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Third World Students: Brooklyn College Protests Fight 
Cutbacks, Attacks on Third World Students 

1,000 words/photo 1 

Rascism: KKK Puts Rhetoric into Action: Targets Mexicanos 
in Southwest 

600 words/cartoon 1 

Native Americans/Workers: Indian Uranium Miners 
on New Mexico Pueblo Join Mill Workers 
in Unprecedented Strike 

700 words 2 

Pollution: Cancer “Hot Spot” Linked to Industrial Pollution 

800 words .2 

Native Americans/Prisons: AIM Activist Still in Prison: 
Conviction Upheld Despite Recantation 

1,100 words /graphic. 3 

Native Americans/Prisons: Prisoner Describes Conditions 
Among Native Americans in South Dakota Jail 

1,400 words 3 

Corporations: Capitalist Missionaries on Campus 

150 words 4 

Anti-Nuclear: Japanese Delegation Supports 
U.S. Anti-Nuclear Movement 

1 ,000 words 5 

Intelligence: New National Spy Network Teaches 
Local Police FBI, CIA Skills 

1 ,000 words 5 

Gay Rights: Gays Lose inWichita; Debate Strategy 
and Significance of “Rights” Struggle 

900 words 6 

Right Wing: Moon Church Stakes Claim in Alabama 
Seaside Town 

250 words. 9 


Canada/Racism: Jamaican Women Workers Deported 
From Canada 

400 words 4 

Mexico: U.S. Government Targets Mexican Progressives; 
Documents Reveal FBI Role 

1 ,700 words/graphics 7 

Mexico: FBI Documents Detail Role North and South 
of Mexican Border 

500 words 7 

Philippines: Worker Leader Killed by Philippine Military 
Men After Anti-Marcos Protests 

700 words 8 

Korea: Current U.S. Diplomacy: Overtures to North While 
Maintaining Divided Peninsula 

1 ,000 words 9 

South Africa/Namibia: South African Military Attacks 
Namibian Refugees 

900 words 10 

South Africa: Fingers U.S. For Role in Angola Invasion 

300 words 10 


Cover: Cartoon on undocumented workers, “Looking for 

Cheap Labor” 

Credit: Naranjo/LNS 

Capitalism: Cartoon P-1 

Third World Students: demonstration photo P-1 

Gay Rights: Cartoons P-1 

Native Americans/Prisons: Graphic P-1 

Zimbabwe: Photo of ZANU medical facilities p-1 

Mexico: Graphics and Cartoons P-2 


#912 May 19, 1978 

#912 May 19, 1978 

CoOective Notes 

LIBERATION News Service #912 

17 West 17 Street 8th floor May 19, 1978 

New York, New York 1001 1 

Telephone: (212) 989-3555 
Hours: 9 AM to 7 PM 

STAFF COLLECTIVE: Cathy Cockrell, Joan Gibbs, Laura 
Landy, Andy Marx, Milton Taam 

COMRADES: Barbara Finkelstein, Frank Forrestal, 

Michael Scurato 

GRAPHIC ARTISTS: Peg Averill, Dave Hereth, Michael 

LEGAL COUNSEL: Stolar, Alterman & Gulielmetti 

LIBERATION News Service, now in its eleventh year, pub- 
lishes weekly packets of news copy and graphics, and a mon- 
thly graphics packet. Photographs are half-toned on a 65 and 
85 line screen. Copy is typeset in English Times, 10/11X14. 
LNS is indexed yearly. 

Subscription rates: $20/month; $240/year 

Copyright © by LNS News Service, Inc. 

Second Class Postage paid at New York, New York 

From the Southwest this week are several articles from LNS 
contributor Tom Barry spotlighting the importance of 
nuclear issues in the state of New Mexico, where the first 
atom bombs used in warfare were manufactured, and where 
much uranium mining is done. One article describes a visit by 
Japanese anti-nuclear activists, including survivors of 
Hiroshima, as part of a national tour. One of the Japanese 
visitors’ stops in the Southwest was the world’s largest 
uranium mine, on an Indian pueblo, where the Native 
American crew is currently on strike against Anaconda 
Copper. That unprecedented strike by the pueblo’s miners, 
along with Anaconda mill workers, is detailed in a separate 
article by Barry. Also from the border area is a report on 
another significant development— Ku Klux Klan actions 
against workers from Mexico and the response from 

Another correspondent. Candy Hamilton, has provided an 
interview with imprisoned American Indian Movement 
member Dick Marshall. Marshall, like a long list of AIM 
activists, has found himself behind bars on some very dubious 
evidence, but has continued his work — with Native Ameri- 
cans inside the penitentiary. 

A jury in Alexandria, Virginia is currently considering 
espionage charges against anti-war activist David Truong 
whose trial has just concluded. Next week’s packet will 
include a story on the case and presumably, on the verdict. 

(See photo :n this packet See packet 
#876 for an overview of the fight 
against education cutbacks nation- 
wide, and #902 and #908 for more in- 
formation on the Bakke decision and 

Brooklyn College Protests 
Fight Cutbacks, 

Attacks on Third World Students 

Liberation News Service 

NEW YORK (LNS)— Approaching 
the gates of Brooklyn College, the first 
thing one notices is the large number of 
police cars parked in front. Inside, 
however, police have hidden them- 
selves and the chants and leaflets of 
protesting students are what im- 
mediately claim one’s attention. 

Week after week in April and May, 
the United Front, a coalition of third 
world student organizations, pro- 
gressive white students and faculty 
members, has been staging a series of 
protests on the campus, demanding 
that the attacks on third world stu- 
dents and third world studies depart- 
ments end and that the police be 
removed from the campus. 

Students in the City University of 
New York (CUNY) system, made up of 
17 campuses, have a militant history of 
fighting to keep each hard-won con- 
cession towards the goal of decent 
education for third world and working 
class students. 

Third World Students 

The latest series of protests erupted 
as the administration allowed the 
Africana Studies Department to dwin- 
dle from 12 to 5 staff members and 
eliminated completely the Depart- 
ment’s research and cultural arm, the 
Africana Institute. 

Renewed protests were sparked dur- 
ing organizing for the April 15 national 
demonstration in Washington, D.C. 
against the Bakke decision, a Supreme 
Court case which threatens to turn 
around affirmative action programs 

Students in New York City worked 
hard to send 100 bus loads of demon- 
strators to Washington. In the organiz- 
ing process, Brooklyn College students 
requested transportation funds from 
the student government after hearing 
that funds had been allocated to 
students planning to participate in the 
Skokie, Illinois anti-Nazi march. When 
the student government refused to aid 
the Bakke protest organizers, a fight 
broke out between members of the 
United Front and the conservative Stu- 
dent Assembly. Police were called on 
campus and have been there ever since. 

Richard Perez, a teacher in the Puer- 
to Rican Studies Department charged 
with participating in the fight, was 
suspended from his job and barred 
from entering the campus. When he 
defied the order and came to teach his 
class, he was arrested on criminal tres- 

pass charges. 

Two student activists were also cited 
as participating in the fight and were 
suspended. The United Front says that 
the students and Perez, all three con- 
tinually active in the fight against cut- 
backs, were singled out by the ad- 
ministration as targets for punishment 
in an effort to silence the protests. 

It hasn’t succeeded. The latest 
demonstration of over 300 students 
and faculty was held May 10, coin- 
ciding with simultaneous demonstra- 
tions at two other CUNY campuses: 
Hostos and York. Hostos is a Spanish 
bilingual college, the only one in the 
East, and York is one of the few 
CUNY campuses located in the Black 
community. Both have been repeatedly 
threatened with sweeping cutbacks and 
even closure. 

Drastic Cuts in Recent Years 

Recent cuts into basic provisions for 
decent education for third world and 
working class students have been broad 
and deep. The CUNY system abandon- 
ed its open admission policy, won after 
massive Black and Latino protests in 
the late 1960’s. And in September 1976 
CUNY imposed tuition for the first 
time in its 129-year history. The effect 
was immediate and drastic. A stagger- 
ing 35,000 students (18 percent of the 
total enrollment) were forced out of 
school by January 1977. Most of them 
were Black, Puerto Rican and Asian. 

The administration admits the con- 
nection between tuition and the 
massive attrition. Indeed, it now ac- 
tually calculates its annual budget on 
the basis of large-scale reductions in 
students and staff. CUNY has specifi- 
cally targeted third world studies 
departments and financial aid pro- 
grams in its cutbacks. 

Furthermore, CUNY officials an- 
nounced this January that beginning in 
1980 sophomores will have to pass a 
battery of English and math tests 
before moving on to their junior year. 
The administration is already predic- 
ting very high failure rates. And to 
guarantee this they are eliminating 
remedial programs at the same time. 

A Black woman participant in the 
May 10 protest at Brooklyn College 
told LNS: “The struggle here is the 
same as the struggle being waged 
throughout the city university system 
as well as throughout the country 
against the attacks on third world 
students’ rights to an education.” Her 
remarks were echoed repeatedly 
throughout the day by other students, 
speakers at the rally and in the slogans 
of the students, many of which were 
the same as those chanted at the Bakke 
protest in Washington. 

Even though the school year will of- 
ficially come to an end in a few weeks, 
students at the campus have vowed to 
continue the protests as soon as the 
school reopens in September — just as 
they always have. □ 

(See graphics) 

KKK Puts Rhetoric into Action: 
Tai^ets Mexicanos in Southwest 

Liberation News Service 

NEW YORK (LNS)— Months after 
the Ku Klux Klan reaped headlines by 
boasting that it would set up its own 
patrols along the Mexican border, the 
vigilante group has “actually put its 
rhetoric into practice.” And Chicano 
groups in the Southwest are organizing 
against what they regard as “a very 
dangerous escalation.” 

That was the assessment of Herman 
Baca, president of the southern 
California-based Committee on 
Chicano Rights, following an incident 
in which four Klansmen kidnapped a 
Mexicano hitch-hiker, threw away his 
immigration documents, and then 
turned him over the the Border Patrol 
in San Clemente, California. 

“The whole attitude here has 
become a sort of militarized men- 
tality,” Baca told LNS in a telephone 

“Last year there were 325,000 in- 
dividuals apprehended here in San 
Diego alone [for immigration viola- 
tions],” Baca said. 

“Our position is that this is another 
fungus growing out of the immigration 
policy of the government and all the 
racist hysteria raised by the establish- 
ment media and politicians.” 

“Rather than looking at these people 
as economic refugees, they keep talk- 
ing about a ‘silent invasion’ and ap- 
proaching it as if the only solution is 
military. So now all these white 
supremacist groups like the Klan and 
the Nazis have come out of the wood- 

The government shows little interest 
in chasing them back into the wood- 
work. Attorney General Griffin Bell 
did issue a policy statement specifying 
that only official agencies are em- 
powered to make immigration arrests. 
But Justice Department representative 
Michael Walsh, U.S. Attorney in San 
Diego, backed off from investigating a 
clear violation of that policy that has 
come to the attention of Chicano, 
Black and religious organizations. 

In that April incident, four men who 
identified themselves as Klan members 
drove up to the San Clemente Border 
Patrol Checkpoint with a Mexicano 
they claimed was illegally in the coun- 
try. The Border Patrol questioned the 
Mexicano, who insisted that the KKK 
had forced him into their vehicle after 
taking his documents and thrown them 
on the ground. He managed to con- 
vince Border Patrol Supervisor Wern- 
sing to return with him to the roadside 
near the Nixon estate where he had 
been picked up. There, according to 
Wernsing, they located his Mexican 
passport identifying him as “an im- 
migrated alien admitted to the United 
States for Permanent residence,”... 

(continued on page 10) 

Page I 


LIBERA TION News Service 

May 19, 1978 

more, , , 

(See packet (t910for more information 
on uranium miners in New Mexico.) 

Indian Uranium Miners 
on New Mexico Pueblo 
Join Mill Workers 
in Unprecedented Strike 

by Tom Barry 
Liberation News Service 

LAGUNA, N.M. (LNS)— For the 
first time in the 26-year history of 
Anaconda Copper’s Jackpile mine on 
the Laguna Pueblo, the mine’s all- 
Indian crew has gone on strike. The 
Jackpile mine is the largest open pit 
uranium mine in the world. 

Over 350 Native American miners at 
the Jackpile mine went out on strike in 
early May, along with 500 mill workers 
from the company’s operation in 
Bluewater, 35 miles away. The miners, 
members of the United Metalworkers 
Trade Council (UMTC), are demand- 
ing a new contract with wage levels and 
benefits that are on a par with those of- 
fered other mines in this uranium 
mineral belt. 

“The company offer was insulting,” 
said Calvin Pino. “They never believed 
we would go out because we never have 
before. They were testing us, and now 
they know they can’t get away with the 
same things anymore.” 

Although a nearby Kerr-McGee 
mine has just signed a new contract 
with its miners for a 22 percent hike 
over two years, Anaconda workers 
were offered only 6.7 percent. “They 
didn’t even offer us the cost of living 
increase,” said Celestino Martinez, 
secretary of the UMTC local. Martinez 
works at Anaconda’s uranium mill in 

“These Laguna Indians have been 
getting the shaft for 26 years and they 
have had enough,” said Martinez. He 
explained that Anaconda’s contract 
with the Pueblo requires that the com- 
pany hire all Indian laborers. But the 
company routinely promotes non- 
Indians from other branches of the 
company to supervisory positions over 
qualified Indians. “Many of these men 
have been working here for over 20 
years and the company says they aren’t 
qualified to be foremen. It’s dis- 

“There’s no doubt about it,” added 
Pino. “I’ve seen it happen time and 
time again where a white man gets the 
job because they don’t want Indian 
supervisors.” According to the 
strikers, none of the mine’s top 
management or shift bosses are Indian. 

“They treat the men differently over 
here,” said Bernie Baca, a union leader 
at the mill. Baca said the company 
gives non-Indian mill workers more 
benefits and conveniences than Indian 

Yet there are certain basic problems 
the workers share. For all the mill 
workers, safety conditions leave much 
to be desired. “The equipment is old,” 
Baca explains, “and many of the haul 
trucks don’t even have brakes.” 

At the mine it’s a similar story. 
“When you complain about the safety 

Page 2 (#912) 

conditions,” said one striking Laguna 
miner, ‘‘they threaten to fire you.” 

In an attempt to divide the Indian 
workers at the mine from the non- 
Indians at the mill, the company sug- 
gested to the Laguna miners that they 
return to work on a 20-day extension 
of the old contract. But the negotiators 
for the miners refused to split the 

We’re not going to go back without 
a contract,” asserted miner Gino Lit- 
tle. ‘‘We’re not going to go back until 
we get something we can live with.” 

‘‘The company is going to come 
around,” Little predicted confidently. 
‘‘They’re losing money. The whole 
mine is shut down and they can’t meet 
their contracts. They’re making plenty 
of money because uranium is now sell- 
ing for $45 when only three years ago it 
was selling at $15. 

‘‘We’re starting to take the steak off 
the tables of the company bosses in 
New York. And you know they pro- 
bably eat steak every night. If we hold 
together, they are going to meet our 
demands.” □ 

Cancer “Hot Spot” 
Linked to Industrial 

NEW YORK (LNS) — New Jersey, 
long a frontrunner in cancer deaths, is 
reporting an unprecedented rise in the 
disease. Most recently, residents of 
Rutherford in the heavily polluted north- 
eastern part of the state were warned 
that they were living in a high risk area 
for leukemia and Hodgkins Disease. 

Rutherford residents are frightened 
by the so-far unexplained number of 
leukemia victims in their town of 
20,000. Parents of children stricken 
with leukemia are appealing to various 
health agencies in the state govern- 

People in other geographical zones 
are victimized by industrial chemical 
fallout, too. Louisiana and Ohio 
residents who drink water from the 
Mississippi and Ohio Rivers are 
diagnosed with cancer more frequently 
than people in the same regions who re- 
ly on ground water. And Staten 
Islanders who live on the wedge closest 
to northern New Jersey experience a 
higher degree of respiratory cancer 
than residents in other areas of the 

Industrial officials rarely admit to 
health hazards in the workplace, let 
alone in neighboring residential areas. 
Though researchers have for years at- 
tributed New Jersey’s high cancer rate 
to factory-created pollution, chemical 
company executives — and some labor 
leaders — have turned a deaf ear to 
workers, residents and environmental 
activists demanding stiff air and water 
quality standards. The corporations 
clearly do not want to take any action 
that would cut into their profits or 
allow any outsider a say in the way they 

Charles H. Marciante, New Jersey’s 
state president of the AFL-CIO, says. 

LIBERA TION News Service 

“There is a serious question as to 
whether [pollution limits] arc even 
necessary for the protection of the en- 
vironment and public safety.” Mar- 
ciante’s statement is one of the most 
conciliatory responses to constant 
threats by corporations who say they 
would leave the state and seek more 
profitable locations if tighter pollution 
standards were instituted. Many of 
New Jersey’s 120 state legislators side 
with companies such as New Jersey- 
based Dow Chemical who claim that 
restrictions would cut into profits and 
Dow would respond by firing at least 
25,000 workers. 

And Kenneth E. Pyle, president of 
the Society for Environmental, 
Economy Development, an industrial 
lobbying group, threatens that weighty 
pollution controls would ‘‘[bring New 
Jersey] to its knees. There would be no 
plant expansion, no growth, no jobs.” 

Governor Brendon Byrne champions 
the corporate cause by reasoning that 
there is no direct evidence that pollu- 
tion causes cancer. 

Chemical polluters sing a litany of 
alibis to evade environmental clean- 
ups. Most popular is that it is “foolish 
and unfair” to force manufacturers to 
spend millions of dollars in clean-up 
operations “that might not be 
needed.” Other apologists fall back on 
the argument that you-can-die-from- 
anything. Scientists hired by the 
chemical companies, for example, 
chorus that food additives are more 
toxic than air and water pollution. 

Dr. Frank Rauscher, senior vice 
president for research at the American 
Cancer Society told a Rutgers Universi- 
ty audience last March, “People are 
talking about a cancer hot spot [in New 
Jersey]. They are blaming industry. 
They are blaming everybody but 
themselves.” Rauscher blamed the 
Jerseyites themselves on the basis that 
they have poor eating habits and 
smoke too much. 

Dave Kotelchuck of the medical ac- 
tivist group Health/PAC points out 
that it has always been difficult to pin- 
point which chemical is actually the 
carcinogenic culprit. The high rate of 
cancer in New Jersey, for example, 
may be due to a “synergistic effect,” 
where any number of chemicals may 
combine to damage the health of peo- 
ple in a heavily industrialized area. 

Some unions and labor activists suc- 
ceeed in fighting for and winning 
health standards in their workplaces. 
For example, years of battling by the 
Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers 
union (OCAW) have resulted in tighter 
restrictions on exposure to benzene. As 
of this spring, the limit has been set at 1 
part per million (ppm) exposure for an 
eight-hour work period, higher than 
the 0.5 ppm the OCAW had lobbied 
for, but a lot better than what the com- 
panies wanted. 

But, as the OCAW stresses, “There 
is. . .no scientific evidence for 
establishing a safe level for human ex- 
posure to cancer-causing substances. 
The only safe level for a carcinogen is 
no exposure at all”— in the workplace 
and the environment. □ 

May 19, 1978 more. . . 

(See graphics. See also accompanying 
interview with prisoner,) 

AIM Activist Still in Prison; 
Convicition Upheld 
Despite Recantation 

(The following article is based on a 
report filed by LNS correspondent 
Candy Hamilton,) 

state of South Dakota seems to be try- 
ing to implement the campaign pro- 
mise of current state Attorney William 
Janklow, who vowed to put all 
members of the American Indian 
Movement (AIM) in jail and keep them 
there. Currently 24 percent of the 
prisoners in the state penitentiary are 
Native Americans (though they repre- 
sent 3 to 4 percent of the S.D. popula- 
tion) and the majority of the 24 percent 
are AIM members. 

The latest example of this pattern 
was the South Dakota Supreme Court 
decision to uphold the murder convic- 
tion and life sentence of 28-year old 
AIM activist Dick Marshall. Though 
the court has been reviewing the case 
since June, 1977, it did not release a 
decision until this April 13. The deci- 
sion came just four days after a rally of 
over 400 people at the South Dakota 
State Penitentiary marking the begin- 
ning of Marshall’s third year in prison 
and protesting conditions for all Indian 

When news of the Supreme Court 
decision reached the Pine Ridge Indian 
reservation, Marshall’ s supporters 
were stunned. Commented one 
woman: “I know this is South Dakota 
and that Dick is an AIM member, and 
I know what all that means, but still I 
didn’t think that conviction could be 
upheld by anyone.” 

Marshall was convicted of murder 
April 9, 1976 by an all-white jury in 
Rapid City, S.D. after a three-day 
trial. It was during the turbulent period 
when Dick Wilson’s corrupt ad- 
ministration ruled the Pine Ridge reser- 
vatoin with a private “goon squad” as 
well as reservation police, and less than 
a year after two FBI agents were killed 
on the reservation. Marshall was one 
of the people who stood up to Wilson 
and the “goon squad” and was forced 
out of his house after they shot at and at- 
tacked his home and family. “None of 
those goons ever went to the penn for 
life,” a fellow AIM member pointed 
out. “Never even got charged.” 

Meanwhile, Marshall was accused 
along with AIM leader Russell Means 
of murdering Martin Montileaux in a 
Scenic, South Dakota bar just over the 
reservation line. Both were arrested 
along with Marshall’s brother-in-law 
more than an hour after Montileaux’ s 
body was found in the bar’s restroom. 
They had a .22 revolver which fired the 
same kind of bullet as that removed 
from Montileaux’s neck. The gun, 
though, is a common one, and a 
ballistic expert at Marshall’s trial said 
there was no certainty it was the gun 

Pages (H912) 

which fired the bullet. 

Montileaux lived abou| three days 
after the shooting before he died of 
complications resulting from 
pneumonia. Before dying, he gave a 
description of his assailant as “oyer six 
feet and with bus^^^ Marshall is 
5’9”, and eyery witness at the trial 
testified he had his straight/heayy hair 
pulled back into a pony tail as he usual- 
ly wore it. Just before his trial began, 
the state’s attorney offered Marshall a 
lesser charge with less than three years 
to serve and charges against Means to 
be dropped if he would plead guilty. 
Marshall refused the offer. 

Means was later acqi^tted^ in 
August 1976, after a month-long trial 
with two independent attorneys . 
(Means’ jury selection lasted longer 
than Marshall’s trial.) Marshall has 
been represented by the Pennington 
County Pubiic Defenders Office, 
where one attorney commented: 
“We’re so understaffed and under- 
financed, I’m afraid, for Dick Awe’re 
just part of the railroad process.” 

In rejecting Marshall’s appeal, the 
Supreme Court dismissed almost en- 
tirely an affidavit filed June 3, 1977 by 
Myrtle Poor Bear, who was the key 
witness for the prosecution in the Mar- 
shall case but did not appear at Mean’s 
later trial. In her 1977 affidavit, Popr 
Bear states that she* gave false 
testimoney against Marshall because, of 
coercion and intimidation by FBI 
agents Dave Price and Bill Wopd. Yet 
the Supreme Cout decision quotes 
Poor Bear’ s original testimony as a 
basis for upholding the conviptipn. 
Without her testimony, the only re- 
maining evidence agianst Marshall is 
that people saw him enter the 
Longhorn Bar, go into the restroom 
and leave with the same people with 
whom he came. 

According to Poor Bear, agents 
Price and Wood extracted, the fajse 
testimony by threatening her life and 
the life of her daughter and by con- 
stantly reminding her of Anna Mae 
Aquash, an AIM activist whose body 
was found on the Pine Ridge Reserva- 
tion in February, 1976. (The BIA-FBI 
official autopsy ruled death resulted 
from exposure, but an independent 
coroner found a bullet in her head and 
ruled murder.) 

Poor Bear also recanted a false 
“eyewitness” affidavit against AIM 
activist Leonard Peltier in connection 
with the deaths of the two. FBI agents 
on the reservation . , 

Poor Bear s^id the agents first con- 
tacted her at her home in January, 
1976 and asked her what she knew 
about the Montileaux shooting; she 
told them “nothing” and they left. 
Several days later they returned and 
described a complete scenario: Mar- 
shall, supposedly, had told her on two 
occassions ,that he had killed Mon- 
tileaux. When Poor Bear tfied to say 
that hadn’t happened ^nd she didn’t 
want to lie, she said W pod asked if she 
loved her little girl and wanted her to 
be safe, while Price nodded in the 
background. She was made to under- 

LIBERA TION News Service 

stand her child’s safety depended on 
her cooperation. 

Asked if such FBI intervention in a 
state case is legal, Marshall’s attorney, 
Randy Connally, replied, “Well, it’s 
probably technically legal, but it makes 
you wonder about motivations, if it’s a 
conspiracy to wipe out an organization 

Marshall’s attorneys are now in the 
process of filing a petition for post- 
conviction relief because, says ConnaL 
ly, “Marshall did not have a fair trial 
and is entitled to a new trial.” □ 

(See news article accompanying this 

Prisoner Describes Conditions 
Among Native Americans 
In South Dakota JaU 

RAPID CITY, S.D. (LNS)~-In the 
two years since activist Dick Marshall 
was convicted of murder by means of 
testimony that has since been recanted, 
he hasn’t been sitting back in jail 
waiting for a good word from the 
courts. He has become one of the cen- 
tral organizers of Native American 
prisoners in the South Dakota State 
Penitentiary in Rapid City. 

In a lengthy interview with LNS 
correspondehf. Candy Hamiltion, he 
described what the Native American 
prisoners there are up against, and 
what their goal$ are. 

Their first actiyity was organizing 
the Native American Council of Tribes 
(NACT) in October 1976. Each council 
member represents the prisoners of the 
respective Indian tribe, including “all 
seven Sioux reservations, and national 
tribes such as the Oneida, the Black- 
feet,” explained Marshall. Marshall is 
a former chairman of the group and 
currently Keeper of the Sacred Pipe for 

The prisoners’ basic task has been to 
look out for each other, and in this 
they have encountered “a lot of red 
tape” and outright resistance from pri- 
son authorities. 

“When a brother gets in here,” said 
Marshall,, “and sees other brothers, he 
knows he isn’t alone. He knows he’s a 
brother right off. This is the feeling we 
are trying to implement as soon as a 
brother comes in here. ’ ’ 

NACT implements this goal by 
organizing Indian cultural and 
religious activities in the prison, 
arranging for tribal members to come 
to the prison and meet with them, and 
by helping prisoners pressure the ad- 
ministration for pre-release and work 
release programs, and for needed 
medical care. 

Marshall described the case of Ber- 
nard Chasing Hawk, a Sioux from the 
Rosebud Reservation who has severe 
arthritis of the spine. 

“When he came in here,” explained 
Marshall, “he was getting the proper 
medication from where he came from. 
When he got to this prison, they 

May 19, 1978 more, , , 

wouldn’t give him the proper medicine. 
He lost weight, pain started getting in 
his back. 

“He was laying in his cell. Some- 
times he couldn’t even roll out of bed. 
He’d burn paper to try to attract atten- 
sion from the guards hoping they 
would stop there and see if there was a 
fire, and he could ask for help. But 
they wouldn’t pay any attention to 

“One day, I happened to be upstairs, 
and another Indian prisoner said, ‘we 
got to help Bernard. He’s really in pain 
now. So I went down myself. And 
here he’d burned lots of paper — what 
paper he could reach from lying on his 
back, paper he’d set on fire and threw 
it on the floor. His house [cell] was 
smoking. There were guards on the 
desk. His door was open. They still 
didn’t help you?’ No. He was really 
in pain. Tears coming out of his eyes. 

“I ran down to the warden I told 
him the sergeant wouldn’t help him 
and since you’ve got the authority to 
boss them around, why don’t you go 
and see and do something? Warden 
tried to say, ‘well, we give him his 
medicine and he won’t take it.’ I said, 
‘hey, if you give him the right medicine 
that will help him, he’ll take it. He 
knows you’re giving him the wrong 
medicine so he won’t take it, cause 
it’ll just give him that much more 
pain.’ ‘So what do you want us to do 
about it?’ he said. I said, hey, you got a 
hospital up here, an infirmary, get him 
up there.’ 

“Four brothers and another couple 
of non-Indian inmates lifted him out of 
his bed. Been lying there I don’t know 
how many hours on his back. He was 
in such pain, he couldn’t sit up. We 
picked him up, put him on that stretch- 
er, took him on up to the hospital. Up 
there they said he was too much of a 
nuisance. He ran up their bill to $5000 
and the warden says that’s way out of 
their budget so they wanted to bring 
him back. 

“That kind of thing is what’s going 
on in here. They say they’re not racist, 
they say the’re not prejudiced, they say 
they’re equal in treatment.’’ 

That case is hardly unusual. “One 
time another prisoner, Alonzo Bush, 
had an epileptic seizure down by the 
main desk and we happened to be com- 
ing back from supper. I came around 
that corner and Alonzo was lying on 
the floor. There was a bunch of guards 
standing around looking at him, talk- 
ing to each other. He was just now go- 
ing into a fit. We started helping him. 
We was cussin’ them out. That’s when 
they looked at us, not because Alonzo 
was lying there, but when they heard us 

“I’ve seen epileptic seizures before, 
but this was the worst I’ve ever seen. 
When they first brought him here, they 
prescribed medication for him. He 
knew he wasn’t getting that. He told 
me in [the Sioux language], ‘If I was 
getting the right medication, I 
wouldn’t be having these.’ ’’ 

Marshall explained that NACT tries 
to help prisoners obtain parole and 

work release. “But there's an ex-FBI 
agent sitting on the parole board,’’ he 
said. “So the board has access right 
away by this ex-FBI man contacting 
that FBI area office in Minneapolis, 
finding out about your background. 
This is why a lot of our brothers are be- 
ing denied parole, work release, or 

“There’s a lot of things got to be 
changed. For instance, the work 
release officer has never taken an In- 
dian inmate downtown for a job inter- 
view. He only takes non-Indians. 

“They say they’re not biased, pre- 
judiced. But things you experience 
back behind these w^ls, it adds up. 
And when it adds up — that’s what it’s 
coming to now— it’s going to be ex- 

As an example of how the parole 
system treates Indian prisoners, Mar- 
shall described the case of Bob Grey 
Owl, imprisoned at the age of 15 for 20 

“While behind bars,’’ Marshall ex- 
plained, “Bob trained himself to be 
one hell of an electrician. He’s part of 
the union. He made parole and got 

“But the prison needed some elec- 
trical work done, and they know it’s a 
lot of money to get some union guy in 
here from an outfit downtown. So this 
is what the state of South Dakota did: 
they revoked Bob Grey Owl’s parole 
and brought him back in here so he can 
do that work for nothing.’’ 

As for Marshall’s own situation, he 
speaks of “worries on the outside,’’ 
but knows that he has “relations out 
there that’ll look after my mom, my 
son, my grandma and grandpa up 
north. When you get to thinking lots of 
things, materialistic things, then you 
start getting weak again. . . 

“You don’t even worry about your 
own case too much because you got to 
worry about what’s going on in here. 

“Since I’ve been in here, two years 
April 9, I’ve seen a lot of things that 
have benefitted not only my brothers in 
here, but the people outside. Those of 
us in here know how it is to be in 
prison. And those of our families on 
the outside know how it is to be 
separated. This learning experience — 
when we get out of here— we’ll take it 
with us.’’ □ 

Capitalist Missionaries 
on Campus 

NEW YORK (LNS) — “Business mis- 
sionaries’’ are flocking to campuses 
across the U.S. to preach the word of 
capital. Many corporations are, accor- 
ding to the Wall Street Journal, 
“investing in a variety of academic 
projects, including professorships of 
free enterprise, executive-in-residence 
programs, faculty business forums, 
contests for students, specieil intern- 
ships and company-designed courses.’’ 
Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co., for 
example, donated $250,000 each to 

Kent State and the University of Akron 
for their chairs of “free enterprise’’. 
Standard Oil Co. (Ohio) plans to spend 
$2(X),0(X) this year to promote a “better 
understanding of capitalism.’’ 
Although college campuses are the 
main target, corporations are “also in- 
vesting substantial sums to teach 
private enterprise to employees and to 
elementary and secondary school 
students.” □ 

Jamaican Women Workers 
Deported From Canada 

NEW YORK (LNS)— A Canadian 
judge has rejected an injunction seek- 
ing to halt the deportation of nine 
Jamaican domestic workers, saying, 
“They’re all Black, they’re all women, 
and they all lied.” 

The “lie” the judge refers to 
originated as advice that immigration 
officials gave to Jamaican women fil- 
ing to work as maids in Canadian 
hotels and private homes. An agree- 
ment between Canada and Jamaica 
stipulates that any woman who wishes 
to work as a domestic laborer in 
Canada must be single and childless. 
But most adult Jamaican women have 
children, and in answering questions as 
to when the children planned to rejoin 
their mothers, immigration officials 
instructed the women to check “not 

So far all court appeals to stop the 
deportation of the nine domestic 
workers have been denied. The courts 
say that the Federal Human Rights 
Commission, which is representing the 
deported women, is over-stepping the 
boundaries of its jurisdiction. 

“This move is a deliberate attempt 
by the government to build racial ten- 
sion in [Canada] and to blame 
unemployment on these minority 
ethnic groups,” says David Jacobs, co- 
ordinator for the International Com- 
mittee Against Racism (ICAR). 
“These women are all working class. If 
the government can treat these people 
as less than human, then they’re saying 
it’s all right for others to do so, too.” 
The 20 year old agreement under which 
the Jamaican women came to Canada 
has not been challenged until now. 

Unemployment in Jamaica stands 
firm at 40 percent. Canadian domestic 
work is often the only avenue open to 
Jamaican women. And it is also an 
avenue relatively few Canadians ap- 
parently want to take... putting the 
Jamaicans in a situation comparable to 
that of migrant workers in South 
Africa— welcome to work but not to 
live with their families. The deported 
women, says ICAR’s Jacobs, face 
“poverty and permanent unemploy- 
ment” when they return to their 
homes. □ 

Thanks to Plexus /or this information. 

Page 4 


LIBERA TION News Service 

May 19, 1978 


Japanese Delegation Supports 
U.S. Anti-Nuclear Movement 

by Tom Barry 
Liberation News Service 

LAGUNA, N.M. (LNS)— A delega- 
tion of 22 Japanese anti-nuclear ac- 
tivists and Hiroshima survivors recent- 
ly visited New Mexico, the birthplace 
of the atom bomb. The early May visit 
was part of their month-long tour of 
the various stages of the U.S. nuclear 
fuel cycle and part of an effort to sup- 
port the U.S. anti-nuclear movement. 

The three-day visit to New Mexico 
included a stop at Los Alamos 
Laboratories, a briefing on the planned 
national nuclear waste site near 
Carlsbad, N.M., meetings with en- 
vironmental and anti-nuclear groups, 
and a tour of the Grants Uranium Belt 
guided by local Indian leaders. 

The Japanese group attended the 
national anti- nuclear denionstration 
outside the Rocky Flats, Colorado 
plutonium weapons plant April 29. 
Several members of the group also 
traveled to Barnwell, South Carolina 
for a demonstration against a nuclear 
reprocessing plant there, the group 
also carried their message of protest to 
United Nations Ambassador Andrew 

Japanese Movement 

The delegation includes a 62-year- 
old and a 70-year-old survivor of the 
atomic bombing of Hiroshima. Other 
members of the delegation are children 
of survivors who carry the genetic im- 
print of the bomb’s radiation poison- 
ing. V 

“These people are known in Japan 
as hibakasha--m^m\ng one who is ex- 
posed to radiation,” explained Judy 
Hurley, national coordinator of the 
tour. “In the past hibakasha was used 
only in reference to those who lived 
through the bombings of Hiroshima 
and Nagasaki. But the anti-nuclear 
delegation believes the word should be 
used also to describe people exposed to 
radiation from nuclear power plants as 
well as the worldwide victims of 
radioactive fallout from nuclear 
weapons testing,” said Hurley, who 
also works with the Mobilization for 
Survival in Boulder. 

“The Japanese government is almost 
deaf to nuclear protest,” explained 
delegation member Nagahisa Wada. 
“We have 15 nuclear power plants 
operating in Japan. Those reactors are 
having accidents all the time, exposing 
the workers to radiation. Low level 
radiation from the power plants is 
causing cancer in workers. 

“The government doesn’t listen to 
the people. They would like to use 
nuclear power as an incentive for the 
national economy despite the big 
movement against it.” 

The Japanese delegation appropri- 
ately began their New Mexico tour at 
the Los Alamos Scientific Labora- 
tories, where “Fat Man” and “Little 
Boy,” the bombs that fell on the 

Pages (m2) 

Japanese cities, were engineered. They 
presented a lab official with a bottle 
melted by heat half a mile away from 
the center of the Hiroshima blast. They 
demanded that all nuclear weapons 
research and testing immediately stop. 

Meet With Indian Uranium Miners 

The anti-nuclear group then traveled 
to the uranium belt in northwestern 
New Mexico, where over one half of 
U.S. uranium reserves lie. Guided by 
Indian representatives from the Na- 
tional Indian Youth Council (NIYC), 
they saw the largest open pit uranium 
mine in the world, the Jackpile mine on 
the Laguna reservation, where Native 
American miners are on strike for a 
new contract. (They are demanding 
from Anaconda Copper wages and 
benefits on a par with the other 
uranium companies in the area. The 
miners claim that they are being 
discriminated against because they are 

The Japanese visitors joined the 
strikers’ picket line and sang Japanese 
union songs. Masafumi Takubo, a 
spokesperson for the group, said that 
their trip was being financed by 
Japanese labor unions. 

The following day the group headed 
north to the town of Shiprock on the 
Navajo Indian Reservation where they 
met with widows of Navajo uranium 
miners who died of cancer from work- 
ing in the Kerr McGee uranium mine 
on the reservation. They also toured 
the abandoned site of an old uranium 
mill which had left radioactive tailings 
scattered throughout the property. 
Engineers from the Navajo tribe are 
now trying to decontaminate the area. 

Takubo noted the threat of “phy- 
sical and cultural deterioration of the 
Indian people” in New Mexico and 
compared their plight to that of 
Australian aborigines currently pro- 
testing uranium mining on their tradi- 
tional lands. “In Australia, they say 
that their land is an egg which if 
broken into will destroy the whole 
world. Because of the radioactivity 
fallout and contamination from 
nuclear weapons and power plants, 
there is much truth in that,” said 
Takubo, who works with a citizens’ 
anti-pollution group in Tokyo. 

Takubo explained that “the people 
protesting [in Japan] are mainly 
fishermen, farmers and residents of the 
polluted areas,” and observed, in con- 
trast, that in the United States, many 
of the environmental activists are 
middle-class people not directly af- 
fected by major pollution problems. In 
Japan, there is a large anti-nuclear 
weapons movement, but less know- 
ledge and activity focusing on the 
hazards of nuclear power plants. 

After visiting New Mexico, the 
Japanese delegation moved on to the 
Palo Verde Nuclear Power Plant in 
construction near Phoenix, Arizona, 
the Nevada nuclear weapons test site of 
Las Vega, and the Westinghouse head- 
quarters in San Francisco. A small 
delegation also planned to visit the 
Trojan Decommisioning Alliance in 

LIBERA TION News Service 

Oregon and attend a mass rally at the 
Trident nuclear submarine base in 
Bangor, Washington near the end of 
May. n 

New National Spy Network 
Teaches Local Police 
FBI, CIA Skills 

by Peter Gribbin 
Liberation News Service 

NEW YORK (LNS)~Until recently, 
instruction in the time-honored 
methods of electronic surveillance and 
undercover intelligence-gathering was 
the preserve of the CIA and FBI. But 
now, as a result of a new federal grant, 
an expanded course on police 
intelligence-gathering is being taught at 
a state-run training institute in 
Sacramento, California. 

So far, more than 4,000 local police 
officials from 30 states and several 
foreign countries have attended 
courses on intelligence and surveillance 
since the opening in 1971 of the train- 
ing center, the Western Regional 
Organized Crime Training Institute 

The school is run under the auspices 
of the California Department of 
Justice’s Organized Crime and 
Criminal Intelligence Branch. . . with 
considerable help from federal tax 

$2 Million Federal Grant 

In the wake of CIA and FBI 
disclosures on intelligence-gathering 
abuses, the institute has assumed an 
even larger role for training police in 
intelligence work. Said one WROCTI 
official, “When the CIA types got in 
trouble, they couldn’t help us anymore 
so we took to training ourselves.” 

With the support of the Law En- 
forcement Assistance Administration 
(LEAA) which has sunk some $2 
million in the California school, the In- 
stitute has created a de facto “national 
police intelligence force” unlike any 
ever seen in the U.S., according to the 
Washington Post. “Surprisingly 
enough,” boasts an LEAA official, 
“the federal agencies never had this 
sort of national intelligence system and 
training capability.” 

Like the CIA and FBI, however, the 
Institute has come under fire for wide- 
spread abuses, many of them orig- 
inating with the courses taught at the 

In the course on “urban terrorism,” 
for instance, officers are taught how to 
investigate “terrorist groups” which 
operate under the cover of “legitimate 
fronts,” such as book stores, demon- 
strations, newspapers, and even law of- 
fices. In addition, officers are in- 
structed on how to develop “a proclivi- 
ty for pro-active reaction” which, ac- 
cording to WROCTI Director Ray 
Leyrer, includes gathering intelligence 
on groups involved in legal activities. 

Another class, the “informant 
development and maintenance course” 

May 19, 1978 more. . . 

teaches officers the subtleties of 
recruiting informers as well as stressing 
the proper method for “targeting and 
planning covert operations.” Other 
courses specialize in training officers in 
the latest surveillance equipment. 

Experienced Faculty 

As one might assume, the faculty of 
WROCTI reads like a Who’s Who of 
counter-insurgency. Local police have 
been taught by the likes of Stewart 
Duncan, who was a special counter- 
intelligence consultant with the U.S. 
Marines in Indochina; Kenneth 
Grathwol, an instructor in the infor- 
mants course, whose resume gloats 
that he was “the only known infiltrator 
of the Weather Underground”; and 
Walter Harper, a systems analyst who 
had conducted government research on 
riots and political disturbances in 
California colleges as well as counter- 
insurgency operations in Indochina. 

WROCTI’s course syllabus claims to 
teach police how to use modern in- 
telligence methods to battle such 
diverse crimes as “political terrorism, 
labor-racketeering and white-collar 
crime.” But there is more. During the 
early 1970s, WROCTI-trained agents 
collected information on such political 
activists as Berkeley City Coun- 
cilwoman Llona Hancock, singer Joan 
Baez and United Farm Worker Presi- 
dent Cesar Chavez, to name only a 

Since then, WROCTI has shifted its 
focus to political groups opposing 
nuclear power. In 1974, the Texas 
Department of Public Safety, whose 
top intelligence officers are WROCTI 
graduates, kept files on a commercial 
pilot active in the Citizens Association 
for Sound Energy, a Dallas-based anti- 
nuclear group. And just last year, the 
Santa Barbara sheriff’s office, which 
maintains even closer ties with WROC- 
TI, admitted having sent a deputy to 
infiltrate the antinuclear Abalone 
Alliance as it planned a Hiroshima Day 
demonstration last August. Addi- 
tionally, the institute has trained local 
police officers to infiltrate and conduct 
surveillance on u iions. 

Infiltration of the antinuclear move- 
ment has prompted the American Civil 
Liberties Union (ACLU) to seek a state 
order to find out more about the 
operations of WROCTI. Many believe 
the Institute has become the training 
ground for a new national police spy 

WROCTI is one of three centers run 
by local and state law enforcement 
agencies conceived in the past decade 
to train police in intelligence-gathering 
methods. Besides the Sacramento In- 
stitute, there are the Dade County In- 
stitute of Organized Crime in Miami, 
and another center in Columbus, 
Ohio. □ 

(Peter Gribbin is a worker living in 
Washington, D.C.) 

(See graphics.) 

Gays Lose in Wichita; Debate 
Strategy and Significance 
of “Rights” Struggle 

NEW YORK (LNS)— Wichita, Kan- 
sas became the third U.S. locality to 
vote down gay rights when a campaign 
to repeal the city’s gay rights or- 
dinance, led by fundamentalist Chris- 
tian groups, succeeded as anticipated 
in a May 9 referendum. 

But while the margin against gay 
rights was high (47,246 to repeal and 
10,005 to retain the protective legisla- 
tion), some organizers claimed some 
cause for encouragement. 

As Robert Lewis, co-director of the 
Homophile Alliance of Sedgewick 
County (Kansas) told Gay Community 
News in Boston, “Before last year’s 
gay pride celebration there were no 
open gay people here. Now that’s all 
changed. People are feeling energized 
and plan to get involved in the gay 
liberation movement.” 

The Wichita vote followed a similar 
but less resounding defeat in St. Paul, 
Minnesota April 25 and the June 
defeat in Dade County, Florida. 
Another referendum is on the May 23 
primary ballot in Eugene, Oregon. 
And signatures are being collected in 
Seattle, Washington for a referendum 
on housing and employment rights of 
gays and in California over the rights 
of gays to teach in public schools. 

Anger and Reflection 
in Gay Communities 
On hearing the news from Wichita, 
some lesbians and gay men in New 
York City and San Francisco took to 
the streets in spontaneous demonstra- 
tions. In the large gay communities in 
those cities, and elsewhere, people are 
debating strategies that the gay move- 
ment ought to pursue and lessons to be 
learned from the defeats at the polls. 

Some have rejected strategies used in 
Dade County, St. Paul or Wichita. 
Those campaigning for gay rights in 
Eugene, according to a report carried 
by Gay Community News, have opted 
for an educational approach based on 
personal contact as opposed to the 
campaign in Dade County that relied 
heavily on paid advertisements in the 
commercial media. 

The debate in the gay community in 
Eugene reportedly dealt, in part, with 
who should represent the gay com- 

“One segment of primarily white, 
straight-looking gay men wanted to 
run a ‘professional’ campaign, featur- 
ing heterosexual ‘community leaders’ 
who would sway votes over to the side 
of gay people on the basis of their per- 
sonal authority and persuasiveness.” 
But people favoring that tack were 
outnumbered by others with strong 
fears that a “slick” campaign presen- 

ting a “we’re all just like you” image 
would fail and would abandon les- 
bians, effeminate men and gay leftists 
in the process. 

Consequently, Eugene Citizens for 
Human Rights has planned a cam- 
paign, instead, that presents a clear 
defense of the civil rights of gay people 
in particular as well as connects with 
the civil rights struggles of other 
groups. Eugene’s small size (it’s a 
college and lumber industry town of 
about 100,000) makes possible the 
other part of the Coalition strategy— 
which is to actually talk to people. The 
hope is to put speakers in favor of gay 
civil rights before organizations in the 
city and at local get-togethers in 
people’s homes. 

The make-up and tradition of 
Eugene, which includes a large liberal 
college community, a large and diverse 
feminist community and an active left- 
ist community is likely to work in 
favor of gays there. So, too, is the fact 
that the referendum is to appear on a 
primary ballot along with other issues. 
Because of that, gay rights will not be 
the sole focus of people’s attention 
beforehand, and a larger proporation 
of liberal voters are likely to make it to 
the polls. 

Win or lose, some caution against 
expecting too much, or the wrong 
thing, from such efforts. Eleanor 
Cooper, a spokesperson for the Coali- 
tion for Lesbian and Gay Rights in 
New York City, for example, speaks of 
the importance of gay rights legislation 
not so much in terms of the housing or 
job protection it supposedly affords 
(since such legislation is often unen- 
forceable in an atmospher of repres- 
sion in which gays are reluctant to 
stand in the spotlight by pressing 
public suits or complaints) but in terms 
of the license to attack gay people that 
develops when civil rights are taken 

As an example. Cooper noted that 
while beatings and murders of Blacks 
still occur, there was an even greater 
sense of “free rein” for such repres- 
sion before the civil rights movement. 
Since the Dade County vote, gay chur- 
ches in St. Petersburg, Florida and 
Phoenix, Arizona were bombed and 
vandalized and a number of shootings 
and beatings of gays have been 

Cooper believes that the anti-gay up- 
surge beginning with Anita Bryant’s 
campaign in Florida has focused 
organizing by “making us see that 
there are active oppressors around.” 
But she expressed an outrage widely 
felt in the gay community at the very 
idea that the civil rights of a minority 
should be “up for grabs” in a public 
election. □ 

Page 6 


LIBERA TION News Service 

May 19. 1978 


(See graphics,) 

(This article, compiled from informa- 
tion in the North American Congress 
on Latin Americans NACLA Report 
January-February and March-April 
issues, describes border-area repression 
by the U.S, government against un- 
documented workers and politically ac- 
tive Mexicans and Chicanos, It also 
covers activities of the CIA, Pentagon 
and the Drug Enforcement Adminis- 
tration inside Mexico, with a box 
detailing recently-revealed documenta- 
tion on FBI counterintelligence ac- 
tivities in Mexico. 

The three sections and the box can 
be used together or separately, depen- 
ding on the length requirements and 
special interests of your publication. 

For more historical background and 
information on the Mexican govern- 
ment, see NACLA *s January-February 

U.S. Government Targets 
Mexican Progressives; 
Document Reveals FBI Role 

Report/LNS) — “Mexico is the most 
important country in the Americas for 
the United States, both for reasons of 
national security and because it 
represents a very immediate future 
source of vital natural resources. The 
United States is concerned that Mexico 
not be a hostile nation, nor have a 
government that is even moderately 
leftist, let alone communist or 

This is how John Marks, ex- 
intelligence agent and co-author of The 
CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, ex- 
plained at a press conference in Wash- 
ington early in 1978 the presence in 
Mexico of the largest CIA operation in 
the Western Hemisphere and its 
“undercover intervention” in the inter- 
nal affairs of Mexico. 

The U.S. government is engaged in a 
concerted pressure campaign designed 
to gain access to Mexico’s rich oil 
reserves, implement an economic 
austerity program south of the border 
and squelch rising labor militancy. 

FBI documents obtained recently 
through the Freedom of Information 
Act detail a history of FBI counter- 
intelligence activities carried out in 
Mexico since 1960. Their targets in- 
cluded trade unions, left political par- 
ties, and organizations with close ties 
to the Chicano-Mexicano movement in 
the U.S. (See box.) 

The recent disclosures of FBI ac- 
tivities in Mexico provide an unusually 
detailed insight into that agency’s 
repressive role, but the FBI by no 
means acts alone. Other arms of the 
U.S. government have also been set in 
motion. The CIA station in Mexico is 
one of the largest in the world and with 
the collaboration of Mexican govern- 
ment officials has long maintained an 
intense campaign of infiltration and 
manipulation of trade unions and 
universities in Mexico. 

Pentagon Role 

Along with the FBI and the CIA, the 
Pentagon is looking to increase its in- 
fluence within the Mexican military 
establishment with increased U.S. 
training programs and arms sales 
aimed at what they call “needed 
modernization” of Mexico’s armed 
forces. The U.S. Defense Department 
detailed its objectives regarding Mex- 
ico in a document recently submitted to 

“The immediate objective of our 
security assistance for Mexico is to 
foster the favorable disposition of the 
Mexican armed forces toward the 
United States and to enhance the 
capability of the armed forces to fulfill 
its national security role. Mexico is 
strategically important because it has 
1800 miles of virtually unguarded 
border with the U.S. The maintenance 
of open lines of communication be- 
tween the armed forced of our two 
countries is particularly desirable.” 

Since 1946, the U.S. has worked to 
“keep the lines of communication 
open” by providing Mexico with near- 
ly $70 million in military and police 
aid. And nearly 900 military and police 
agents have been trained by U.S. pro- 
grams in such areas as counter- 

insurgency, psychological warfare, 
“imagery” intelligence and combat 

The 1978 military assistance package 
for Mexico includes training 59 Mex- 
ican police and military students in the 
U.S. and abroad (up from 38 students 
in 1977) and projects military arms 
sales of $2 million for 1979 (over ten 
times the figure for 1977). 

In addition, Mexico has secretly re- 
quested purchase of 26 F-5 jet fighters 
from the U.S. at a cost of $150 
million — evidence that the Mexican 
government is seeking to beef up its 
military and will be turning to the U.S. 
for support. 

Two U.S. agencies in particular — the 
Drug Enforcement Administration 
(DEA) and the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service (INS) — are step- 
ping up their activities as political ten- 
sions continue to mount in the border 

Drug Enforcement Administration 

Under the guise of drug control pro- 
grams, the DEA is apparently becom- 
ing one of the main U.S. channels of 
police aid and training to foreign coun- 
tries, especially Mexico. Additionally, 
DEA is used as a common cover for 

FBI Documents Detail Role 
North and South 
of Mexican Border 

— FBI documents obtained recently 
through the Freedom of Informa- 
tion Act reveal that since 1960, the 
legal attache of the U.S. Embassy 
in Mexico City along with the FBI 
office in San Diego, have carried 
out counterintelligence programs 
against the Mexican government, 
trade unions and left political par- 
ties, as well as against U.S. organ- 
izations with close ties to Mexico. 
The revelations have been the focus 
of a series of articles in Mexico’s 
leading daily. Excelsior, though 
they have been virtually ignored by 
the U.S. press. 

Fearful of growing political ac- 
tivity by the Mexican left, the FBI 
has infiltrated and disrupted the 
Mexican Communist Party (PCM), 
the Popular Socialist Party, the 
militant unions of electrical and 
railroad workers, peasant and 
religious organizations and student 
groups. As recently as 1976, the 
Bureau maintained at least one in- 
former in the PCM with close ties to 
veteran Communist leader Valentin 
Campa and closely monitored Cam- 
pa’s presidential campaign in Baja 

The FBI attempted to divide the 
Mexican student movement with 
terrorist actions, according to the 
recently disclosed documents. 
Former Director J. Edgar Hoover 
once wrote the Legal Attache in 

Mexico City, expressing his “plea- 
sure at the wave of night machine 
gunnings to divide subversive 
leaders” and congratulating him for 
the “detonation of strategic and ef- 
fective bombs.” 

FBI agents, according to the docu- 
ments, served as provocateurs 
and infiltrators in the Mexican 
government to disrupt and prevent 
any of the small gestures of the 
Echeverria Administration (1970-76) 
to placate the heightening demands 
of the Mexican labor and left 

The border area, and ties between 
Chicano organizations and the Mex- 
ican left and government have been 
of particular interest to the FBI. 
Through a “Border Coverage Pro- 
gram,” directed from San Diego, 
the Bureau has infiltrated student 
groups, community organizations 
and political parties in Tijuana and 
Ciudad Juarez, planted heroin, co- 
caine and marijuana in the cars of 
Chicano leaders to “put them out of 
order for a while,” and ordered the 
production of “believable mater- 
ials” to “prove” that the election 
campaigns of certain Chicano politi- 
cians in Texas were financed by the 
Mexican government. 

The FBI also placed articles signed 
with pseudonyms in newspapers 
along the border, calling on the 
“citizens” to “patriotically de- 
nounce” neighbors who might be 
active in subversive activities. The 
articles asked that such “subver- 
sives’’ be reported to the U.S. 
Border Patrol, which has col- 
laborated closely with the FBI in its 
border operations. □ 

Page 7 


LIBERA TION News Service 

May 19, 1978 

more. . . 

CIA agents — the role formerly filled by 
the Office of Public Safety (OPS) 
before its formal suspension in 1973. 

The U.S. General Accounting Office 
(GAO) has confirmed that the hun- 
dreds of DEA agents overseas are 
engaged in many of the same activities 
as their OPS predecessors. In Feb- 
ruary, 1975, in fact, columnist Jack 
Anderson revealed that 13 narcotic 
agents trained at a super-secret CIA 
counter-espionage school are still 
working for the DEA and that 64 
former CIA employees now work for 

DEA agents also administer the El 
Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC) on the 
Mexican border, which houses a com- 
plex computer system linking the 
center to 14 federal information 
systems, including the FBI’s crime 
computer. EPIC is staffed by 15 
agents, some recruited from the CIA 
and the military, and is in charge of 
monitoring drug traffic. 

“We’re not really criminal in- 
vestigators as such,” admitted Charles 
Updegraph Jr., a DEA agent and chief 
analyst at EPIC. “We’re mostly in- 
telligence folks.” 

Through the International Narcotics 
Control program, Mexican police have 
received more than $47 million since 
1973 and are projected to receive 
another $10 million this year and $13.5 
million in 1979. 

“Most of this assistance,” according 
to a GAO report, “has been provided 
to the Mexican Attorney General’s Air 
Services Section for aircraft and 
related support for improving the 
mobility of enforcement and eradica- 
tion personnel.” 

The GAO admits that, because of 
the similarity in the equipment used for 
narcotics control and regular police 
functions, it is almost impossible to 
prevent DEA-supplied hardware from 
being used in non-drug related opera- 

Currently, for example, in the north- 
ern Mexican states of Durango and 
Sinaloa — scene of many militant pea- 
sant land occupations in the past two 
years— 7,000 Mexican soldiers, aided 
by 226 DEA advisers are “conducting 
a ‘special war’ ” against the Indians of 
the Sierra Madre mountains. 

According to the U.S. Catholic Con- 
ference publication, LADOC, 19 
planes, 30 Bell helicopters, tanks and 
cannons are being used against three 
million Indians under the pretext of 
destroying marijuana fields. LADOC 
reports that thousands of tons of Viet- 
nam War-type herbicides, such as the 
infamous 2,4,5-T (Agent Orange), are 
being sprayed on Indian land, destroy- 
ing crops and “driving the population 
to hunger.” 

DEA agents are also active in the 
southern states of Oaxaca and Guer- 
rero, two areas of the country under 
virtual military siege as part of govern- 
ment efforts to smash the activities of 
growing peasant-worker-student 

Meanwhile, the U.S. Senate Com- 

mittee on Foreign Relations, at the re- 
quest of Senator Charles Percy, has 
asked the Secretaries of State and 
Defense to “study the [potential] use 
by U.S. civilian agencies [in Mexico] of 
such military technology as 
surveillance and communications 
facilities...” Such “military recon- 
naissance,” the Committee claims, 
may “enhance the capacity for 
monitoring poppy cultivation.” It will 
also obviously enhance the capacity for 
“monitoring” guerrilla activities. 

The Immigration and 

Naturaiization Service 

As a result of increased immigration 
of jobless people from Mexico, the 
Carter Administration has placed 
before Congress a plan to stem the 
flow of Mexicans into the U.S. and to 
control those already here. Key to the 
Carter plan is the further militarization 
of the border and a build-up of the INS 
Border Patrol. 

The INS historically has played a 
repressive role in this country, 
targeting immigrant workers as the 
cause of unemployment and the source 
of “foreign ideologies.” Currently, the 
INS is being used in attempts to break 
strikes of militant undocumented Mex- 
ican workers through the U.S. 
southwest, most recently in strikes at 
the Goldwater-owned Arrowhead 
citrus ranch in Maricopa County, 
Arizona. As the recently disclosed FBI 
documents show, the INS is also used 
by the Bureau as a cover to interrogate 
politically active Mexicans and 
Chicanos “who might be of interest in 
terms of national security.” 

Contrary to cries raised by Border 
Patrol officials at a February press 
conference in San Francisco, pro- 
testing that border agents are “an en- 
dangered species threatened with ex- 
tinction,” the Carter Administration 
plans to double the INS’ border police 
to 4,600 by 1980. 

In addition, the Administration is 
considering a plan of “coordinated 
management of the border” which 
would put a security force of 6,000 
federal agents and 8,000 police from 
Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and 
California along the border, according 
to the Mexican daily Excelsior. 

The INS Border Patrol is currently 
receiving training in counterinsurgency 
techniques. The U.S. Customs Air 
Support Branch plans to modernize its 
aircraft fleet with a half-dozen new 
turbine-powered planes fitted with the 
latest radar and FLIR systems 
developed by the Navy. 

The current build-up of repressive 
forces along the border poses a serious 
threat to the entire labor movement in 
the region. It is designed to maintain 
what John Marks claims is a primary 
U.S. foreign policy objective: a tran- 
quil U.S. -Mexico border. □ 

(For more information contact 
NACLA at P.O. Box 57. Cathedral 
Station, New York, NY 10025 or 464 
19th St.. Oakland. Cal. 94612.) 

(See packets 907, 909 for recent first- 
hand reports from the Philippines.) 

Woricer Leader Killed 
By Philippine Military Men 
After Anti-Marcos Protests 

Free Philippine News Service 
Liberation News Service 

PASIG, Philippines (FPNS/LNS) — 
A worker-union leader was shot April 
22 by three military men in the Barrio 
Kapasingan section of this city outside 
the Philippine capital of Manila. 

Orlando Luarca, or Ka (comrade) 
Orly, as he is known to friends and co- 
workers, was distributing protest let- 
ters at the Pasig Church on the eve of 
his death. The letter declared “the 
death of democracy” in the wake of 
the April 7 elections, staged by martial 
law president Ferdinand Marcos, for a 
national assembly over which Marcos 
will rule and have complete veto 
power. The letter called upon all 
Filipinos to protest the death of 
democracy by mourning on the follow- 
ing day, April 23. 

The events of the bloody murder 
were pieced together by KMK [Kilusan 
ng Mamamayan para sa Kalayaan — 
People’s Movement for Liberation] 
from eyewitness reports that filtered 
through the distorted coverage in the 
government-controlled press and 

Reports said that Orly was seen 
alone distributing copies of the letter in 
Pasig Church. Earlier that day he was 
with a group distributing it to the dif- 
ferent factories in Pasig. Orly wanted 
to distribute all the copies he had, some 
of which he saved by painstakingly 
pressing each one that had been 
crumpled in the difficult printing pro- 

In the midst of his distribution, he 
was arrested by three military men in 
plain clothes identified as Robert 
Vasco, PC-Metrocom of the 221st 
Detachment in Tikling; Antonio 
Buenavides and “Abe”, both of the 
Pasig Police. 

They frisked him and confiscated all 
his belongings. He was brought to 
Plasa Pariancillo where he was mer- 
cilessly beaten, shouted at and loudly 
called “snatcher, thief’ in public. 

Not satisfied with that, they then 
dragged Orly to a private jeep and 
drove to the Pasig Rotunda. There 
“investigation” was again conducted 
in the jeep by two of the men while the 
other continuously kiched and beat Or- 

Eyewitnesses intervened and ques- 
tioned the military, “Why don’t you 
take him to the police?... There are 
courts to sentence him if he is proven 

One of the military men remarked, 
“Mind your own business if you don’t 
want to be implicated in the case.” 
Without further warning, gun shots 
reverberated. Orly received numerous 



LIBERA TION News Service 

May 19. 1978 


shots on his neck, arms and body. 

Orly could not have drawn a .22 
caliber gun from his bag, as claimed in 
the papers, since his things had already 
been confiscated. 

Orly is one of the million Filipinos 
who have ventured to the capital city in 
search of a better future. On the island 
of Marinduque, life was difficult even 
if he worked hard as a fisherman and 
farmer. He went to Manila, where he 
found a job as a dock worker. Not be- 
ing able to endure the strenuous job, he 
then went to work at Sacoba Manufac- 
turing, a textile plant in Cainta, Rizal. 
There he experienced the exploitation 
and unfair labor practices of manage- 
ment. Realizing that the problem 
workers could not be solved on their 
own, he joined the union and became 
actively involved in union affairs. 
Later he was elected as board member 
and was known as a worker-union 

Workers from all over Pasig wanted 
to honor Orly through a memorial ser- 
vice and a funeral march on May 1. It 
was rumored that the military threaten- 
ed his family not to cooperate with the 
plans. His body was transferred to 
Marinduque for the funeral. □ 

Moon Church Stakes Claim 
in Alabama Seaside Town 

NEW YORK (LNS)— Townspeople 
of the isolated Alabama fishing town 
of Bayou La Batra have suddenly 
found right-wing religious en- 
trepeneur, the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, 
in their midst, and they’re worried. 
Moon’s Unification Church recently 
paid $6 million for land and a boat- 
building company in the town and is 
said to be negotiating for purchase of a 
bankrupt seafood processing plant. 

Seafood, especially shrimp, is one of 
the town’s main sources of income and 
a claim to fame, as are its interna- 
tionally-known shrimp boat builders. 
Many townspeople fear that Moon’s 
industries, using religious followers as 
free labor, will throw local workers out 
of their jobs and eventually take over 
the local industry. 

Bayou La Batra will be the third 
seafood operation in the Unification 
Church’s empire — built on pillars of 
real estate, religion, and right-wing 
agitation. Its worldly holdings also in- 
clude the New Yorker Hotel and other 
Manhattan real estate, properties in 
Tarrytown and Barrytown, New York, 
over 700 acres in Mendicino County 
and the Napa Vally in California, real 
estate in Berkeley and Oakland, and 
the Tong II Fishing Company of New 
York City. 

Other known connections suggest that 
Moon’s growing empire may have been 
helped by more than religious appeal 
and business acumen. Moon has also 
been linked to the munitions business, 
to Koreagate bribe-passer Tongsun 
Park and to the Korean CIA. □ 

Current U.S. Korea Diplomacy: 
Overtures to North WhUe 
Maintaining Divided Peninsula 

by Avery Foxx 
Liberation News Service 

NEW YORK (LNS)— Is the U S. 
trying to repeat the “ping-pong diplo- 
macy,” used to reopen contact with 
People’s China in 1971, this time with 
the Democratic People’s Republic of 
Korea (North Korea)? According to 
one of Japan’s leading dailies, Yomiuri 
Shinbun, the answer is yes. 

The United States Table Tennis 
Association will visit Pyongyang, 
North Korea, in April 1979, to par- 
ticipate in the 35th World Table Tennis 
Championships. It will be the first time 
any large officially sanctioned delega- 
tion of U.S. citizens has traveled to 
North Korea. 

George Kennedy, international af- 
fairs director of the association, said 
that the team might have an opportuni- 
ty to meet Ni^rth Korean President Kim 
II Sung. He recalled that an American 
table tennis team met Chinese Premier 
Chou En-lai when it visited China in 
1971 after the world championship 
meet in Japan. Kennedy also expressed 
the hope that, were it possible, the 
association would also invite North 
Korean ping-pong players to the U.S. 
for goodwill matches. 

The association’s decision reflects 
the Carter Administration’s changing 
attitude toward the question of Korea. 
The U.S. has technically been in a state 
of war with North Korea since 1950. 
The cessation of open hostilities is con- 
firmed by the 1953 Armistice Agree- 
ment signed by North Korea, People’s 
Republic of China, and the U.S. 
(South Korea refused to sign and its in- 
terests are Represented by the U.S.) 

Since World War II, the U.S. has 
spent $190 billion to maintain a 
separate government in the south. It 
currently maintains 42,000 troops in 
South Kore$ and provides the Park 
Chung Hee regime with more than 
$600 million in outright military grants 
and loans. 

Although still guided by the U.S. 
government’^ own interests on the 
peninsula an4 its determination to keep 
the country divided. Carter announced 
tactical changes in policy shortly after 
taking office last year. He announced a 
plan for gradually pulling out U.S. 
ground troops while beefing up air and 
naval deployments and increasing 
overall U.S. military aid to South 

beginning of the Carter 
on, there has been an ex- 
change of letters between the U.S. and 
North Korea. These communications 
have usually been transmitted through 
a third party— Pakistan, Rumania or 

Most recently, the U.S has proposed 
a three-way parley — North and South 
Korea and the U.S. — to discuss matters 

Since the 

concerning the Korean peninsula. This 
proposal is a marked shift from past 
U.S. policy. Previously, the U.S. pro- 
posed a four-power conference of 
People’s China, North and South 
Korea and the U.S., whereby the U.S. 
and South Korea would recognize 
North Korea if North Korea and China 
recognized South Korea. In effect, this 
“cross-recognition” would mean a de 
jure acknowledgement of the perma- 
ment division of the Korean peninsula, 
which North Korea and China would 
not accept. The three-way parley 
would examine ways to resolve the 
state of war and to reopen dialogue 
leading to reunification of the Korean 
peninsula. (On July 4, 1972, North and 
South Korea signed a joint communi- 
que calling for dialogue toward reduc- 
ing tensions on the Korean peninsula 
on the basis of peace, unity and 
noninterference from outside.) 

The Carter Administration tactics 
have stirred up controvery within U.S. 
government circles. The latest pro- 
posals come at the same time as some 
members of Congress are calling for 
greater military aid to South Korea and 
as Congressional hawks, high Pen- 
tagon and military officers are criticiz- 
ing any reduction of U.S. military 
strength in Korea. 

The proposed changes reflect in part 
an embarrassment with the Park Chung 
Hee regime and its central role in the 
“Koreagate” bribery scandal. In ad- 
dition, some U.S. officials seek a form 
of accomodation with China and the 
DPRK, favorable to U.S. interests, in 
an attempt to consolidate America’s 
position in Asia after its defeat in In- 
dochina and abandonment of bases in 

The latest proposals have led some 
observers to speculate that the U.S. 
may pave the way for replacing the 
Park dictatorship with a conservative 
civilian-military coalition in South 
Korea. The U.S. would like to see such 
a coalition restore a modicum of 
democrary in South Korea, and have 
limited contact with the North, but not 
seek immediate reunification. 

The flurry of U.S. moves — private 
and governmental— has apparently 
caught the Park regime by surprise. 
South Korea’s immediate reaction was 
to request participation in the world 
championship meet in Pyongyang. To 
the far more important proposal for a 
three-way conference, the South 
Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs has 
kept silent on the U.S. overtures to the 

The Park regime is very worried. Its 
existence is at stake. It is already trying 
to exert its influence with its 
“friends” in Congress and the Pen- 
tagon, to retain full U.S. support. But 
ping-pong diplomacy may ease the way 
way out of support for a discredited 
dictatorship. Although the winds of 
change are blowing over U.S. 
diplomacy, there is always the danger 
that a desperate Park regime may trig- 
ger a military incident in order to influ- 
ence U.S. policy. □ 

Page 9 


LIBERA TION News Service 

May 19, 1978 


Note to editors: South Africa’s white 
supremacist regime has described its 
May 4 strike into Angola as an attack 
on a major Namibian guerrilla base. 
But the following firsthand account, 
filed as a special report to the Guardian 
by its correspondent in Angola, Sara 
Rodrigues, shows the action for what it 
was — a cold-biooded massacre of 
unarmed Namibian refugees, many of 
them young children. The story has 
been shortened somewhat by LNS. 
Rodrigues’ full report appeared in the 
May 17 issue of the Guardian. 

South African Military 
Attacks Namibian Refugees 

by Sara Rodrigues 

KASSINGA, Angola (Guar- 
dian/LNS)— Unexploded fragmenta- 
tion bombs litter the ground here in the 
ruins of the Kassinga refugee camp. 
They lie where French-made jets tossed 
them at dawn May 4, during South 
Africa’s massive and vicious land and 
air assault into Angola. 

There were 3,068 people here that 
day, recently arrived Namibians fleeing 
South African occupation and ready to 
join the South West African People’s 
Organization (SWAPO) and fight for 
their homeland. Most were gathered at 
a morning meeting in the camp’s grassy 
open square when two waves of Mirage 
fighters swooped down. Many died at 
the camp meeting, and 122 were buried 
in a mass grave a few yards from the 
site, behind the burned-out camp 

A second mass grave contains 460 
dead. It was a terrible thing to look 
upon as I arrived here shortly after the 
attack; brightly colored cotton frocks 
of the young girls; jeans, checkered 
shirts of the boys; a few khaki 
uniforms, and the swollen bodies of 
the dead. The victims were mostly very 
young, and had no defense. For the 
most part they were school youths who 
had left home to organize, but had not 
yet donned uniforms or learned how to 
use guns. 

The attack — 155 miles inside 
Angola — had a significant timing. It 
was South African Prime Minister 
John Vorster’s answer to the UN 
Special General Assembly Session on 
Namibia that had ended less than two 
days earlier with a 119-0 vote for an 
immediate South African pullout from 
Namibia. South Africa, over the objec- 
tions of the UN, incorporated Namibia 
as a colony in 1969 after maintaining a 
League of Nations mandate over the 
former German colony since 1920. 

The attack was a lesson as to the ac- 
tual content of Vorster’s recent “ac- 
ceptance” of an already unacceptable 
Western plan for Namibian in- 
dependence. As a leader of the 
People’s Liberation Army of Namibia, 
Greenwell Matongo, told us, the aim 
of the attack was “to destroy 
SWAPO — and to prevent our taking 
part in a peaceful settlement for the in- 
dependence of Namibia.” 

Detraction and Determination 

Kassinga lies in open, sparsely 
forested bushland, atop a low sandy 
hill. As our military transport plane 
circled over the camp, we saw nothing 
but black and burned ruins. The camp 
is clearly visible from the air— no at- 
tempt was made to camouflage a 
refugee village over 150 miles from the 

The main school building at Kas- 
singa was hit directly by a bomb. Three 
walls remain standing. Inside is a jum- 
ble of broken desks and benches, 
home-made by the young people 

In the shade of nearby trees, more 
than 200 small children watch the relief 
efforts. They are survivors from an 
estimated 500 primary schoolchildren 
in the camp. Most of them looked 
under 12 years old. 

Others are in the hospital — like the 
seven year old girl in a red-pleated skirt 
whose shrapnel wound was being 
dressed at the military airport in the 
Angolan capital of Luanda; like the 
five-month old baby cradled in the 
arms of a young girl, his mother dead 
in the slaughter. 

Many of these children were killed at 
pointblank range by the South African 
paratroopers who moved into the camp 
after the initial bombing attack. “They 
didn’t care whether you were armed, or 
in uniform or not,” a young man told 
me at the Luanda airport. “They just 
killed everybody. They shot me in the 
river and some comrades pulled me 
out. But as I lay wounded, later the 
Mirages came over bombing and I lost 
an arm.” 

As we stood amid the destruction, 
we heard the South African radio boast 
about this brutal attack against unarm- 
ed young people and children. “The 
limited operation in Angola was an un- 
qualified success,” it gloated. 

But where the South Africans actual- 
ly encountered SWAPO forces, the 
operation did not go so smoothly. A 
simultaneous attack near the border 
where SWAPO really does have camps 
met strong resistance from the Nami- 
bian guerrillas, from Angolan border 
guards and from the People’s Armed 
Forces for the Liberation of Angola 
(FAPLA). “We came up against tough 
resistence, much stronger than we ex- 
pected,” South African Brig. Gen. 
Hannes Botha acknowledged. 
“SWAPO continued fighting to the 
last breath.” 

Surveying the destruction at Kas- 
singa, Greenwell Matongo vowed that 
SWAPO would fight on with even 
greater determination. 

“We are at war, and such a massacre 
is part and parcel of war, part and 
parcel of the revolution,” Matongo 
said. “We are fighting a racist regime 
whose leaders were Nazi supporters. 

“But we shall fight on until Namibia 
is free,” he declared. “We are not go- 
ing to watch South Africa install a pup- 
pet regime for its own use. We are 
more determined than ever to fight 
on ...” □ 

Mexicanos (continued from page 1) 

in other words a legal resident. 

“Here we had a blatant breaking of 
Bell’s policy,” Baca emphasized a 
week after meeting with the U.S. At- 
torney.” [U.S. Attorney] Walsh takes 
the official line that the government is 
very concerned . . . but that they can’t 
do anything in this case because the 
Patrol didn’t get the right address 
from the Mexicano who was involved. 

“But the whole issue of them not 
moving is something we can’t accept. 
We’ve written a letter to Bell demand- 
ing that there be a full investigation 
and that the Klansmen be prosecuted if 
any state or federal laws were violated. 

“If four Black persons had ap- 
prehended an Anglo, the response 
would have been completely different. 
I have no doubt about that. ’ ’ □ 

South Africa Fingers U.S. 
For Role in Angola Invasion 

NEW YORK (LNS)— More than 
two years after the fact, U.S. involve- 
ment in the 1975 invasion of Angola by 
South Africa became a hot issue again 
briefly in late April. This time it cropped 
up as South African government 
leaders continued their efforts to ex- 
pose the hypocrisy of U.S. pronounce- 
ments against apartheid and to push 
the U.S. to support them overtly rather 
than in secret. 

South Africa’s Minister of Defense 
P.W. Botha stated that he personally 
watched American aircraft delivering 
arms to bases in Angola held by South 
African forces. And he was backed up 
by another government minister, who 
said that he too had seen U.S. weapons 
unloaded from U.S. planes under the 
supervision of U.S. security men. 

The allegations were emphatically 
denied in Washington, but not with to- 
tal conviction. A State Department 
spokesman stated that “no American 
government aircraft delivered arms to 
any recipients in Angola.” By limiting 
the denial to “government” aircraft, 
the statement left open the possibility 
that the planes might have come from a 
CIA-run “private” airline similar to 
those used exclusively in Indochina. 
Former CIA agent John Stockwell, 
who headed the agency’s Angola Task 
Force at the time, confirmed a few days 
after the South African allegation, that 
such an airline existed in Angola and 
that CIA agents were on the ground in 
the combat areas. 

Reports in the South African press 
noted that U.S. officials “conceded 
that South Africa entered Angola in 
1975 with the full knowledge and sym- 
pathy of the U.S. administration.” 
The white minority regime in South 
Africa has insisted that the U.S. actual- 
ly leaned on it to intervene in Angola. 
Evidence supporting that claim is accu- 
mulating, and Stockwell’s revelations 
may well clinch the case. □ 

Page 10 


LIBERA TION News Service 

May 19, 1978 on to graphics. . . 


TOP RIGHT; A Member of the medical 
staff at the fioeroi refugee, center 
in Mozambique, run by the Zimbabwe 
African National Union (ZANU) , treats 
student refugees from Rhodesia, 





TOP LEFT: Black, Latin, Asian and 

progressive white students and faculty 
at Brooklyn College for the past several 
weeks have been struggling against 
continuous financial and program 
cuts, and the presence of police on 
campus. On May 10, 300 students 
demonstrated outside the administra- 
tion building. ^ 

May 10, 1978 

CREDIT: LNS Women's Graphics 


BOTTOM RIGHT : Gay rights are 

wisked away in Wichita, Kansas 
in a May 9, 1978 referendum there. 

CREDIT: Gay Community News/LNS 



CREDIT: Gazette/LNS 

LOWER RIGHT: Prisoner graphic 

CREDIT; Chico News and Review/LNS 


LOWER MIDDLE: Cartoon on 

anti-gay agitation 

CREDIT: Auth/Philadelphia 
Gay News/LNS 


LIBERATION News Service 


May 19, 1978 

more . . . 

(# 912 ) 

5 (#912) 

9 :\ 

TOP RIGHT: Woodcut: "Mexico, owner TOP LEFT CREDIT: 

of all its resources." P®dro Perez/LNS 

CREDIT: Celia Caldero^n/Taller de Grafica SEE STORY PAGE 7 







BOTTOM LEFT: "Cacena" 
("Hunting Party") 

CREDIT: Naranjo/LNS 


LIBERATION News Service 


May 19, 1978 

the end