The Narragansett Friends' meeting in the xviii century, with a chapter on Quaker beginnings in Rhode Island

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Narragansett Friends'
Meeting

IN THE XVIII CENTURY

WITH A CHAPTER ON QUAKER BEGINNINGS
IN RHODE ISLAND

CAROUNE HAZARD

BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY

1S99

G-ms^

/3

/

COPYRIGHT, 1899, BY CA&OLINB HAZARD
ALL RIGHJS RESBRVBD

PREFACE

This little book has grown from a paper
read before the Rhode Island Historical
Society in September, 1894. In present-
ing it I mentioned the name of my master,
the late Professor Diman, to whose inspir-
ing teaching and example I owe an increas-
ing debt of gratitude. And so I want to
write his name here, knowing that his train-
ing is an abiding force in the lives of his

pupils.

C. H.

Oakwoods in Peace Dale, R. I.
September 25, 1S99.

CONTENTS

Page

CHAPTER I. Quaker Beginnings in Rhode
Island 3

Correspondence with Massachusetts. The ar-
rival of the Woodhause at Newport Quakers
driven from Massachusetts. Cruel laws. Mary
Dyer and her companions. . Her sentence and re-
prieve. Her death.

CHAPTER II. The Establishment of the
South Kingstown Monthly Meeting ... 41

Disturbed conditions in Rhode Island. Visit
of George Fox. The Greenwich meeting. The
meeting divided. «

CHAPTER III. The Meeting-Houses ... 59

The records. The "Old Meeting-house."
The Clerk and Treasurer. Westerly Meeting-
houses. Matunuck Meeting-house. Richmond
Meeting-house. Repairs and accounts. Youths'
meetings.

CHAPTER IV. The Clerks of the Meeting 77

Peter Davis. Stephen Hoxsie. Peleg Peck-
ham. Thomas Hazard. The Overseers and
Queries.

CHAPTER V. The Work of the Meeting . 95

Surrounding churches. Friends' discipline.
New Lights. Temperance. Fighting. Suing
at law. Debtors. Traveling.

vi CONTENTS

CHAPTER VI. The Women's Meeting . . .117

Clerks of the Women's meeting. Preaching
Friends. Patience Greene. Marriages with
dancing and vain mirth. Marriage in shifts.

CHAPTER VII. Slavery 139

John Woolman. Testimony of Richard Smith
in 1757. The Rathbun case. Slavery in the
Women's meeting.

CHAPTER VIII. The Revolution 159

Jeffrey Watson's diary. Nailer Tom's diary.
Sufferings by war. Good government Results
of the meeting.

QUAKER BEGINNINGS IN RHODE

ISLAND

I

Aquidneck's isle, Nantucket's lonely shores,
And Indian-haunted Narragansett saw
The way-worn travellers round their camp-fire draw»

Or heard the plashing of their weary oars.

And every place whereon they rested grew
Happier for pure and gracious womanhood,
And men whose names for stainless honor stood,

Founders of states and rulers wise and true.

Whittier.

The first mention of Quakers in the re-
cords of the Colony of Rhode Island occurs
in the year 1657, when a letter arrived from
the commissioners of the United Colonies
addressed to the governor of Rhode Island :
The commiffioners being informed that
divers Quakers are arrived this summer
at Rode Ifland and entertained there,
which may prove dangerous to the Col-
lonies, thought meet to manifeft theire
minds to the Governor there as foUow-
eth: —

Gent: — We suppofe you have un-
derftood that the laft yeare a companie of
Quakers arived at Bofton vpon noe other
account than to difperfe theire pernicious

4 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

opinions had they not been prevented by
the prudent caxe of that Government, . . .
whoe vpon that occaiion commended it to
the General Courts of the United CoUon-
ies that all Quakers Ranters & such no-
torious heretiques might be prohibited
coming amongft vs.^

The " prudent care " of the authorities
of Boston and the Bay towns is well known.
Fines, imprisonment, and whipping at the
cart's tail all fell within the limits of pru-
dence ; and, not content with care for their
own colony, the letter goes on to say :

We thinke noe care too great to pre-
ferve us from such a peft, the contagion
whereof (if received) within youer Col-
lonie were dangerous, &c, to be defused
to the other by means of the intercourfe
especially to the place of trade amongft
us — Wee therefore make it our requeft
that you, as well as the reft of the Col-
lonies take such order herein that youre
naighbours may be freed from that dan-
ger ; that you remove thofe Quakers that
have been receaved, and for the future
prohibite theire cominge amongft you.^

* R. I. C. R., vol. i. p. 374.

* R. I. C. R., vol. L p. 374-375.

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 5

This letter is dated Boston, September
12, 1657, and signed "Simon Bradstreet,
president." Mr. Bartlett, the learned com-
piler of the Rhode Island Colonial Records,
points out that while the commissioners
demanded the expulsion of Quakers from
Rhode Island, the Massachusetts govern-
ment were sending Quakers into the col-
ony, as in the. case of Humphrey Norton.

The Quakers who caused this concern of
mind to the honorable commissioners had
come to Aquidneck from England, and had
been kindly received. Indeed, they could
hardly have found a place in the world of
that day where more people, by inheritance
and tradition, would have been inclined to
welcome them. The town of Newport was
not yet twenty years old, being an offshoot
from the first settlement on the island at
Portsmouth. It was Portsmouth which gave
Mrs. Hutchinson an asylum when her teach-
ing had become too mystical for the rigid
theology of Boston. " With her," says Pro-
fessor Diman, " religion was less a creed
than an inner experience; to her enthusi-
astic faith, the Holy Ghost seemed actually
to unite itself with the soul of the justified
person." ^ Nicholas Easton, who built the

* Sir Henry Vane, J. L. Diman, Orations and Essays,

6 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

first house at Newport, seems to have shared
her beliefs, though doubtless with differ-
ences, for Rhode Island soon became
famous for its divergence of opinion. Ac-
cording to Winthrop, he was " a man very
bold, though ignorant," and much exercised
on the question of man's will and God's
sovereignty. He maintained "that man
has no power or will of himfelf, but as he is
acted upon by God. Being shown what
blasphemous confequence would follow here-
vpon, they profeffed to abhor the confe-
quences, but ftill defended the propofitions
which," Winthrop adds, "difcovered their
ignorance." ^ Samuel Gorton, also a mystic,
had been found even too mystical for the
company on the island, and, after a short
and troublous sojourn at Portsmouth, be-
took himself and his doctrines across the
Bay, where he founded Warwick. So the
spiritual atmosphere of the island was pre-
pared for the arrival of Friends in 1657 far
more than any of the other settlements
could have been.

The reply of the colony of Rhode Island
to the letter of the commissioners shows the
curious mixture of liberality and prejudice

^ Arnold's History of Rhode Island^ p. 152.

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 7

characteristic of the founders. Benedict
Arnold was president of the colony, and he,
with William Baulston, Randall Houlden,
as he writes his name, Arthur Fenner and
William Field, sign the very interesting
letter which was sent in reply, dated Octo-
ber 13, 1657: —

Our defires are, they declare, in all
things poflible, to purfue after and keep
fayre and loveinge correfpondence and
entercourfe with all the coUonys, and with
all our countrymen in New England, • . .
by giving juftice to any that demand it
among us, and by returning fuch as make
efcape from you, or from other colonys,
being fuch as fly from the hands of juf-
tice for matters of crime done or
committed amongft you, &c. And as
concerning thefe quakers (so called) which
are now amongft us, we have no law
among us whereby to punifh any for only
declaring by words, &c, theire mindes and
underftandings concerning the things
and ways of God as to falvation and an
eternal condition.

Here we have a distinct declaration of
the limits of the civil power, a declaration
as far in advance of the times as Roger

8 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

Williams himself, and breathing his spirit,
if not actually inspired by him. And yet,
immediately following this noble sentence,
the letter continues in the spirit of its own
day: —

And, moreover, we find that in thofe
places where thefe people aforefaid in this
coloney are moft of all suffered to declare
themfelves freely, and are only oppofed
by arguments in difcourfe, there they leaft
of all defire to come, and we are informed
that they begin to loath this place, for
that they are not oppofed by the civil!
authority, but with all patience and meek-
nefs are suffered to fay over their pre-
tended revelations and admonitions, nor
are they like or able to gain many more
to their way . • . and yet we conceive
that their doctrines tend to very abfolute
cutting downe and overturninge religious
and civill government among men if gen-
erally received.

This letter was addressed " to the much
honoured the General Court sitting at Bos-
ton for the CoUony of Maffachusetts." ^
Thus, while agreeing with the Massachu-
setts authorities as to the evil influence of

* R. I. c. R., vol. i. p. 378.

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 9

the Quakers, the Rhode Island men held
fast to their principle of religious liberty.
Six months later the question was taken up
by the general assembly sitting at Ports-
mouth, and a letter was sent " To the much
honored John Endicott, Governor of the
Massachusetts," which is even more explicit.
Quakers, this letter declares, " are generally
conceived pernicious, either intentionally,
or at least wise in efect, even to the cor-
ruptinge of good manners and difturbinge
the common peace and focieties of the
places where they arife or refort unto," etc.

*• Now, whereas freedom of different con-
fciences, to be protected from inforcements
was the principle ground of our Charter
both with respect to our humble fute for
it, as alfo to the true intent of the Honor-
able and renowned parleiment of England
in grantinge of the same to us ; which free-
dom we still prize as the greateft hapiness
that men can pofefs in this world :

" Therefore we shall for the prefervation
of our civill peace and order the more feri-
ously take notice," the letter continues, to
have Quakers conform in all civil things,
" as traynings, watchings and such other
ingadgements," and will inquire from Eng-

lO NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

land as to a proper course to pursue, being
informed that many Quakers are " suffered
to live in England, yea, even in the heart
of the nation," John Sandford, clerk of the
assembly, signs this letter, but here again
the spirit, if not the hand, of Roger Wil-
liams is evident. No one could prize more
than he the "freedom of different con-
fciences," and no one was more ready to
extend this "greateft hapiness that men
can pofefs in this world " to others.

The Quakers who were the subjects of
these letters from Massachusetts arrived at
Newport in the little ship Woodhouse,
Robert Fowler master, during the summer
of 1657.^ He was a North of England man,
and, while building his ship, became con-
vinced, and had a divine intimation, that the
ship he was then building should be de-
voted to the use of the society he had
joined. In July of the previous year,
(1656), Mary Fisher and Anne Austin " ar-
rived in the road before Boston before ever
a law was made there against Quakers,"
Sewel says, " and yet they were very ill
treated." They were searched before they
landed, and about one hundred books taken

^ Appendix : A Quaker's Sea JoumaL

QUAKER BEGINNINGS II

from their trunks and chests and burned by
the hangman. They were then committed
to jail as Quakers, because one of them in
speaking to the deputy governor, Richard
Bellingham, said thee instead of you^ which
he asserted was proof enough. They were
stripped and searched under pretence of
finding some evidence of witchcraft, and
kept without light, the windows being
boarded up to prevent any communication
with them. Nor was any food provided for
them till Nicholas Upsal " was so concerned
about it (liberty being denied to send them
provisions) that he purchased it of the jailor
at the rate of five shillings a week, lest they
should have starved." After five weeks of
this treatment, a shipmaster was bound in
one hundred pounds' bond to carry them
back to England, and the jailor kept their
beds and their Bibles for his fee. Scarcely
a month after the arrival of these two fear-
less women, eight more Friends arrived, and
were treated in the same manner, and sent
back after eleven weeks in the Boston jail.^
It was at this juncture that Robert Fow-
ler came to London with his offer of the
new ship, and found five of the Friends who

^ Sewel's History^ vol. i. pp. 210, 211.

12 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

had been sent back from Boston determined
to go once more. Six other Friends joined
them, and the little company made ready
to sail from Southampton. The captain's
mind almost failed him, but, encouraged by
George Fox, he writes : " I received the
Lord's servants on board, who came with
them, with a mighty hand and an out-
stretched arm." Fowler has left an account
of this voyage, called " A True Relation of
the Voyage undertaken by me, Robert Fow-
ler, with my small veffel called the * Wood-
houfe;' but performed by the Lord, like
as he did Noah's Ark, wherein he shut up
a few righteous perfons, and landed them
safe even at the hill of Ararat." Besides
Fowler, the master, the crew consisted of
only two men and three boys, and he de-
clares that they made none of the usual
observations, but waited daily upon the
Lord, for " we see the Lord leading our
veffel even as it were a man leading a horse
by the head," The voyage took two months,
and our respect for Fowler's seamanship is
justified by the fact that New Amsterdam
was the first port they sighted. Here they
landed five passengers, while with the re-
maining six the Woodhouse proceeded to

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 1 3

Rhode Island, or, as we should now say,
Newport, where " we were received with
much joy of heart," one of the Friends
writes.

Mary Clark was one of these passengers,
who had left her husband, a merchant
tailor in London, with her children, and
went to Boston " to warn these persecutors
to desist from their iniquity; but after she
had delivered her message, she was unmer-
cifully rewarded with twenty stripes of a
whip with three cords, on her naked back,
and detained prisoner about twelve weeks
in the winter season. The cords of these
whips," Sewel adds, " were commonly as
thick as a man's little finger, having each
some knots at the end ; and the stick was
sometimes so long that the hangman made
use of both his hands to strike the harder."

Christopher Holder and John Copeland,
passengers on the Woodhouse, who had
been banished from Boston the previous
year, also pushed their way into the colony.
Holder endeavored to speak a few words at
Salem " after the priest was done," but was
hauled out of church by the hair of his
head, and a glove and handkerchief thrust
into his mouth. From Salem he was sent

14 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

to Boston, where whipping and cruel im-
prisonment awaited him.

Thus early did the passengers of the
Woodhouse bear testimony against the ty-
rannical laws in the Massachusetts.

Mary Fisher, one of the two first Friends
who came, had an experience of more Chris-
tian treatment from the Mohammedan sul-
tan a few years later, when in 1660 she
journeyed in the East, and at Adrianople
went " alone into the camp and got some-
body to go to the tent of the grand vizier
to tell him an English woman was come
who had something to declare from the
great God to the sultan." He procured an
audience for her the next morning, and
coming to the camp alone as before, she
was received as became an ambassador.
She hesitated to speak, " mightily ponder-
ing what she might say," when the sultan
inquired " if she desired that any might go
aside," and when she answered no, " bade
her speak the word of the Lord to them
and not to fear, for they had good hearts
and could hear it." The Turks listened
with respect till she had done, and the sul-
tan said she had spoken the truth. He de-
sired her to stay in the country, " saying

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 1 5

that they could not but respect such a one
as should take so much pains to come to
them so far as from England with a mes-
sage from the Lord God." He offered her
a guard to conduct her to Constantinople,
which she refused, though the sultan pressed
it upon her, saying it was in respect to her,
for he would not she should come to the
least hurt in his dominions. But she per-
sisted in declining it, and arrived in Con-
stantinople " without the least hurt or scoff,"
and returned safe to England.^

What a contrast to the return to England
from New England, only four years before,
after public whipping and untold indignities,
and all manner of hardship !

Sarah Gibbons and Dorothy Waugh, also
of the Woodhouse company, bore public
testimony in Boston, and it was of William
Brand, of that same heroic company, that
John Norton said, when he lay almost dead
after repeated and cruel whippings, "W.
Brand endeavored to beat our gospel ordi-
nances black and blue, if then he be beaten
black and blue it is but just upon him; and
I will appear in his behalf that did so."
This Norton added because the people were

^ SewePs History y voL i. p. 328.

l6 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

exasperated at this cruelty, and "caused
such a cry that the governor sent his sur-
geon to the prison to see what might be
done." ^

Sewel's History, in which these things are
recorded, was written by a Dutchman, a
learned Quaker of Amsterdam, whose grand-
father was one of the Englishmen who left
home for conscience' sake. His knowledge
of Greek, Latin, English, French, and High
Dutch was acquired " while throwing the
shuttle in the loom, during his apprentice-
ship to a stuff maker." He wrote a diction-
ary and grammar of his own language, and
translated many treatises. His " History of
the Rise, Increase and Progress of the
Christian People called Quakers " was writ-
ten in Low Dutch, and translated by him-
self into English. The first English edition
was published in 1722 in London. " I do
not pretend to elegancy in the English
tongue," he says, " for being a foreigner and
never having been in England but about
the space of ten months, and that nearly
fifty years ago, it ought not to be expected
that I should write English so well as
Dutch, my native tongue." But his Eng-

* Sewel, History^ vol. i. p. 254.

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 1 7

lish needs little apology. It is direct, sim-
ple, and forcible, perhaps far better than if
he had attempted the " elegancy " of his
time. The documents he has preserved
are invaluable, and his own comments so
apposite that his work is the standard au-
thority to-day on the history of Friends,
no less than when it was published. Long-
fellow studied it so closely for his New
England Tragedy of John Endicott, that
whole passages are simply paraphrases from
Sewel, as, for instance, this speech of Nor-
ton's : —

" Now hear me,
This William Brand of yours has tried to beat
Our Gospel Ordinances black and blue ;
And, if he has been beaten in like manner,
It is but justice, and I will appear
In his behalf that did so."

The zeal of Endicott, and " priest Nor-
ton," as Sewel calls him, for the suppression
of heresy, is too well known to require set-
ting forth in this place. It must be re-
membered what times they lived in, and
the fact that their theology practically made
the world, not God's world, but the devil's.
Thus many seriously believed that, in coming
to a new country inhabited by heathen, they
were come to the territory of Satan, and

l8 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

consequently had to fight the powers of
darkness with every weapon possible. The
laws of the colony of New Plymouth con-
tain among the " offences capitall," under
which head wilful murder, burning of
houses and ships, with gross offences against
morality, are classed, an offence which is
described as a " Solemn Compaction or con-
versing with the divell by way of witchcraft
conjuraSfon or the like." A community
which conceived it possible for persons to
make this " Solemn Compaction" could not
be expected to judge leniently opinions dif-
fering from their own. Under the theo-
cratic theory of government, the civil arm
was bound to attend to morals, and what
was a more deadly sin than heresy ? The
special offences of the Quakers were set
forth in an act made at a General Court
held at Boston the 20th of October, 1658,
in which the legislation of two years against
the Quakers culminated. Following acts
which provided for whipping and the cut-
ting off of ears, this act of 1658 provided for
the arrest without warrant of any Quaker
by any constable or selectman, who should
commit the Quaker to close jail without
bail, until the next court, when he should

QUAKER BEGINNINGS I9

be tried, and, being proved a Quaker, should
be banished on pain of death, A legal trial
was, by a law made in the same year, ad-
judged to be a trial by a court of three
magistrates without jury, who had power to
hang at pleasure. This law was made by
so small a majority, only one vote Sewel
says, that the magistrates were constrained
to add, " to be tried by special jury," Long-
fellow sums up the legislation very accu-
rately in " John Endicott " : —

" Whereas a cursed set of Heretics
Has lately risen commonly called Quakers,
Who take upon themselves to be commissioned
Immediately from God, and furthermore
Infallibly assisted by the Spirit
To write and utter blasphemous opinions,
Despising Government and the order of God
In church and commonwealth and speaking evil
Of Dignities, reproaching and reviling
The Magistrates and Ministers, and seeking
To turn the people from their faith, and thus
Gain proselytes to their pernicious wa3rs ; —
This court considering the premises,
And to prevent like mischief which is wrought
By their means in our land, doth hereby order
That whatsoever master or commander
Of any ship, bark, pink or catch shall bring
To any roadstead, harbor, creek or cove
Within this jurisdiction any Quakers
Or other blasphemous Heretics, shall pay
Unto the Treasurer of the Commonwealtli
One hundred pounds, and in default thereof

20 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

Be put in prison and continue there

Till the said sum be satisfied and paid."

• •••••

'* If any one within this jurisdiction
Shall henceforth entertain, or shall conceal
Quakers, or other blasphemous Heretics,
Knowing them so to be, every such person
Shall forfeit to the country forty shillings
For each hour's entertainment or concealment.
And shall be sent to prison, as aforesaid.

Until the forfeiture be wholly paid."

• •••••

*' And it is further ordered and enacted,
If any Quaker, or Quakers, shall presume
To come henceforth into this jurisdiction,
Every male Quaker for the first offence
Shall have one ear cut o£E ; and shall be kept
At labor in the Workhouse till such time
As he be sent away at his own charge.
And for the repetition of the ofEence
Shall have his other ear cut o£E, and then
Be branded in the palm of his right hand.
And every woman Quaker shall be whipt
Severely in three towns ; and every Quaker,
Or he or she, that shall for a third time
Herein again ofEend, shall have their tongues
Bored through with a hot iron, and shall be
Sentenced to Banishment on pain of death."

Nor did these cruel laws end here, for
the magistrates were alive to the disap-
proval of the larger minded of the people,
as Nicholas Upsall, who sent food to the
starving Quakeresses, found to his cost A
clause was added for the special benefit of
such men.

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 21

^ Every inhabitant of this Jurisdiction
Who shall defend the horrible opinions
Of Quakers, by denying due respect
To equals and superiors, and withdrawing
From Church Assemblies, and thereby approving
The abusive and destructive practices
Of this accursed sect, in opposition
To all the orthodox received opinions
Of godly men, shall be forthwith committed
Unto close prison for one month ; and then
Refusing to retract and to reform
The opinions as aforesaid, he shall be
Sentenced to Banishment on pain of Death.
By the Court Edward Rawson, Secretary."

Nicholas Upsall could not forbear to pro-
test against the early laws, for Longfellow's
summary covers two years' legislation, and
warned the magistrates, not only of the
unreasonableness of their proceedings, but
to take care they be not found fighting
against God. But this was taken so ill
that he was fined, and imprisoned for not
coming to church, and finally banished in
the winter season.

" Coming at length to Rhode Island,
he met an Indian prince," Sewel says,
"who having understood how he had
been dealt with, behaved himself very
kindly, and told him, if he would live
with him, he would make him a warm
house, and further said, 'What a God

22 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

have the English, who deal so with one

another about their God 1 ' "

Notwithstanding the severity of these
laws, or rather because of their severity,
Quakers continued to come to Massachu-
setts. When the seaboard was closely
guarded against them, they found entrance
by " a back door," as Edward Rawson, the
Secretary of the Colony, declares to the
King and Council in 1661. The penalties
were proved insufficient " to restrain their
impudent and insolent obtrusions," and he
goes on to describe the measures taken as
" a defence against their impetuous, frantic
fury," which " necessitated us to endeavor
our security." We have already seen that
Rhode Island was the " back door " through
which these " malignant promoters of doc-
trines directly tending to subvert both
church and state " found entrance into the
well-guarded colony. The worst of the of-
fences against civil government seems to
have been the failure to doff the hat to a
magistrate. Some of the women bore testi-
mony against the cruel laws by wearing
sackcloth, with ashes on their heads, or de-
clared the spiritual nakedness of the rulers
by a visible exemplification. But in a time

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 2$

when it was no uncommon thing to see a
woman, stripped to the waist, fastened to
the tail of a cart, and whipped in the centre
of the town by the public hangman by
the magistrates' order, these voluntary testi-
monies are the less surprising. " It must
be admitted," Whittier writes of these early
Friends, " that many of them manifested a
good deal of that wild enthusiasm which
has always been the result of persecution,
and the denial of the rights of conscience
and worship."

But Quakers simply travelling from one
place to another, with no other offence
than being Quakers, were unsafe. Hored
Gardner, who is described as an inhabitant
of Newport, came to Weymouth, " with her
sucking babe, and a girl to carry it," in
1658, " whence for being a Quaker she was
hurried to Boston, where both she and the
girl were whipped with a three-fold knot.
After whipping, the woman kneeled down,
and prayed the Lord to forgive those per-
secutors ; which so touched a woman that
stood by, that she said, surely she could
not have done this if it had not been by
the spirit of the Lord."

The most famous case of suffering among

24 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

the early Friends was that of Mary Dyer.
Her husband, William Dyre, as the record
spells it, was a man of importance in Rhode
Island. He was one of the men appointed
to lay out the town of Newport, and from
1640 to 1643 was Secretary of the Colony.
He held the office of General Recorder
later, and was General Attorney in 1650.
Mary Dyer was a woman of strong charac-
ter, great enthusiasm, and excellent under-
standing. Sewel gives the history of her
courage at length. She came to Boston
from Rhode Island in 1657, he says, not
knowing the laws which had been made
against Quakers, and was imprisoned. Wil-
liam Dyer, her husband, upon hearing this,
came from Rhode Island and obtained her
release, "becoming bound in a great pen-
alty not to lodge her in any town of that
colony, nor permit any to spealc with her :
an evident token that he was not of the So-
ciety of Quakers so called, for otherwise he
would not have entered into such a bond ;
but then without question he would also
have been clapped up in prison," the worthy
Dutch historian adds. Two years later (in
1659) Mary Dyer was again in Boston,
when William Robinson, a merchant of

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 2$

London, and Marmaduke Stevenson, came
there. Nicholas Davis was also there, and
after whipping Robinson, who was a teacher
among the Quakers, all four were banished
on pain of death. The sentence is dated
September 12, 1659, and it appearing, "by
their own confession, words, and actions,
that they are Quakers," they are sentenced
" to depart this jurisdiction on pain of
death, and that they must answer it at their
peril, if they or any of them after the 14th
of this present month, September, are found
within this jurisdiction, or any part thereof."
Mary Dyer and Davis accordingly left Bos-
ton and the colony, while the others only
went to Salem, not being free in mind to
comply. And it was not long that Mary
Dyer remained away, for in the next month
(October) she returned, and all three were
taken into custody. On the 20th of the
month these three were brought into court,
when Endicott made them an oration, de-
claring that the court desired not the death
of any, but ending, " Give ear, and harken
to your sentence of death." Robinson had
prepared a paper expressly declaring that
while in Rhode Island he was commanded
of the Lord to repair to Boston, and lay

26 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

down his life there, as a testimony against
the wicked and unjust laws. This paper
Endicott read, but refused to have read
publicly, Stevenson was then called, and,
seeing how his companion had fared, made
no defence. He was sentenced to death,
and it was the turn of Mary Dyer, "to
whom Endicott spoke thus: *Mary Dyer,
you shall go to the place whence you came
(to wit the prison) and thence to the place
of execution, and be hanged there until
you are dead.' To which she replied, * The
will of the Lord be done.' Then Endicott
said, ' Take her away. Marshal.' To which
she returned, * Yea, joyfully I go.' And in
her going to the prison, she often uttered
speeches of praise to the Lord ; and being
full of joy, she said to the Marshal, he
might let her alone, for she would go to
the prison without him. To which he an-
swered, * I believe you, Mrs. Dyer ; but I
must do what I am commanded.' "

In prison Mary Dyer wrote a very re-
markable letter, addressed to the General
Court in Boston, justifying her coming to
Boston, as it was by the will of the Lord
she came. " I have no self-ends, the Lord
knoweth," she writes. Seeing the evil of

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 2f

their unjust laws, she entreats the court
not to be found fighting against God, but
"to repeal all such laws, that the Truth
and servants of the Lord may have free
passage among you. . . . Seeing the Lord
hath not hid it from me, it lyeth upon me
in love to your souls thus to persuade you,
. . . Was ever the like laws heard of among
a people that confess Christ come in the
flesh? and have ye no other weapons to
fight against spiritual wickedness withal, as
you call it ? Woe is me for you ! Of whom
take ye counsel ? Search with the light of
Christ in you, and it will show you of whom,
as it hath done me, and many more, who
have been disobedient and deceived, as now
ye are; which light as ye come into, and
obeying what is made manifest to you
therein, you will not repent that you were
kept from shedding blood, though it were
by a woman," She likens her request to
Esther's before Ahasuerus, saying that he
did not contend it would be dishonorable
to revoke his decree. She appeals to " the
faithful and true witness of God which is
one in all consciences. If they put this
request from them, she continues, the Lord
will send more of his servants to gather

28 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

the harvest; for the light of the Lord is
surely approaching, even to many in and
about Boston, which is the bitterest and
darkest professing place . . . that ever I
heard of. Let the time past, therefore, suf-
fice, for such a profession as brings forth
such fruits as these laws are. In love and
in the spirit of meekness I again beseech
you."

Mary Dyer's query as to whether the
General Court had " no other weapons to
fight against spiritual wickedness withal,"
reminds one of the Rhode Island way of
dealing with doctrine. Roger Williams
stoutly maintained the " freedom of differ-
ent consciences from inforcements," but he
was far from indifferent as to his neighbors*
beliefs. How could he be, being a godly
man, and certain that by belief, rather than
by conduct, a soul is to be judged? There
were long discussions in Rhode Island, de-
bates on all conceivable questions, and
pamphlets appealing to the reason and con-
science of the reader. These " weapons "
were always at hand in the Providence
plantations, and doubtless were well known
to Mary Dyer. Her appeal to the General
Court, written as she supposed on the eve

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 29

of her execution, is certainly a noble one.
From her point of view, she could have
done no less than offer up her life, if the
offering should secure liberty to her op-
pressed brethren. It is difficult to see just
why she supposed it would do so. Some-
thing of stubbornness must have crept into
her constancy to make her persist in sacri-
fice.

Her letter had small effect on the court,
as may be imagined, and the day came for
execution. It was the 27th of October,
1659, when the three prisoners were led to
the gallows, in the afternoon, escorted by
about two hundred armed men, beside
horsemen, and the minister, John Wilson.
The three friends walked hand in hand,
Mary Dyer in the middle. As she was an
elderly woman, the Marshal said to her,
" Are you not ashamed to walk thus, hand
in hand between two young men ? " " No,"
replied she ; " this is to me an hour of the
greatest joy I could enjoy in the whole
world. No eye can see, no tongue can ut-
ter, and no heart can understand the sweet
incomes or influences, and the refreshings
of the spirit of the Lord which I now feel ; "
so " they went on with great cheerfulness,

30 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

as going to an everlasting wedding feast,"
though the drummers drowned their voices.
At the gallows Wilson made a taunting
remark to Robinson : " Shall such jacks as
you are come before authority with their
hats on ? " he asked, and Robinson replied,
" Mind you, mind you, it is for not putting
off the hat we are put to death." He was
the first to suffer. " I suffer for Christ," he
said, " in whom I live, and for whom I die."
Stevenson was next hanged, with a word of
holy confidence upon his lips, and Mary
Dyer stepped up the ladder. The halter
was adjusted, " her coats were tied about
her feet," the old record says, and John
Wilson lent the hangman a handkerchief
to cover her face. Just as the hangman
was about to do his work a cry came,
"'Stop, for she is reprieved 1' Her feet
being then loosed, they bade her come
down. But she, whose mind was already
as it were in heaven, stood still and said she
was there willing to suffer as her brethren
did, unless they would annul their wicked
law." But they pulled her down and car-
ried her back to prison. It now appears
that this was a ghastly farce arranged by
the authorities to intimidate this intrepid

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 3 1

woman. The decree itself, signed before
she left the prison, prescribes the cruel
method of her release. She was to be car-
ried " to the place of execution and there
to stand upon the gallowes with a rope
about her necke till the rest be executed,
and then to return to the prison." ^

It was at the entreaty of her son that
this reprieve was granted ; " an inconsider-
able intercession," the Secretary, Edward
Rawson, says, in his account to the king of
these proceedings. " Mary Dyer (upon pe-
tition of her son, and the mercy and clem-
ancy of this court) had liberty to depart
within two days, which she accepted of,"
Rawson declares. From prison, the next
day after the execution, at which she mani-
fested such heroic courage, she wrote
another letter to the General Court, full of
the same spirit. " When I heard your last
order read, it was a disturbance unto me,
that was so freely offering up my life to
him that gave it me." She warns the
judges to put away the evil of their doings,
to " kiss the Son, the light in you, before
his wrath be kindled in you." And this she
wrote while the image of her dead compan-

* Horatio Rogers, Mary Dyer^ the Quaker Martyr^ p. 53.

32 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

ions must still have been before her eyes,
and the tale of the barbarous treatment of
their dead bodies in her ears. But she re-
turned to prison, she says, " finding nothing
from the Lord to the contrary, that I may
know what his pleasure and counsel is con-
cerning me, on whom I wait therefore, for
he is my life and the length of my days ;
and as I said before, I came at his com-
mand and go at his command."

The discontent among the people was so
great that the magistrates resolved to send
Mary Dyer away. She was accordingly
put on horseback, and escorted by four
horsemen fifteen miles toward Rhode Is-
land, where she was left with a horse and a
man to complete the journey. She spent
the winter in Long Island, and then, com-
ing home in the spring, she was moved " to
return to the bloody town of Boston,"
where she arrived on the "twenty-first of
the Third month, 1660," — that is, May, for
the old style of reckoning the year from the
first of March was still in use. Ten days
after her arrival she was sent for by the
General Court. " Are you the same Mary
Dyer that was here before?" Endicott
asked her, and it seems the court was

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 33

preparing an escape for her, being disin-
clined to proceed to extremities, for another
Mary Dyer had come from England. But
she replied undauntedly, and without eva-
sion, " I am the same Mary Dyer that was
here at the last General Court." She was
then asked if she avowed herself a Quaker,
to which she replied : " I own myself to be
reproachfully so called." Endicott said her
sentence had been passed, and was now the
same. " You must return to prison," he
said, " and there remain till to-morrow at
nine o'clock, then, thence you must go to
the gallows and there be hanged till you
are dead." " This is no more than what
thou saidst before," Mary Dyer rejoined.
" But now it is to be executed, therefore
prepare yourself to-morrow at nine o'clock,"
Endicott replied.

She then said, " I came in obedience to
the will of God to the last General Court,
desiring you to repeal your unrighteous
laws of banishment on pain of death ; and
that same is my work now, and earnest re-
quest," and more she said of her call, and
of others who would come to witness against
these laws. Endicott asked her if she were
a prophetess, to which she replied that she

34 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

spoke the words the Lord spoke in her, but
Endicott cried out, " Away with her ! away
with her ! " So she was taken to prison.

A letter from her husband arrived about
the time Mary Dyer entered the colony,
being under sentence of banishment on
pain of death. " If her zeal be so great as
thus to adventure, oh, let your pity and
favor surmount it and save her life," her
husband pleads.

I only say this, yourfelves have been,
and are or may be, huf bands to wives : so
am I, yea to one moft dearly beloved.
Oh do not deprive me of her, but I pray
give her me once again. Pity me ! I beg
it with tears, and reft your humble sup-
pliant.^

But this touching appeal was of no avail.
The next day, June ist, the Marshal came
and roughly commanded Mary Dyer to fol-
low him. Then she was brought out, and
with a band of soldiers led through the
town, with drums beaten before and be^
hind her. What a scene for the quiet
streets of a New England town! The fresh
leaves of early summer upon the trees, the
sun shining overhead, the whole popula-

* Bryant's History^ vol. ii. p. 194.

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 35

tion following the soldiers, the noisy drums
rattling discordant notes, and the centre of
of it all one lonely woman, " of a comly and
grave countenance," and the undaunted car-
riage of a pure and lofty spirit, calmly walk-
ing to the fate which she had once before
confronted, and which even now by a word
from her could be averted ! For after she
had ascended the ladder it was said to her
that if she would return she should be
spared. " Nay I cannot," she replied, " for
. in obedience to the will of the Lord I came,
and in his will I abide faithful to the death."
Then the captain, John Webb, said that
she had been there before, and was there-
fore guilty of her own death, knowing the
penalty of returning to Boston; to which
she replied : —

Nay, I came to keep blood guiltinefs
from you, defiring you to repeal the un-
righteous and unjuft law of banifhment
upon pain of death, made againft the
innocent servants of the Lord ; therefore
my blood will be required at your hands
who wilfully do it ; but for thofe who do
it in the simplicity of their hearts I defire
the Lord to forgive them.
Then Wilson, the minister, who had lent

36 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

his handkerchief to cover her face before,
said to her, " Mary Dyer, oh repent, oh re-
pent, and be not so deluded and carried
away by the deceit of the devil." One can
fancy the touch of scorn which must have
tinged her manner, saintly as she was, as
she replied, " Nay, man, I am not now to
repent."

Then she was asked if she would not
have the elders pray for her, but answered,
" I know never an elder here."

They asked if she would have any of the
people pray for her, to which she replied
she desired the prayers of all the people of
God. Some one scoflSngly said, " It may
be she thinks there is none here." And
she, looking calmly about, said, " I know
but few here." The prayers of the elders
were again urged upon her. " Nay," she
said, " first a child, then a young man, then
a strong man, before an elder in Christ
Jesus."

Then some one mentioned that she said
she had been in paradise. " Yea, I have
been in paradise several days," she an-
swered, and continued to speak of the eter-
nal happiness she was to enter upon. So
she met her death, and died, as her chroni-

QUAKER BEGINNINGS 37

cler says, " a martyr to Christ, being twice
led to death, which the first time she ex-
pected with undaunted courage, and now
suffered with Christian fortitude."

I have dwelt at length upon the story of
Mary Dyer's heroic courage, because she
was the only woman who suffered death in
that time of persecution, and because she
was a Rhode Island woman, closely bound
by ties of love and friendship to the Friends
already in Rhode Island.

At this distance of time, we can see that
the magistrates also had something to plead
as warrant for their conduct. She had been
warned, and in coming back took her life
in her hand. The dignity of the law had
to be upheld. We have had cases in more
recent times of unjust laws being enforced,
by judges who did not believe in them, in
the very town of Boston, in the time of the
fugitive slaves. There was something in
their argument that her blood was upon
her own head. But with the spirit of a
saint she rose above all human argument
Like a Hebrew of old she could say, " The
word of the Lord came unto me;" and
with St. Paul, " Woe is me if I preach not
the gospel." This zeal consumed her.

38 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

Quaker though she was, and so bound to
meekness by teaching and principle, she
had tasted the glories of martyrdom, and
could not rest till she was counted worthy
to suffer to the end. If, in our modern
spirit, we inquire what her husband and
children said to her sacrifice not only of
herself but of them, and the suffering and
pain she brought them, her grave face, with
its rapt expression, rises to rebuke us. This
life was nothing, the next all, in those stern,
heroic times. Earthly affections were to be
trodden under foot. " Set your affections
on things above " was an injunction to be
literally followed. So, with a responsive
thrill for her noble courage, and a sigh for
the occasion of it, we finish the record of
this heroic woman. Her death reaped its
harvest. The " Seed," as Friends delighted
to call the principles of truth they lived and
died for, flourished abundantly. Within
a year of Mary Dyer's death, the Rhode
Island yearly meeting was established,
which grew till it became the general meet-
ing for the whole of New England.

II

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
SOUTH KINGSTON MONTHLY
MEETING

II

The little colony which proved a refuge
for Quakers not only, but for all those of
oppressed conscience, had only been united
as to civil government three years, when
the Woodhouse landed her missionary band
on the "isle of Aquiday." There were
political dissensions as well as religious.
After the charter had been granted to
Roger Williams, in 1643, it was still four
years before the towns united in setting
"their hands to an engagement to the
charter ; " ^ a delay caused in part by the
difficulties of travel, and the long voyage
from England. The two island towns of
Newport and Portsmouth were richer than
the little towns of Providence and War-
wick, and local jealousies were rife. Gov-
ernor Coddington of Newport, in 1651,
obtained a commission as governor for life,
"whereby the Townes of Newport and
Portsmouth were disjoynted from the Col-
onic of Providence Plantations,"^ and it

1 R. I. C R., vol. i. p. 147.
> R. I. C. R., vol i. p. 268.

42 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

was not till August 31, 1654, that the final
union of the towns was accomplished.

With this disordered political condition,
the religious conditions were still more
disturbed. The disaiffected from all the
colonies came to Rhode Island. All vari-
eties and shades of opinions could be
found, from harmless mysticism to doc-
trines subversive of the good order of so-
ciety, and many a wild theory was pro-
pounded. Rhode Island has often been
spoken of as a colony of religious tolera-
tion. But it was not toleration that Roger
Williams taught. He laid down a larger
principle, the " freedom of different con-
sciences from inforcement," that is, the
broad principle of each man's being the
sole arbiter of his own fate, and directly
responsible to his Maker for his belief.
This was a new doctrine, a doctrine of
growth and development, calculated to build
strong and noble characters. But, while
remaining true to it, Roger Williams did
not weakly shake off all responsibility as
to the spiritual condition of his colonists.
On the contrary, while keeping clear from
the " inforcements " which were so freely
used in the neighboring colonies, he gave

SOUTH KINGSTON MEETING 43

full rein to his tongue, using all the wea-
pons of argument and invective to scourge
the wayward fanatics who came to him
back into what he considered the true way.
The story has often been told, and needs
no repeating here. Whittier, with true in-
sight, has entered into Roger Williams's
feeling, in " A Spiritual Manifestation,"
when he makes him say : —

" Each zealot thrust before my eyes
His Scripture-garbled label ;
All creeds were shouted in my ears
As with the tongues of Babel.

'* Hoarse ranters, crazed Fifth Monarchists
Of stripes and bondage braggarts,
Pale Churchmen, with singed rubrics snatched
From Puritanic fagots.

'* And last, not least, the Quakers came.
With tongues still sore from burning,
The Bay State's dust from ofiE their feet
Before my threshold spuming ;

" A motley host, the Lord's dibrisj
Faith's odds and ends together ;
Well might I shrink from guests with lungs
Tough as their breeches leather :

'< I fed, but spared them not a wit ;
I gave to all who walked in,
Not clams and succotash alone,
But stronger meat of doctrine.

44 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS MEETING

** I proved the prophets false, I pricked
The bubble of perfection,
And clapped upon their inner light
The snuiOEers of election."

It was in this country of "faith's odds
and ends " that the Quakers found their
opportunity. The martyrdom of Mary Dyer
watered the seed, and when George Fox
came, twelve years later, he confirmed the
church. The visit of Fox was the starting
point for many meetings in America, but
in coming to Rhode Island he came to his
own. He arrived on the 30th of the 3d
month, 1672, from Long Island, and was
"gladly received by Friends," he writes.
This was the 30th of May that he arrived,
when he " went to Nicholas Eastons, who
was governor of the Island ; there we lay,
being weary with travelling." He had a
meeting the next first day, a large meet-
ing, he says, " to which the deputy gov-
ernor and several justices came, and were
mightily affected with the truth." It is
curious to note how often Fox mentions
the dignitaries who attended his meetings,
in spite of his being no respecter of per-
sons. The week following his arrival, the
June yearly meeting for Friends in New

SOUTH KINGSTON MEETING 45

England was held. Fox himself tells the
story of it. Some Barbadoes friends ar-
rived ; and the meeting lasted six days, he
says, and —

Abundance of other people came. For
having no priefts in the ifland, and no
reftriction to any particular way of wor-
ship ; and the governor and deputy-gov-
ernor with several juftices of the peace
daily frequenting meetings ; it so encour-
aged the people that they flocked in from
all parts of the ifland. ... I have rarely
obferved a people in the state wherein
they stood, to hear with more attention,
diligence, and affection, than generally
they did during the four days.
Men's and women's meetings followed
for "ordering the affairs of the church,
. . . that all might be kept clean, sweet
and savory amongft them." After which
Friends dispersed. But Fox and Robert
Widders stayed on the island, " finding
service still here for the Lord through the
great openness, and the daily coming in of
frefh people from other colonies for some
time after the general meeting." " After
this I had great travail in spirit," he writes,
"concerning the Ranters in those parts

46 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

who had been rude at a meeting which I
was not at." So he appointed a meeting
among them, " believing the Lord would
give me power over them ; which he did to
his praise and glory." At this meeting
also there were justices and officers who
were "generally well affected with the
truth." One justice of twenty years' stand-
ing was convinced, "spoke highly of the
truth, and more highly of me," Fox adds,
" than is fit for me to mention or take no-
tice of." What comfort it must have been
to the travelling Friend, who was usually
greeted with stripes and imprisonment in
his own country, to find true appreciation !
His chief acquaintance with justices in
England was as a prisoner on charge of
breaking the peace, and it is small wonder
that, saint as he was, this being heard with
favor by justices and officers should have
seemed to him a special cause for thanks-
giving.

After the Newport meetings. Fox went
to Providence in great travail of spirit, for
the people, he says, " were generally above
the priests in high notions; and some
came on purpose to dispute." There had
been absolute freedom in the little town of

SOUTH KINGSTON MEETING 47

Providence in the thirty-six years of its ex-
istence. Each householder could, and often
did, exhort Roger Williams, with the hu-
mility of greatness, counted himself only as
a teacher also ; one among many. But the
power of George Fox's eloquence and per-
sonality silenced his opponents. He came
from Newport by water, attended by the
governor and many others, and held his
meeting in a great barn, which was thronged
with people, " so that I was exceeding hot,
and in a great sweat," he writes ; " but all
was well ; the glorious power of the Lord
shined over all ! "

Roger Williams was not at the meeting
that hot summer's day, but a little later
rowed himself to Newport to confront the
advocates of the Quaker doctrine. He and
Fox did not meet, however. One wonders
if they could have recognized the nobility
of each other's nature had they seen each
other face to face, or if the " Burrows " from
which Roger Williams " digg^ George Fox ^ "
were too dark and mystical for the scientific
spirit of Williams to tolerate. There must
always be the two orders of men, — the intui-
tive seer, and the logical reasoner. Both

1 George Fox diggd out of his Burrows.

48 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

these men have their noble share of the
world's work, and in the case of Fox and
Williams both made a distinct contribution
to the spiritual life of mankind ; Fox with
his devout and keen perception of divine
immanence in the indwelling spirit, and
Williams with his new doctrine of the free-
dom of man's conscience from " inforce-
ments." These two should certainly have
found points of contact in an age which
is the fruit of both their teachings. As it
was, the apostle came to the town of the
liberator, and left it without seeing him.
After the manner of the time, they both
wrote polemical tracts, the most famous
of which is Williams's " George Fox digg^
out of his Burrows."

Returning to Newport, Fox next went
across the Bay to Narragansett. Again the
governor accompanied him, and they held
a meeting at a justice's, " where Friends
never had any before." I have elsewhere
endeavored to show that this meeting was
probably held at the house of Jireh BuU,^
who was a justice at that time. The year
before, the General Court sat at his house.
It was sometimes called the garrison house,

^ College Tom^ p. 9. Houghton, Mifflin & Co.

SOUTH KINGSTON MEETING 49

and was the largest in Pettaquamscut. " The
meeting was very large, for the country
generally came in, and people from Con-
necticut and other parts round about,"*
Fox writes. " There were four justices of
the peace," he adds. " Most of these peo-
ple were such as had never heard Friends
before ; but they were mightily affected,
and a great desire there is after the truth
amongst them. So that meeting was of
very good service ; blessed be the Lord for-
ever!" The justice at whose house the
meeting was held invited Fox to come
again, but he was then " clear of those
parts." But he laid the place before John
Burnyeate and John Cartwright, who ar-
rived in Newport before he left, and they
"felt drawings thither and went to visit
them."

The house in which this Narragansett
meeting was established had a tragic fate.
It stood on the old Pequot trail, which in
Queen Anne's time became the highway,
on the ridge of Tower Hill. Tradition
places it on the right-hand side travelling
north, a little distance south of the present
corner made by the descent of the road

'^Journaly p. 452.

so NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

running to the west. Only three years
later, in December, 1675, it was destroyed
by Indians, and many of its inmates, includ-
ing women and children, were killed. It
was the destruction of this house which was
the actual incitement to the Great Swamp
Fight, which practically exterminated the
Indians, and put an end to King Philip's
War.

There are no records of Friends' meet-
ings on the west side of the Bay until 1702,
when the Greenwich meeting was estab-
lished, which included the Narragansett
Friends. This at first sight seems singu-
lar, for Narragansett, and southern Narra-
gansett, had been the place of Fox's visit,
and was occupied by some influential con-
verts.

But there were good reasons why the
King's Province could not establish a meet-
ing in those early days. The country was
claimed by charter right by both Connecti-
cut and Rhode Island, and endless contro-
versies ensued as to the government. But
in addition to this, the land was claimed by
two rival purchasers ; the Pettaquamscut
purchasers, who bought Boston Neck and
lands adjacent of the Indians in 1657, and

SOUTH KINGSTON MEETING SI

the Humphrey Atherton Company, who
bought " two parsels of lande," called the
Northern and Southern tract, in 1659. This
land covered the land of the earlier pur-
chase, including Point Juda and Sugar
Loaf Hill.^ Both these companies had the
Indian " sagamores " put their marks to the
deeds of purchase, which they naturally had
little conception of. This is not the place
for a study of the interesting and extended
controversy which ensued. But a glance
at the men who were engaged in it, and who
claimed the right of proprietors in the land,
will explain why Friends for some years
did not set up a meeting in Narragansett.
Among the Pettaquamscut purchasers, Sam-
uel Sewall soon became a leading spirit
He was an example of the best Puritans of
his time, but his action in the trial of the
Salem witches shows the bigotry to which
the best men were liable. Of the other
company, the man who gave it its name.
Major Humphrey Atherton, or Adderton,
as some records spell it, was active in his
persecution of Quakers. Simon Bradstreet
was another zealous bigot. The younger
Winthrop, governor of Connecticut, was

^ The Town Records^ edited by James N. Arnold.

52 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

far more liberal, and his name, as the high-
est in rank, comes first in the deeds, but
his influence in the affairs of the company
was second to Atherton's. It is hardly prob-
able that zealous persecutors at home
would have tolerated Quaker organizations
in the new purchase, which they hoped to
develop into a prosperous colony. It was
Atherton who scoflFed at the death of Mary
Dyer, saying she hung as a flag for others
to take warning by. Long after her death,
in passing the place where Quakers suf-
fered, as he rode proudly by, having re-
viewed his troops, his horse took fright and
threw him violently, dashing his head in
pieces. There were not lacking those who
said the animal saw the ghost of one of the
martyrs, and that their death was avenged.
But even after Atherton's tragic end, Simon
Bradstreet's name would have held in check
the open organization of a meeting.

That the meeting was held, however, would
seem to be indicated from several facts. It
was in 1699 that the Rhode Island quar-
terly meeting was established, consisting of
three monthly meetings, Rhode Island,
Dartmouth, and Narragansett. This last
meeting was at first called Kingstown meet-

SOUTH KINGSTON MEETING 53

ing, but very soon changed to Greenwich,
and included all the Friends on the west
side of the Bay, from Narragansett to Prov-
idence. A little meeting-house was built
in East Greenwich in 1699, the first one
on the west of the Bay, meetings having
been held before at private houses. The
records of the Greenwich monthly meeting
begin in 5*^ month, 1699 (the day is obliter-
ated), at the house of John Briggs, when it
was agreed that he " write for these meet-
ings." A month later the meeting was held
at Jabez Greene's house, and on the 5th of
sixth month of the same year the " next
meeting is appointed to be held at the new
meeting house in East Greenwich."

This little meeting-house was built to
the west of the village, and had a burial-
ground adjoining. It was the first meeting-
house west of Narragansett Bay ; and here
the meetings were held, not only the first-
day meeting for worship, but the monthly
meetings, to which representatives came
from South Kingstown, Providence, and
Warwick. In 1707 the meetings began to
beheld in rotation, three yearly at Providence
and, three at Kingstown. This arrange-
ment continued till 1718, when Providence

54 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

became a distinct monthly meeting. South
Kingstown Friends still came to Greenwich
for monthly meeting. Rowland Robinson,
John Briggs, Peter Greene, the Knowleses
and Rodmans were among the representa-
tives of the southern part of the State. It
was a time of great prosperity for Narra-
gansett. The farms yielded bountifully;
the ferry to Newport was crowded with
droves of sheep and cattle going to market,
and produce of all kinds. The tide of travel
was all set across the Bay rather than to the
head of the Bay, and before many years
Narragansett Friends petitioned for a sepa-
rate meeting. It was at the third month
monthly meeting, 1743, when Thomas Rod-
man and Matthew AUin {sic) were repre-
sentatives from South Kingstown, that an
epistle from the quarterly meeting was read
at Greenwich, which allowed the meeting to
be divided into two monthly meetings. The
record continues : —

This meeting concludes that the
monthly meeting is divided into two
monthly meetings as the Preparative
meetings were before this divifion, and
that South Kingftown monthly meeting
be held on the 2°** day after the laft i**

SOUTH KINGSTON MEETING 55

day in this month to do the proper bufi-
ness of that meeting in the meeting house
of Friends in South Kingstown.
There is no indication as to when the
" meeting house of Friends in South Kings-
town " was built. For many years it was
called " the old meeting house," and in 1 743
it became the centre of influence and seat
of government of Friends in Narragansett.

Ill

THE MEETING-HOUSES

Ill

It was the third month, 1743, that the
South Kingstown monthly meeting began
its existence by the consent of the quarterly
meeting and the Greenwich meeting, to
which the South Kingstown preparative
meeting had belonged. The first monthly
meeting was appointed the following month,
but the records do not begin till the fifth
month, 1743. There are eight folio vol-
umes belonging to the men's meeting, which
contain the records of the business of the
meeting from month to month, the list of
births, marriages, and deaths, and a beau-
tiful manuscript of the English book of
discipline, which was made between 1761
and 1763. Thomas Hazard and Joseph
Congdon were the committee appointed to
see to this work, for which fifty pounds
old tenor was paid. It is entitled " Chris-
tian & Brotherly Advices Given forth from
time to time By the yearly Meeting in
London. Alphabetically Digefted under
Proper Heads. Tranfcribed by Jos : Cong-

60 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

don." Beside the records of the men's
meeting, there are three volumes of wo-
men's records, — the earliest a small quarto,
the others large folios. There is also a
mass of papers belonging to the meeting,
deeds of the meeting-house lands, epistles
from quarterly meetings, beginning as early
as 1747, yearly meeting epistles, and the
originals of various papers copied in the
records. They are a set of time-stained
books and documents, the paper discolored
and brittle, cracking in the folds, exhaling
the peculiar breath of long-kept mustiness.
The handwriting is often crabbed, the spell-
ing eccentric, the records themselves curt
and scanty. Yet here is preserved all
that is left of the best life of many good
men and women. The voice of their
preaching has died upon the air, the savor
of their virtues exists only in tradition ; but
the record of their actual work is preserved
The houses of worship which they built
have crumbled, but the account of their
labors in building remains.

It is often said we lack glamour in Amer-
ica, that our perspective is limited, that we
have no picturesque past. But all these
things lie more in the eye of the beholder

THE MEETING-HOUSES 6l

than in external objects. Natural beauty
is as beautiful in New England as in Old.
We have no Tintern Abbey, it is true, but
our greater lack is a Wordsworth to cele-
brate it

" Art was given for that ;
God uses us to help each other so,
Lending our minds out."

It is the mind, the love, the life of man
which must reveal beauty to us who have
our turn at living now. Looked at in this
spirit, what can be more fascinating, what
can claim our interest and reverent affec-
tion, more than such a mass of records and
papers as those of the Narragansett meet-
ing? For this was life: this meant not only
daily affairs, of which there is abundant
evidence, but it meant the care of good
men for the soul's welfare. We may have
outgrown the methods; humanity cannot
outgrow the aim.

Whatever those worthies truly wrought
has gone into the fabric of later time.
Their Narragansett lies before us, un-
changed as to physical features, but more
thickly peopled, with villages dotting the
pleasant dales. Let us try to turn back the
years to that summer day in 1743 when

62 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

the first recorded meeting was held. Rid-
ing through the narrow lanes, from beyond
Little Rest and up from Westerly, came the
representatives to that meeting. The old
meeting-house — old in 1 743 — stood upon
the southern spur of Tower Hill, a mile or
more from the village. The first mention
of this building occurs in Judge Se wall's
diary, under an entry of Friday, September
20, 1 706, when he went " into the Quaker
Meeting Houfe, about thirty-five feet long,
thirty feet wide, on Hazard's ground, which
was mine."^ The sale of this land to
Thomas Hazard was made in 1698, so that
it must have been a comparatively new
building at the time of Se wall's visit The
South Kingstown Records have something
further to say of this land. August 4, 17 10,
Thomas Hazard sold one acre to Ebenezer
Slocum, of Jamestown, for forty shillings ;
and the next day it was conveyed by Slocum
to Rowland Robinson, Samuel Perry, Henry
Knowles, Jr., Thomas Rodman, and Jacob
Mott, for the same consideration. The
bounds are given, easterly and southerly by
the road, the rest by Hazard's land, " being
that parcel of land on which Stands a cer-

* Sewall Papers f vol. ii. p. 168.

THE meeting-houses 63

tain Meeting House in which the people
called Quakers usually meet."^ It com-
manded a wide prospect of land and water.
At the foot of the hill the chain of Point
Judith ponds begins, which separate the
Point from the mainland ; and the perilous
Point itself, called in the old deeds Point
Juda, or Point Jude, stretches a warning
finger far out into the white breakers.
Block Island, the land of Manassees, lies in
the distance to the southwest ; while to the
east the unbroken ocean stretches to the
coast of Africa. Close at hand, the Petta-
quamscut winds through its marshes; the
crescent of Little Neck beach is white with
foam ; and but a little farther the windows
of Newport gleam in the sunshine. A
lovely prospect those " weighty " Friends had
to look upon. Some of the women doubt-
less enjoyed it, but the appeal of natural
beauty was not generally felt, and the com-
manding situation was doubtless chosen
more in reference to the onslaught of In-
dians than for picturesqueness.

In this " olde meeting house " the meet-
ing was organized. Peter Davis was chosen
" to write for the meeting," — to become its

^ South Kingstown Records^ vol. ii.

64 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

clerk, in other words. He does not record
the fact himself; it is only from a subse-
quent entry, when he was superseded, that
it is learned. He had an interesting career,
which is briefly outlined by the records,
in which he constantly appears. Thomas
Rodman was chosen the meeting's trea-
surer, and served long and well. He was
called Dr. Rodman, and practised the heal-
ing art This was perhaps the only title
that the strictness of Friends admitted of ;
but the life of a country physician, who
literally went about doing good, earned
this most peaceful and honorable of titles.
Books for record were bought, for which
£2 14^. were paid, and the meeting entered
on the difficult question of fixing its bound-
aries. In a new country this is always a
serious task, and in no part of New Eng-
land was there more difficulty than in Nar^
ragansett. As already detailed, rival gov-
ernments claimed the whole country; and
the inhabitants must have become accus-
tomed to an unsettled state of affairs of this
nature, for it took the sober and orderly
Friends of Narragansett seventeen years to
decide what was their proper jurisdiction.
It was not till 1760 that a joint committee

THE MEETING-HOUSES 6$

from the East Greenwich meeting and the
South Kingstown meeting finally made the
report " that each may know which are their
proper members." The South Kingstown
meeting bounds were to begin at Bissell's
Mills on the north. This is now called
Hamilton Mills, and lies on the shore near
Wickford. From thence the boundary ran
" to the Highway that leads westward to
the house where Robert Eldrish formerly
lived, thence by Said Highway to the Cross
Highway by Nicholas Gardner's, thence a
strait line to Boon's house, upon black
plain, thence to the Highway in narrow
Laine by James Reynolds & by said High-
way to the Colony Line."^ Black Plain
and Narrow Lane have passed from remem-
brance, and the houses of these worthy
men know them no more; but in a gen-
eral way it is safe to say that the South
Kingstown meeting included the whole
of Washington County, and a portion of
what is now Connecticut, since Stoning-
ton was evidently included within its lim-
its.

Almost the first business which came
before the meeting in the first year of its

1 Vol. i. p. 104.

66 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

existence was the " matter of building a
meeting house in the north west part of
Westerly." The "Lower part of West-
erly" also desired a meeting-house, one
meeting-house to be ten miles distant from
the other. At a meeting held in Charles-
town, the 29th of 6th month, 1 743, a com-
mittee report on the size of the lower meet-
ing-house. They recommend a " Houfe of
Eighteen feet one way and 26 feet another
way and about 9 or ten feet Stud and about
;^200 money they think will accomplifli
s* Houfe." ^ A few months later Peter
Davis, his sons William, and Peter Davis,
Jr., were appointed " to fe to the Carrying
on of Said Building."

At first sight this seems a great sum to
pay for a little building of eighteen by
twenty-six feet. But the currency was enor-
mously depreciated. In 1740 it required
twenty-seven shillings in bills to equal an
ounce of silver, whose normal rate of ex-
change in the same year was six shillings
ninepence.^ So that the inflation was ex-
actly four hundred per cent., and to get an

* Vol. i. p. 2.

* Weeden, Economic and Social History of New Eng-
land^ chap. xiii. ; R. /. Historical Tracts^ No. 8, p. 55.

THE MEETING-HOUSES 6/

idea of true value the two hundred pounds
must become fifty. All the prices men-
tioned must be reduced as much or more,
for the currency went on depreciating, until
at last, in 1781, one Spanish milled dollar
was equal to sixteen hundred dollars in
paper !

The independent existence of the meet-
ing seems to have acted as a stimulus in
building houses of worship.* It was soon
under consideration to build a meeting-
house in the southwest part of South
Kingstown. A committee was appointed
in 1748 to conclude "where to fet the
meeting houfe they are about to build."
Two Perrys, James and Benjamin, with
three other Friends, were appointed, but
the next month the proposal was "Dropt
for the prefent." Friends doubtless had
enough on hand at the moment, for the
upper meeting-house at Westerly was re-
ported " not yet fit to meet in in cold
weather, and all the money spent." It was
recommended to quarterly meeting for as-
sistance. But the need of a house of wor-
ship was evidently great, for a Friend is
dealt with for " suffering Friends to be dis-
orderly Impofed upon in their public meet-

68 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

ing at his houfe, and he not forbid the
diforder." ^

So the heart of James Perry was evi-
dently moved, for in 1750 he conveyed a
piece of land by deed to the meeting " to
and for the ufe of ffriends to fet a Meeting
houfe on, and for a burying Ground." The
meeting agreed to fence the ground, and a
committee was appointed to place the house
and fix the size. The house was to be some-
what larger than the Westerly lower meet-
ing-house built a few years ago. This was
thirty-two by twenty-four feet, " and 9 foot
and a half poft," but the " coft they fuppofe
will be about ;^75o!" So in seven years
the cost for a building only one third larger
increased three and one half times. This
little meeting-house stood long in the " hill
country " in Matunuck, back from the high-
way to the west of the road. Of late years
it was surrounded by huckleberry pastures,
whose rich russet red in the early autumn
made a fitting setting for the venerable
structure. To it a little company of wor-
shipers gathered each year on a summer
First Day. Here again was heard the sound
of prayer and exhortation ; and if the melody

* Vol. i. p. 30.

THE MEETING-HOUSES 69

of hymns floated from its trembling win-
dows, it shocked no listening Friends, for
the preacher who held the service was that
friend of humanity who has banded his
brethren together " in His Name." By the
pious care of several of these summer pil-
grims, the little building was preserved
until a very few years ago. One summer
when they returned from a winter's absence
they found it a heap of rubbish !

In spite of the disordered state of the
currency, Friends kept on building ; and in
1753 Richmond wished a meeting-house,
to be built on the highway which leads
from John Knowles's to Mumford's Mills.
The dimensions were of what appears to
have been the usual size, thirty-two by
twenty-four feet, " and of a height for a con-
venient Galarie" the record adds. Four
hundred and eighty-eight pounds were im-
mediately subscribed, and the matter was
referred to quarterly meeting. This house
finally cost ^824 5^. 5^., as the completed
account shows. Only £^2^ 18^. (>d. were
received when the account was rendered,
"fo that there remains due to the under-
takers £^(> (>s. 11^., — and there is ;^i6 i^.
td. of the fubfcriptions unpaid." It stood

70 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

within the limits of the town of Richmond,
from which it took its name, to the west of
Kingston, somewhat south of the present
village of Usquepaug. The highway still
exists as a quiet country road, and, driv-
ing westward from Kingston Depot, to the
right lies a little knoll, now bare and de-
serted, save for a few moss-grown stones
which guard the resting-places of the dead.
Here the meeting-house was built. The
quiet country stretches in soft undulations
about it. The farms are now almost de-
serted ; here and there a column of smoke
rising from a group of old apple-trees marks
a household. A few stately avenues of old
trees between moss-grown walls lead to
dilapidated buildings which once were fine
mansions. A feeling of autumn creeps into
even spring-time air, as of a land that has
passed its vigorous youth, and lies basking
tranquilly after days of achievement. Or is
it waiting the coming of some hero of ro-
mance to wake this sleeping beauty, and
once again fill the fields, now so desolate,
with activity and life ?

In the days of the Friends' meeting,
it was a busy centre. Around the place
of gathering stretched the fields of the

THE MEETING-HOUSES 71

Hoxsies, Solomon and Stephen, both men of
mark and influence in the meeting. Here
the business of the Friends' meetings was
transacted, alternating with those on Tower
Hill and in the Westerly meeting-house. It
happens that much of the important busi-
ness we shall review occurred here. Here
the first protest against slavery was made,
and here some of the most influential of
the members were brought to account for
delinquencies.

Beside building its own meeting-houses,
the South Kingstown meeting contributed
to others, as it in turn also received contri-
bution. Warwick, Dartmouth, and Provi-
dence each had contributions in the early
days of the meeting. South Kingstown
was the richest town in the colony about
the middle of the century, and it is natural
to find Friends contributing considerable
sums. But, while Friends were generous,
they were thrifty. After having contributed
seventy-two pounds fifteen shillings toward
various meeting-houses, especially the meet-
ing-house at Providence, comes the entry :

" This meeting do not find freedom to
contribute any more till they are Satisfied
the augmenting of the firft fum which was

^2 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

Requefted is not by unneceffary coft."^
And at another time, when the epistle from
quarterly meeting was " read and kindly
excepted," as the good clerk wrote it, it was
quite literally true ; for " as to the requeft
in the Epiftle from the Laft Quarterly
Meeting for Afliftance in Difcharging the
Coll ffriends have been at about their
meeting houfe in Smithfield we at pre-
fent Defire to be excufed for we are about
Repairing our Meeting houfe in S° Kings-
town." 2

The meeting-houses needed continual re-
pairs, and committees are appointed to " Hop
ye leak in ye old meeting houfe," or to see
to the windows and small repairs, frequently.
It was before the days of stoves, and in the
long intervals of silent meditation the cold
must have been intense.

New England Friends were mindful of
the sufferings of Friends in England, and
in 1752 the meeting sent £^0 14^. by its
treasurer, to be taken to the next quar-
terly meeting to forward to London. The
treasurer had a difficult task with his ac-
counts in the variable currency, of which
the following entry is an example : —

1 Vol. I. p. 97. « Ibid, p. 35.

THE MEETING-HOUSES 73

It appears by the Records of our
Monthly Meeting the 27 of ye Fifth
Month, 1747, that there is of the meet-
ing's money in the hands of Peter Davis
the sum of ;^ 16. 16.6 that after the Dis-
count of jC^ 3*7 there remains a Balance
yet due to the meeting of ;^3.9.6/
Beside the meetings in the meeting-
houses, youths' meetings were appointed :
one at Westerly lower meeting-house was
to be held in the seventh month, " a second
day, after the first day." Another was held
at William Gifford's, in Charlestown, in the
2d month; a third, in the old meeting-
house, on a fifth day in the seventh month
following the second-day meeting at Wes-
terly; and at Westerly upper meeting-house
in the second month again.^

So the meeting was fully established with
its five houses of worship. First in impor-
tance was the old meeting-house on Tower
Hill, built on Thomas Hazard's land, which
for a nominal consideration he sold to
Ebenezer Slocum in 17 10, who in his turn
transferred it to certain trustees the next
day for the same consideration. Then came
the two Westerly houses, the meeting-house

* Vol. i. p. 1 1 1. ^ Idtd, p. 40.

74 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

on James Perry's land in Matunuck and
the Richmond meeting-house. What the
work of the meeting was, and what manner
of men did it, the following pages will en-
deavor to show.

IV

THE CLERKS OF THE MEETING

IV

The records of the South Kingstown
Friends begin in a small, square hand, with
Friends spelled with a double f, and words
written as the South County speech pro-
nounced them, and our interest is naturally
excited to know something of the man who
wrote them. It does not appear from the
first record who he was, but a subsequent
entry shows him to have been " our ancient
friend, Peter Davis." He was a South
County man, living near Westerly, who
had been prominent in the East Greenwich
meeting. Among the first duties that he
performed for the new meeting was to " fe
to the carrying on " of Westerly lower meet-
ing-house, in which his two sons were ap-
pointed to assist him. In 1747, on the 27th
of the 2d month, he " Laid before this meet-
ing that there hath been a concern on his
Mind for some time to Vifit ffriends in the
Weftern parts, and allfo in Europe if the
way fhould open for him. And defired a
few Lines of ffriends Unity therein." This

78 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

proposal was considered by the meeting,
and two months later action was taken
upon it, and the minute is entered by Peter
Davis himself : —

Whereas our ffriend Peter Davis is
Likely to move from us for fome time this
Meeting confidered to Choofe and ap-
point our ffriend, Stephen Hoxfie to fill
his Room in the Service of Clerk to this
Meeting. Two certificates for our An-
tiant Friend, Peter Davis, one for Long
Ifland, penfalvenia And ye Jerfes and
Verginia &ct Maryland &ct, one for the
Ifland of Great Brittian was both writ
and Signed in this meeting.
What a journey for a country Friend to
set out upon I He calls himself an "An-
tiant Friend " already in 1 747, when he was
about to undertake it, though this must have
been an honorary title if the record is cor-
rect, which places his birth in 1 7 1 2, which
would make him only thirty-five years old.
It is possible there is some mistake in this
entry, as he lived to a great age, though
the record is explicit. He performed his
duties to the last, filling twenty-five of the
large folio pages with closely written re-

THE CLERKS OF THE MEETING 79

cords, and on the 29th of 4th month, 1747,
comes his last entry, " This Meeting
Ended." One reads it with something of
what must have been his own feeling of
solemnity at quitting home and kindred.
His rule as a clerk was evidently not a
very rigid one, for on an occasion " the
minits of the Laft Monthly Meeting not
happining to be at hand it was Retnem-
bredr

In the spring of 1747, Peter Davis set
out on his travels, and certificates as to his
preaching were received by the home meet-
ing. The first one is dated from Nine
Partners, or, as it was often called, The Ob-
long, in the Province of New York. This
is back of Poughkeepsie, on the Hudson,
and for many years was the seat of a famous
school under the government of Friends.
Peter Davis preached there in May, 1747.
The next month found him in the "pur-
chase of Westchester." Woodbridge, in
New Jersey, Maryland, Flushing, Long Is-
land, and Philadelphia were visited in turn,
and the certificates received, " Which was
all Read in this meeting to Good satisfac-
tion." * One wonders what his special gift

» VoL L p. 36.

8o NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

was, and what aspect of truth he loved to
preach. The way opened before him, for
after a sojourn in Philadelphia in the au-
tumn of 1747, he sends a certificate from
London, dated 22d of 3d month, 1748. No
comment is made upon this in the orderly
records. There is an interval of six months
between the Philadelphia certificate and the
one from London. How long a time was
he upon the water, one wonders ? and what
reception did a Rhode Island Friend meet
with in London ? The records give no
indication, but the meeting must have been
stirred and stimulated by the fact of its
own approved minister carrying his testi-
mony and his gifts so far. In 1 75 1 he was
evidently back again, for certificates from
The Oblong, Westbury on Long Island,
and from the Purchase in the Province of
New York, were received. Again, in 1759,
it is recorded that "our Ancient Friend,
Peter Davis & John Collins hath a concern
on their minds to vifit Friends in the West-
ern parts." He was evidently a man of
influence in the society, especially where
any question of doctrine was involved, and
was constantly on committees to deal with
offenders against the simplicity of Friends.

THE CLERKS OF THE MEETING 8 1

He lived to a great age, and was twice mar-
ried. Content Davis was his first wife, a
woman of much influence in the women's
meeting. She died in 1781, and he mar-
ried his second wife, Martha. She "de-
parted this Life the 12 th day of the 4th
Mo 1809 ^i^d was buried the 14th in
Friends burying ground in Richmond,
aged eighty-eight years." A year before
her death the meeting took charge of its
aged minister, and a paper exists specifying
the food and clothing the aged couple were
to have.^ He lived three years longer, and
died in 181 2, "aged one hundred years,
eleven months and five days," and was
buried in the Richmond burying-ground.

A story is told of Peter Davis by the
present clerk of the meeting, who in his
youth knew an aged man who was his
friend. He was vigorous in mind and body,
enjoying life to the last. Upon one occa-
sion he was riding along the Matunuck
road, erect as usual, and a party of younger
friends followed. Thinking him out of
hearing, they discussed his great age, say-
ing they would not like to live so long.
The old man turned in his saddle and said

^ Appendix, p. 190.

82 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

gently, " Boys, it is sweet to live; I love life."
And surely he had had great experience
of life. Not only had he more years than
any other Friend who is mentioned, but his
travels and his preaching had made them
full years. He enforced the discipline of
the meeting, and the meeting was stringent
with him. On the occasion of one of his
religious journeys, a committee was ap-
pointed to inquire into his conversation and
report upon it. They "find things clear
concerning Peter Davis. All accept his
Setting out on his Jorney before he had
a Certificate." Thus even so influential a
Friend was kept to the letter of the law.

Stephen Hoxsie, as already noticed, was
chosen to succeed Peter Davis when the
latter set out on his travels. His first en-
try, the record of the meeting held the 27th
of 5th month, 1747, is a great contrast to
Peter Davis's crabbed hand. Peter Davis
evidently had modeled his writing after the
engrossing hand of the scribe of the day.
It was small and square, and lacked the
evenness and finish which gave the clerkly
hand of the period its character. Stephen
Hoxsie begins in a good, flowing hand, and
with more modern ideas of spelling, though

THE CLERKS OF THE MEETING 83

that retains its " freedom from inforce-
ment " as boldly as the consciences of the
founders. South County speech, to this
day, speaks of a convenant place of meeting,
and so the books record it. " Accept " was
always an occasion of stumbling, the quar-
terly meeting epistles being generally ex-
cepted^ while genuine " exception " is often
" accepted." But the improvement is great
in the fullness and accuracy with which the
record was kept. It is a neat-looking re-
cord, and for twenty-seven years was written
by the same hand. Stephen Hoxsie, and
Elizabeth his wife, lived not far from the
Richmond meeting-house. They had eleven
children, and it was not till a few months
after her death, in the autumn of 1773, that
he resigned his clerkship. It is his hand
that records dealing with debtors, with " dis-
orderly walkers," and notes the proposals of
marriage between young Friends. He was
often on committees himself to inquire into
difficult cases, and was evidently a man of
weight and influence in the meeting. He
" Departed this life," the record says, " the
24"" Day of the lo"' Month 1793," within one
day of twenty years from the day of his
w^e's death, " and Was buiyed in friends

84 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

burying Ground at Richmond the 27 of
the Same, after a Solid Meeting of friends
and others aged 80 years & 26 Days."

This faithful clerk of the meeting was
succeeded in 1774 by Peleg Peckham.^ If
Stephen Hoxsie was an improvement on
the first clerk, this third clerk was an ad-
vance on Stephen Hoxsie. The handwrit-
ing has the same general character, but is
clearer and firmer, an excellent hand, very
legible and distinct. The page has a schol-
arly air, and the spelling conforms to mod-
em requirements. The use of capitals
continues in unexpected places, but the
whole record bespeaks a man of better edu-
cation. The period of the work of this
clerk covered the final dealings on the ques-
tion of slavery, and the whole period of the
Revolution. With Peleg Peckham Thomas
Hazard was closely associated. In 1775
Thomas Hazard and Peleg Peckham were
appointed " to Collect the Several Rules or
Minutes of the yearly meeting Tranfmitted
to us by Epiftles or other ways & to record
them in the Book of Difcipline under their
Proper Heads." ^ This was in the first year
of Peleg Peckham's service, and all through

^Vol. ii. p. 16. ^ Ibid. ^. SI'

THE CLERKS OF THE MEETING 85

this period, frequently at the end of a meet-
ing, comes the signature, " Tho" Hazard
Clerk this Time." I have been in much
doubt as to whether Thomas Hazard, who
was " College Tom," made these entries
himself. Careful comparison with manu-
script known to be his would lead to the
conclusion that it was. He had an odd
way of writing the " s," in the abbreviation
of Thomas, high up, close to the beginning
of the " H " in Hazard. Either these are
his signatures, or his friend Peleg Peckham
closely imitated his method. Another cir-
cumstance which would seem to indicate
that the entries are in Thomas Hazard's
hand is the fact that very frequently, in a list
of names of a committee, his own name
appears last. The first hundred and fifty
pages of the second volume of records, cov-
ering only seven years, appears to be in the
same hand ; if by both Peleg Peckham and
Thomas Hazard, the resemblance is very
remarkable. Nailor Tom Hazard records
in 178 1, " Cousin Hazard had a fit coming
from the mill," and it is in that year that
this handwriting stops in the middle of a
sentence.
Thomas Hazard was the eldest son of

86 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

«

Robert • Hazard and Sarah Borden his wife.
His mother belonged to the meeting, but I
have found no evidence that his father did.
He received a good education, and from the
fact of his attending the college at New
Haven he derived his nickname of College
Tom. He was early exercised on behalf of
the slaves, and refused to work his farm
with slave labor. He related the occasion
of his first turning his thoughts to the sub-
ject. In one of the hot summer days be-
tween his college terms, his father sent him
into the field to oversee the haying. Find-
ing the sun intolerable, he lay down under
a tree and took a book from his pocket.
But it was too hot to read, and he lay
watching the negroes at work. The situa-
tion suddenly struck him. If it was too
hot even to read in the shade, what right
had he to keep men at work in the sun ?
From that moment his thoughts were
turned toward the evils of slavery, and when
a little later he heard the stern denuncia-
tion of the Connecticut deacon his con-
science was fully aroused. " Quakers ! " said
the deacon, " they are not Chriftian people ;
they hold their fellow-men in flavery."
Thomas Hazard was a young fellow just

THE CLERKS OF THE MEETING 8/

of age, and on the point of being married,
when these words were said to him. He
gave up his worldly prospects, worked his
farm with free labor, and became a zealous
advocate of emancipation. His long and
useful life has been detailed elsewhere,^ but
in any mention of Narragansett Friends of
the eighteenth century he must hold a con-
spicuous place.

Solomon Hoxsie, a brother of Stephen
Hoxsie the clerk, was also a man of mark,
often intrusted with business for the meet-
ing. He is called of Richmond, and when
he died, in 1781, "was decently interred in
his own Burying ground near his houfe."

John Collins was a traveling Friend who
belonged to the meeting. He sometimes
accompanied Peter Davis on his shorter
journeys, and several times the record
comes that he " hath it on his mind to
vifit ffriends at Oblong." Robarts Knowles
was the Friend who traveled with Peter
Davis on his extended journey before he
sailed for England. A Robert Knowles
was under dealing for debt not long after,
and one wonders if it was the same Friend,

* Thomas Hazard^ son of Robert^ called College Tom,
By Caroline Hazard. Houghton^ MiMn & Co.

88 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

and if, in his concern for the good of
the meeting, he neglected his " outward
affairs."

Friends were truly watchful over each
other for good. The most prominent men
in the meeting were chosen visitors, and
overseers of the meeting. The Queries were
sent to each meeting from the quarterly
meeting, and were not only read in public
meetings but in the houses of Friends. They
were a list of questions as to the life and
conduct of the members. Friends were ad-
vised " againft running into employment
they have no knowledge or experience of,
but to employ themfelves in that bufmess
they were acquainted with." Their apparel,
furniture, table, and way of living was under
the observation of the overseers. Nor were
the ministers and elders exempt from such
supervision, but they were exhorted to have
a watchful care for each other.

In 1755 the scope of the overseers was
defined when it was
agreed by this meeting that for the future
the vifitors of each meeting Do vifit the
families of such who were married among
Friends that have not cut themfelves off
by Transgreffion, those who are the chil-

THE CLERKS OF THE MEETING 89

dren of ffriends, and read the Queries to
them. And fuch who are willing to be
in the obfervation of fuch Queries, and
have a Defire to be under the care of
friends in order that the monthly meet-
ing may have a Right Sence of the con-
duct of all Such : and take proper meth-
ods to Deal timely with fuch who walk
Diforderly/

A little later, in 1761, Thomas Wilbour,
Thomas Hazard, and Stephen Hoxsie re-
port still further on the duties of over-
seers : —

It is our Judgement that every par-
ticular contained in the Queries now in
ufe in faid Monthly Meetings may with
propriety be committed to the charge
and care of faid overfeers together with
all other Rules of Moral and Religious
Conduct that are or fhall be hereafter
thought neceffary by faid Monthly Meet-
ing and recommended to their overfight
fo far as they do or may relate to the
Week Day and Firfl Day Meetings and
their Members.^

Still later the overseers were to take no-
tice of "diforders committed by members,

* Vol. 1. p. 69. * IHd. p. 122.

go NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

viz.: Sleping and all other indecencies,"
and the omission of members to attend all
meetings.

The Queries were reported upon from
month to month. In 1 754 the visitors re-
port " in fome places Indifferent well, but
many places according to our Underftand-
ing too much Indifferency in Regarding
the good order which ought to be kept up
amongft us for which they Laboured in the
ability they Received for Amendment." ^

A little later, " where there was a De-
ficiency they generally gave Incouragement
of a Regulation." The Queries were also
read in meeting, " and friends gave anfwers
thereto as proper as they were Capable of
at prefent."

The meeting was not afraid to take up
grave questions. The question of slavery
stirred it deeply; temperance was already
a question of the day ; education received
attention. One question, which was a ques-
tion in England until very recently, came
up in 1 77 1, — the question of marrying
a deceased wife's sister.^ A minute was
framed to ask advice upon it in 1772 : —
Query to be able to marry a deceafed

1 Vol. i. p. 63. 2 Ibid, p. 245.

THE CLERKS OF THE MEETING 91

wife's fifter or deceafed Hufband's Bro-
ther and what is neceffary to be done in
fuch cafes ? ^

The system of overseers kept the meet-
ing closely bound together, where " too
much indifferency " did not prevail. The
most solid men of the meeting were ap-
pointed for this service. The Hoxsies,
Stephen and Solomon, Peter Davis, and
his companion John Collins, and Thomas
Hazard, all went from house to house visit-
ing Friends under the care of the meeting.
A touch of human nature doubtless crept
in on some of these occasions, and the
formal reports in the records must some-
times have had their origin in neighbor-
hood gossip. But life was taken seriously,
and the daily wg-lk and conversation of
Friends was under close observation. In
a time of general laxity, and in a new and
partly settled country, the orderly rule of
Friends made for that righteousness which
" exalteth the nation." It may be that the
overseers were at times actuated by very
human motives, that the quiet country life
fostered curiosity. A sense of spiritual
pride in those so honored may have crept

* Vol. i. p. 267.

92 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

in, yet these Friends recognized that their
own will was naught ; they depended upon
the Light of Truth, which they earnestly
sought, and, in the beautiful phrase of their
clerk, they " labored with the ability they
have received."

V

THE WORK OF THE MEETING

V

The meeting in South Kingstown, though
probably the oldest association for worship,
was by no means the only one. As early
as 1668, the Pettaquamscut purchasers set
aside three hundred acres of land, " to be
laid out and forever fet apart as an en-
couragement, the income or . improvement
thereof wholly for an Orthodox perfon that
fliall be obtained to preach God's word to
the Inhabitants." The church which was
supported from this foundation had teach-
ers at the end of the century, but it was
not till 1732 that the Rev. Samuel Niles
came, who is called the "firft incumbent
of ordination."

These ministerial lands were the cause
of a long lawsuit, for the "orthodox per-
son," for whose benefit the deed was made,
was held by Dr. McSparran, the missionary
of the Church of England, to be no other
than himself. Dn McSparran arrived in
1 7 1 9, and was active and zealous for many
years. His Church of St. Paul's stood in

96 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

the village of Tower Hill, on the highway
leading to the ferry. Dr. Torrey's church,
which finally obtained the title to the min-
isterial lands, stood on the corner of the
Queen's high road and the ferry road. The
court-house was almost opposite it; and
from this centre, in the early part of the
eighteenth century, the life of the country-
side spread. These two churches are con-
tinued in Narragansett. The court-house
was moved to Kingstown in 1754. Dr.
Torrey's church followed, and has become
the First Congregational Church at Kings-
ton. Dr. McSparren's St. Paul's Church
was moved to a site a few miles north of
the village, and later to Wickford, where
the building in which he preached is still
preserved. The Church of the Ascension
in Wakefield is its South Kingstown de-
scendant. Beside these two established
churches at the time of the establishment
of the meeting, there were all sorts of minor
sects. Beside Quakers and Baptists, Mr.
Fayerweather says, " Fanatics, Ranters,
Deifts, and Infidels fwarm in that part of
the world," and Dr. McSparran bewails the
" hetrodox and different opinions in re-
ligion that were found in this little comer."

THE WORK OF THE MEETING 97.

At the same time the good doctor laments
this diversity, he speaks of " the power
and number of Quakers in this colony."
Dr. McSparran does not mention the sect
which the Friends had most to fear, if the
mention in their records is a true indica-
tion, — the New Lights, or New Lites, as
Stephen Hoxsie often spelled it As early
as 1 748 a Friend was denied his member-
ship because he suffered Friends' meeting
" to be difturbed and broken up by the
aforef^ Wild & Ranting people, which
meeting was in his own houfe." Peter
Davis and John Collins, the two preachers,
who were presumably strong in points of
doctrine, were appointed to labor with
Henry Mulkins, as " there appears but Lit-
tle hopes of his Return," and in 1753 he
was denied as a " Newlite."

They were also called Separates, or Sep-
arators, and the outward sign of a Friend's
removing the hat seems to have been taken
as a token of falling from grace. A little
later two Friends dealt with a man who "has
lately joyned with ye People called Sepa-
rates in their Worfhip fo far as to Stand
up with his Hatt off in the Time of their
praying." A second Friend was under the

98 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

same charge, as he had " attended a meet-
ing of the people called feparators and
joined with them in worihip by taking off
his Hatt, etc.," the record says. This re-
minds one of the early days when the hat
played such an important part, and the
Boston martyr, William Robinson, ex-
claimed, " it is for not putting off the hat
we are put to death ! " One of these Friends
confessed his fault as follows : —

I did fometime past Inconfiderately at-
tend a meeting of the people called New
Lights, and fo far joined with them in
their worfliip as to pull off my hatt
which inconfiderate conduct of mine I
freely condemn.

In 1767 a young man was under dealing
as he " has juftified his union and commun-
ion with the Newlights so-called, and Friends
being willing that he fliould maturely con-
fider the matter, do conclude to refer it to
the next monthly meeting." Two months
later his case was again referred, " that his
mother may have an opportunity to confer
with him." But her arguments did not pre-
vail, and he soon was denied his member-
ship because he "pretended to juftifie
himfelf in being Dipp*^ in outward water."

THE WORK OF THE MEETING 99

As late as 1787 the New Lights gave
trouble. A member confessed that he had
been to a funeral " and Joined with them in
their praying and fo forth, but have confid-
ered my Conduct therein fmce and find
that I mift it in fo doing," which seems a
very modern mode of confession.

The Baptist Church in Wakefield claims
descent from these enthusiasts. The shores
of Kit's Pond for many years have witnessed
converts " dipp*^ in outward water ; " and
what the good Friends called " Wild and
Ranting " was doubtless the fever of exhor-
tation and song into which the neighbor-
hood gatherings wrought themselves. Many
of the hymns were a sort of recitation by
the leader, with a refrain taken up by the
congregation, and punctuated with sighs
and groans. A wild religious fervor marked
these meetings, wonderful experiences were
related, and constant backsliding occurred.
To the minds of Friends, they were a peo-
ple of " dark and erroneous principles."
As might be expected, the women's meet-
ing had difficulty with women who were
carried away by this enthusiasm. Con-
tent Davis, the wife of our ancient friend
Peter Davis, was in charge of a case in

100 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETINC^

1 762 where a woman went to the " Sepa-
arates or New Light " meeting, and with
an unconscious arrogance is accused of
" joining with them in what they call wor-
fhip." She refused to make satisfaction,
and four months after was denied for her
"Sade outgoings," as she was "too far
joyned into the Religious Sentiments and
practices of ye people called New light or
Saparates." The following year another
woman was " put from under friends care
until fhe makes Satisfaction " on the same
charge.

The New Light doctrines seem to have
been the only religious difficulty Friends
had to contend with in Narragansett. It
is natural that any revolt from the orderly
ways of Friends should go to the furthest
extreme possible at the time. Episcopacy
and Presbyterianism do not appear to have
troubled the meeting. But there were al-
ways sins of conduct to contend with, and
the meeting kept a watchful eye upon its
members. A man was reported as he " had
of late tarried at the Tavern unfeafonable
and drinked to Excefs his Behaviour and
Converfation being diforderly therein,*' and
was duly dealt with. Another man is re-

THE WORK OF THE MEETING lOI

ported to the South Kingstown Prepara-
tive Meeting, as he " had Conducted Difor-
derly in Selling Spirituous Liquors By
Small Quantities without Licenfe." ^ Two
Friends were appointed to treat with him.

The young men were dealt with for fight-
ing, which they " openly condemn " as being
against " the Peacable principles we Pro-
fefs," and also for using " unbecoming and
prophain language for which reproachful
act I am very forry and do freely condemn,"
the repentant young man declares. Young
Caleb Hazard confesses that he " has of late
fo far given way to the paflion of anger as
to ftrike and fight with Coon Williams,"
which he freely condemns. A paper was
read at the Richmond meeting-house in
August, 1767, which must have caused a
good deal of talk before and after the read-
ing. " A man," the writer says,
come to me in my field and tho I Defired
him to Keep off yet made an attempt
to beat or abufe me to prevent which
I Suddenly and with too much warmth
puflied him from me with the Rake I
was leaning on, which act of mine as it
did not manifeft to that Christian patience

1 Vol. i. p. 226.

102 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

and Example in SufEering Tryals of every
Kind becoming my profeffion I therefore
Freely Condemn it and Defire that I may
be enabled for the future to Suffer pa-
tiently any abufe or whatever elfe I may
be Tried with and alfo Defire Friends to
Continue their watchful care over me.
Solomon Hoxsie made a complaint of
a man *' Giving him an occafion of uneafi-
nefs by Charging him with Vfing Deciet
with him at feveral times." Thomas Haz-
ard and other Friends were appointed to
inquire into the case and make report:
" We adjudge that John Knowles condemn
his charge of Deceit againft Solomon Hox-
fie at fome meeting of friends which the
meeting fhall think Confident with good
order." Another man is charged with using
an " Unfavory expreflion, What if you
Should Try it out with your guns," which
he is advised to condemn.

All cases of dispute were to be adjusted
by the meeting, and both parties sometimes
gave a binding obligation to abide by the
decision rendered. One of the Congdons
of Charlestown was complained of by a
Friend " for ufing of him hardly in bargain-
ing," and a committee was appointed "to

THE WORK OF THE MEETING I03

inquire into the Viracity" of the com-
plaint.

Nathan Tucker, who appeared for his
father in this case, had to give

his obligation to ftand and abide the De-
termination of fuch Friends as Shall or
may be chosen and agreed to and fully
authorized by faid Joseph and Nathan
to Hear Judge and final Determination
make of the whole Controversy. . . . But
notwithftanding the parties are firft to be
Urged to an amicable and equitable fet-
tlement amongft themfelves and make re-
turn of their fuccefs to our next Monthly
Meeting.^

Friends could sometimes appeal from the
judgment of the committee, and a new com-
mittee could reconsider the case, as in the
following instance : —

The friends appointed to Treat with
Dan Bowing Concerning his not comply-
ing with the judgement of flfriends in a
cafe between him and one of his neigh-
bors Made Report that their Judgment
is that friend Bowing ought not to pay
anything on that Judgment them friends
gave.^

1 Vol. i. p. 230. « Ibid, p. (Z.

104 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

In another case there was a difference
between two Friends about settling their
accounts. The meeting appointed three
Friends to assist in settling, and, if they
could not do it with the advice of the com-
mittee, to " Deliver each of their acco'ts
into the hands of the Said Committee and
they to fettle them & make Report." They
"Completed that affair according to Ap-
pointment" ist nth month, 1755.

If Friends ventured to appeal to the law
instead of to the meeting they were severely
dealt with, for St. Paul's maxim was closely
followed. A member who had sued his
son-in-law, contrary to the good order of
Friends, is mentioned. The " Meeting Re-
quefts of him to Defift fuch Diforderly
proceedings, and Defires him to attend our
next Monthly Meeting to make friends Sat-
isfaction." *

In another case, " South Kingftown in-
formed that John Barber has fo far difre-
garded the Rules of Friends Discipline as
to fue a Friend at Common Law." Thomas
Hazard and William Robinson were ap-
pointed to treat with him, and to inform
him " unlefs he makes faid Friend Satis-

* Vol. i. p. 92.

THE WORK OF THE MEETING 105

faction for the unneceffary coft and trouble
he has put him to, and alfo condemn his
faid difregard to Friends Difcipline that
he will be denied Memberfhip." ^

Even giving advice as to an appeal to the
law was a breach of discipline. A man and
his wife are mentioned who " conducted
Diforderly in that they advifed and encour-
aged their fon " to prosecute a friend at
common law, and " they are advifed to
condemn it."

The meeting was very jealous of the
credit of its members. Men were dealt
with for not paying their debts, and dis-
owned if they proved dishonorable about it.
An example may be taken as a typical case.

In 1766 South Kingstown Preparative
Meeting informed the monthly meeting
" that it was neceffary a Committee be ap-
pointed to infpect the circumftances " of a
Friend. John Collins, Thomas Wilbon, and
Thomas Hazard were immediately appointed
*' to go out and treat with faid Robert he
being prefent in regard to his circumftances
and make Report to this Meeting." This
committee reported " that by his Account
his Debts and his Eflate are near: about

1 VoL i. p. 167.

I06 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

equivalent exclufive of his Houfehold
Goods and a few Cooper's Tools the Farm
he bought of the Heirs of James Bowdoen
and the purchafe money not included."
This would seem a large exception, and the
committee was instructed " to make further
infpection of the Said Robert's circum-
ftances and make Report thereof."

The next month the committee reported,
" from his information," the records carefully-
state, " that he hath bought a tract of land
of the Heirs of Bowdoin of Bofton lying
in Richmondtown, the confideration three
hundred feventy five Dollars to be paid on
ye lo of ye i mo 1767. The faid land
being vewed by us the Said Confideration
in our Eftimation is too much, and further
that he hath an Opportunity to enter into
the improvement of his brother Samuel's
houfe and farm and to have the ufe of one
yoke of Oxen therewith at the Rent per
annum of 1 10 yards of Common Shirting
flanning and the keep of one Yearling
Horfe."

(Signed) John Collins.

Thomas Wilbore.

Thomas Hazard.

THE WORK OF THE MEETING 10/

This year and the year following, 1 766-
67, were the years in which College Tom
made some of his most curious bargains.
He bought a horse, a " Dark Coloured
Natural pacing Horse " he calls it, in 1 766,
for fifty-five silver dollars, but the value of
the money was to be taken in molasses, in-
digo, and tea. In the case of this Friend
whom College Tom was endeavoring to as-
sist, the bargain for the land was made in
dollars also, but the rent to be paid in
" Common Shirting flanning," and the keep
of a colt, shows how scarce actual money
was.

The committee appointed to assist in this
case wrote a letter to Boston to endeavor
to get Friend Robert released from his pur-
chase, and he reported that he had signed
and forwarded the letter, a copy of which
was presented to the meeting. As he also
proposed " to fell fo much of his perfonal
Eftate as would difcharge his contracts, and
provide a fuitable place for his family and
put himfelf to Labour this meeting advife
him to purfue it." ^

At the 6th month meeting. Friends re-
ported that little had been done toward set-

* VoL i. p. 174.

I08 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

tling Robert's debts, and at the 9th month
meeting the same was true ; " therefor as it
is not reputable any longer to delay this
meeting advifes him to notify his Creditors
as foon as conveniently may be and deliver
up his Eftate or fo much of it as will fatisfy
all his Creditors."

At the next meeting, Friends reported that
"faid Robert has concluded to perfue the
advice of the Monthly Meeting by notifying
his Creditors and deliver up his Eftate to
them which is referred to wait for his per-
formance thereof."

It was six months that this Friend had
been advised by the meeting, and the case
continued much longer. The account of
his debts was brought in, which amounted
" to fifty eight and three quarters of a dol-
lar, and also Perfonal Eftate Amounting
to the Same Sum," which he was desired to
" offer up " to satisfy his creditors. The
sum seems ridiculously small to modern
ears, but the scarcity of money must be re-
membered. Corn in 1767 was ninety shil-
lings a bushel, and one ewe lamb sold for
six pounds in bills. Turned into old tenor.
Friend Robert's debts would amount to over
;^46o, which seems a more considerable

THE WORK OF THE MEETING 109

sum to be advised about After several
months' delay he reported he had only one
creditor left, and finally he appeared in
meeting and " informed that he had fettled
with his one creditor."

But misfortune pursued him, and in 6th
month, 1772, he had some very urgent ad-
vice. He was first to deliver up the pos-
session of the farm which he had improved
for several years to his brother, who had
bought it. He is advised : —

2°*^ that he difpofe of his flock farming
Utenfils etc Sufficient to pay all his
Debts. That he accept of the privilege
that his Father and Brother offers him
(that is the Room in the houfe that he
lives in untill next Spring and milk of one
Cow this seafon and an acre and a half
of land already planted for such a confid-
eration as they have agreed on),

4**" [sic] that he put himfelf at labour
for the Support of his family what time
he hath.

5*^ that he Endeavour to find Suitable
places to put out his Children to trades
and learning to fitt them for bufiness, and
take friends Advice therein.^

1 VoL i. p. 262.

no NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

Thus closely were the outward affairs of
the members under tlie care of the meeting.
Two or three debtors are mentioned who
left town without paying their debts, and
very plain language is used of them. One
man, who was denied for this reason, is in-
formed that " this was a piece of Conduct
not only againft the Rules of the Society
but fcandalous in its Nature and injurious
to thofe to whom he was indebted " in the
paper that was publicly read denouncing
him. The power of public opinion was
thus used for honesty and uprightness.

In another case, Thomas Hazard and
Joseph Congdon were appointed to inform
a debtor "What friends require of him.*'
This man desired time to settle, "as the
weather has been Difficult and he lame," a
mode of expression which appeals to one's
S3rmpathies. But the meeting was just,
and, though they gave time in abundance,
finally insisted on satisfaction.

Thomas Hazard was again on a commit-
tee which dealt very plainly with another
delinquent It was proposed to Job Irish,
"by way of Advice," that he "provide
proper place amongfl Friends for his wife
and children, deliver up to his Creditors

THE WORK OF THE MEETING HI

all of his worldly Eftate to be equitably
divided amongft them, hire himfelf out by
the year by Huf bandry or otherwife for as
much as he can juftly get, live frugally and
make payment ftill with what he fhall have
to fpare of his Earnings," This was at the
2d month meeting, 1767, and the vigorous
English is doubtless College Tom's. Five
months later, " Stephen Hoxfie informed
that he had not yet fent the Writing to Job
Irilh which Friends ordered him to write
and fend." At the next meeting " Stephen
Hoxfie is defired to take care to fend to
Job Irilh as foon as he conveniently can."
But at the loth month meeting he has " yet
omitted fending to Job Irilh as he was ap-
pointed to do." Nine months after the let-
ter was directed to be sent, " Stephen Hoxfie
informed that he has fent forward the letter
that he was to write to Job Irilh, but Friends
not having any account whether he has re-
ceived it or not, therefore that matter con-
cerning him is referred." Early in the next
year it was again referred, " as Friends have
no account from him, and as it is uncer-
tain whether he received what was wrote to
him by the Clerk refpecting his creditors."
Finally, fourteen months after the first ac-

112 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETIJSTG

tion, " This Meeting is informed that Job
Irifli has received the writing that the
Clerk wrote to him and that he is defirous
Friends would yet wait fome longer time
with him therefore Friends Condefcends
to wait with him until the next Monthly
Meeting."

This incident shows clearly the difEcul-
ties of communication over the country
roads. Matthew Allen, who was a South
Kingstown representative when the meet-
ing was set apart at East Greenwich, was
once summoned to appear at monthly meet-
ing, but sent excuse, '' he being an ancient
Man and the Diftance fo far to ride."
From Stephen Hoxsie's, near the Rich-
mond meeting-house, to Tower Hill, was
indeed a good morning's ride, and Job Irish
evidently lived in a remote part of the
town. All travel was tedious, even with
the good Narragansett pacers, and the con-
sent of the meeting had to be obtained for a
journey. On one occasion Robert Knowles
''laid before this meeting his intention of
going with his wife to Bofton to vifit their
Parents and Relatives and defired a few
lines of Friends Unity with him." A man
and his wife acknowledge " their shortnefs

THE WORK OF THE MEETING II3

in not advifing with Friends timely " as to
their removal, and many certificates are
recorded where Friends went on a visit to
Long Island or the Oblong.

Indeed, the meeting was kept busy regu-
lating the smaller as well as the larger
affairs of life, and keeping closely to the
"good order of Friends therein."

VI

THE WOMEN'S MEETING

\

\

VI

It is to the honor of George Fox that
he early recognized the value of women's
work in the church. There had been Sis-
ters of Charity for hundreds of years before
his time, but the cloistered nun had special
work, and was shut oflE from the usual life
of women. It was George Fox, who owed
so much to Margaret Fell, who first estab-
lished women's meetings in the church he
founded, and made them of equal impor-
tance with men's. Among the Friends,
trained in habits of independent thought,
and early taught individual responsibility,
arose women of singular purity and beauty
of life, — women of exalted character, and
often of great spiritual gifts.

At the establishment of the South Kings-
town monthly meeting, the women's meet-
ing, as well as the men's, was set in order
and the records regularly kept. These
form an interesting comment on the fuller
records of the men's meeting, and begin in
1744, a few months later than the men's

lis NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETIJVG

records. They are preserved in a small
quarto volume, which cost fourteen shil-
lings, as the first entry duly records. Anna
Perry was the first clerk, and served for
fifteen years. Her vagaries of spelling are
delighthiUy individual. The meetings were
always called "a Pon," and she was fre-
quently appointed " to Draw an a Piflel to
the Quarterly Meeting." It must have been
difiicult for the women to meet regularly,
riding, as they had to, from Richmond or
Westerly to Tower Hill, or from Tower
Hill to the other meetings. Often, when
the meetingis were called " a Pon,** the
entry comes, "So Kingstown now a Pear-
rence. Westerly now a Pearrence Notwith-
ftanding the Vi'fitors has Maid Some Pro-
grefs in Vifiting the familys of friends and
are in Some Degree Satisfied theirwith,"
and the " a Piffel " was drawn and signed.
In 1758 a new clerk succeeded, as the
women were "under a Weighty fence of
the Loss it is to the Meeting not having a
Clerk Abilitated to Attend the Service."
The present clerk informed that she could
not, and " the Meeting thinks Proper To
be Looking out for one " that may attend.
At the next meeting, Mary Hull was ap-

THE WOMEN'S MEETING II9

pointed, much to the benefit of the spelling.
Content Davis, Peter Davis's wife, Abigail
Rodman, and Anne Hoxsie were prominent
among the women as visitors, and on com-
mittees to see to the orderly conduct of
marriages. Five shillings were paid for
sweeping out one of the meeting-houses ;
as already noticed, New Lights were dealt
with, and the regular and orderly routine of
Friends was carefully attended to. In what
estimation the women's meeting was held
in South Kingstown is well shown by the
minute which Thomas Hazard was in-
structed to draw up in 1771. The Nine
Partners' Monthly Meeting had sent " lines "
to the South Kingstown meeting, to in-
timate that it was not according to their
practice to receive women Friends unless
their certificate was signed by the clerk of
the men's meeting : —

Therefore in Condefention to our
friends of the monthly meeting at Nine
partner's we do hereby direct the Clerk
of this meeting to fignifie to s^ monthly
meeting that we have neither precedent
nor Difcipline amongfl us for fuch a
practice, neither do we think it Convn-
ant [convenient] So far to Degrade our

120 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

women's meeting. But to Let them have
the Ufe and Exerfife of our Difcipline as
occafion may call for it in Conducting
the affairs of their meeting not Defiring
the Preheminence when Truth admits
of none But believing that both male
& female are all one in Chrift Jefus.
(Signed) Thomas Hazard Clerk this
time, ist day of ye 4 mo. 1771.

The respect with which the women's
meeting of South Kingstown was spoken
of, though doubtless due to the character
of all the women in it, must have been in-
creased by the career of two preaching
Friends, Patience Greene, and later Alice
Rathbone. As early as 1755, Patience
Greene is called a " public friend," and a
member of the Society gave Friends " an
occafion of uneafiness by his not joining
in prayer" with her in a public meeting.
The days of open disturbance in meeting
were not yet passed ; and, after being dealt
with, the refractory member appeared in
meeting and '^ faid that he hoped he fhould
never give friends the Like occafion for
Uneafiness which this meeting takes up
with for Satisfaction." The case must have

THE WOMEN'S MEETING 121

caused a good deal of commotion, for it is
several times referred to, and Friends are
"cautioned to fhow no Public Marks of
Difunion except they have certain Intelli-
gence that fuch a Friend is under Deal-
mg.

Patience Greene had a remarkable career.
She was the daughter of David and Mary
Greene, called of North Kingstown, both
members of the meeting, and, at the time
of this public mark of disunity, was only
twenty-two years old. An account of her
life and services was published shortly after
her death. The copy I have studied be-
longed to Andrew Nichols, also a member
of the meeting. She is said to have " Early
found in herfelf a propenfity to folly dis-
fipation and vanity." About the age of
twenty-one, however, she appeared in " pub-
lic teftimony," and, until her death forty
years later, continued an ardent and valued
preacher. After her marriage with Pre-
served Brayton in 1758, they "were exer-
cifed on account of the Slavery of the Afri-
cans," and freed their own slaves. In 1771
she traveled on a religious visit as far
south as Georgia, leaving her " infant family
feeming to require her nurfing attention,"

122 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS^ AtEJSTII^G

the old Testimony phrases it, and also had
the "exercife of parting \dth a beloved
weakly husband/' But, smile as ive may at
the old phrases, it was a noble work she
was called to, a work to which she felt her-
self divinely led. Once they were lost in
the woods, where they expected to spend
the night, but she says, " I enjoyed vaore^
peace of mind upon tiiat reflection than I
fhould in fome houfes that were filled with
flaves, for that wounds me more than many
other evils." She returned home after this
long journey, most of it upon horseback,
thirteen months from the time she left to
find one child dead and another dying I
Later she spent four years in England,
from 1783 to 1787, traveling in England,
Scotland, and Wales. In the latter coun-
try she was much oppressed, as she could
^ot speak the language, and there was no
interpreter. As she sat in sorrow think-
ing this over, and longing to speak to the
people, a knock came at the door, and she
knew an interpreter had been sent her I
And so it proved, for " thus again the Al-
mighty made way for me to my humbling
admiration."

Almost all the meetings in England,

THE WOMEN'S MEETING 1 23

small and great, were visited. She went
to "our kind friend Lindley Murray's to
lodge " at York. ** His converfation was
reviving to my fpirits," she writes. The
prisons were visited. It was still the time
when capital punishment was inflicted for
robbery, and debtors languished for years
in jail. Finally she had a concern of mind
to visit the King ! The way not opening,
however, she sent him an admirable address
on the subject of " promoting the freedom
of the enflaved Negroes in thy dominions."

It was a woman of this ardent and de-
voted spirit who preached in the South
Kingstown meeting in the freshness of her
youth.

Women Friends occasionally came from
England, as in 1759, when "our Well es-
teemed Friend Mary Kirby " brought cer-
tificates from London, and her own meeting
of Norfolk, England. Her traveling com-
panion was Elizabeth Smith, a member of
the Burlington meeting in " West Jerfeys."
These certificates were read in the monthly
meeting to "good Satisfaction," and the
Friends were at liberty to preach in all the
meetings.

The women were strict in requiring at-

124 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

tendance at meeting. In 1770 a commit-
tee was appointed to deal with six Friends
for not attending, and for not using plain
language. Among the ladies visited Col-
lege Tom's wife was mentioned. The next
meeting, the committee reports " that they
find fome making their excufes which they
think is fome what reafonable." Elizabeth
Hazard and three other Friends report
"that they are willing but Difficulties at-
tend their getting out to Meeting." So
closely were Friends watched over. The
system had its reverse side, as when the
young women were dealt with for "keep-
ing company" with one out of meeting.
One cannot blame a high-spirited girl for
saying, as Hannah Robinson did say, in
1 768, when dealt with, " that she has as live
Friends would deny her as not" Hezekiah
CoUins's daughters condemned their being
at a marriage "where there was frolick-
ing;" but in spite of that, some Friends
were "not fatisfied about what was done
about Hezekiah Collins is Daughters," and
the acceptance of their apology was recon-
sidered, with the result of their being de-
nied at the expiration of nine months.
The records of quiet and peaceful doings

THE WOMEN'S MEETING 125

among the women are suddenly broken in
1 763 by the mention of a woman who was
complained of " for offering to Murder her
Husband" I Several months afterward she
had given no satisfaction, and in 2d mo.,
1 764, she was denied, as she has of " Late
been charged with offering to Murder her
Husband, for Which Reproachful Trans-
greffion fhe Hath been Treated with Sev-
eral Times." Her first name was Patience:
perhaps that was all she had! She lived
in Stonington, and one can imagine the
excitement of Friends over such an oc-
currence. In the marriage certificate of
this woman she makes her mark only, as
her sister does in hers, a rare thing in the
case of Friends.

But the great care of the women's meet-
ing was to see that the young women of
the Society married in " Younety," as the
good clerk Anna Perry spells it in 1745,
when a Friend presented a paper which
condemned " her out Goings in taking a
husband contrary to the minds of friends
and is Received into Younety Again." A
mother, a few years later, "condemns her
forredness in Concenting to her fons mar-
rag And going to the Wedding it being

126 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEJSTIJVG

out of the younety of f riends.'[> At this day
it is difficult to imagine such ccmstant i&*
terference with family a£Fairs. But at tbat
time, in the neighboring colonies, the min*
ister was the autocrat of the town. Here
in Narragansett, Friends only advised, and
the men's records as well as the women's
are filled with cases where it was needed.

It was reported to the meeting that Wil-
liam Robinson had given his consent ta
the marriage of his daughter with a yaung
man not of the Society, "therefore our
friends Solomon Hoxfie and Peleg Peckr
ham are appointed to infpect into the ilate
of that cafe, and to advife and caution as
they find occafion and give us an accotmt
thereof at our next Monthly Meeting," ^

This marriage proceeded, however, and
took place in the house, after which there
was "vain mirth," and William Robinson
was duly dealt with. He acknowledged
his ofEense, and said he had rather " it had
been otherways," which the meeting did
not accept as satisfaction, and he presented
a more humble paper of acknowledgment,
which was received. One of the good
friends who dealt with William Robinson

^ Vol. i. p. 202.

THE WOMEN'S MEETING

127

on this occasion found a little later that
girls are difficult to manage. He did not
wait to be complained of, but in 1769 Solo-
mon Hoxfie presented a paper to the meet-
ing in which he gave an account that he
" fufFered one of another Society to keep
company with and alfo to marry his Bro-
ther John Hoxfie's Daughter whom he
brought up, which conduct he freely con-
demned and defired Friends to pafs it by
which paper he is defired to read at the end
of the Firfl Day Meeting where he attends
and return it to our next Monthly Meet-
ing." *

It makes a curious picture I — a man
universally respected and honored, often
charged with the grave concerns of the
meeting, standing up at the end of wor-
ship, and reading his own condemnation
for allowing his niece to marry as she
wished. If the girl had any affection for
her uncle, it must have troubled her sorely
to have brought such humiliation upon him.

When marriages were made " in the good
order of Friends," the young man and wo-
man appeared in monthly meeting of men
and women Friends on a fifth day, and laid

• Vol. I p. 212.

128 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEJSTIJSTG

their intentions of marriage before the meet-
ing. They were asked to wait till the next
monthly meeting for their consent In the
mean time a committee of men Friends was
appointed to inquire into the young man's
^' converfation and cleamefs as to mar-
riage," and the women's meeting visited
the young woman. If these inquiries were
satisfactory, when the young people ap-
peared at the next meeting, and 'Tignifi^
they were of the fame mind," the meeting
gave consent and appointed two Friends to
attend the wedding, to report how it was
carried on. One late autumn day, we find,
**The weather being Difficult the Young
woman Could not be prefent," and the
man appeared alone for his answer. The
women's record puts it very simply, as
when it states that '' Sylvefter Robinfon and
Alice Perry appeared for their anfwer and
had it."

If the lady belonged to a different meet-
ing, the man, '* having the Intention of al-
tering his Condition by way of Marriage,"
desired "a few lines from ffriends of his
Cleamefs therein in thefe parts." New-
port damsels in this way were often brought
to Narragansett

THE WOMEN'S MEETING 129

Consent to marriage was sometimes re-
fused, as with the young man College Tom
and Peleg Peckham dealt with. They re-
port that they find "nothing but that he
is clear as to marriage, but fome other
Branches of his Converfation not fo pure
as they Defire." A committee was ap-
pointed to treat further with him, but he
gave them "No encouragement of Com-
plying with the good order of Truth, there-
fore this meeting Do not permit him to
marry among Friends." ^

The weddings took place at the meeting-
houses at a week-day meeting, when the
pair stood, before all their relations and
friends, and solemnly plighted each other
their troth. " I take this My friend Alice
Perry," Sylvester Robinson said, " to be my
wife, promifing through divine affiftance to
be unto her a faithful and a£Fectionate hus-
band until Death fhall feparate us." The
damsel Alice repeated words "of the like
import," as the old form phrases it, and the
religious part of the ceremony was over.
Then the great certificate was signed by
the bride and groom, their parents and
friends and neighbors, after which came

» Vol. i. p. 85.

130 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS UEETING

the festiviti^ of which the overs6@m doine-
times complained. ''Some of the ^<mtif^
people were not To orderly as could bei de-
fired/' a Friend reports. S<Me wedcfiiigb
^ were pretty orderly caitied o^n," and olhen
^ orderiy as far as my obfervation," ti^e
Friend says. Did the kindly did gend#-
man turn away from beholding vanityi and,
shutting himself in the dinittg-roc^ wii&
the roasts synd the sweets, pay no att^tiooi
to the " Concouife of Young pec^le *' I Fi»
the young people liked to dance theft ttft
now, and, if they could not dance at Frietids*
wteddings, there were others in NartagSii.
sett where they could. Two Perry broth^rt
are dealt with On this account, smd defeinl
themselves in the modem spirit Our
friends Thomas Hazard and Peleg Peck-
ham sign the report, which reads : —

Purfuant to our appointment we havi6
treated with Jonathan Perry and Samuel
Perry for their being at an Entertain*^
ment fubfequent to a Marriage at which
there was vain Recreation. Now here
follows the fubilance of Jonathan's fenti-
ment on the affair (viz) that he did no
harm nor received any there and that he
had rather be in the Meeting. SamueFs

THE WOMEN'S MEETING 131

fentiments as we underftood from what
he faid amount to this (viz) that he
thought there was no harm in keeping
the company neither received any at the
faid Entertainment and that he was will-
ing to send in a paper to the Meeting
but neglected to do it although urged
thereto/

Jonathan Perry afterwards presented a
paper condemning his misconduct, but a
year or so later he is again reported as at-
tending a wedding and apparently dancing
himself, whereupon he is again called to
account. Samuel Perry makes explicit ac-
knowledgment : —

Through my too great inattention to
the dictates of Truth in my own Mind
and attachment to light and vain Com-
pany I have been to an Entertainment
of late where there was vain Recreation
which I too much countenanced and
joined with all of which is Contrary to
the Good Order of Truth as well as the
Difcipline of our Society which I look
upon to be neceffary to reftrain Youth
from fuch undue Liberties.
Therefore he condemns his conduct.^

1 Vol. i. p. 179, ^ • Ibid* p. 184.

132 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETII^G

When young Friends . actually married
out of meeting, they often presented a pa-
per of acktrowledgment, and were received
again. It must have been rather a bitter
thing for a man to present " some lines "
even '4n some Meafure condemning his
mifconduct in marrying out of Unity of
Friends," and to have it referred for further
consideration.^ This last paper was still
" referred that Friends may have a Sight
and Senfe of his Sincerity in condemning
his mifconduct." After all, the man was
married, and how could he sincerely con-
demn it if he loved his bride?

One man appeared in meeting and ^ in-
formed Friends that he had unadvifedly
and inconfiderately married out of the
Rules of the Society," which he "freely
and heartily " condemned.^

Another, who had made a marriage con-
trary to Friends' rules, declared that if they
would " pass it by " he would endeavor to
be more steady !

A third man presents the following pa-
per, which makes one wonder what kind of
woman his wife was : —

I do hereby acknowledge that I have

1 Vol. i. p. 212. * Ibid, p. 156.

THE WOMEN'S MEETING 133

wilfully and knowingly transgreffed the
good Order and Rules of the Society
in proceeding in Marriage with a woman
not of the Society nor according to the
Method allowed of amongft Friends for
which Transgreffion I am heartily forry
and do defire Friends to forgive and pafs
by and hope that I fliall by the Lord's
affiftance be preferved not only from
Transgreffions of fo wilful a kind but
alfo from all others.*

In 1758 all marriages not among Friends
were forbidden by the Society, and Friends
adhered to their rules.^

This great care for the proper solemniza-
tion of marriage is seen to be necessary
when we remember that the day of marry-
ing in shifts was not long past Two cases,
among others, are on record in the South
Kingstown Records, one in 1719, when the
man took the woman in marriage " After
fhe had gone Four times a cros the High-
way In Only her Shift and hairlace and no
other Clothing " I ' The other woman, in
1724, had her " Shift and hair Lace and no

1 Vol. i. p. 112.

3 Ibid. p. 85.

» S. K. Council Records^ No. i, 1 704-1 723.

134 NARMm^KTT FRIENDS MEETIJ^G

other clpthiog oil tlial; I fe/^f ibe ^stioe
who marries them declares. These irere
both w|^fcer weddings, one in Fetpinaiy
aijid one in Deeonberi so tiiat humanity,
as well as de^eiK^ and honesty, were out-
raged. For the object erf the curious cere-
mony wai3 the evasion of debt If the wdfe
brought ber husband notUng, she could
not even bring her debts, and he ix^us fir^
from paying them, which he would c^er-
wise have to do.

When such ei^treme care was msu^iifested
by thje mie^ting in regard to ixuurriage, it
may well be imagined how severe the d^d*
ings of Friends were with immoraUty.
Some young members are on record for
^'diforderly and fcandalous conduct," and
requested to clear themselves of the charges
brought against them. Their offenses are
described in very plain Englbh, and, no
matter what position their fathers had in
meeting, they were expelled if the charge
was proved true. With Roman fortitude
the father in one case signed the document
with the other Friends, setting forth his
son's misdoing, which was publicly read,

* Town Meeting Records^ Births ^ Marriages^ etc., 1723-
1726, p. 69 (from the back of the volume).

THE WOMEN'S MEETING 135

denouncing him. In one case, after five
years of disfellowship, the young man was
received into the Society again, and a cer-
tificate given him allowing him to marry.
Only one woman in a period of thirty years
was dealt with on a similar charge.

'^We may smile at the quaint phraseology
of the records, but it was a good service
those women did. Patience Greene, with
her gifts of exhortation; Content Davis,
visiting the families of Friends ; good Anna
Perry, with her oddities of spelling, — all
did an important work.

In a new country, and in a time of lax
morality, the service rendered by the high
standard of Friends can hardly be over-
estimated.j

I

II

VII
SLAVERY

VII

The Friends in Narragansett seem to
have united, in no common degree, spiritual
virtues with temporal prosperity. If they
had a David Greene, whose daughter spoke
of heavenly things, and left all to preach
the gospel, they also had substantial and
well-to-do farmers, the Rodmans and Haz-
ards, and others, who, like their neighbors,
worked their farms with slaves. South
Kingstown was richer in slaves than any
other part of Rhode Island, and any effort
for the abolition of slavery would be sure
to arouse opposition.

It is difficult to determine the exact num-
ber of slaves in South Kingstown. The
probate records for 1743 mention only
nineteen bequeathed by will in that year.
The will of George Hazard shows that he
possessed fifteen of this number. We have
the tradition of the negro election day,
when, in imitation of their masters, one of
their own number was elected governor;
and the laws for the regulation of slaves

140 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

show that the number was very consider-
able. As early as 1729 there was a law
passed to allow a master to manumit his
slave on deposit of ;^ 100 security. In 1750
a law was passed forbidding the selling of
" strong beer, ale, cider, wine, rum, brandy,
or other strong liquor, to any Indian, Mu-
latto or Negro servant" To guard against
evasion, it was specified that no person was
to "presume to sell, give, truck, barter or
exchange " this liquor with a slave. Slaves
were to be within doors at nine o'clock at
night, or to be " publickly whipped by the
conftable ten stripes" for each offense.
They were not allowed to keep " creaters ''
in South Kingstown.^ So it is quite evident
that slave-holding formed an integral part
of the social order of Friends in Narra-
gansett

To them came John Woolman in 1 748
and 1 760, stirring the meeting with his
preaching, and his private as well as public
testimony against slavery. He and his
companions held five meetings in the latter
year, when he says he went " through deep
exercifes that were mortifying to the crea-
turely will. In feveral families where we
lodged I felt an engagement on my mind

SLAVERY 141

to have a conference with them in private
concerning their flaves."^ John Pember-
ton also came during this period probably,
as his letter indicates.^ These were saintly
men, well tried, and full of faith. These
doubtless did not need the caution given
by the Discipline of 1775, "to be careful
how and what they offer in prayer, avoid-
ing many words and repetitions ; and not
turning from Supplication into declaration,
as though the Lord wanted information."
I have elsewhere given the history of the
movement against slavery in part,^ but
fuller study of the Records has made fresh
disclosures. The first recorded testimony
against slavery is that of Richard Smith,
who presented a paper as " his testimony
againfl: keeping Slaves, and his Intention
to free his negro Girl," dated the 28*^ 11"^
1757. This paper " he hath a mind to lay
before the quarterly meeting, all which is re-
ferred for further Confideration." * Month
after month passed and no action was
taken upon it, but the paper remains on
record " to fhow the reafon and make it
manifeft to mankind why that I difcharge

1 WoolmsLTi^s /oumal, p. 161. • College Toniy p. 182.
« College Tom, pp. 169-1 78. * S, K, M. M, R. vol. i. p. 82.

142 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETTJ^G

sAd fet free my Nc^pro garl named J^ne."
Then follows an aigoment agaiMt skirer^ ,
based upon the Golden Rnle, at thie c^ofi*
elusion of which comes diis fiafsdnal eksStt-
ment : —

Sometime after I had written tliis EMb-
charge I had it in Confideration n^fak^h
way wie proper to make it Slan^eft ^.
Secure and it appeared to me veify pitl*
per to lay before Friends at the prepari-
tive meeting, as btiifinefs to the MoniMy
Meeting, to fee if the Monthly Meetii^
would think proper diat it might be put
on Record or would forward Untill I
might Know what might be done hy
Friends on this acct for this thing hath
had weight on my mind ever Sinc^ tiiis
Girl was put into my hands to prove
me in this part of Self Denial whetiier
I would be faithfull or not Now my
Friends to tell you plainly Some Years
before this my Intent was to have bought
Some Negrows flaves for to have done
my work to have Saved hireing of help.
But when I was about buying them I
was forbidden by the fame power that
now caufes me to fet this Girl at Liberty
for the matter was fet before me in a

SLA VERY 143

Clear manner more Clear than what
Mortal Man could have done, and There-
fore I believe it is not write for' me to
Shrink or hide in a thing of fo great
Concernment as to give my Confent to
do to others Contrary to what we Our
Selves would be willing to be done unto
Our Selves if we were in Slavery as
many of them are at this Day & under
Such Mailers and Miflreffes too as would
be willing to be called Chrifts true fol-
lowersand make a Profeffion of fome of
his Truths but if we truly Confider God
will have no part kept back for he calls
for Juftice and mercy and his Soul Loaths
the Oppreffing of the Inocent and poor
& helplefs and Such as have none to
help and will affuredly avenge their caufe
in Righteousnefs. Thefe things I have
found on my mind to lay before Friends
as a matter worth due Confideration and
fo lay it before this Meeting as Bufinefs.

(Signed) Richard Smith.

So the principle involved in slavery was
very clearly stated as early as 1757.^

In 1 762 the " Quarterly and Yearly Meet-

^ Additional Testimony, Appendix, p. 186.

144 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

ing Confirmed the Judgement of our Mo^
Meeting given againft Samuel Rodman on
account of his buying a negro Slave. And
it is the mind of friends that there ought
to go out a publick Tefiimony and Daoial
of Samuel Rodman," which was referred to
the next monthly meeting. At the next
meeting, Stephen Hoxsie was appomt^ to
draw up a "paper of f rds Teftimony of'
Difowning," as it was the ^^Sence and
Judgement" of the meeting. Notwith-
standing this, in 1765 came the RsUlibun
case, which was before the meeting eight
years. Having bought a negro girl, Joshua
Rathbun "appeared tender" when dealt
with for jpat disorder, and was brought to
confess hts error, as follows : —

Westerly: 27*: i2**'m** 1765.

To the monthly Meeting of Friends to
be held at Richmond next

Dear Friends. I hereby Acknowledge
that I have Acted diforderly in purchas-
ing a Negro Slave, which diforder I was
Ignorant of, at the time of the Pur-
chafe but having converfed with Several
Friends upon the Subject of Slavery
have gained a knowledge that heretofore

SLAVERY I4S

I was ignorant of, both as to the Rules
of our Society, as well as the nature &
inconfiftancy of making Slaves of our
Fellow Creatures am therefore free, &
do condemn that inconfiderate Act &
defire Friends to pafs it by, hoping that
I may be preferr**, from all conduct that
may bring Uneafinefs upon Friends for
the future, am Willing likewife to take
the Advice of Friends both as to the
bringing up & difcharging of the afores*
Negro.^

Joshua Rathbun.

This evidently sincere paper was accepted
by the meeting, and for some time the mat-
ter dropped.

In 1 769 occurs this significant entry : —
This Meeting moves the Quarterly

Meeting to confider the propriety of the

latter part of the loth Query which is

fent up thereto in the Account from this

Meeting.^

The tenth Query was the query as to
slave-holding among members. In this
very year the Quarterly Meeting proposed
to the Yearly Meeting "fuch an amend-

» VoL i. p. 171. * Ibid. p. 212.

I4S NARRAGANSETT famimS' MEMT£R^

ment d the Qwxyti, 1760 as lliottM ftc^
imi^y tliat the holditig <rf flavds wais al-
lowed/' ^ li seems as if thb dia&ge may
have come directly from the SoiHh Kbg^
town meeting. Thomas Hasaid had long
bdore freed his slaves, early ia the iortfes,
having refused to hoM any^ Richard Smilh
in 1757 had borne his testimony agatest
slavery. Samuel Rodman in 1762, mid
Joshua Rathbun in 1765, had been dolt
with, so that the time was coming wliQii a
decisive movement could be made.

Such were tl^ conditions when in 1771
Joshua Rathbun made over his negro girl
to his son for the consideration of fifty 4o1t
hurs. The money was ^ made up anotber
way/' the record says, the old man evidenti^
trying this to salve his conscience, as h^
had promised to set the girl at liberty at a
suitable age. The son was first dedt ii^th,
and denied membership, because he
Encouraged the Detefiible practice of
enflaving Mankind by his takeing a bill
of sale of a negro girl of his Father and
afterward Sold her fo that She was car-
ried out of the Country notwithftanding

^ Publications of the R. L Historical Society^ Slavery in
R. L 1755-1776, W. D. Johnston, p. 148.

his promife to his sd father to Sett her

at Liberty at a Suitable age.^

The father was desired to try to recover
the girl, and even advised to " Commince
and profecute " his son " for the Recovery
of Damages upon a promis " naade by the
son, which he failed to do.

The meeting held at Joshua Rathbun's
house was ordered discontinued in 1771, as
he " did not (land Clear in his Teflimony
for the Caufe of Truth as he ought to have
done " against Slavery. But he replied two
years later, during which time he apparently
continued the meetings, that " he Ihould
be glad to take friends' Advice but hath
peace in holding faid Meetings apprehend-
ing it as he faid as his duty."^ His wife
was dealt with by the Women's Meeting,
and acknowledged her offense in sitting in
a meeting out of unity, though it was in
her own house, and finally the old man
was denied his membership.

Ten Friends are mentioned in 1771 who
were under dealing about their slaves. Old
Dr. Rodman, who lived by the dam on the
Saugatucket where Peace Dale now is,
" appeared in this meeting, and Saith that

' S. K. M. if. H. vol. L p. 260. » Ibid. p. 276.

148 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEBTIATG

he ihall not comply with the Rules of the
Society Refpecting his Slaves to Liberate
them." ^ Some members '' appears of a dis-
pofition to comply with friends rules ' in
liberating their flaves," but five Friends,
among them two women, one of whom
was College Tom's mother, Sarah Hazard,
widow, " did fhew the Contrary Difpofi-
tion." Three were denied membership.
Sarah Hazard must have been converted
by her son, for only one woman proved
obdurate, and was " noticed " to the Wo-
men's Meeting.^

In the women's records, the first mention
of " the bufinefs concerning flaves " occurs
at the 1 2th month Women's Meeting, 1771.
It was continued and reported upon for a
year, when the paper of denial was drawnr
up. The disowning of this woman is dated
23d day of the tenth month, 1772, and is
a noble testimony from the Women's Meet-
ing. She is denied her membership, as —
of late it doth appear that She bath Re-
fufed to comply with that part of our
Difcipline which is againft the enflavingr
Mankind a Practice very repugnant to
Truth and Equity an invation of the

* S. K, M, M. R, vol. i. p. 245. « Bid, p. 245.

SLAVERY 149

Natural Rights of Mankind fubjecting
them to a ftate of Bondage and oppres-
fion woUy Inconfiftent with the Spirit
of the Gofple now having dealt with her
According to the order of the Gofple
in much Labour and forbearence that
the oppreffed might go Free. But fhe
Conueth to Difobey the Truth and re-
luctant to our advice on its behalf We
have Denied her Memberfhip in our
Society until She return To the Truth
and make Satiffaction for her Tranfgres-
fion which is our Sincear Defire This
teftimony Given forth in behalf of the
Truth and againft Tyranny & Oppreffion
from our Monthly Meeting of Women
Friends held at Richmond the 23 day of
Tenth month 1772.

Signed by ten women.
At the 4th monthly meeting, 1771, a com-
mittee was appointed to treat with all who
" poffes flaves." They were kept busy for
two years, and in 1773 report that "they
dont find there is any held As Slaves by
Frds." ^

Notwithstanding this encouraging entry
in the records, the committee to visit slave-

^ S, K. M. M. R. vol. iL p. i.

ISO NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS* MEETING

keepers was i»tiU coatiiiued» and fouml a
little more to do, A list of emancipaled
slav^ gives (lie names of five Uberated in
*i773»* and eight more who were fteed at
intervals till 1 786, which was two years after
tiie Emancipation Act had been passed
by the Rhode Island legislature. But the
meeting had clearly declared its principles,
and stood boldly for libarty^

. It is interesting to follow the course of
the men denied Among them, Jo^ua
Rathbun claims our sympathy most ol all ;
and the following touching letter, written
two years after his denial, is in conicmnity
with all we can g^ean of his chwacter :-^

ye 12*^ Day of the 5 month 1775.
Deare friends have had a mind Ever
fence my Denial toock Place uppon me
to be under the Care of friends yea with
great Defire at times: But Sea no way
for it as my mind Stood : I deare Do no
other way But to be Honeft to what
Sence I had : it was a great Crois to me
to be Denied by friends it was all moft
two much for me to beare : How Ever I
was Boom up under it all : and have not

* Appendix, p. 190.

SLAVERY 151

as yet fainted: blefled be God for his
Preferving Power that he might in his
own time give me Sight and Sence : and
at Lenth : the Lord has Shewed me by
the Inftance of Eli: that I Should not
only have advifed : my Son : but Should
have Conftrained him to have Done Jus-
tis to the black garl : and I Sea now I
Should have taken up with the advife of
friends: in Proficuting my Son, if he
would not have Done Juftis with out:
and I am Sorey that I Could not at that
time have taken up with the advife of
the Laft Committey to me Sent By
the monthly meating Namely : John Col-
lins Solomon Hoxesey thomas Wilber &
Joseph Congdon advifing me to Defift
and not hold no more meattings for
friends had no Eunity with it I Say
I am Sorrey Seeing it was a Crofs to
the Difcepline of friends and as to the
manner of my holding of meattings out
of Eunity I freely Condem: and as to
the matter Leave me to Stand or fall
to my own mafter: and I Defire that
friends may Pafs it by and take me
under there Chriftion Ceare: I Never
Saw as I now Sea till ye 7^ of this In-

152 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

ftant : from one that Defiers to travel no
f ailer . then the Light Difcovers . and to
Comply with Every manyf eft of it : . Who
allfo Defires to be admitted a member of
your Sofiatry.

Joshua Rathbun

It is a comfort to find the following
port, which was duly recorded, and to
know that the old man was doubtless rein-
stated: —

According to appointment We have
had an oppetumity With Joshua Rath-
bun Refpecting his Requeft to be Re-
ftored again to Memberfliip With friends
and he appears to be. in a Good Degree
Sincere in his Requeft Which We think
Well of Granting him all Which We
Submit to the M* Meeting Next to be
held at Richmond.

Peter Hoxsie
Thomas Wilbur
WiLUAM J. Knowles
Joseph Congdon

He died, aged 77 years, the 14th of 7th
month, 1 801, " of a very diftrefling Diforder

SLAVERY 153

in his Stomach, which he endured with
much Fortitude and Refignation and which
terminated his Life the Evening of the
fame day." ^

As late as 1800, Joshua Rathbun the son
desired to be restored, and was favorably
reported to the meeting, as he " appears to
be in a Good Degree Sincere in Condemn-
ing his Mis-Conduct" He also "faid he
Was Willing to do all he Could to Relieve
the Negro Girl from Slavery that he was
Denyed for Selling." And in 1807 comes
a letter from Benjamin Rodman, who was
denied in 1772.^ He was Dr. Thomas
Rodman's son, and writes to the meet-
ing:—

South Kingstown the 26*^ of 2^ Mo

1807.

In confequence of Friends dealling (as
I then thought, too hardly with my fa-
ther) many years ago, refpecting his
keeping of Slaves, which I was so un-
guarded as to refent, and to refufe to Set
at liberty thofe in my pofTeflion, which
have fince all been liberated by me,

^ Births^ Marriages^ and Deaths., p. 146.
' Ibid. p. 265.

1 54 NARRAGANS&TT FRIENDS* MEETTIim

which conduct <tf mine (in refufing to
free them at that time) I am ferry for
and de^re friends to pals it by and agpain
admit me as a member of Society.

Benj. Rodican
To the Mo. Meeting of friends
next to be Holden at
Richmond.

These papers reaUy show the poirer of
the meeting. To Joshua Rathbun it came
as a bitter trial to be denied; to the otAiar
men, in their way, either as a discredit
or a misfortune, which yesus after was re-
mend)ered, and repaired if possible* It was
the power of public opinion about them
— ^the consensus of opinion of the best
and most honorable men they knew--^ that
tiiey valued, as well as the doctrine of the
church they loved. So, in a formative
period of American history, these little self-
governing bodies of men, scattered in re-
mote rural districts, bound together by ties
of love and belief, and a common purpose
of daily life, — these little meetings had vast
influence in training men to public af]^rs,
in shaping the true democratic policy to-
ward which the country was tending. The

SLAVEJ^y 1$$

meeting might seem isolated; but while
such men as John Woolman and John
Pemberton came to it, while Mary Kirby
from England crossed the water to visit it,
it was not out of communication with the
great world. Out to that world it sent its
own ministers, Peter Davis, Thomas Robin-
son, and Patience Greene, who, under her
married name of Patience Brayton, could
not have forgotten the meeting of her
youth. The very fact of the beautifully
printed London Epistles coming yearly
was an education, and the books which the
meeting subscribed for made many a good
Friend's library. It was the existence of
many such well-governed and self-sustain-
ing bodies as the South Kingstown monthly
meeting which made possible our Revolu-
tion, paradoxical as this may seem, since
any resort to arms was so severely dis-
countenanced. Here, in small, a truly re-
presentative government was in operation.

VIII
THE REVOLUTION

VIII

The middle of the eighteenth century
certainly marked the height of the greatest
power and usefulness of the South Kings-
town meeting. The long agitation over
the question of slavery, which began as
early as 1 742, at the time of Thomas Haz-
ard's (son of Robert) marriage ; which was
discussed in John Woolman's powerful ser-
mons, and personal pleadings with masters
and mistresses in 1 748 ; to which Patience
Brayton and Richard Smith bore testimony
in the fifties, — was finally settled in meet-
ing in 1773. This was a formative period.
A question affecting the lives of so many
persons, masters as well as servants, natu-
rally stimulated thought ; and, though the
meeting was in a little corner of the world,
it was not left without leaders from abroad,
as well as those developed within its own
borders.

Two Friends in especial throw light upon
this period, — the diary of Jeflfrey Watson,
beginning in 1640 and ending 1783; and

l60 NARRAGANSETT FRIEimS" MJSJSTIJ^G

that of " Nailor Tom ** Hazard, from i yyS
to 1840, the two covering a period of one
hundred years of observation by men of
unusual capacity and intelligence. Both
these men were Quakers by birth and train-
ing. Jeffrey Watson was the son of John
Watson, Esq., the first child bora in Nar-
ragansett after the Indian War,^ his obitu-
ary notice declares, that is, in 1676. ^ He
was bleft with more than a common (hare
of good fenfe, and was early employed in
many important affairs." At his deatih, at
the age of ninety-seven jrears, he left one
hundred and thirty*eight descendants, a
great part of whom followed him to die
grave. ''He was a Loving Husbainlt a
Tender father, a juft Magiflrate, a good
neighbor, a mild Mailer, and an Hon^
Man." Our ancient friend, Peter Davis^
preached at his funeral, also Stephen Rich-
mond and Robert Knowles. His son, Jef-
frey Watson, inherited many of his father's
good qualities, and seems to have had a
special relish for preaching. In 1 743 he
records having heard at Friends' meeting
" the ableft man that I had ever heard in

^ I am indebted to Mrs. C. £. Robinson for a copy of
this valuable diary.

THE REVOLUTION l6l

my life." He mentions all the special meet-
ings of Friends, as in 1755 : —

I was at the Quaker Meeting and there

was two Old England and one Filly-

delphia man fpoke exceedingly able.

Again in the same year : —

I was at the Quaker Meeting to hear

Sam^ Fothergill. There was a boundance

of people the minifter Exceedingly Able

and a great fcolar Difcourced in a very

High Stile.

Watson also went to the Baptist meeting.
Once it was held in the woods, on a rainy
day, but Gardner Thurston preached a very
able sermon from Joshua, 24th chapter and
1 6th verse. Again, at the Baptist meet-
ing, Samuel Albro is recorded as exceed-
ingly able, preaching from the text, " Pre-
pare to meet thy God o Ifreal."

Thomas Hazard is mentioned as a
preacher; in 1791 the text of his funeral
sermon for John Watson, senior, is given :
"The Grace of God has appeared to all
Mankind."

All the prominent Friends' funerals are
spoken of. They departed this life with
" Much Lamentation " he often adds. Of
the other preachers, Hoxsie is often men-

l62 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS MEETIJVG

tioned, the good clerk oE tibe ineeting.
Whitman preached from the ever comfort-
ing text, ^ BleiTed are the dead who die
in the Lord," Patience Greene preached
often in 1756 and 1757, and Stephen Ricrh-
mond later. So the meeting was well sup-
jdied with its own ministers.

Some hint of the state of the catwxy is

given in Jmie, 1757, when, at Tower Hill,

'' they was a letting bank money/' After a

few days' consideration, on the 9th of June

Watson went to Tower Hill ** to Take of

the Bank money." This was one of the

issues of paper money ^ich Rhode Island

had made at intervals from 171a Tlie

premium was enormous ; the issue dt 1757

is quoted at £$ i$s. for one Spanish milled

dollar, while the next year the value of the

silver dollar rose to £6 in old tencH: bills.^

In 1 76 1 comes an interesting record :^ —

Jan. 19. This Day the Prince erf

Wales was proclaimed King of England

by the name of George the Third by the

Grace of God King over Great Bril;ain

France and Ireland, Defender of the

Faith &c.

There were still some years when the

^ R. I. Colonial Records^ vol. vi. p. 361.

THE REVOLUTION 1 63

orderly proceedings of the meeting were
quietly carried on, but there were signs
of the coming storm. The debased cur-
rency was in itself a source of danger. In
many instances barter was resorted to again,
and contracts had to provide in what sort
of money they should be paid, since every
year saw increased inflation. Corn, which
in 1 75 1 sold at twenty-five shillings a bushel,
gradually rose till in the early sixties it
reached its maximum of one hundred shil-
lings. Careful men of business kept their
accounts in old tenor and lawful money,
with endless trouble and confusion. No
wonder Jeffrey Watson often records try-
ing to settle accounts, "but could not do
it," and his joy when he has finally agreed
with a certain creditor, and makes the re-
cord, "fettled accounts for ever and ever
amen " ! Then came the stirring days of the
Revolution. In Narragansett the echoes of
the shot that rung around the world were
also heard. It is interesting to find some
of the earliest advice to Friends was in re-
gard " to receiving and pafling the late pa-
per Currency that is made and paffed in
thefe Colonies Iffued Expreflly for the
purpofe of Carrying on War it is recom-

164 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING

mended to friends Serious Confideration
and Obfervation/' * This was given ixoxxa
Newport in ist month, 1776. Friends in
the summer of that same year were advised
to *' enter deeply into themfelves and not
implicitely follow the fentiments of others,
but fee that their proceedings therein are
in the liberty of the Truth." ^ So powerful
were the Quakers in the Colony that the
General Assembly passed an act in June
of the same year entitled ^ An Act for the
relief of perfons of tender confciences, and
for preventing their being burthened with
millitary duty." •

The meeting therefore drew up a minute
instructing Friends how to act under the
circumstances : —

This meeting is informed that through
late Laws Friends are fubjected to feme
penalties on certain Requefitions which
they may be releafed and excufed from
by Producing a certificate to the chief
Officers from our Clerk Setting forth that
they are members of the Religious So-
ciety called Quakers, therefore the derk

* S, K. M, M. R. vol. ii. p. 55.

* R. /. Meeting Records^ 1776.

* J?. /. C. R. voL vii. p. 568.

THE REVOLUTION 16$

is directed to make and fign Certificates
to our members applying for the fame
wtfen no diforder or irregularty doth ap-
pear and every fuch applying member is
earnestly defired to Examine and fee that
nothing be done out of the truth that our
Teftimony may be preferved pure and
no reproach brought upon friends.^
A meeting for Sufferings was early ar-
ranged, and members who had suffered on
account of military service were instructed
to send " the account and prices there of in
Value of s"^ Sufferings to the clerk of this
meeting and for the Clerk to Tranfmit An
ace to the meeting for Sufferings." ^

But the war began to press home.
Thomas B. Hazard, called " Nailor Tom,"
in his diary begins to note the movement
of vessels with an anxious eye. From the
ridge of Tower Hill the bay lay in plain
sight, and Newport was always an impor-
tant point. He writes : —

Jan. 30, 1779. The Regulars landed
and took two boats out of the river. 4
sail went upland from Newport. Some
snow. One ship went into Newport.

1 S. K, M. M. R. vol. ii. p. 51.
^ Ibid,

l66 NARRAGANSETT pmENDS MEJSTING

The next month " Davis privateer went
eastward ; " March 20th, ^^ a sloop sailed out
of Newport about sunset" May 8, " Regu-
lars landed in Point Judith." Nailor Tom
was a man of great conversational power^ if
tradition is to be trusted. He could pic-
ture a scene most vividly, and his ccmversa-
tion was enlivened by flashes of wit and
humor; so that for him this last brief entry
doubtless called up the whole scene, and he
felt again all the commotion oE the country--
side. But, fortunately for us, Jeffrey Wat*
son gives a fuller account ci this proceedings
The entry in his diary is May 9, 1779: —
John Gardner Jun was Taken at Point
Judah with his 9 workmen by the Lsuid
Pirates who Joyned the Minifiered party
to burn plunder and Deftroy the Inhab*
itants of North America and took ye
faid Gardner's eflate from him nine oxen
Twenty fix cows with their calves and
about forty five iheep with their lambs
and caryed to Newport the 8 Day of
May 1779 and kept him prifoner until
Oct 15 1779. Job Watfon had about
feven hundred fheep with their lambs
caryed of at the same time and some
cattle, June 25. Land pirates Landed

THE REVOLUTION 167

again of Point Judah and caryed away
from John Gardner between two and
three hundred wait of cheefe two lambs
and fome of his wifes wearing clofe and
fome other fmall things and from Job
Watfon two negro men and four white
men that was at work for him. Gorton
was feen this day in a Bean field near by
where they landed.

Nailor Tom makes two or three entries
that same month. June 3d, " Craddock was
taken in his fifli boat by the Privateers-
men." The 6th, " Regulars landed and
took Samuel Congdon." The 8th, "The
Regulars burnt two houfes laft night" The
12th there was an "alarm in the night."
So the countryside had its share of dis-
turbance and tumult.

Jeffrey Watson makes an interesting
entry in 1781 : —

March 6 General Wafhington Rode by
our Houfe with about Twenty Soldiers
for a guard about ten o'clock.

He was born in Virginia in the county
of Weftmoreland the eleventh day of
February 1732. Had a Col's commiffion
at nineteen years of age was taken Pris-
oner by the French and Indians and

|68 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEJSTING

given Liberty on a Parol was exchanged
when Gen. Braddock was Defeated near
Dequefhe in the year 1755.
The meeting lecx^rds h&ve occasional
references to dealings with members who
acted "in the Quality of a Soldien** As
early as the 27th of 5th month, 1776^ a
young man is reported who had enlisted and
gone into the Millitary service which con-
duct being InconMant witihi the Princi-
ples of Truth which we profds and con-
trary to the Teftimony which we as a
people have always bourn, Wee there-
fore Deny him remaining any Longer a
Member of our Society.*
Other dealings with delinquents follow*
One man who paid a war tax was labored
with, as this was contrary to the ^^ General
teftimony againil contributing toward carry-
ing on Wan" Another member is denied
for " hireing such eflates as are faid to be
confifcated."' But the general conduct of
a£Eairs was not apparently interrujpted. On
the very same page on which this political
offense is recorded, equal space, if not more,
is given to the consideration of a man who
married again within four months of his

^ S. K, M, M, R, vol. ii. p. 63. * Ibid, p. 103.

THE REVOLUTION 169

Wife's death, and, further, "that the said
John has lately joined with ye people called
Seperators in their worfhip fo far as to
Stand up with his Hatt off in time of their
praying."

Another good Friend was denied because
he bought some books at a vendue, taken
from a vessel which was a prize of war, al-
though he pleaded that he thought "his
motive being to Reflore the mofl Valuable
Book purchafed to the Right Owner was a
Mitigation of his Tranfgreflion." *

The 31st of 8th month, 1778, the monthly
meeting was informed that the old meet-
ing-house "has been lately occupied as a
Hofpital for the fick lately landed out of
the French fleet and greatly Damaged and
likewife the pale and board fences wholly
deflroyed."^ A committee was therefore
appointed "to apply to the Barrack Mas-
ter, (and others whofe right and bufmefs it
may be) requefling the reparation " of the
house and fences.

Young men were drafted, and others
hired to go as substitutes ; but in general
the " labour for their recovery " proved in-
effectual. In 1780 comes an entry that

1 S. K, M. M, R. vol. ii. p. 132. » Ibid, p. 109.

I70 NARRAGANI^TT FMmiWS' MBMTING

tlirows more lig^ A wsisti^ came up
against a man who had leskled in NeM^porl
for several years, and ^ the Gommunksiticms
with the main being Obftructed Until] late
lafl Fall by its being a Britifh Garifoh and
iince the Evacuation tiie Severity dE the
Seafon and other Impedim^its hath hitherto
prevemted the Committee i^pointed frcmi
Treating with him/' *

During this time the agreement ixaax the
meeting for SufiFerings in Provid^ioe, d
which Thomas Hazard, son of Robert, was
a member, to raise fun^ for a school by
subscription, was received, and the matter
duly reported upon. The temperance ques*
tion was also coming into prominence, and
Friends bore their testimony against per-
sons who '' drinked to ex<^fs," and tibose
who ^'fold Spiritous Liquor by the fmall
quantity without a Licenfe." *

Attending a horse-race also came within
t^ie limits of disorderly conduct, and the
lines of Friends were drawn even more
strictly in this time of trial and disorganizs^
tion. In 1775 a committee was appointed
" to revifit such perfons as Chofe to be con-
fidered as members of our Society," and

^ S, K. M. M. R, voL ii. p. 149. • Ibid. p. 170.

THE REVOLUTION 171

they were to be informed "that it is the
Defire of this meeting that they duly attend
all the meetings both of worlhip and Dis-
cipline, and alfso Maintain Our Chriftian
Teftimony in every Branch thereof." *

Attending Jemima Wilkinson's meetings
was a cause of stumbling, for which a paper
of contrition had to be presented.^

South Kingstown had a " concern," in
1 78 1, "to take under further confidera-
tion the Neceflity of Bearing a Teftimony
againft War & Fighting and alfo our Tes-
timony for Plainnefs of Speech and Ap-
parrel." ^

So the careful regulation of the daily life
of Friends continued. It was an important
influence in a formative period of our his-
tory. The " good order of friends " had to
be strictly observed. Each little meeting
had its definite relation to the larger meet-
ings. The overseers were appointed by
the monthly meeting to take charge not
only of " Sleping and all other indecencies "
in the meeting itself, but of conduct ; and
any deviation from the strict rule of Friends
was reported to the preparative meeting,

^ S, K. M, M. R. vol. ii. p. 42. * Ibid. p. 171.

* Ibid, p. 172.

ijl NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' Af -BETING

which made its returns to the monthly
meeting. This meeting could refer dif-
ficult cases to the quarterly meeting, or ad-
vice could come from the quarterly meet-
ing. The quarterly meeting in turn could
appeal to the yearly ■ meeting, the final
source of authority. This government fos-
tered independence of thought and speech,
for it rested upon the consent of the gov-
erned; members were only " fuch as chofe
to be confidered friends." The papers of
contrition all ask to be " received again into
the loving care of friends." It was a vol-
untary submission to what each man con-
isidered best and right.

But the great service Friends rend^nd
was a spiritual service. We, who have to
trace the history of a single meeting in
records which are of necessity accounts ol
delinquencies, may be apt to forget the
gp^at principle for which they stood, —
"the light of Truth within me," as the old
testimonies phrase it. It was the doctrine
of the indwelling Spirit which gave those
men their power. In an age of formalism,
when true religion languished and bigotry
still reigned, George Fox proclaimed this
doctrine. No wonder he was misunder-

THE REVOLUTION 173

stood. No wonder that even such a man
as Roger Williams, with his bold teaching
of freedom of diflferent consciences from
inforcement, shrank from this still bolder
assertion of the divine light and truth
dwelling in each soul. To him this seemed
a blasphemous assumption. And indeed,
in the freedom in which the early Friends
rejoiced, they did carry their conduct to
extremes. In protesting against outward
forms, they sometimes offended the de-
cencies of life. But in the eighteenth
century these eccentricities had in large
measure disappeared. Thomas Hazard,
the Hoxsies, Collins, and the other promi-
nent Friends of the meeting were grand-
sons of the men who heard George Fox
preach in Justice Bull's house on Tower
Hill. The meeting was settled and in
order. They had the tradition of piety and
right living behind them; they knew the
truth which had made them free. The
churches around them were still in bondage
to the minister. Episcopacy was struggling
for a foothold in the New World, and here
was an organized representative govern-
ment fully equipped for work, and with the
vital spark of life.

174 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MJEETING

It had fought the battle of emancipatimi.
For years it quietly worked with its mem-
bers, until^ long bdore the act of abolition
in Rhode Island, passed in 1 784, the South
Kingstown meeting was clear in its testi-
mony against the *' deteftable practiie of en-
Having Mankind/* It stood for temperanoe
in all things, — in its rebuke of intoxication,
in its sobriety of speech and behavior, in dis-
countenancing unseemly amusements. H
^ dancing and vain mirth ^ at weddings were
counted among these, we must remerasber
the license of the times, smd how seldom
these recreations were kept within proptt
bounds. It stood for education. Books
were subscribed for. Fox*s ** Journal,'* axMi
"Barclay's Appology now printing at Plii^
adelphia," was sent for. Sewall's " History
of Friends," " Piety promoted," the " reprint
of the Holy Bible," are all mentioned ; imd
when the school was established, in 1781,
South Kingstown took its share.

It stood for equal rights of men and
women. Many a minute closes, "The
women's Meeting being in unity there in.**
This equality was based on a broad and
firm foundation, the men's meeting " not
Deliring the Preheminence where Truth ad-

THE REVOLUTION 17$

mits of none But believing that both Male
& female are all one in Chrift Jefus." ^ So
the women had training in independent
thought and action. To them, questions
of conduct were often referred: they had,
as women always must have, charge of the
aged and the poor. They themselves
treated with women who held slaves, and
were thoroughly competent to take care of
their own meeting. Elizabeth Kirby and
Patience Greene were preachers held in
honor by the whole meeting, who traveled,
the first from England and the latter to
England, speaking the message which was
delivered to them, " according to the mea-
sure of their ability." These meetings had
an important share in preparing the coun-
try for self-government. The man second
only to Washington himself belonged to
the Greenwich meeting, to which the Nar-
ragansett meetings also belonged until 1743.
Who can doubt that the training in ad-
ministration, as well as in high principle
and true courage, stood Nathaniel Greene
in good stead in his eventful career ? The
habit of plain speaking and righteous deal-
ing gives tremendous power ; and when to

* S, AT. Jlf, M. J?., vol. i. p. 235.

IT^ NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS MMETING

that is added a true recognition of Divine
guidance, a constant turning to that Inner
light of Truth the possession of which is
the birthright of every child of Godt we
should expect heroes from such a nurture.
It was a high ideal that those just men set
before themselves, and an ideal which led
to practical results in ways they could not
approve. The same freedom tibey taught
their sons, the same liberty they claimed
for themselves, led to the tibrowing off of
British rule, and, through the ''war and
carnal fightings " they so deeply deplored,
to that larger liberty in which a new esr
periment in civilization could begin.

APPENDIX

B

V

G>

A

Quakers Sea-Journal

Being a True

RELATION

of a Voyage to

NE W ENGLAND

Performed by Robert Fowler of the Town of

Burlington in Torkfbire in the
Year 1658

London Printed for Francis Cojfenet at
the Anchor 6f Mariner in
TowcT'Street Anno 1659

A true RelaUon of ^ Village undertaken iyim
Robert Fowler, with my fmall Vejffel caUed
the WooDHOUSE but performed by the Lard
like as he did Noah's Ark^ wherein hejkut $^
a few righteous perfons^ and kmded thene as
fitfe^ even as at the Hifl Ararat

Tfke true Dijamrje Mm osfoUmtSk:

THIS Vejfel w€is appointed for this Jervice
from the beginnings as I have often had
it manifefted un^ me, that it was Jisid
within mefeveral times. Thou hatii Jxtx
not for nothings and alfo New EngUmd prejented
before me; aifo when Jhe was fimflked emd
fraughted, and made to Sea, contrafy to my tmU^-
was brought to London, when ^Mki$$g Umeking
this matter to Gerrard Roberts, and others, i»ke
confirmed the matter in behalf of the Lord, that it
mujl befo ; yet entring into reafoning and letting
in temptations and hard/hips, and the lofs of my
life, wife and children, with the enjoyments of all
earthly things, it brought me as low as thegrave^
and laid me as one dead, as to the things of God^
but by his Injlrument G. R was I refrefhed and
raifed up again, which btfore that it was muck
contrary to myfelf, that I could as willingly have
died, as have gone, but by the firength of God I
was made willing to do his will; yea, the cus^
tarns and fajhions of the CuJlom^House could not
flop me : JHll was I ajfaulted with the Enemy ^
who prejfedfrom me myfervants,fo that for this

APPENDIX l8l

long Voyage we had but two men and three boys^
bejides my/elf. Upon the firjl day of the fourth
Moneth received I the Lords fervants aboard^ who
came with a mighty hand and an outjlreched arm
with them,fo that with courage wefet Soy I and
came into the Downs the fecond day, where our
dearly beloved W. D, with Mich. Tomfon came
aboard, and in them we were much refrefhed, and
after recommending us to the grace of God, we
lanched forth : Again reafon entered upon me,
and thoughts rofe in me to have gone to the
Admiral^ and have made my complaint for the
want of my fervants and a Convoy, frq^ which
thing I was withholden by that hand which was
my helper: Shortly after the South winde blew
a little hard, fo that it caufed us to put in at
Portsmouth, where Iwasfumifhed with choice of
men, according to one of the Captains words to me.
That I might have enough for money, but hefaid
my Vejfel was fo fmall, he would not go the Voyage
for her Certain days we lay there, wherein the
Minifiers of Chrifl were not idle, but went forth
and gathered flicks, and kindled afire, and left it
burning; alfo feveral friends came aboard and
vifited us, in which we were refrefhed: Again we
lanched from thence about the Eleventh day, and
was put back again into South Yarmouth, where
we went afhore, and infome meafure did the like ;
alfo we met with three pretty large fhips, which
were for the New found Land, who did accom-
pany us about £0 leagues, but might have done
JOO^ if they had not feared the Men of War, but

i82 APPEimiX

far efcaping tkim ih^ ia^ ta tk$ Nl^rtkmmbt
and left us wMaui kof$ rf kdp U the ^uiumn^
wJdck befifre mtrfarUmg Uwas^flkewfd ta H^ N.
iorfy in the marmngf $kat tiuy vmm mg^ unta ns
that f^ht (mr lives^ md uMM unia ma^ imd tM
nuy hutfaid he^ thus faith tha l^rd^ym& skaU he
carrysd aw(3^ as in a Mi/^ and frrfentfy ma as-
pied a great Ship making up t^s^ards us^ oeedAe
three great Ships were umeh e^ndd and taahad
about with what fpeed thef cmdd far it ^ m tike
very interim the Lard Gad fulfiUed his pramesfk^
and flruck a$ir enemies in the face witik a aan^
trary wipd, wonderfully ta our r^rejhmeni : than
upon our parting from thefe three Sh^^ wa mmm
brought ta ajk caunfel at the Lard^ and tha was^
was from him, Cut through and fieer jmvt
ftreighteft courfe, and minde nathis^ but mc^
unto which thing he much provoked us, mtd eanfitd
us ta meet together evety day, and he himfe^ eme$
with us, and manifejled himjelf largely unta us, Jo
that byjlorms we were not prevented above thm^
times in all our Voyage ; The Sea was myfignra,
for if any thing got up within, the Sea withemt
rafe up agcdnft me, and then the Floods clapt thair
hands, of which in time I took notice, and taid
H. N. Again in a vijlan in the night Ifawfama
Anchors fwimming above the water, and famu^
thing alfo of a Ship which croft our rvay, which
in our meeting I faw fulfilled, for I myfelfwith
others^ had lojl ours,fo that for a little feafon the
vejfel ran loofe in a manner; which afterwards
by the wifdam of God ipas recovered into a better

APPENDIX t%l

condition than ^efore : Alfo upon the twenty-fifth
day of the fame Moneth in the mornings we faw
another great Vejfel making up towards us, which
did appear far off to have been a Frigot, and
made herfignfor us to come to them, which unto
me was a great crofs, we being to windward of
them ; and it was faid. Go f peak him, the crof s
is fiire, did I ever fail thee therein ? and unto
others there appeared no danger in ityfo that we
did, and it proved a Tradesman of London, by
whom we writ back : Alfo it is very remarkable,
when we had been five weeks at Sea in a darkfea-
fon, wherein the powers of darknefs appeared in
the greatefl firength againflus, having fay led but
about 300 leagues H, N, falling into communion
with God, told me that he had received a comfort-
able Anfwer, and alfo that about fuch a day we
fhouldlandin America which was even fo fulfilled;
Alfo thus it was all the Voyage with the faithful,
which were carried far above fiorms and tem-
pefls, that when the Ship went either to the right
or left hand, their lines joyned all as one, and did
direct our way,fo that we havefeen and f aid, we
fee the Lord lead our Veffel, even as it were a
man leading a horfe by the head, we regarding
neither latitude nor longitude, but kept to our
Line, which was, and is our Leader, Guide and
Rule, but they that did, failed. Upon the lafi day
of the fifth Moneth we m^e land, it was apart
of the Long Island far contrary to the expecta*
tion of the Pylot ; Furthermore our drawing had
been all the Voyage to keep to the Southwards,

•.until Ikt. evening before we made land, and then
■ the word was. There is a Lion in the way, unto
•Vfhieh Lien we gave obedience, and /aid. Let tkem
,/fw Northwards until tke day following, and
foo»'t0tr the middle of tke day, there was draw-
ings to Meet together before our ufual time, and it
wasfaid. That we may look abroad in the evening,
and as we fate waiting upon tke Lord, they dis-
covered th* Umd, and our moMtMts toas 4>fim^ im
Prayer and Tkanisgiving; as wt^ was madg, wo
mad' towards it, tmd espying a. Crtei, omr advieo -
.was to enter there, but tht wittof man rtj^td,
but in thate/latewf had leamod to bo €omtomt,amd
told him both fidos was fafe, but going that m^
wouldbemere trouble to hint: also ho/aw, e^iur
he had laid by all the ni^, tho tMngfu^llod.

Now to lay before you in/hort, the la^genefs ef
the Wifdom, WUl and Power if God^ Thus dUs
Creek led us in between the Dutch Flantatioiis
and Long Island, where the moving of Jbmu
friends whereunto, which atherwife had been very
difficult for them to have gotten too : Aljb tka
Lord God that moved them, broi^ght them ta a
place ttfpointed, and us into our way, according to
the word which came to C. H. You are in'the
road to Road Island. In that Creek came a Shal-
lop to meet us, taking us to beftran^rs, tmikimg
our way with our Boat, and they fpoke Engliflt
unto us, and informed us, and alfo guided us
along: The power of the Lord fell much upon us,
and an unrejlable word came unto us. That the
Seed in America fliall be as the fand of the fea.

APPENDIX 1 85

// was publijhed in the ears of the Brethren^
which caufed tears to break forth with fulnefs of
joy^fo that prefently for thefe places they prepared
themfelveSf which were Robert Hoggen, Richard
Dowdney, Sarah Gibbins, Mary Witherhead, and
Dorothy Waugh, which the next day weputfafely
ajhore : Into the Dutch Plantation called New
Amsterdam, we came and it being thefirjl day of
the weekffeveral came aboard on tis^ and we began
our work: I was caufed to go to the Governor^
and Robert Hoggen with me ; he was moderate
both in words and actions, Robert and I had
feveral days before feen in a vijion the Veffel in
great danger; the day following this was ful-
filled, there being a paffage between two Lands,
which is called by the name of Hell-gate, we hap-
pened very conveniently of a Pylot, and into that
place we came, and into it were forced, and over
it was carried, which I never heard of any before
that was ; and the Scripture is fulfilled in our
eyes, in the Figure, Hells gates cannot prevail
againjl you: rocks many on both fides, fo that I
believe one yards length, would have endangered
lofs of both Veffel and Goods ; Alfo there were a
fcull of fifhes purfued our Veffel, and followed her
firongly, and along clofe by our Rudder; and in
our meeting it was fhewed me, Thefe fifhes is to
thee a Figure, Thus doth the Prayers of the
Churches proceed to the Lord for thee and the
reft: furely in our Meeting did the thing run
through m£ as oyl, and did me much rejoice.

FINIS

Copied in the British Museum, J^fy 5t ^^97 ^ by C. H.

l86 APPENDIX ,

RICHARD SHITH> TBSnMOKT iM3UkltM9T SUt'TUr.

I Richard Smith of Grotcm is tbe Onmtf of
New London and Colony tA Comiecticiit iqxm
Confideration and Knowing it K^qpiired of mt
I have written thb m Order to Suiw tbe weaSxm
and make it manifeft to mankfaid wlky tba^ I
Discharge & Sett free my Negro Girl iiamed
Jane at Eighteen Yeam of Ag« D^nglttier of
Sarah which is now in Slaveiy with her otiwr
Children Among tlie kdn of Stephen Ctardaer
of Norwich Deceafed thdr Gsil Jane was Given
to my Vnfe Abigail by tor Fattor Stqplieii
Gardner by will in Order to be a Skve all her
Days According to the Common CUiftom of
Slavery. But She falling into my hand bjr Jssf
Wife and the Lord by his free Goodnef s hsviag
Given me a clear Si^t of the Cruelty tA malriwg
a Slave of one that was by Nature » Fnt at 117
Own Children and no ways by any Evil She had
Committed brought herfelf into Bondage aid
Slavery and therefore can no ways be Giity
of Slavery, and to argue becaufe her Mothn*
was made a Slave being by force and Violence
brought Out of her Own I^d againft her nund
and will and Deprived of What She had there &
made a Slave of her Should be a Sufficient Rea*
fon that her pofterity Should be Oi»reft in bond-
age with Slavery. I fee no Juftice for it nor
Mercy in fo Doing but Violent Opprefsing the
Inocent without Caufe For this thing of Ser-
vants it hath pleafed God to fett before us in a

APPENDIX 187

Clear manner the cafe of Servants and Espe-
cially the Unreafonablenefs of thefe mailers
and miftreffes who profefs to be the followers
of Chrift how they will buy & fell and be per-
takers in making Marchandize in Great Babylon
of the Slaves that is the bodys of men and
women and of thefe Strangers as Indians & Ne-
grows that are taken Out of there Own Country
or taken in War one among a nother and Sent
out which when brought here in Sed of being
Relieved are Sold into Slavery all there Days
and there pofterity after them they being never
fo Innofent in Ronging of any and thefe mas-
ters and miftreffes that buy them or Other ways
by their parents have them, all this while pro-
fefs them-felves to be the followers of Chrift
or Chriftians and yet how they will plead the
Reafonablenefs of Keeping them in Slavery and
their pofterity after them. But when they have
pleaded all they can and ufed the beft Argu-
ments they have, it is only to have there work
done with eafe & they to be great and to be
Lord Over there fellow Creatures, Becaufe they
have power & Authority to Opprefs the helplefs
by a Cuftomary Law of the Nations to keep
them in Bondage under Slavery, Quite Renoun-
cing and rejecting and Hating to Obey the Law
& command of there great Lord and Mafter
Chrift as they call him who charge them faying
Therefore all things whatfoever ye would that
man ftiould do to you do ye even fo to them for
this is the Law and the prophets faid Our Great

,j88 appendix

Lord Matt 7 & 12 Now if it (hould be afked
of any of thefe Matters or MiftrefTes if they in
like Maimer with there Childeren fhould be car-

-ried'8vay unto any Strange People in the world
and be Sold into Slavery whether they would be
willing to Serve a itrange Nation in Slavery &

-their Children after them and be Deprived of
what they Injoyed in there Own Country (for this
is the Cafe) I Suppofe there Answer would [be]
no nor any of Our Children upon any acct. No
not if they were in a Chriftian Land as they call
this Well then how can any of them plead the

' Reaibnableness of Keeping of any of them in
Slavery with there pofterity and not to fet them

■ free in a Reafonable Time as they themfelves
with their Children would be willing to be done
by According to Chrifls words above neationed
for by Nature all Nations are free One &om tiw
Other and the apofUe S^th God is no Re^>ecter
of perfons, the ApofUe Likewife Saith -that God
hath made of One Blood all Nations of men to
Dwell on all the face of the Earth Acts 17 & 26
So that by Nature & Blood we are no better in
Gods Sight than they and it is plain that Chriit
taught a Doctrine that was to releive the Op>
prefled and to Unbind heavy Burdens and let the
Innofent prifoners go free, and hath Commanded
as to love Our Enemys, and to entertain Stran-
gers, & not to Opprefs them in Bondage with
Slavery and Said, he came not to Deftroy Mens
Lives but to fave them Luke 9 & 56 So that the
way that brings them into Slavery is forbidden

APPENDIX 189

by Chrift for by war Violence & Stealth and
tradeing in them is the way by which they are
firft Ordered to go into Slavery, and they that
buy them or otherways have them and keep
them in Slavery as they do there Beafts for to do
there Labour & not to releive them and fet them
free, are pertakers of the Same evil. Therefore
I Leave this as a faithfull Teftimony in the fear
of the liveing God againft all such wicked pro-
ceedings, and upon true Confideration of what is
written I hereby Declare that now at this Time
that my Negrow Girl Jane hath arrived to Eigh-
teen Years of Age that flie Shall now go out
Free from Bondage and Slavery as free as if fhe
had been free bom and that my Heirs, Execu-
tors or Adminiftrators fhall have no power Over
her to make a Slave of Her or her pofterity no
more than if She had been free bom, for I freely
give her her freedom now at the arrival of the
aforefd age which is now fullfilled in this pre-
fent Year 1757 as witnefs my hand

(Signed) Richard Smith.

igO .APPENDIX .^J

*"«

LIST OF PEBSOKS

OWNING SLAVES, HAMBS OV

SLAVES AMD

DATE WHEN SET FKSB

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SUFloBldnd .Tttiai,,.,,,,,

PUni«Midh«rt>o(UI(lnB
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JohBKiwwiM irtiidinatn)

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Dick

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ChukaCcosdoi

HuunhSiuwtM

FETEK DAVIS OLD A(»

We tlie Committee a{^Ktoted to |Htwide Cor
the Support of Fet« Ihivu and wife have zaitt
on f Businefs and propctfe the following agree-
ment made with Peter Hoxfie for one years
fupport of ^ Peter Davis and wife that He win
keep Martha Davis for the conllderation of her
Anuity or income free & clear from any ezpence
to friends, and that he will keep and support
Peter Davis includeing victaalling, clothein^
Doctrineing, lodgeing &c for the (' term of one
year, for the coniideration of fifty dollars, twenty
Seven of which is due to the f* Peter Davis from
W" Sweet Peckham, which he agrees to Collect

APPENDIX 191

of him, which will leave twenty three Dollars for
the Monthly meeting to pay, — Or in that Pro-
portion if the f* Peter should deceaf e before the
expiration of that time. And the f* Peter Hoxfie
agrees that they (hall be as well clothed at the
years end as they are when he receives them —
his year is to commence the 8*** day of the f^ Mo.
1808.
All which we fubmit to the Mo. Meeting.

Peter Hoxsie

John Congdon

Jeremiah Browning, Jr.

Joseph Collins, Jr.
Hopkinton the 10^ of f^ Mo.
A. D. 1808.

INDEX

I

I

li

ml

INDEX

Advice to debtors, 109.
Albro, Samuel, 161.
Allen, Matthew, 112.
Aquidneck, 5.
Arnold, Benedict, 7.
Atherton, Humphrey, 51 ; death

of, 52.
Austin, Anne, 10.

Barber, John, 104.
Books subscribed for, 174.
Bounds of meeting, 65.
Braddock, Gener^, 168.
Bradstreet, Simon, 5-51.
Brand, "William, 15.
Brayton, Preserved, 121.
Briggs, John, 54.
British garrison, 170.
Bull, Jireh, 48.
Bumyeate, John, 49.

Cartwright, John, 49.
Clark, Mary, 13.
Collins, Hezekiah, 124.
Collins, John, 87.
Congdon, Joseph, 59.
Congdon, Samuel, 167.
Commissioners of the United

Colonies, 3.
Copeland, John, 13.
Com, price of, 163.
Creditors, 108.

Dancing, 130.

Davis, Content, 99.

Davis, Nicholas, 25.

Davis, Peter, 63; his travels,

78; his old age, 81.
Deceased wife's sister, 90.
Debts and debtors, 105.
Diman, Professor J. L., 5.
Dyer, Mary, 24 ; sentenced, 26 ;

letter to the court, 27; on

the gallows, 29; reprieved,

30 ; executed, 35.

Easton, Nicholas, 6.
Endicott, John, 9, 26.
Epistles, London, 156.

Fayerweather, Rev. Mr., 96.

Fisher, Mary, 10 ; in Turkey, 14.

Fothergill, Samuel, 161.

Fowler, Robert, 10.

Fox, George, 12; meetings in
Newport, 46; in Narragan-
sett, 48; established wo-
men's meeting, 117.

Friends denied, 169.

Friends' judgment in contro-
versies, 103.

Friends' meeting accounts, 73.

Friends' spiritual service, 172.

Friends' sufferings in Eng-
land, 72.

Geca^ IIL, prockumed, 162.
CHbbmu, Saiah, 15.
Gortim Samuel, 6.
GMmA^ David, 139.
. GtmUv Nathaniel, 175.
GiMne, Patience, ilO; her

traWs, 122-23.
Greene, Peter, 54.

Hanrd, Elizabeth, 124.
Hanrd, Robert, 86.
Hanrd, Saiah, 14S.
Huvd, "Nailar Tom," 160;

HoiBid, Thomas, 59; serves
BS clorlt, 85 ; frees bis slaves,
86; preadung, 161.

Holder, Cliristopher, 13.

Hora»i«dng, 170.

Hoxde^ John, 117.

Hoxiie, Solomon, 87; makes
CttUfdaint, loz ; marriage of

Inflated cwiency, 67.

llfah,Job.IICKII2.

Kirbjr, TBatj, 113.
Kil^ Province, 50.
KaowlM, John, loz.
Knovlet, Robert, 87 ; vi!
Bostoti, 113.

Lam against Quakers, 18.
little Rest, 63.
liquor license, 101.
Longfellow, 17.

Marriages, 128.
Marriage in a shift, 133.

Marrying out of unity, 13*.
McSparran, Dr., 95.
Meetinghouse in Greenwich,

53-
MiniBterial lands, 95.
Mnlldns, Henry, 97,
Mnnay, Lindley, i2j.

New lights, 97~ioo.
Nichols, Andrew, 1 a i .
Niles, Rev. Samuel, 95.
Norton, John, 15.

Paper money for war pa^pasa^.
163.

Peace Dale, 147.

Peckham, Peleg, 84.

Pembeiton, John, 141.

Peny, AUce, 128.

Perry, Anna, 118, 135.

Peiry, Jamfss, gives land for ,

meeting-honse, 68.
Perry, Jonathan, 130.
Perry, Samoel, 130.

Qaaker

9 of law against.

Qnakers, travelling, 23.
Queries. S8-90.
Query, the tenth, r46.

Ranters. 4.

Rathbon, Joshua, 144; sells

his slave, 1461 denied, 147;

restored to membership, 150;

death, 153.
Rathbun, Joshua, Jr., tjj.
Rawson, Edward, 22.
Records of meeting, 77.

INDEX

197

Regulars at Point Judith, 166.
Rhode Island, the " back door/'

22.
Richmond meeting-house, 69.
Robinson, Mrs. C. £., 160.
Robinson, Hannah, 124.
Robinson, Rowland, 54.
Robinson, Sylvester, 129.
Robinson, William, 24, 126.
Rodman, Benjamin, 153.
Rodman, Samuel, denial of,

144.
Rodman, Thomas, 54.

Separators, 97.

Sewall, Samuel, 51; entry in

diary, 62.
Sewel, historian, 16.
Slave legislation, 140.
Slaves in South Kingstown,

Slaves in the women's meet-
ing, 148.

Slocum, Ebenezer, 62.

Smith, Elizabeth, 123.

Smith, Richard, frees slave,
141.

Temperance, 170.
Testimony against war, 16S.
Torrey, Dr., 96.

Tower Hill, 49 ; letting money

at, 162.
Tucker, Nathan, 103.
Thurston, Gardner, 161.

Upsal, Nicholas, 1 1 ; banished,

21.
Usquepaug, 70.

Watson, Jeffrey, 159 ; accounts,
163.

Watson, Job, 166.

Watson, John, 160.

Washington, George, 167.

Waugh, Dorothy, 15.

Westerly meeting-house, 66.

Whittier, "A Spiritual Mani-
festation," 43.

Widders, Robert, 45.

WilUour, Thomas, 89.

WtSinson, Jemima, 171.

Williams, Roger, 8; charter
procured by, 41 ; goes to
Newport, 47.

Winthrop, Governor, 6.

Woman's meeting records,
118.

Woodhouse, voyage of, 12.

Woolman, John, 140.

Youths' meetings, 73.

C&MBIIDB^ MAM., e. 1. A.

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THE BORROWER WILL BE CHARGED
AN OVERDUE FEE IF THIS BOOK IS
HOT RETURNED TO THE LIBRARY
ON OH BEFORE THE LAST DATE
STAMPED BELOW. NON-RECEIPT OF
OVERDUE NOTICES DOES NOT
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OVERDUE FEES.

1 ^^M^*jj'Mj^^i

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