judge 
Gonzalez allowed further statements and documents 
alleging FBI misconduct into the record. He also 
heard five witnesses who told of personal experiences 
of harassment and intimidation by FBI agents. One 
group of older women and young children told of 
being forcibly held by agents while one said: "X 

hope we can start killing them soon." In other 
incidents, agents fired M-16 ’ s and AR-15 ’ s on private 
lands without provocation or warning to the residents 
there. Another witness described threats made 
against Anna Mae Aquash that she would not live 
out the year unless she cooperated with FBI opera- 
tions. (She was killed shortly thereafter). 

Upon hearing the testimony Judge Gonzalez 
indicated that the FBI had some "serious housecleaning" 
to do. Yet he Insisted on proceeding cautiously, 
especially in determining how the Oglala Sioux 
Tribal Court could claim jurisdiction in the matter. 

He asked Wasu-Duta, the Pine Ridge resident who 
originally petitioned the court for the enjoining 
order, to present a brief within 30 days citing 
court cases, tribal codes, and provisions of the 
1868 Treaty between the U.S. and the Sioux, which 
might give the court jurisdiction. Gonzalez added 
that if these documents failed to provide the neces- 
sary jurisdiction, the petitioners should go to the 
Tribal Council and ask for a special order from the 
court to act in matters of FBI misconduct. 

Native Americans victimized by the FBI fear that 
if the court action is not acted upon quickly, their 
effort may be halted after a new Tribal Chairman 
takes office in April. Based on late February pri- 
mary results, the next Tribal Chairman may well be 
Dick Wilson, whose corrupt rule was one target of 
the Wounded Knee occupation. Wilson was tribal chair- 
man when many of the worst FBI abuses occurred. 

- 30 - 

March 10, 1978 

Page 11 


more, . 0 

See packet 899 for more Information /.and; a photo 


By Franklin Siegel and Betty St. Clair 

NEW YORK (LNS) - — Dramatic. events on a small 
island off the eastern coast of .Puerto Rico have 
resulted in felony charges against two Puerto 
Rican fishermen on February 25, This comes 
after misdemeanor charges were dropped against 
three fishermen charged earlier with blocking Navy 
maneuvers off the island of Vieques. Vieques is 
the scene of Operation Springboard;, a series of 
military maneuvers including joint'air, sea, land c 
and submarine exercises, of the Atlantic Fleet. 

. This fleet includes,; not only U;;S; warships but 
those of several Latin American nations as well. 

The original arrests occurred when fishermen 
from the island successfully blocked the Navy’s 
opening day of maneuvers which were to take place 
in their fishing grounds. On the second day of 
protests, in which the fishermen picketed the 
scene of the maneuvers with their small fishing 
boats, the three original arrests were made. 

The more severe charges against the two most 
recently arrested may be dropped as well, but rep- 
resent a pattern of continued harassment of the 
native fishermen of Vieques by the United States 

The use of Puerto Rico as a military testing 
site has been a major focus of protests for many 
years. When massive protests forced the Navy to 
abandon military tests off the nearby island, of 
Culebra in 1975, the Navy shifted much of this 
testing to Vieques. Four-fifths of Vieques’ 
land area was expropriated in 1941 and 1942 when 
the Navy squeezed thousands of the island's 
residents onto 7,000 of the total 33,000 acres of 
land. The land seized by the Navy included most 
of the coastal areas and the best fishing and 
farming sites. 

One resident, Ramon Rucci Solis, provides 
an example of the Navy’s brutal treatment of the 
people of Vieques, One day in 1942, a US Navy 
officer appeared at his door, told him and his 
wife to be out in 24 hours and handed him a cheek 
for $30 to cover the cost of his house. Rucci 
was one of 4,000 people "relocated" in this opera- 
tion from the eastern part of the island to land 
in the center. 

The land to which Rucci was transferred was 
a sugar cane field. Rucci and his brother built 
a lean-to where on the same night, his wife 
gave birth to a baby girl* This was the very 
night after they had been thrown out of their 

According to Mayor Radames Tirado, most of 
Vieques' adults are unemployed.. The population 
of Vieques is 9,000. Three factories and fishing 
are the primary sources of employment, and 
fishing has been hardest hit by the Naval testing. 
The impact, vibrations ' and: noise of Navy testing 
has generally spoiled the: quality of the catch 
and has driven fish away from the island. On the 

Page 12 LIBERATION News Service 

island itself, as a result of the bombing vibra- 
tions and testing noise, buildings show, large 
cracks and livestock and poultry do not produce 
milk, eggs and other products. 

The fishermen are determined to force a show- 
down over the Navy’s use of Vieques. The fishermen 
and residents of Vieques filed a massive affirmative 
lawsuit on March 8, calling for an injunction 
against all Navy testing and demanding that the Navy 
leave Vieques entirely. Vieques residents’ 
demands include the return of land seized in the 
1940 's, environmental claims, and $100 million in 
damages. A hearing on a Temporary Restraining 
Order against the Navy was scheduled to take place 
on Monday, March 13 in San Juan. The people of 
Vieques are being represented in their suit by 
Judy Berkan of the National Lawyers Guild’s Puerto 
Rico Legal Project, Pedro Varella, and an attorney 
from Mission Industrial, a Puerto Rican environmental 

From its earliest, the situation in Vieques has 
attracted attention in Puerto Rico and throughout 
the Caribbean, with newspapers and television 
carrying extensive coverage and features. Support 
for the fishermen has come from diverse sectors of 
Puerto Rican society. Among the first was the 
movement for the independence, of Puerto Rico from 
the U.S , , which for years has opposed the colonial 
power’s military use of the island. But it was not 
long before others, including even those who favor 
U.S, statehood for Puerto Rico, became advocates 
for the people of Vieques, Several days after the 
first incident, pro-statehood Governor Carlos 
Romero Barcelo sensed that the plight of the Vieques 
fishermen had aroused strong feelings among the 
Puerto Rican people. Romero directed the Common- 
wealth government to file a law suit against the 
U.S. Navy, seeking a halt to the testing, and 
alleging environmental consequences of continued 

However, the people of Vieques are uncompro- 
mising in their demands „ Carlos Zenon , a spokesman 
for the Viequens, in speaking of their own more 
comprehensive lawsuit, said: "The legal action will 

in no way end the acts of civil disobedience against 
the U.S, Navy." Zenon describes himself as a mili- 
tant in the New Progressive Party (NPP) , the pro- 
statehood party of Romero Barcelo, but he also 
describes himself as "an unconditional Puerto Rican," 
He indicated he will not stop his protests and will 
use all means to assure the exit of the Navy from 
Vieques forever. 

The situation of the fishermeri and people of 
Vieques continues to be closely followed in Puerto 
Rico. Governor. Romero Barcelo has been seizing 
headlines while urging Viequen to refrain from pro- 
tests. But the inhabitants of Vieques appear to 
remain firm in their demands. Their example has 
already inspired other inhabitants of Puerto 
Rico, who face the even more massive U.S. Navy 
testing. Operation Solid Shield, off Puerto Rico's 
southern coast scheduled for May. 


(Franklin Siegel is a New York attorney who 
coordinates U.S. resources for the National Lawyers 
Guild Puerto Rico Legal Project and just returned 
fromVi eques, Betty St, Clair i s a n LG staff member) 
902} March: IU , IV TB — ~ — 


LIBERATION News Service 

NEW YORK (LNS) — Just three days before he was 
due to go to the electric chair, black prison acti- 
vist Imani (Johnny Harris) obtained a 60-day stay 
of execution from the Alabama Supreme Court on 
March 7. Imani' s lawyers plan to use the 60 days 
to challenge the conviction that made him liable 
for the death penalty, while supporters around the 
nation who deluged the court with letters and tele- 
grams will try to mobilize increased activity 
around the case. 

Imani is one of the Atmore-Holman Brothers, a 
group of prisoners who were charged with killing 
a prison guard during a protest against inhuman 
conditions at Atmore Prison in southern Alabama in 
1974. Many of their complaints were later upheld 
by Federal Judge Frank Johnson (President Carter's 
original nominee to head the FBI), who ruled in 1976 
that the "barbaric and inhumane" conditions in 
Alabama prisons constituted "cruel and unusual 
punishment. " 

But Johnson's ruling hasn't done any good for 
prisoners at Atmore who rose up two years earlier 
demanding only that members of the press, legislature, 
clergy and corrections board be brought to see the 

conditions at the prison. 

Imani is one the five members of the prisoners' 
organization Inmates for Action (IFA) who were charged 
with the murder after the rebellion was crushed in 
an "Attica style" attack led by then warden Marion 
Harding. One guard died during the assault. IFA 
chairman George "Chagina" Dobbins, who was placed 1 
in an ambulance suffering from superficial shotgun 
wounds, arrived at the hospital dying of nine ax-like 
head wounds. 

Nobody was charged with killing Chagina. But 
Imani and three other prisoners were eventually con- 
victed of killing the guard by local juries swayed 
by the racist hysteria on which the prosecution 
based its case. The fifth of the IFA members charged 
in the case, Frank X. Moore, was hanged in his cell 
before the trial. 

Imani was sentenced to death under a Civil War 
era Alabama law which mandates the death penalty 
for any prisoner convicted of murder while serving 
a life sentence. But his supporters maintain that 
he should never have been convicted either of mur- 
der or of the crimes for which he was serving a life 
sentence at the time of the rebellion. 

Alabama Attorney General Bill Baxley as much 
as admitted in the course of the murder trial that 
he had no hard evidence linking Imani to the death 
of the guard. Prosecuting the case himself as a 
prelude to launching a campaign for governor, 

Baxley told the all-white, all-male jury that they 
didn't have to believe Imani had actually stabbed 
the guard to convict him. Participation in the 
rebellion was enough to merit execution, with or 
without the formality of a trial, Baxley suggested, 
telling the jury: "the warden should have set up 
a machine gun, given the prisoners two minutes to 
come out, and then cut them all down." 

Imani and his supporters contend that the 
charges that landed him in Atmore on a life sentence 
in the first place were equally tainted by racism. 
Threatened with the electric chair and pressured by 
court-appointed lawyers who refused to seek out 
witnesses who could support his alibi, Imani finally 
broke down and pleaded guilty to four robberies and 
a rape. For that he received five life sentences. 

But those life sentences will be severely 
re-questioned during the next 60 days. If his 
lawyers succeed in having the original life sen- 
tences set aside, the death penalty should go by 
the boards as well. 

The Alabama Supreme Court has granted them 60 
days to accomplish that, 60 more days for Imani to 
live in the shadow of the electric chair. And 60 
more days for people on the outside to mobilize 
support, over the virtual blackout imposed by 
media that maintained a ghoulish deathwatch over 
Gary Gilmore last year but let Imani come within 
72 hours of the electric chair without a word. In 
fact, the network show CBS Report, aired only 
three days before Imani was due to go to the 
chair, offered a special "update" on the death 
penalty a year after Gilmore's execution. Not a 
word about Imani. 

Maybe they don't like the words Imani himself 
has to say. But he has vowed he will not be si- 
lenced. As he stated shortly after he was sentenced 
to die: "We believe that the people should know 

the truth. We also realize the risk involved in 
exposing the truth and in exposing those that are 
hiding the truth.... I am part of the struggle of 
the IFA and the struggle of all poor and oppressed 
peoples like myself. I have faith in our struggle 
for a better way of life and a complete change is 
the only way for humane treatment," 

For further information or to find out what 
you can do, contact the Committee to Defend Imani 
and Stop the Death Penalty, P.0. Box 11502, 
Birmingham, Alabama. 35202. -30- 



NEW YORK (LNS) — Complaints filed by a local 
branch of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers 
Union over a fire and explosion which killed 8 
workers at a Texaco refinery last March in Port 
Arthur, Texas has resulted in a record fine against 

The Occupational Safety and Health Administra- 
tion (OSHA) has fined Texaco $228,700, the largest 
fine ever levied by a federal agency — though a 
mere drop in the bucket for Texaco. In the Fortune 
500 list of the largest U.S. industrial corporations, 
Texaco ranks third in sales, with profits close to 
$1 billion in 1975. 

OSHA has also recognized more than 100 other 
"serious, repeated or willful safety violation" in 
the Texaco refineries where a number of fires and 
explosions have occurred in recent years. 


Page 13 

LIBERATION News Service 


March 10, 1978 

more, . , 

(See packets 899 and 901 for more background) 

by Craig T. Canan 

NASHVILLE, Tenn, (LNS) -- Approximately 100 
members of the clergy have joined those opposing 
the Davis Cup Tennis Tournament scheduled for 
March 17—19 in Nashville, Tennessee, The ministers, 
rabbis and priests marched to Vanderbilt University* 
in early March to protest that schools hosting of 
the matches between the U,S„ and South Africa, The 
clergy, carrying octagonal signs reading "Stop Davis 
Cup," are members of the Association of Rabbis, 
Priests and Ministers In the Interdenominational 
Ministers Fellowship (IMF), 

IMF president Duncan Williams labelled as 
"racist and thoroughly immoral" the United States 
Tennis Association (USTA) and Vanderbilt Univer- 
sity for co-hosing the event. After their march 
the ministers joined students who have been 
picketing daily in front of University Chancellor 
Alexander Herd's office on campus. 

The ministers' march and students' picket \'-'. 

; lines and literature tables are promoting the 

main protests to take place during all three days 
of the matches. NAACP Executive Director Benjamin 
I Hooks predicts it will be the "largest demonstra- 
tion in the United States since the sixties," 

Support for the protest has cropped up from 
othei unexpected sources, A bill was introduced 
by four state representatives in the Tennessee 
General Assembly in late February censoring the 
| Davis Cup matches. 

t The next day. South Africa's top ranked 

■ tennis player, Ray Moore, announced his withdrawal 
from the Davis Cup during a tournament in Memphis, 
Tennessee, Moore is an outspoken critic of his 
I country's racial apartheid policy. 

In spite of these developments. University 
Chancellor Herd said the school will not withdraw 
as host for the Davis Cup, 


(Craig Canan is a freelance writer who lives 
in Nashville and has been working with the Tennes- 
see Coalition Against Apartheid and the Progressive 
Action Coalition.) 



AKRON, Ohio (LNS) -- Akron Mayor John Ballard 
waited until the eleventh hour to inform the public 
March 8 that he would not veto the Akron anti-abor- 
tion ordinance passed by the Catholic-controlled 
City Council eight days earlier in a meeting where 
dozens of anti-abortion people told their rosary 
beads and wept. 

The ordinance was introduced by anti-abortion 
forces with the intent of limiting Akron v women's 
right to abortion as far as possible. Though diluted 
some since It was first introduced, the final version 
includes notification of parent for under-age women 
and "informal consent" by which women seeking abor- 
tions are to be intimidated with a speech on the 
living fetus and the information that abortion may 
lead to suicide or death. 

Page 14 LIBERATION News Service 

Local abortion clinics plan to seek an injunction 
against the ordinance immediately. In the Wednesday 
press conference the Mayor said he thought a veto 
would not be "appropriate," but that the City of Akron 
would not appeal on behalf of the ordinance if it was 
ruled unconstitutional by a federal ‘district court. 

The Mayor had refused to meet with* pro-choice people 
during the week in which he had 'to decide whether to 
veto the decision 0 

Meanwhile, the anti-abortion forces have gone on 
the offensive. The City of Dayton may soon vote on an 
anti-abortion ordinance, Lakewood ' has already passed 
one. In Cleveland Heights, however^ well-organized 
pro-choice forces seem likely to wip a pro-abortion 
vote from their City Council, ■' 

The anti-abortion efforts in Akron have been 
marked by extreme shows of religious fervor, including 
an all-night vigil and march from a local Catholic 
church to the City Council building by 600 demonstra- 
tors bussed In from out of town. In a post-mortem 
Cleveland meeting, Akron's 23-year-old anti-abortion 
leader Marvin Weinberger referred to this vigil as a 
little stunt" -- an example of how well he was able 
to "manipulate" the media, which indeed have given the 
anti-abortion actions far more attention than they have 
pro-choice activities for example, after a week of 
national news coverage out of Akron on anti -abort ion 
ordinance hearings, no one but LNS showed up to cover 
the pro-choice rally,) -30- 

(Thanks to Tomi Lantz for this information.) 

*********************h******.*i,i,i,*iifieit****1i*ici t ieie1t****** 

--Voices From the UMW Rank and File, continued from 
page 4: 

lied to the membership. He tried to con the member- 
ship and hustle us in any and every way he could. 

And that's why he's lost the membership. 

"Anybody— you, me, anybody— that would command 
the respect of the men, be truthful and honest with 
them and do the best job he could, could get this 
organization back together." 

Many miners are hoping that such a leader will 
emerge from this strike. Says qne coal miner from 
Cabin Creek, "If I was a district president, I'd 
hold a press conference the first day they put the 
T-H injunction out and say, 'I'm telling my people 
that as far as I'm concerned when/ they get these 
T— H injunctions, they can shove 'em up Jimmy Carter's 
ass o ' And that I don't expect them to go back to 
work under a slave labor injunction. 

Then they could throw me in jail for the next 
three months. And I'd be the next president of the 
International Union. Anyone who's got enough 
brains to do that, who !s a rising district leader 
ship, it would be a smart thing to do." But the 
district officials are such a hunch of fools. I 
don't know if it will happen. We'll see." 

At the very least, the strike has shown that 
the real strength of the UMW lies with its rank and 

"I think this will make fchf rank and file stron- 
ger," Howard Price, a coal miner- for 27 years told 
us as he sat in his office a^ the Upper Kanawah Health 
Clinic, where he is an interim administrator, while 
fellow local members voted downstairs. "For the sim- 
ple reason that the rank and file has got to get 

(continued on the inside front cover) 

(#902) March 10, 1978 ~~~ more. 



TOP RIGHT? Several hundred strik- 
ing miners rally at the state 
capitol steps in Charlestown, 

West Virginia on March 7, 1978, 
They were protesting collabor 
ation with the Bituminous Coal 
Operators' Association (BCOA) 
hy government officials including 
West Virginia governor Jay 
Rockefeller and U.S. President 
Carter. Carter announced March 5 
that he would invoke Taf t-Hartley , 
ordering the miners hack to work 
after their 3-month strike . The 
rally was called by the Right to 
Strike Committee. 

CREDIT; Nancy Stief el/LNS 



BOTTOM RIGHT; Children collecting 
water from standpipes in St. 
Thomas, Virgin Islands. For most 
residents of public housing pro- 
jects on the islands, particular- 
ly on St. Thomas, water for house- 
hold use must be caught in buckets 
from rainfall, carried from incon- 
veniently parked water trucks, or 
stored from the publicly 'supplied 
rations the government makbs 
available for a few hours bach 
day . 

Once collected, the water is 
often poorly desalinated, rusty, 
and causes skin disorders and 
other health problems. Tourists, 
private home owners, and most 
apartment dwellers are spared the 
inconveniences and health hazards 
that island poor must contend with 
in order to get water for drink- 
ing, cooking and bathing. 

CREDIT; Barbara Finkelstein/LNS 


LIBERATION News Service 

TOP LEFT; UMW Local 340 President 
Mark Keenan (left) and Stanley 
Hunter, Chairman of the Mine 
Safety Committee at their mine, 
Valley Coal Company, a subsidi- 
ary of Quaker Oily stand in front 
of their local office in Ward , 
West Virginia. Behind them is 
a. coal car abandoned and covered 
with snow during the 3-month 
strike . 

CREDIT; Nancy Stief el/LNS 



BOTTOM LEFT; Several hundred strike- 
ing miners rallied at the state 
capitol steps in Charlestown, West 
Virginia on March 7, 1978 to pro- 
test President Carter's announce- 
ment that he would invoke the 
Taf t-Hartley Act. The rally was 
called by the Right to Strike 

CREDIT; Nancy Stief el/LNS 


March 10, 1978 the end. 

(# 902 )