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O  E, 









L  O  N  ’D  O  N, 

Printed  by  j.  Nichols,  Printer  to  the  Society: 

Sold  at  their  Apartments  in  Somerset  Place;  and  by  Mefiieurs  White, 

Robson  and  Clarke,  Leigh  and  Sotiieby,  Brown,  and  Egertons. 



I  »  ) 

T  A  B  L  E 

O  F 


I.  yf  SKETCH  of  the  Hftory  of  the  Afylum,  or  San&uary, 

jrom  its  Origin  to  the  final  Abolition  of  it  in  the  Reign  of 
James  I.  By  the  Rev .  Samuel  Pegge.  Page  i — 44 

II.  Reafons  for  doubting  whether  the  Genii  of  particular  P  erf  on  sr 
or  Lares  properly  Jo  called ,  be  really  Panthea.  By  Francis 
Philip  Gourdin,  a  Benedifiine  of  the  Congregation  of  St.  Maur, 
Librarian  op' the  Abbey  oj  St.  Ouen,  Member  of  the  Royal  Aca¬ 
demy  oj  Rouen ,  and  of  the  Literary  Society  of  Boulogne,  and 
honorary  Fellow  oj  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  of  London.  45 — 57 

III.  Obfervations  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Stanton-Moor 
Urns j  and  Druidic al  Temple.  In  a  Letter  to  Major  Rooke. 


IV.  An  Account  of  fome  Stone  Coffins  and  Skeletons  found  on  mak¬ 

ing  fime  Alterations  and  Repairs  in  Cambridge  Caflle.  In  a> 
Letter  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Lort.  By  the  Rev.  Robert  Mailers,, 
B.  D.  F.S.A.  Redlor  s/'Landbeach.  63 — 65. 

V.  A  J'econd  Letter  Jrom  Mr.  Mafters  to  George  Steevens,  Efq.  on 

the  Stone  Coffins  found  in  repairing  Cambridge  Caflle.,  66- 


-Vi  C  O  N  *r  ..£  N  T  s. 

VI.  MifceUaneous  Obfervations  on  Parilh  Regifters.  Addreffied  to 
the  Hon.  Daines  Barrington.  By  John  Bowie,  F.  S.  A.  67 

VII.  Fetter  to  the  Rev.  James  Douglas,  F.A.S.  from  John 
Pownall,  Efq.  on  a  Roman  Tile  found  at  Reculver  in  Kent.  79 

VIII.  Dr.  Glals’s  Letter  to  William  Marfden,  Efq.  on  the 
Affinity  of  certain  Words  in  the  Language  of  the  Sandwich  and 
Friendly  Ifles  in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  with  the  Hebrew.  81 

IX.  Mr.  Willis’s  Effiay  on  the  Ikeneld-Street.  Communicated  by 

Mr.  Bray  to  the  Earl  of  Leicefier,  Fr.  A.S.  85 — 87 

X.  An  EJfay  towards  a  Difcovery  of  the  great  Ikeneld-Street  of 

the  Romans.  88 

XI.  Mr.  Willis  on- the  Roman  Portway.  100 

XII.  Mr.  Willis’s  Account  of  the  Battle  between  Edmund  Ironlide 

and  Canute.  "  '  106 — 110 

XIII.  Obfervations  on  antient  Spurs.  By  Francis  Grofe,  Efq . 

F.  A.S.  In  a  Letter  to  John  Topham,  Efq.  1 11 

XIV.  Account  of  the  difcoveries  in  digging  a  Sewer  in  Lombard- 

fireet  and  Rirchin-lane,  1786.  In  a  Letter  to  Mr.  Gough., 
and  communicated  by  him.  1 1 6 

XV.  Account  of  the  difcoveries  before  mentioned ,  referred  to  in  the 
preceding  Paper.  Communicated  by  Charles  Combe,  M.  D. 
P.  R.  and  A.  S.from  Mr.  John  Jackfon  of  Clements -lane.  1 27 

XVI.  Obfervations  on  a  Picture  by  Zuccaro  from  Lord  Falkland’s 
Collection ,  fuppofed  to  reprefent  t he  Game  of  Primero.  By  the 
lion.  Daines  Barrington.  Infcribed  to  the  Rev.,  Mr.  Bowie. 


XVII.  Obfervations  on  the  Antiquity  of  Card-playing  in  England 

by  the  Hon.  Daines  Barrington.  Infcribed  to  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Bowie.  134* 

XVIII.  Obfervations  on  Card-playing.  By  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bowie. 
In  a  Letter  to  the  Hon.  Daines  Barrington.  147 

XVIII*.  Some  obfervations  on  the  Invention  of  Cards  and  their  In « 
troduction  into  England.  By  Mr.  Gough.  152 

%  -  XIX. 




XIX.  Obfervations  on  our  antient  Churches .  By  the  Rev.  Edward 

Ledwich,  F.  A.  S.  In  a  Letter  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Norris,  Secre¬ 
tary.  165 

XX.  A  circumjlantial  Detail  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln,  A.  D.  1217, 

1  Henry  III.  By  the  Rev.  Samuel  Pegge.  In  a  Letter  to  the 
Rev.  William  Norris,  Secretary  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries. 


XXI.  Some  Account  of  the  Brimham  Rocks  in  Yorkfhire.  In  a 

Letter  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Norris,  Secretary.  By  Hayman  Rooke, 
Efq.  209  —  217 

XXII.  Doubts  and  conjectures  concerning  the  reafon  commonly  af 

figned  for  inferting  or  omitting  the  words  Ecclefia  and  Prefbyter 
in  Domefday  Book.  By  the  Rev.  Samuel  Denne.  In  a  Let¬ 
ter  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Norris,  Secretary.  218 — 238 

XXIII.  Obfervations  on  the  Origin  of  Printing .  By  Ralph  Wil¬ 
lett,  Efq.  F.A.  R.S.  In  a  Letter  to  Owen  Salulbtry  Brere- 
ton,  EJq.  239— 250 

XXIV.  An  Account  of  the  Caves  of  Cannara,  Ambola,,  and  Ele- 
phanta,  in  the  Eaft  Indies  ;  in  a  Letter  from  Hedlor  Macneil, 
Efq.  then  at  Bombay,  to  a  Friend  in  England,  dated  1783. 

•  Communicated  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Gregory,  F.  A.  S.  251 — 289 

XXV.  Account  of  an  antient  Infer  ip  t  ion  in  North  America.  By 

the  Rev.  Michael  Lort,  D.  D.  V.  P.  A.  S.  290 

XXVI.  Obfervations  on  the  American  Infcription.  By  Colonel 

Charles  Vallancey,  F.A.S.  302 

XXVII.  Obfervations  on  the  Barberini  Vafe.  By  John  Glen 
King,  D.  D.  Addreffed  to  the  Earl  of  Leicefler,  P ref  dent  of 
the  Society  of  Antiquaries .  307 — 315 

XXV11I.  An  EJfay  on  the  elegant  ornamental  Cameos  of  the  Barbe¬ 
rini  Vafe,  with  a  View  to  an  Explanation  of  them,  and  their 
reference  to  Hiflory.  By  Charles  Marfh,  Efq.  F.A.S.  Ad- 
drejfed  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Norris,  Secretary .  gif 


*iii  CONTENTS. 

XXIX.  Some  Account  of  an  antlent  Painting  on  Glafs .  By  the 

Rev.  Robert  Mailers,  B.D.F.S.A .  Reltor  of  Land  beach, 
Cambridgefhire.  321 — 32  5 

XXX.  Explanation  of  the  Inf crlpt Ions  on  a  Roman  Altar  and 

Tablet  found  at  Tinmouth  Caftle  In  Northumberland,  A.  D. 
1783.  By  the  Rev.  Mr.  Brand,  Secretary .  326 — 328 

XXXI.  An  Account  of  the  obfolete  Office  of  Purveyor  to  the  King  s 

Ploujhold By  William  Bray,  Efq.  F.  S.  A.  329 — 362 

XXXII.  An  Account  of  the  Remains  of  two  Roman  Villas  df co¬ 
vered  near  Mansfield  Woadhoufe,  in  May  and  October,  1786. 
By  Hayman  Rooke,  Efq.  F.S.A .  In  a  Letter  to  the  Rev . 
Mr.  Norris,  Sec.  ■  363 — 376 

XXXT1I.  Account  of  feme  Roman  Pottery  >  found  at  Sandy,  in 
Bedfordfhire,  and  at  Lincoln,  together  with  a  Roman  Specu¬ 
lum  „  By  Governor  Pownall.  In  a  Letter  addrejfed  to  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Lort,  V^  P.  377 — 383 

XXXIV.  Defer ipt Ion  of  the  Druid  Temple  lately  difeovered  at  the 
top  of  the  Hill  near  St.  Hillary  in  Jerfey,  Communicated  by 
Mr.  Molle  worth,  384 — 385 

XXXV.  Defcrlption  of  a  Druidical  Monument  in  the  If  and  of  Jer- 
fey  ;  in  a  Letter  from  the  Right  Hon.  Henry  Seymour  Con¬ 
way,  Governor  of  Jerfey,  to  the  Earl  of  Leicefler,  P.  S.  A . 


XXXVI.  On  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England.  By  John  Caley, 
F.  A.  S.  389 — 405 

XXXVII.  An  hifiorlcal  and  defcriptlve  Account  of  the  ancient 
Painting  preferved  at  Cowdray  in  Suffex,  the  Seat  of  Lord 
Vifcount  Montague  ;  reprefenting  the  Proceflion  of  King  Edward 
VI.  from  the  Tower  of  London  to  Weftminfter,  February 
19th,  A.  D.  1547,  previous  to  his  Coronation.  By  John  Top- 
ham,  Efq.  F.  R.  A.  S.  406 — 422 

Appendix.  423 


[  *  ] 


,  » 

O  R, 


'  .  r 

11 . .  —  ■  ■■  ■■■ . . .  — 

L  A  Sketch  of  the  Hifiory  of  the  Afylum,  or  San£luary3 
from  its  Origin  to  the  final  Abolition  of  it  in  the  Reign 
of  James  I.  By  the  Rev .  Samuel  Pegge. 

Read  February  3,  17S5. 

To  the  Earl  of  Leicester. 

My  Lord, 

THE  inftitution  propofed  for  the  fubje&  of  the  following 
memoir,  is  of  very  ancient  and  even  divine  original :  and 
as  it  has  undergone,  at  times  and  in  different  countries,  fo  many 
alterations  and  revolutions,  and  I  may  add  luch  horrible  and 
fcandalous  abufes,  the  hiftory  of  its  various  fate  and  fortune 
Vol.  VIII.  B  may 


Mr.  Pegge  on  /^Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

may  defervedly  become  a  proper  object  of  enquiry  and  eluci¬ 
dation.  The  connection  of  the  rite  of  fan  flu  ary  with  the 
civil  and  ecclefiaftical  hiflory  of  this  kingdom,  and  more  efpe- 
cially  during  the  reign  of  popery  amongft  us,  makes  it  apply 
very  ftrongly  to  the  views  and  purpofes  of  the  Society  of  Anti¬ 
quaries.  Although  we  are  now  happily  delivered  from  the 
multifarious  encroachments  of  popery  in  refpeff  of  the  pre¬ 
tended  claims  and  immunities  of  the  church-in  this,,  as  well  as 
other  matters,  yet  it  may  b&  well  worth  while  to  enquire  into 
the  nature  and  ufages  of  fanftuary,  as  formerly  praflifed 
amongft  us ;  partly,  for  the  purpofe  of  rightly  underftandiug J 
thofe  paffages  in  authors  where  it  happens  to  be  mentioned  ; 
and  partly,,  that  we  may  more  clearly  fee  from  what  a  fruit¬ 
ful  fource  of  outrage  and  diforder  we  are  freed  by  the  laws 
of  the  land  obtaining,  in  all  cafes,  their  natural  and  uninter¬ 
rupted  courfe.  It  will  appear,  in  the  fequel,  from  the  opinions 
of  Papifts  themfelves,  that  this  inftitution,  as  managed  and  con¬ 
duced  in  modern  times,  was  pregnant  with  an  infinite  deal  of. 
eydi-  and  mifchief  j  and  well  it  might,  when  founded  entirely  in 
ufurpation,  fuperftition,  and,  we,  m  ay  fay  ?  abfurdity ;  fince  no 
one  can  imagine  upon  any  grounds,  either  of  reafon  or  religion, 
that  God  all-righteous  fhould  ever  countenance  and  encourage, 
by  any  privilege  of  his  churches  and  altars,  fuch  afls  of  vil- 
lainy  and  immorality  as  this  rite  of  fanfluary  was  then  made  to  - 
do;  or  Ihould  take  the  perfons  of  known  and  acknowledged 
criminals  into,  his  more  immediate  protection  ;  I  fay  acknow¬ 
ledged  criminals ,  becaufe  the  very  aft  of  perfons  betaking  them¬ 
felves  to  fanfluary  always  implied  the  eommiffion,  and  even  the 
eonfeffion,  of  their  refpeflive  crimes. 

Your  Lordfhip  will  pleafe  here  to  recoiled!,  that  a  finished 
and  complete  Hiftbry  of  the  Inftitution  is  not  intended,  but  a 


Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  -or  Sanctuary-.  j 

Jketch\  fufficient,  however,  it  is  hoped,  to  afford  a  tolerable 
idea  of  a  pradlice  long  fince  fallen  into  difufe  here.  Youi: 
Lordfhip  will  a  ho  perceive,  that  much  ufe  has  been  made 
of  a  digreffion  by  Mr.  Staveley  on  this  fubjedl  [ff],  infomuch 
that  this  paper  may  be  confidcred  as  an  enlargement  of  that 
piece,  by  the  addition  of  certain  curious  particulars  from  the 
canon  law,  and  Mr.  Stowe’s  Survey  of  the  City  of  London  [3j. 
I  have  no  doubt  but  my  learned  brethren  of  the  Society,  to 
whole  fuperior  knowledge  and  more  extend ve  reading  I  wil¬ 
lingly  defer,  may  probably  furnilh  many  other  circumllances 
and  improvements,  equally  pertinent  and  entertaining,  on  the 
argument;  and  it  is  my  ardent  wifli,  that  fome  one  would  be 
fo  good  as  to  fupply  my  deficiencies. 

A  fandtuary,  or  afylum  [c],  may  be  defined  to  be  £  A  place 
‘  privileged  by  a  fovereign,  whence,  fuch  offenders,  or  debtors, 
*  as  fled  to  it  for  protection,  could  not  forcibly  be  taken  writh- 
6  out  facrilege  and  impiety  [d].* 

It  has  been  pretended  that  Nimrod,  on  the  lofs  of  his  elded 
fon,  was  the  firft  devifer  of  the  inftitution  [*],  by  eredting  a 
golden  image  of  him  in  his  temple  and  palace,  to  which  all  that 
reforted,  though  murderers,  or  guilty  of  other  capital  offences, 

[a]  Mr.  Staveley,  Hill,  of  Churches,  p.  165. 

[£]  Mr.  Strype’s  edition,  1754,  2  vol.  fol. 

[c]  1'he  privilege,  or  immunity,  was  called  ’A <rv\!x  by  the  Greeks,  and  the. 
Deity  presiding  @£cs  'A<rv\xio;.  Plutarch,  Romulus,  p.  22,  edit.  Franc.  1599. 
What  Deity  that  was,  Dionyfius  Hal.  [lib.  ii. ]  fays,  was  uncertain,  but  the 
Authors  of  the  Univ.  Hill.  vol.  XL  p.  282.  think  he  was  probably  Jupiter, 
though  others  fay,  Dcus  Lycoreus ,  Serv.  ady£n.  II.  76 r.  The  particular  Deity  of 
the  temple  one  would  fuppofe  fhould  be  the  0£<k  ’A<ru\cuoz.  The  word  Afylum 
comes  not  from  a  and  crupw,  traho,  as  fome  have  fancied,  but  from  a  and  avhrt* 
.Staveley,  p.  166.  Hofpin.  de  Tempi,  p.  77. 

[<i]  Compare  Stamford,  Pleas,  of  the  Crown,  II.  p.  38. 

[ '/]  Gilbert  Cognatus  apud  Hofpin.  p.  78. 

B  2 



Mr .  Pegge  <?»  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary*. 

fbould  bs  abfolved  from  their  crimes.  But  we  muff  not  go  fo 
high,  flnce  even  the  Patriarchs,  who  were  continually  roving 
about,  (and  confequently  had  no  temples  [/],  nor  places  for 
any  long  abode),  could  not  well  have  any  ojyla.  Whence  it 
may  fairly  be  concluded,  that  fanfluary  was  no  part  of  the  Pa¬ 
triarchal  religion,  but  was  entirely  unknown  in  the  eafl  at  that 
period  ;  an  obferVation  which  may  be  of  fome  ufe  to  us  here¬ 

But  on  the  eflablhhment  of  the  children  of  Ifirael  in  the 
Land  of  Promife,  Mops ,  in  purfuance  of  that  direflion  from* 
God,  ‘  If  a  man  lie  not  in  wait,  but  God  deliver  him  [that  is. 
6  fmitten]  into  his  hand,  then  I  will  appoint  thee  a  place  whi- 
*  ther  he  (hall  flee  [g].*  Mops ,  I  fay,  upon  this,  appointed  for 
the  Ifraelites  fix  cities  of  refuge,  (three  on  one  fide  of  Jordan,  , 
and  three  on  the  other),  out  of  thofe  forty-eight  cities  allotted 
to  the  Levites  [£].  The  afyla  being  thus  felefled  out  of  the 
Levitical  cities  apparently  gave  them  fome  flight  connection 
with  religion,  though  there  were  neither  temples  nor  altars ; 
and  ftatues.  there  could  not  be;  the  alliance,  however,  became 
much  more  vifible,  when  afterwards  the  Temple  of  Solomon, . 
and  particularly  the  Altar  of  Burnt- Offerings,  obtained  the  like 
privilege  [/].  The  intention  here  was,  as  we  learn  from  the- 

g/]  Dr.  Stukeley,  indeed,  thinks  the  Druids,  who,  as  he  fuppofes,  derived 
their  religion  from  the  Patriarchs,  had  temples  of  like  flru£lure  as  our  Cathe¬ 
drals  ;  Archaeologia  I.  p.  40.  Itin.  Cur.  part  ii.  p.  13,  but  few,  1  believe,  will 
concur  with  him  in  that  notion. 

[jf]  Exodus  xxi.  13. 

\h]  Numbers  xxxv.  6.  Dent.  xix.  4.  feq.  Three  more  were  to  be  affigned, 
when  their,  borders  were  enlarged.  Dcut.  xix.  1.  feq.  and  this,  it  muft  be 
owned,  wis  a  moll  falutary  provilion  ;  that  the  manflayer  might  not  have  too 
far  to  go,  or  run  too  much  hazard,  before  he  arrived  at  a  place  of  fafety. 

[/]  The  flayer,  reforting  to  the  tempie,  was  brought  fooner  to  trial.  If  found 
guilty  of  murder,  he  was  forced  away  even  from  the  altar,  and.  put  to  death  ;  if 
innocent,  he  was  conducted  to  fome  city  of  refuge.  Calinet,  Dift.  v.  Refuge  and 


MK  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  5 

Lawgiver  himfelf,  that  the  raanflayer  (not  the  murderer  from 
malice  prepence,  for  he  was  afl'uredly  to  die  [£]),  who  by  mif* 
fortune  and  accident  fhould  happen  to  kill  a  perfon,  might  have 
a  place  of  fecurity  to  flee  unto  [/] ;  that  the  unfortunate  man,  over¬ 
whelmed  with  grief,  as  well  may  be,  for  the  calamitous  difafler, 
'fhould  not  raflfly  be  put  to  death  by  an  avenger,  fome  hot¬ 
headed  and  exnfperated  relative  of  the  party  fo  unhappily  flain, 
but  brought  to  a  cool  and  impartial  trial  [/»].  All  this  was  done 
to  prevent  the  ill  effedls  of  that  vindi&ive  fpirit  fo  predominant 
in  man,  by  which  he  would  be  too  apt  to  judge  and  punifh 
from  his  own  furious  and  paflionate  refentment,  though  the 
Almighty  had  even  then  declared  \n\  that  vengeance  properly 
belonged  to  him.  The  principle  proceeded  upon  was  evidently 
that  of  mercy  and  compaflion,.  fuch  as  might  well  become  the 
divipe  Author  of  the  Inftitution.  Every  thing  here,  your  Lord- 
fhip  obferves,  was  mod  wife  and  juft,  the  neceflary  and  efiential 
didin&ion  between  manflaughter  and  murder  being  effedually 
and  moft  reafonably  preferved.  I  have  only  given  the  outline 
of  the  Ifraelitifh,  or  Mofaical,  fyftem,  for  the  fake  of  brevity  ; 
and  yet  nothing  needs  be  added  to  it,  but  that  accefs  to  the  re- 
fugial  cities  was  to  be  made  eafy  [5],  the  fan&uary  man  was 
not  to  ftir  out  of  his  limits  [/>],  but  to  remain  in  his  city  till  the 
death  of  the  high  pried  [7]. 

The  Greeks  appear,  at  flrd,  to  have  purfued  the  like  rational; 
method  of  proceeding,.  Plutarch  tedifyirrg,  that  the  oratory  of: 

[£]  Numb.  xxxv.  16.  35.  Deut.  xix.  3.  11.  Exod.  xxi.  12..  14. 
[/]  Numb.  xxxv.  11.  22.  feq.  Deut.  xix.  4.  feq.  Jofh.  xx.  3. 
[;?i]  Numb.  xxx.  12.  Deut.  xi-x.  6.  Joih.  xx..6.  9. 

\n\  Deut.  xxxii,  35. 

[*?]  Deut.  xix.  3. 

[p~\  Numb.  xxxv.  26. 

[,q]  Numb.  xxxv.  25.  Jofh.  xx.  6. 


•%6  Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

•ff hefeus  was  a  place  of  refuge  for  fervants,  and  perfons  of  mean 
condition,  who  fled  from  the  powerful  and  oppreflive  [r].  But 
'they  foon  confounded  and  perverted  every  thing,  making  no 
difference  between  cafualties  and  premeditated  a£ts  of  violence, 
•••but  opening  their  afyla  indifcriminately  to  refuges  of  all  kinds. 
They  feem  to  have  had  no  thought  or  intention,  though  this 
was  a  mod  material  and  effential  point  of  view,  of  bringing 
notorious  criminals  to  trial,  but  buffered  them  to  continue  in 
the  franchife,  quite  eafy  and  unmoleffed,  as  long  as  they 
pleafed ;  by  which  means,  they  made  their  Deities,  from  whom 
their  holy -places,  temples,  altars,  and  ffatues,  derived  all  their 
fan&ity,  the  dfreCI  patrons  and  abettors  of  the  mod  fhocking, 
the  -mod  abominable  vices  and  crimes  [j],  The  Grecian  fanc- 
tuaries,  though  fo  exceptionable  and  faulty  in  their  frame  and 
conftitution, •  were  neverthelefs  -very  ancient  [/],  numerous  [«], 
and  diffeminated  into  various  parts  [w] ;  the  privilege  alfo  ex¬ 
tended  fometimes  to  a  did  a  nee  from  the  building  [*],  as  it  often 
did  here  in  England ;  but,  generally  fpeaking,  it  was  thought 
•fafed  to  touch,  or  to  have  connection  with,  the  tutelary- 
image  [jy] .  The  Greeks  did  not  often  violate  the  fanCtuary 
by  dragging  malefa&ors  with  force  and  violence  from  it,  or  aff 

[r]  Plutarch,  Thefcus  verfus  fmeiru 

pr]  Tacitus,  Annal.  III.  60. 

[/]  That  of  Cadmus  at  Thebes,  Alex,  ab  Alexandro  III.  c.  20.  that  of  the 
Heraclidae  at  Athens,  Serv.  ad  Bin.  II.  761.  VIII.  342. 

[ «]  Staveley,  p.  167.  Calmet,  Did:.  v.  Afylum. 

[cv]  I  take  the  liberty  of  adding  here,  that  there  was  an  afylum  at  Troy, 
Serv.  ad  AEn.  II.  761,  and  that  Hercules  JEgyptius  had  another  in  that  country 
for  fervants  or  llaves.  Herodot.  Euterpe,  c.  113. 

[*]  Hofpinian,  p.  80. 

[yj  See  the  Story  of  Cylon  in  Univ.  Hill.  vol.  VI.  p.  295.  edit.  8°. 

2  faulting 

Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  j 

faulting  them  in  it  [2] ;  Alexander  di reeled  Megabyzus  to  draw 
and  entice  a  {lave  from  his  afylum,  if  poffible,  and  take  him, 
but  not  to  touch  him  while  he  remained  in  the  temple  (VJ.  But, 
neverthelefsr  they  would  infringe  the  privilege  on  occafion,  as 
we  learn  from  the  infinuation  of  Demofthenes,  in  regard  to 
himfelf  when  he  had  taken  fandtuary,  that  Antipater  and 
the  Macedonians  would  not  fcruple  to  profane  it  with  mur¬ 
der  [£].  They  would  contrive  again  to  render  the  refugium  of 
no  benefit  to  the  party  by  ftarving  him,  unroofing  the  building, 
or  firing  it,  obliging  him  by  inch  means  to  defert  his  fituatiotx 
and  come  out  jV).  Such,  in  general,  was  the  hate  of  affairs  in- 
Greece,  till  Augujlus  abolifhed  the  afylum  at  Ephe/us ,  and  the 
emperor  Tiberius,  remarking  the  mifchievous  effects  of  fandtua- 
ries  etlablifhed  upon  fo  bad  a  model,  and  the  intolerable  licen- 
tioufnefs  cccafioned  by  them,  put  an  end  to  them,  as  Suetonius 
fays,  every  where  [V].  Tacitus,  however,  exprelfes  the  tranf-' 
adhon  differently,  teilifying,  that  he  only  regulated  them  [*]. 
Jac.  Perizonius ,  in  his  Ledtures  on  Turfellinus ,  informs  us,  that 
Tiberius  cited  the  Grecian  cities,  enquired  whence  they  had 
their  leveral  rights,  and  taking  away  the  privilege  from  many, 
left  it  only  to  the  more  ancient  [y]„  Be  it  as  it  will ;  his  re¬ 
formation  appears  to  have  had  but  little  effedt  [g].  Your  Lord- 
fhip  fees,  that  in  the  climate  of  Greece  the  nature  of  the  infli- 

[z]  There  are,  however,  feme  inftances  of  this  in  Potter’s  Antiq.  of  Greece^. 
3.  p.  199.  and  Univ.  Hilt.  VI.  p.  296. 

[a]  Plutarch.  Alexander,  p.  689.  - 
[£]  Idem.  Demofthenes ,  verfus  finem. 

[r]  Potter,  Antiq.  I.  c.  Corn.  Nepos,  Paiifanias ,  c.  5^ 

[i]  Suetonius,  Tiberius,  c.  37. 

[e]  Tacitus,  Annal.  III.  c.  63. 

[/]  MS.  penes  me  on  Turfeilinus,  lib.  ii.  p.  28^. 

[|]  Vide  Pitifc.  ad  Sueton,  L  c. 


$  Mr,  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 


tution  was  quite  altered  :  in  Judea  it  fpranjg  from  a  motive  of 
tendernefs  towards  innocent  men  ;  whereas  in  Greece  it  pro¬ 
ceeded  from  a  blind  reverence  and  devotion  to  the  i  acred  nets  of 
the  place  of  refuge,  and  the  deity,  or  hero,  fuppofed  to  prefids 
over  it. 

The  Romans,  ever  imitative  of  the  cuftoms  and  practices  of 
the  neighbouring  nations  in  matters  of  religion,  appear  to  have 
followed  in  the  prefent  inftance  the  depraved  and  corrupt  fyf- 
tem  of  the  Greeks.  Evander  was  a  Greek  of  Arcadia ,  and 
JE.neas  Came  from  Troy,  where  Juno ,  one  of  Romulus’s  god- 
defires,  had  an  afylum  [h],  if  that  be  not  a  prolepfis.  When 
therefore  the  great  founder  of  Rome  had  formed  in  his  mind 
that  obvious  droke  of  policy,  the  proclaiming  an  afylum  [/], 
for  the  purpofe  of  filling  his  empty  and  newly-eredted  city  with 
inhabitants  [£],  what  plan  was  he  more  likely  to  adopt  than  that 
delivered  down  to  him  by  his  princely  predecefiors,  Evander 
and  ALneas ,  which  included  all  fubjebts,  even  the  viled  and  the 
word  of  men  ?  Servins ,  and  the  Scholiaft  on  Juvenal ,  fay  ex- 
prefsly,  that  he  embraced  the  model  of  the  afylum  at  Athens , 
which  comes. to  the  fame  thing  [/],  as  has  been  fhewn  above. 
Livy,  indeed,  fpeaks  very  tenderly  and  favourably  of  this  bufinefs, 
as  he  well  may  be  expedled  to  do,  only  faying,  no  regard  was  had 
to  the  condition  of  the  refuges,  but  that  all  were  admitted  whe¬ 
ther  bond  or  free  [in],  and  fo  Dionyfius  Halicarnajfenfis  c  turn 

‘  vero 

[ h~\  JEn.  II,  761.  et  Servius  ad  loc. 

[z]  Staveley  fpeaks  of  afyla  at  Rome ;  but  qu.  whether  there  was  any  other 
than  this  one  inllituted  by  Romulus  ? 

[£]  That  of  Cadmus  at  Thebes  was  probably  devifed  for  the  fame  purpofe  ; 
Livy  therefore  properly  ftiles  Romulus’  projeft,  vetus  conjiiium. 

[/]  Servius,  ad  LEn.  VIII.  432. 

[#*]  The  words  are  ‘  Ne  vana  urbis  magnitudo  eiTet,  adjiciendae  multitudinis 
*  causa,  vet  ere  conjilio  condentium  urbes,  qui  obfcuram  at^ue  kumilem  conciendo 

*  ad 

Mr,  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  9 

e  vero  iftuc  confluebatur,  domefticorum  malorum  tsedio  [«],'  as 
if  only  Haves  oppreffed  by  their  mailers  had  reforted  thither. 
Others,  however,  (peak  more  freely,  and  no  doubt  more  truly,, 
namely,  that  the  afylum  was  open  to  the  moft  abandoned  and 
profligate.  Juvenal  calls  it  infame  afylum ,  and  reproaches  his 
Romans  with  their  bafe  and  ignoble  defcent  from  it  [ 0 ]  ;  and 
LaStantius  fcruples  not  to  fay,  the  individuals  were  fejfimi  qui - 
que  [/>].  Plutarch  alfo  declares,  that  all  fugitives  were  received; 
that  they  would  neither  6  deliver  up  the  (lave  to  his  mailer,  the 

*  debtor  to  his  creditor,  nor  the  murderer  to  the  magillrate  [^].* 
There  is  no  occalion  to  multiply  authorities,  fince  Servius ,  as  we 
have  feen,  acknowledges,  that  this  conflitution  was  the  fame 
as  that  at  Athens. 

But  were  not  matters,  it  may  be  afked,  put  on  a  better  and 
more  rational  footing,  after  the  eflablifhment  of  Chrillianity  in 
the  empire  ?  I  anfwer,  not  at  all.  The  Chriftian  emperors,  from 
whom  one  might  expedl  the  bell,  were  fo  far  from  fuppreffing 
the  old  fan£luaries?  and  their  degenerate  modes,  that  they  did 
all  they  could  to  increafe  the  number  of  them,  by  transferring 
all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  the  Heathen  temples, 
though  fo  hurtful  to  the  community,  unto  the  Chriftian 
churches  [r]  ;  and  this,  from  a  miftaken  and  ill-judged  venera¬ 
tion  for  their  fabrics  and  altars  [j],  and  the  faints,  to  whom 

£  .  .  *.•«  » 

‘  ad  fe  multitudinem,  natam  e  terra  fibi  prolem  ementiebantur  ....  afylum 

*  aperit.’  Livy,  I.  c.  8.  where,  if  I  be  not  miftaken,  we  ftiould  read  vacua  for 
vana.  See  alfo  L.  Floras,  I.  i.  9.  Aurel.  Vidor,  c.  2. 

[«]  Dionyf.  Hal,  lib.  ii. 

[0]  Juvenal.  VIII.  273. 

1 >]T  ^adantius,  II.  c.  6.  . » 

[y]  Plutarch.  Romulus ,  p.  22.  he  de  Super/lit.  p.  166.  6c  Univ.  Hift.  XI.  p.  281. 
[r]  Hofpinian,  p.  79.  Spelm.  Glolf.  v.  Sanduarium. 

[j]  Hofpin.  1.  c.  Staveley,  p.  165.  168.  170. 

Vol.  VIII.  C 


io  Mr..  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuart*. 

they  were  refpeflively  facred,  BonfaceV. who  acceded  A.  D.  609* 
fen  Able  that  great  advantages  would  arife  from1  the  inftitution 
fb  modified  for  the  aggrandtfement  of  the  church  and  the  in- 
creafe  of  its  power,  authorized  and  confirmed  all  fanfluaries  in 
general,  about  the  year  633,  ordaining,  as  we  have  it  in  P/a~ 
tJna,  *  That  criminals  who  fled  to  churches  [/],.  fliould  not  be 
6  taken  thence  by  force  [«],’  or  as  Sigebert  fpeaks,.  ft  ill  plainer 
and  more  fully,  ‘  Aras  et  ecclefias  efte  reis  afyla,  ita  ut  fugiens 
*-  aliopjis,  quovis  crimine  fatrato ,  ad  facras  aedes,  violenter  inde 
s  non  abftrahatur  [w],’  infomuch  that  this  pope  is  commonly 
reputed  the  founder  of  that  peftilent  mode  of  fanfluary,  which 
afterwards  prevailed  fo  generally  in  the  weft.  Though  the  in- 
duftrious  Hofpinian  has  collected  fome  few  inftances  of  it,,  which 
are  prior  to  that  period  [&]. 

I  beg  leave,,  my  Lord,  to  make  an  obfervation  or  two  in  this 
plan,  for  the  further  clearing  and  illuftrating  the  fubjefl. 

I  baye  termed  Boniface  s  mode  of  fanfluary  pejlilent ,  becaufe 
inftead  of  recurring*  as  one  would  expeft  from  his  Holinefs,  to 
the  laudable  and  rational  fyftem  of  the  Hebrews,  he  embraced 
and  patronized'  the  very  world  corruptions  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans.  This  beft  ferved  his  turn  ;  and  certainly  through  his 
ambitious  and  interefted  views  the  churches  became  fo  many 
dens  of  thieves,. tray  tors,  murderers,  parricides,  in  a  word,  of  all 
kinds  of  villains  [jy].  What  is  worfe,  the  extenfion  of  the  rite, 
as  at  this  time  eftablifhed,  opened  a  door,  through  the  encou¬ 
ragement  it  gave  to  evil-minded  men,  by  a  fure  and  certain 
profpefl  of  prefen t  fecurity,  to  the  commiflion  of  all  forts  of 

[f]  See  this  explained  in  the  following  page, 

\u]  Platina.  p.  106.  Rycaut’s  tranllation. 

[■w]  Sigebert.  Gemblac. 

[*]  Hofpin.  p.  79. 

[yj  Stowe,  Survey,  I.  p.  608.  edit.  Strype, 


Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  it 

’*  *  *  v . 

wickednefs.  Of  this  the  Papifts  themfelves,  Giraldus  Cam - 
brehjis  [z]9  Poly  dor  e  Vergil  [#],  and  the  council  of  Cologne  j  hj, 
to  name  no  other  authorities,  have  long  fince  complained.  And 
it  was  upon  this  ground,  as  may  be  prefumed,  that  the  Pontif 
Sixtus  Quintus,  as  I  learn  from  Perizonius  [c],  fupprefled  all  the 
fandtuaries  at  Rome.  This  now  is  of  confequence;  for,  as  we 
find  in  Dr.  Smollet ,  the  fame  unlimited  ule  of  fandtuary  prevails 
in  Italy  at  this  day  [d]  :  4  I  need  not  enlarge,  fays  he,  on  the 
6  pernicious  confequences  of  this  infamous  prerogative,  calcu- 

*  lated  to  raife  and  extend  the  power  and  influence  of  the  Ro- 
4  man  church,  on  the  ruins  of  morality  and  good  order.  I  favv 
6  a  fellow,  who  three  days  before  had  murdered  his  wife  in  the 

*  lafl:  month  of  pregnancy,  taking  the  air  with  great  compo- 

*  fure  and  ferenity  on  the  Reps  of  a  church  in  Florence ;  and 

*  nothing  is  more  -common,  than  to  fee  the  mod  execrable  vil- 
4  lains  diverting  themfelves  in  the  cloifters  of  fome  convents  at 

*  Rome  ]>].* 

The  Proteftants  in  general  inveigh  againfl  and  condemn  the 
\ife  of  indiferimmate  iandfuary,  as  an  incitement  to  every  evil 
work  f/j,  but  I  lhall  only  adduce  the  words  of  the  excellent 
Perizonius ;  who  fpeaking  of  the  adt  of  Pope  Boniface ,  fays, 

*  Invalelcebat  jam  magis  magifque  epifeoporum  fuperbia,  et  hinc 

*  etiam  ipfius  vitae  necilque  jus  defiderabant,  ac  proin  hoc 

*  [afylum]  inflituebant,  quod  profedto  peffimum  erat ;  lie  enim 

[z]  Girald.  Cambr.  p.  891.  edit.  1603. 

[a]  Polyd.  Verg.  de  Rerum  Invent.  III.  c.  12. 

[£]  Apud  Hofpin.  p.  81. 

[c]  MS.  Notes,  ut  fupra,  tom.  iii.  p.  526.  This  particular  is  not  mentioned 
by  Sir  P.  Rycaut. 

[d~\  See  alio  the  cafe  at  Malta  this  very  year,  1784.  Lloyd’s  Evening  Poll, 

Oft.  6. 

[ej  Smollet,  Travels,  p  279. 

[/]  Salmuth  ad  Panciroll.  p.  118. 

C  2  4  dd 


Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

*  ad  omnia  feeler  a  ac  Jlagitia  aperiebatur  fenefra :  quod  ipfi  Gen- 

*  tiles  fcientes  fub  Tiberio,  Tacito  telle,  Afyla  furtulere  [g].* 

2dly,  It  is  faid  above,  that  the  emperors  and  Boniface  inverted 
the  churches  with  the  right  of  fanctuary  ;  by  which  Polydore  Ver¬ 
gil  underrtood  all  churches  [/6],  and  Perizonius  jurtly  adds,  mo- 
najleries .  And  this  is  true  as  to  confecrated  churches  j  but  ora¬ 
tories  and  private  chapels  enjoyed  no  privilege  [/].  Pinwood 
intimates,  the  privileged  churches  to  be  fuch  as  had  been  erected 
by  fome  pope,  archbilhop,  or  bilhop  [£],  which  could  not  fail  of 
obtaining  confecration. 

A  difference  was  alfo  made  between  churches,  in  refpeCt  of 
confequence  and  reputation,  of  greater  or  lefs  fan&ity  [/].  By 
the  laws  of  William  the  Conqueror,  whofoever,  in  after-times, 
took  a  perfon  from  an  abbey,  or  church  of  religion  [m],  was  to 
forfeit  one  hundred  fhillings,  and  rertore  the  perfon  ;  if  from  a 
parifh  church,  twenty  fhillings  j  and  if  from  a  chapel,  ten  (hil¬ 
lings  [»].  It  is  alfo  faid,  that  fan£luary-men  might  go  thirty 
paces  from  the  church;  and  forty,  if  a  cathedral  [<?].  Of  the 
dirtance  fomething  more  may  be  faid  hereafter. 

But  now,  though  all  confecrated  churches  in  general  were 
polfefled  of  the  franchife  of  protecting  criminals,  yet  thefe  did 
not  often  refort  to'  inferior  or  parilh  churches,  and  for  this  ob- 

[g]  MS.  Notes,  ut  fupra,  et  I.  c. 

[h]  Polyd.  Vergil,  III.  c.  12.  and  fee  Hofpin.  p,  78. 

[/]  Linwood,  p.  256. 

[£]  Idem,  ibid. 

[/]  Mr.  Johnfon,  in  Colle&ion  of  Canons  on  archbilhop  Boniface’s  Conftit. 
1261,  art.  8. 

J >«]  Ecclefia  religionis ;  meaning,  we  may  fuppofe,  a  monallical  church. 

01  Wilkins,  Concil.  I.  p.  313.  By  chapel  muft  be  meant  a  chapel  of  eafe, 
not  a  private  oratory. 

[o j  Mr.  Johnfon,  1.  c. 


Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  13 

vious  reafon  ;  they  could  not  fo  well  be  accommodated  there, 
f®  comfortably  maintained,  nor  fo  powerfully  proteded  ;  for 
the  clergyman,  who  was  often  but  little  able,  was  obliged  to 
fupport  his  refuges  [/>]  ;  and,  as  we  are  told,  they  were  not  only 
to  be  fupplied  with  victuals,  but  with  raiment,  habitation, 
fhoes,  &c.  fine  quibus  corpus  all  non  potefi  [^].  The  friends 
and  relations  of  the  fanduary-man,  however,  would  often  be 
fending  in  viduals  for  his  ufe;  but  in  this  they  were  fometimes 
obftruded  [r].  ( 

3dly,  It  has  been  reprefented  above,  that  the  Chriftian  Em¬ 
perors  firft  indulged  the  churches  with  their  franchifes  and  im¬ 
munities,  in  regard  to  fanduary,  and  that  Pope  Boniface  feconded 
and  confirmed  them.  Certain  authors  hereupon,  attached 
to  the  papacy  and  zealous  for  its  honour  and  credit,  fuch  as 
Sigebertus  Gemblacenfis ,  Marianus  Scotus ,  Blatina ,  and  Albertus 
Crantzius ,  have  overlooked  the  emperors,  and,  as  if  there  could 
be  any  merit  in  introducing  an  inflitution  of  fuch  an  inaufpi- 
cious  complexion,  have  afcribed  it  to  the  pope.  But  the  empe¬ 
rors  neverthelefs,  like  Romulus ,  firft  brought  it  forth,  though 
the  prelates,  after  Boniface  had  given  it  his  fandion,  took  it  up 
and  nourifhed  it.  Indeed,  they  affirmed  afterwards  the  princi¬ 
pal  condud  and  management  of  it,  under  their  refpedive  fove- 
reigns,  and  would  be  fo  ftrenuous  in  afferting  the  rights  of  holy 
church  fometimes,  as  to  oppofe  and  withftand  their  princes,  in 
certain  cafes  [j],  though  both  the  church’s  power  and  theirs 
were  originally  derived  from  them. 

[/]  Mr.  Johnfon  ad  archbifhop  Boniface,  1.  c. 

[ q ]  Linwood,  p.  255.  Pat.  Sanderfon,  Hift.  of  Durham  Abbey,  p.  44. 

[r]  Archbifhop  Boniface,  1.  c.  Ottobon.  art.  12.  The  obflruttion  arofe  from 
the  evil  intention  of  the  profecutor,  defirous  of  making  the  abode  of  the  refuge 
as  hard  and  infupportable  to  him  as  he  could. 

[j]  Vide  infra,  Cafe  of  Hauley,  and  of  Hubert  de  Burgh,  p.  41.  See  alfo 
Strype,  Memorials,  III.  353,  relative  to  a  paflage  in  the  reign  of  queen  Mary. 

-$4  M*.  Vegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

Again :  As  the  privileges  iffued  firft  from  the  fovereigns,  fo 
were  they  fubjedt  to  regulations  from  time  to  time  by  them* 
Monf.  Craillard  of  the  Academy  writes,  4  All  churches  before 
4  the  time  of  Charlemagne  were  ajyla ,  and  for  all  forts  of  crimi- 
c  nals;  but  he,  by  a  capitular,  A.  D.  779,  conformable  to  one  of 

*  Carloman  and  Pepin  palled  about  744  decreed,  that  churches 
c  fhould  not  be  alyla  for  criminals  who  had  committed  luch 
6  crimes  as  the  law  punifhed  with  death :  and  if  he  did  not  go 

*  fo  far  as  to  make  it  lawful  to  force  a  criminal  from  his  afy- 
‘  lum,  yet,  what  came  to  the  fame  thing,  he  prohibited  people 
6  from  giving  them  any  nourifhment  [7].’  Many  inftances  of 
the  like  infradtions  of  fandtuary  occur  in  the  Conftautinopolitan 
Hiftory.  This  gentleman  then  reports  the. cafe  of  a  clerk  im- 
prifoned  by  a  bifhop  for  a  crime,  and  who,  efcaping,  took  re¬ 
fuge  in  a  convent.  The  bilhop  claimed  his  fugitive,  but  the 
convent  refuled  to  deliver  him.  Charlemagne ,  however,  on 
hearing  the  caule,  gave  fentence  in  favour  of  the  bifhop. 

We  may  depend  upon  it,  that  the  fource  of  the  immunity 
was  the  will  and  pleafure  of  the  fovereign,  notwithftanding  the 
pretenfions  of  Pope  Boniface ,  or  the  hiftorians,  or  the  prelates 
and  clergy  afterwards.  We  fh a  11  lee  many  clear  evidences  of 
this  below,  when  we  come  to  fpeak  of  affairs  here  at  home ; 
and  therefore,  following  the  example  ol  Sir  William  Stamjord , 
I  have  inferted  it  in  the  definition  tu\.  Henry  de  Knyghton ,  in¬ 
deed,  pretends,  that  the  privilege  of  fkndtuary  is  naturally  inhe¬ 
rent  in  the  church,  and  that  it  was,  inter  alia ,  one  of  thole 
rights  for  which  Becket  fuffered.  After  ftatmg  how  regardlefs 

[?]  Monf.  Gaillard,  Hill,  de  Charlemagne,  tom.  iil.  p  80. 

[a]  See  Mr.  Stavelev,  p.  170.  172.  So  when  king  John  founded  the  abbey 
of  Beaulieu,  he  endowed  it  with  fandtuary,  Rapin,  I.  p.  263.  See  alio  Stowe, 
Survey,  II.  p  614,  Ed.  Strype, 


Afr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  i  y 

and  irreverent  Henry  II.  was,  in  regard  to  this  rite  [w],  he  pro- 
eeeds  to  fay,  4  Et  pro  hac  ecclejice  cavfa ,  et  aliis  quae  in  vita 

*  beatiflimi  Thorns  Cantu arienfis  pleoius  recitantur,  idem  pa- 
4-  tienter  mortem  fuffcinuit,  ut  vitalem  deinceps  et  debitam  re- 
4  verentiam  univerfali  fanflae  matri  ecclefiae  Anglican®  perpe™ 

tue  redderet/  This,  however,,  is  not  true.  By  the-  14th 
Article,  indeedy  of  the  Conflitutions  of  Clarendon,  4  The  chat- 

*  tels  of  thofe  who  arfe  under  forfeiture  to  the  king  ought  not 
4  to  be  detained  in  any  church,  or  church-yard,  againfl  the  juA 
4  t.iciary ;  becaufe  they  belong  to  the  king,  whether  they  are 
4  found  wit  hilt  churches  or  without  [v].v  The  pope  actually 
admitted  this  article  [jy] ;  and  the  king,  with  reafon  and  juflice,. 
only  claims  the  goods  which  were  his  own  by  forfeiture.  No¬ 
thing  is  faid  of  the  perfons  either  of  clergy  or  laity  being  forced* 
from  fandtu ary  ;  nor  do  1  find  Becket  infilling  upon  any  fuch 
matter  in  lord  Lyttelton's  diffufe  and  very  accurate  relation  of 
his  cafe..  Infomuch  that  it  never  can  be  faid,  that  Becket ,  in 
any  refpeft,  fuffered  in  defence  of  the  rite  of  fanfluary,  nor  that 
the  rite  itfelf,  from  any  fuch  weak  proof  as  the  ill-founded  no¬ 
tions  of  a  partial  and  bigoted  hiftorian,  was  derived  from  any 
power  independent  of  the  crown. 

[u>]  ‘  Hujus  Henrici  tempore  nullus  Iatro  neque  raptor,  liomicida,  vel  qualif- 
4  cunque  fceleratus  gaudere  potuit  privilegio  immunitatis  fanfts  ecclefiae^  neque 

*  clericus  nee  iacerdos,  quin  eos  ab  ecclefia  eriperet,  et  judicio  regni  aftare  co- 

*  geret  fecundum  eorum  deli&i  quantitatem  puniendos,  nullam  ferens  fan&ae 

*  ecclefiae  in  hac  parte  reverentiam.’  H.  de  Knyghton,  apud  X  Script,  cok 

[a-]  Lord  Lyttelton,  Life  of  Henry  II.  vol.  IV.  p.  418. 

[j]  Ibid.  p.84* 

P  A  RiU 

Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary* 

i  6 

ry  ;  CV 

'  \ 

.  ini':  ,v;  j 


V  r  •• 

•:  iiA  c  *  j  i  . 

\  V, 

‘;li:  /i  ojjitir. I.T  j’ii  .  i.r*K  ) 

P  A  R  T  II. 

’A  f  ibA  :  >  iilL.T*  t*;Au  i  : 


t  j 
v  s 

AFTER  taking  a  general  view  of  fanfluary  as  In  ufe  an¬ 
ciently  and  abroad,  we  come  now,  my  Lord,  to  confider 
and  examine  how  matters  were  carried  here  in  our  own  ifland. 

1  U  I ,  ) 

Druidifm  is  thought*  by  many  to  be  derived,  though  not 
tvithput  perverfions  and  corruptions,  from  the  patriarchal  reli¬ 
gion  [a] ;  but  then  of  this,  as  was  obferved  above,  the  rite  of 
fanfluary  was  no  part.  Groves  and  trees  were  anciently  very 
venerable  and  facred  things,  not  only  as  places  of  worfhip,  but 
alfo  as  themfelves  objefls  of  adoration  amongft  idolatrous  na¬ 
tions  [£].  Mr.  Evelyn  alfo  has  fhewn,  that  fuch  trees  aflually 
obtained  an  immunity,  and  grew  to  be  afyla  amongft  them  [c]  ; 
but  that  this  was  any  praflice  of  the  Druids  does  not  at  prefent 
appear;  indeed,  we  hear  nothing  of  lanfluary  of  any  kind  in 
Wales ,  till  long  after  the  introduflion  of  Chriftianity  into  that 
country  [*/].  Jeffrey  of  Monmouth  tells  us,  that  Dunwallo  Mol - 
mutius ,  who  reigned  near  five  hundred  years  before  Ch rift  [pi, 
at  a  time  when  Druidifm  was  the  prevailing  religion,  4  efta- 
‘  blifhed  thofe  which  the  Britains  call  the  Molmutine  laws, 
4  famous  among  the  Englifh  to  this  day.  In  thefe,  among 
4  other  things  he  enafled,  that  the  temples  of  the  gods,  as  alfo 

^  ,,  j  "  • ^  ~  ■  •  I  *  **  L -’7-  „  J*I  t/.' '. ,.  T  j  i  ’)  f’J  ji 

[a]  Dr.  Stukeley,  Ijtin.  part  ii.  p.  13.  Rowland,  Mona  antjqua,  p,  55,  feq. 

[ff]  Hamilton,  Voyage,  p.  31 1.  Max.  Tyrius,  DifTert.  III.  §  8.  and  Dr. 
Davies  on  the  place.  Stillingfleet,  Antiq.  of  Lon.  p.  474.  546.  Bofman,  p, 
349.  362.  Dickinfon,  p.  192. 

jy]  Evelyn,  Sylva.  p.  614. 

M  Vide  infra. 

[/]  Speltn.  Giolf.  p.  362.  h  Selden  on  Drayton,  XVI.  p.  317. 


*  cities, 

Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  ij 

6  cities,  fhould  have  the  privilege  of  giving  fanduary  and  pro- 
‘  tedion  to  any  fugitive  o*'  criminal  that  fhould  fly  to  them 
6  from  his  enemy.  He  Jikewife  enaded,  that  the  wavs  lead- 
i  ing  to  thofe  temples  and  cities,  as  alfo  the  hufbandman’s 
1  plows,  fhould  be  allowed  the  fame  privilege  [yH.’  When 
Jeffrey,  1  fay,  writes  thus,  one  cannot  poflibly  give  him  credir. 
I  am  one  amongft  thofe  who  think  Jeffrey  not  to  have  been  the 
author  of  the  Britifh  Hiftory,  but  only  the  tranflator,  and  per¬ 
haps  the  interpolator,  of  it ;  but  as  to  this  famous  paflage, 
though  many  later  authors,  I  obferve,  have  received  it  without 
fcruple  [y],  it  appears  to  me  to  be  perfedly  inadmiflable.  The 
Britains ,  in  my  apprehenflon,  ploughed  little,  and  had  no  cities, 
at  that  aera.  But  did  not  Brute,  it  may  be  alledged,  come  from 
Troy ,  where  Juno  had  an  afylum?  I  reply,  that  the  arrival  of 
Brute  in  this  ifland  is  itfelf  very  difputable,  as  refling  folely  on 
the  fufpicious  credit  of  the  Britifli  Hiflory;  and  as  to  Juno's 
afylum  at  Troy ,  that,  as  has  been  before  conjedured  jT],  may 
poflibly  be  a  prolepjis.  But  do  not  authors  tell  us  [/],  that 
JElfred  the  Great  afliimed  thefe  Molmutian  laws  into  his  code? 
And  is  not  this  what  Jeffrey  means,  by  faying,  the  laws  of  Mol- 
tnutius  were  famous  among  the  Engljh  to  this  day  ?  I  anfwer,  Sir 
John  Spelman  has  fhewn,  that  this  is  not  fad  [£] ;  and  it  is  a 

[/]  Jeffrey  of  Monm.  II.  c.  17. 

[,§•]  Matth.  Weftm.  p.  29.  Alured.  Beverl.  p.  15.  Higden.  III.  p.  214. 
Brompton  col.  956.  Rudborne,  in  Angl.  Sacr.  p.  182.  Harding,  Chron.  fol. 
cxi.  6.  Sheringham,  p.  125,  and  many  others.  But  thefe,  who  are  more  mo¬ 
dern  authors,  might  be  eaflly  milled  by  Jeffrey. 

M  P-  8. 

[2]  See  many  of  thofe  writers  cited  in  Note  [^]. 

[£]  Spelm.  Life  of  Alfred,  p.  96.  Mr.  Hearne,  indeed,  endeavours  to  inva¬ 
lidate  the  arguments  there  ufed,  but  does  it  in  a  very  weak  and  unfatisfa&ory 
manner.  AElfred  does  not  fo  much  as  mention  the  Molmutian  laws.  V.  Sir 
Henry  Spelman  in  Gloff.  p.  362  ;  and  Mr.  William  Clarke,  in  his  excellent 
Preface  to  the  Welch  Laws. 

Vol.  VIII. 



i8  Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

drong  prefumption  againft  it,  that  Molmutlus  appears  to  have 
followed  the  Grecian  plan,  according  to  the  fiction  of  the  Britilh 
Hiftory;  whereas  king  JLlfred,  as  we  fhall  prefently  fee,  framed 
his  conftitution  refpeding  this  matter  upon  the  fyftem  of 
Mofes  [£].  To  difmifs  this  bufmefs  of  Molmutlus ,  who  in  all 
probability  neither  wrote  nor  didated  any  laws  at  all  [/]  ;  Jeffrey 
pretends,  that  in  his  days,,  and  by  this  meafure,  4  the  murders 

and  cruelties  committed  by  robbers  were  prevented,  and  every 
‘  body  paffed  fafe  without  any  violence  offered  him  [w] a 
falfe  and  mod  irrational  inference  j  fince  fanduaries,  upon  this 
prince’s  model,  are  not  calculated  to  prevent,,  but  to  promote 
and  encourage  every  outrageous  and  villainous  ad,  as  has  been 
(hewn  above  [»].  Indeed,  one  can  fcarcely  imagine  any  thing 
more  likely  to  generate  vice  and  immorality,  except  the  perni¬ 
cious  dodrines  of  prieftly  abfolution,  the  doing  evil  if  good  do 
but  come  of  it,  and  the  compenfation  of  evil  by  what  were 
called  good  vjorksr  fuch  as  the  founding  of  monaderies,  hofpi- 
tals,  &c. 

The  Chridian  king  Lucius ,  who  fiourifhed  about  A.  D.  i8o9„ 
is  faid,  by  Thomas  Rudborne  [o],  to  have  conferred  upon  the 
church  of  Winchejler  founded  by  him  all  the  foregoing  privi¬ 
leges  of  Molmutlus ,  but  with  no  greater  appearance  of  truth  [y>], . 
fince,  as  this  fad  depends  upon  the  former,  it  muff  necefi'arily 

fall  with  it.  Wherefore  I  (hall  make  no  other  obfervation  upon 


[t]  The  Molimitine  laws  were  Pagan,  not  Chri{lian,  Alfred’s  are.  Slier*- 
ingham,  p.  125, 

[/]  Clarke,  Praif.  ad  Leges  Wallicas. 

[>z]  Rudborne  fays  the  lame,  p.  182. 

[«]  Page  10,.  11. 

[0]  See  alfo  Selden  on  Drayton,  Song  16.  Weever,  Fun.. Mon.  p.  181. 

[p\  Matth.  Weftm. .fays,  p.  60,  that  Lucius  indulged  all  churches  and  their 
cemeteries  with  the  privilege  of  fan&uary. 

Rudborne' i 

Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 


Rudborne' s  ftory,  than  that  he  is  fo  far  right  as  to  deduce  the 
privileges  of  Winchejler  from  a  probable  original,  the  authority 
of  a  crowned  head,  and  not  of  a  pope  of  Rome . 

Sebert ,  the  firft  Chriftian  king  of  EJJex,  who  began  to  reign 
A.  D.  604,  and  died  A.  D.  616,  granted  to  his  church  of  IVeJlmm - 
.Jler  the  great  privilege  of  fanfluary,  according  to  Mr.  Stowe  [^]. 
This,  however,  muft  be  all  a  fiftion  ;  fince  the  churches  of  the 
Weft  did  not  enjoy  any  fuch  privilege  at  that  time  [r];  and 
Mr.  W'idmore  will  not  permit  us  to  believe  that  this  prince  ever 
created  a  church  at  Wejhninjler  |7]. 

To  go  then  upon  fomething  better  allured  :  Ira,  king  of 
IFeffex,  about  A.  D.  690,  enacts,  that  6  if  a  perlon  who  has 
‘  committed  a  capital  offence  lhall  fly  to  a  church,  he  (hall  pre- 

*  fer  ve  his  life,  and  make  fatisfaflion  according  as  right  re- 
‘  quires.  If  any  one  deferving  of  flripes  (hall  fly  to  a  church, 
6  the  punifliment  (hall  be  forgiven  him  [/].’  Churches  being 
thus  appointed  and  made  afyla,  an  evident  conneflion  of  the 
rite  of  fanfluary  with  religion  was  created,  and  the  connexion 
afforded  a  very  obvious  handle  for  the  clergy  afterwards  to  in¬ 
terfere.  The  fugitive,  however,  wras  only  to  be  protected 
again!!  the  ralhnefs  and  fury  of  his  avenger,  for  he  was  ftill 
liable  to  make  recompence  ;  and  this  is  confonant  to  the  decree 
of  the  council  of  Mentz ,  A.  D.  813,  ‘  Reum  confugientem  ad 

*  ecclefiam  nemo  abftrahere  audeat,  nec  inde  donare  ad  poenam 
4  vel  ad  mortem,  ut  honor  Dei  et  fanflorum  ejus  confervetur, 

4  fed  reflores  eccleffarum  pacem  et  vitam  ac  membra  ejus  obti- 

*  nere  ffudeant :  tamen  legitime  componat  quod  inique  fecit  [a].” 

[y]  Stowe,  Survey,  II.  p.  614.  edit.  Strvpe. 

[r]  See  above,  p.  u. 

[j]  Widmore,  Enq.  into  the  foundation  of  Wellm.  Abbey,  Rond.  1743,4*, 
[/]  Wilkins,  Legg.  Sax.  p.  15. 

{« j  Hofpinian,  p.  80. 

D  2 


20  Mr .  Pegge  o«  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary, 

Alfred  the  Great  afcended  the  throne  A.  D.  872,  and  has  in¬ 
ferred  in  the  preamble  to  his  laws  the  words  of  Moles,  ‘  Si  quis 
4  fponte  hominem  occiderit,  moriatur  morte.  Si  eum  autem 
‘  coactus  occiderit,  vel  invitus,  ...  fit  dignus  privilegio  luo, 

‘  et  jufta  gentium  compenlatione,  fi  afylum  quaeret,  &c.  [to].’* 
The  king  had  been  at  Rome,  but  he  either  did  not  obferve, 
being  then  young,  or  reprobated,  the  practices  he  faw  there,  for 
it  is  evidently  a  Chriftian,  and  not  a  Pagan  or  popifh  inftitu- 
tion.  In  the  fecond  chapter  of  his  laws  he  purities  the  fame 
fenfible  plan,  ordaining,  ‘  Si  quis  ad  ecclefiae  manfionem  pro 
4  qualicunque  culpa  confugiat  ....  habeat  trium  dierum  termi - 
‘  num  fe  ibi  abfcondendi,  nifi  reconcihari  voluerit.’  The  term, 
however,  was  enlarged  to  nine  days  by  king  Athelftan  for 
thieves  and  robbers  [v]  ;  and  again  to  nine  or  more,  by  king 
Ethelred,  if  the  king  pleafed  [jy]  ;  thirty-feven  days  at  Dur¬ 
ham  [z]  j  forty  days,  1  Edw.  VI.  [#]  ;  and  a  year  at  Rippon  [b] 
but  Rill  it  was  for  the  purpofe  of  giving  the  culprit  time  to  ef¬ 
fect  a  reconciliation  ;  and  though  the  immunity  extended  to  all. 
iorts  of  crimes,  in  which,  as  we  are  to  fuppofe,  even  murder 
was  included,  yet  this,  incontinent  as  it  was  with  the  text  in 
Exodus,  where  the  murderer  was  furely  to  be  put  to  death ,  was 
agreeable  neverthelefs  to  the  ideas  and  cuftoms  of  the  Saxons ; 
the  Weregild ,  as  they  called  it,  being  with  them  a  pecuniary 
recompence  for  all  crimes ,  and  for  murder  amongft  the  reft.  It 

[w]  Exod.  xxi.  12,  13,  14.  Wilkins,  Legg.  Sax.  p.  29,  the  word  for  afylura. 
is  ppi^peope,  or  as  it  is  alfo  called  ppfSprol.  Spelm.  GloflT.  v.  Fridftoll.  The 
latter  accords  bed  with  fcdes  or  cathedra  pads . 

[.v]  Wilkins,  p.  34. 

[  v]  Ibid.  p.  15  and  1 10. 

[z]  Wharton,  Angl.  Sacr.  p.  699.  Sim.  Dunelm.  p.  121.  Ed.  Bedford, 

[<a]  Staveley,  p.  176. 

[£]  Drake,  p.  xci  of  Appendix, 



Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

was  very  abfurd,  it  is  true  ;  but  it  was  much  more  fo,  to  allow  of 
fandluary  for  murderers,  after  the  were  gild  was  abolidied.  This 
however  was  done  without  icruple  [cj  ;  and  therein  our  ancel- 
tors,  as  Polydore  Vergil  well  obierves  jV],  imitated  not  Mofes , 
but  Romulus 

King  Athelflan  became  mailer  of  the  city  of  York  A.  D. 
937  Lei  ’  an<^  at  ^iat  time,  St.John  of  Beverley,  who  died  A.  D. 
721,  and  was  buried  in  the  porch  cf  Beverley-minfler,  was  a 
faint  of  great  eminence  there,  and  in  the  highefl  eflimation 
with  this  prince  [/]•  Athelflan,  therefore,  is  thought  to  be  the 
perfon,  who,  from  an  extraordinary  veneration  for,  and  to  do 
honour  to,  fo  renowned  a  faint,  granted  to  that  church  a  very 
uncommon  immunity  and  privilege  [gj.  He  is  faid  to  have 
conferred  alfo  a  like  franchife  on  the  church  of  Rippon,  in  fa¬ 
vour  of  St.  Wilfrid  [/:>].  Thefe  indulgences,  I  conceive,  were 
granted,  at  the  time  at  lead,  upon  the  fame  footing  as  king 
/Elfred’s  were,  though  with  an  enlargement  both  of  time  and 
diflance,  as  may  be  noted  in  the  fequel  [/]. 

In  the  laws  of  Hoel  Dda,  A.  D.  943,  all  forts  of  criminals, 
except  murderers,  are  admitted  to  fandtuary  [£],  the  right  is  dep¬ 
rived  from  the  crown  [/],  and  weregild  is  allowed  for  murder. 

|>]  V.  fupra,  p.  10,  11.  Antiquar.  Report,  p.  43.  fupra,  p.  13. 

[^j  Polyd.  Vergil,  c.  12. 

[ e ]  Drake,  Eborac.  p.  79. 

[/J  Weever,  p.  181.  Drake,  Eborac.  p.  lxxxix  and  xci  of  Appendix. 

j>]  Drake,  Eborac.  p.  407.  Appendix,  p.  lxxxvii.  Leland,  Colledt.  IV.  . 
p~.  401.  Spelm,  Glolf.  v.  Fridftoll.  Weever,  Fun.  Mon.  p.  181. 

[h]  Leland,  .Colledl.  IV.  p.  no.  Drake,  p.  79. 

[*]  Page  31* 

[£]  Wotton  Leg.  Wall.  p.  384.  The  Britons  called  fanfluary  nawdda  and 

[/]  Ibid.  p.  1 18. 


22  Mr,  PfiGGE  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary, 

Certain  fuperftitious  abufes,  however,  feem  foon  after  to  have 
crept  in,  in  our  ifland ;  for  in  Edgar’s  Canons,  who  acceded 
A.  D.  959,  and  died  975,  priefts  are  admonifhed  to  fupprefs 
*  cultum  voluntarium,  et  necromantiam,  et  auguria,  et  incan- 
4  tationes,  et  divinum  hominis  cultum,  et  plura  quae  exercentur 
4  in  variis  praeftigiis,  et  in  cathedra  pads  [w],  et  in  ulmis,  et 
4  etiam  in  aliis  variis  arboribus,  et  in  faxis,  et  in  multis  aliis 
4  phantafmatibus,  quibus  multi  eorum  qui  non  deberent,  deci- 
4  piuntur  [»].’  This  firing  of  Canons  by  Edgar  is  chiefly  em¬ 
ployed  in  giving  directions  and  inftruCtions  to  ecclefiaftics, 
whence  it  follows,  that  though  the  immunities  of  churches 
proceeded  originally  from  the  indulgences  of  the  crown,  as  ha# 
Teen  fhewn  above  [0],  yet  the  management  of  them,  both  in 
England  and  Wales,  was  intruded  principally  to  the  clergy ; 
and  from  thence,  as  was  before  alfo  obferved  [/>],  the  prelates 
would  often  aflert  the  church’s  rights  in  opposition  to  the  crown 
itfelf.  In  fhort,  after  the  royal  grants  had  been  once  obtained, 
the  churchmen  were  exceedingly  jealous  and  tenacious  of  their 
power,  efpecially  during  and  after  the  legation  of  Ottobon,  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  who  denounced  the  fentence  of  excom¬ 
munication  on  every  the  leaft  infraction  of  privilege.  His  con- 
ititutions  run  in  a  high  (train,  and,  that  they  might  obtain  their 
full  effedt,  were  ordered  to  be  publifhed  every  Lord’s  day  for  a 
■•year  [$. 

[ml  The  Saxon  word  is  pjirSfplcttum  ;  and  Dr.  Wilkins  notes  in  his  Glof- 
■farv,  ‘  An  autem  corrupte  pirSpplorcum,  pro  ppiSprolum,  pjCdp'-itturn  vel 
1  pju^propura,  feribatur,  vel  an  vox  haec  a  pierce,  habitaculum ,  et  ppu’S  pax  deri- 
*4  vetur,  affirmare  non  audeo  ;  illud  certa  conftat,  afyla  .fugle fttium  denotare.’ 

[«]  Edgar’s  Canons,  N°  16. 

t°]  Page  12,  13,  14. 

,[>]  Page  14. 

•ff]  Mr.  Johnfon’s  Collect,  of  Eccl.  Laws,  in  Ottobon,  A*  T263. 



Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 


The  6th  article  of  the  ConfefTor’s  laws  goes  thus  4  Quicunque 
«  reus  vel  nonius  ad  ecclefiam,  causa  praefidii,  confugerit,  ex  quo 
s  atrium  tenuerit,  a  nemine  infequente  nullatenus  apprehenda- 
4  tur,  nifi  per  Pontificem  aut  miniftrum  ejus  [r];’  and  one  can¬ 
not  doubt  but  the  murderer  was  to  be  protected  as  well  as  other 
offenders.  Mr.  Stowe,  after  ffating,  that  the  church  of  Weft- 
minfler  4  had  great  privilege  of  ianCtuary,  within  the  precindt- 
4  thereof,  to  wit,  the  church,  churchyard,  and  clofe,  &c.’  pro¬ 
ceeds  to  fay,  the  6  privilege  was  firft  granted  by  Sebert  king  of 
4  the  Eafl  Saxons  [j],  fince  increafed  by  Edgar  king  of  the  Weft 
4  Saxons  [*],  renewed  and  confirmed  by  king  Edward  the  Con « 
4  feffor>  and  then  inferts  Edward’s  charter  \u ].  This  charter  is 
very  exprefs  and  full  for  fecurity  of  life,  liberty  and  limbs,  for 
perfons  of  all  conditions ,  and  for  what  caufe  or  offence  foever  they 
lied  thither;  and  likevvife  for  their  goods,  lands,  and  pofleffions, 
all  which  he  afterts  he  thereby  took  into  his  fpecial  protection. 
The  charter  in  all  probability  is  fpurious  ;  it  occurs  not  in 
Widmore,  in  whofe  work  we  might  expeCt  to  find  it:  on  the 
contrary,  he  is  of  opinion  the  fanCtuary  commenced  from  the 
canonization  of  Edward  by  Innocent  Illi  after  A.  D.  1198, 
namely,  from  the  high  veneration  the  people  had  for  him,  which 
of  courfe  /would  alfo -be  (hewn  to  the  place  of  his  burial  [*ze?]. 
But  whether  the  charter  be  fpurious  or  not,  it  anfwers  our-pur- 
p.ofe,  as  Ihewing  the  fenfe  which  the  compiler,  whoever  he  was, 

[r]  Wilkins,  Leg;  Sax.  p.  197. 

[r]  This  has  been  clifproved  above,  p.  19. 

[/}'  Edgar  did  repair  and  reftore  the  monaftery.  Widmore,  Hill,  of  Wcftrru 
Abbey,  p.  4.  feq.  but  nothing  is  there  faid  of  the  fan&uary  :  lc  that  ail  this  is 
groundlefs  inference. 

['«]' Stowe,  Survey,  IL  p.  614. 

[w]  Widmore,  l.,c..  p.  15. ,, 


24  Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

had  of  the  nature  of  the  inflitution,  and  the  practice  of  the 
time  concerning  it. 

The  Normans,  on  their  coming,  embraced  the  ordinance  in 
its  utmofl  latitude,  and  perhaps  it  might  not  be  new  to  them. 
William ,  in  founding  Battle-abbey,  gave  the  abbat  a  power  of 
laving  any  malefactor,  if  he  [the  abbat]  happened  to  come  to 
the  place  of  execution  [*]  ;  and  moreover  he  made  the  abbey- 
church  a  place  of  fafety  for  any  felon  or  murderer.  The  words 
of  the  charter,  as  we  have  them  in  Camden,  are,  ‘  If  any  thief, 
6  or  murderer,  or  perfon  guilty  of  other  crime,  fly  for  fear  of 
‘  death,  and  come  to  this  church;  let  him  have  no  harm,  but 
6  be  freely  difmifled  [y]  and  thereupon  Dr.  Fuller  obferves, 
that  'he  made  the  convent  a  center  of  finners  [z],  As  to  churches 
in  general,  William  confirmed  the  laws  of  Edward  the  Confef- 
for,  and  confequently  that  relative  to  ianCtuary  [<*]. 

Things  feem  to  have  continued  very  much  in  the  fime  fitua- 
tion  till  the  extinction  of  the  ordinance  In  the  reign  of  James  I. 
except  that  in  procefs  of  time,  and  probably  about  the  thirteenth 
century,  debtors  got  admiffion  into  places  of  immunity,  in  order 
to  fecure  themfelves  from  the  feverity  of  their  creditors. 

It  has  been  remarked  by  fome,  that  all  or  mofl  Chriflian 
countries  have  been  furnifhed  with  fanCtuaries,  but  none  fo 
much  as  England;  and  Mr.  Blount  adds,  that  our  ancient  kings 
feem  to  have  attributed  mofl  unto  them,  meaning,  that  they 
have  fhewn  them  the  greateil  deference  and  regard. 

After  this  deduction  of  the  general  hiflory  of  the  ordinance 
here,  we  need  only  to  notice  certain  fpecialties,  and  modes  of 

[a-]  Camden,  Britannia.  Sujjcx. 

;  /]  Camden  1.  c. 

J>]  Fuller,  Ch  Hid.  book  iii.  p.  i.  et  v.  fupra,  p.  13. 
[a]  Wilkins,  Legg.  Sax.  p.  197. 


Mr.  Pegge  on  the  or  Sanctuary, 


proceeding  occurring  in  authors  concerning  it,  which,  it  is 
hoped,  may  afford  fome  novelty  and  amufement  to  the  inqui¬ 
sitive  reader.  Thefe  are,  to  throw  them  into  fome  method. 

1.  The  extent  of  the  privilege,  &c. 

2.  Formalities  on  entering  fandluary,  and  demeanour  there. 

3.  Sorts  of  malefactors. 

4.  Deliverance  from  thence. 

5.  Infringement  of  the  ordinance. 

6.  Enumeration  of  our  principal  afyla. 

7.  21  James  I.  Proceedings  at  and  after  the  Reformation,  and 
the  total  fuppreffion. 

1.  Some  churches,  as  we  have  Seen  [£],  were  deemed  more 
facred  than  others ;  and  the  parts  of  fan£tuary,  it  may  by  parity 
of  reafon  be  conceived,  were  held  in  different  eflimation,  fo 
that  the  fine  or  punifhment  upon  violation  would  be  greater  or 
lefs,  according  to  the  place  whence  the  fanCtuary-man  was 
taken,  or  where  he  was  aflaulted.  At  Weflminfler  the  afylum 
included  the  church,  church-yard,  and  clofe,  &c.  In  regard  to 
church-yards,  it  is  written  exprefly,  ‘  ecclefiaruin  fanCluaria, 
c  quce  populariter  ccemeteria  nominantur  [c].'  The  limits  of  the 
afylum  were  Sometimes  very  extenfive.  At  Hexham  ‘  there  were 
‘  four  croffes  [</]  fet  up  at  a  certain  difiance  from  the  church, 

«  in  the  four  ways  leading  thereunto:  now  if  a  malefactor  fly- 
*  ing  for  refuge  to  that  church  was  taken  or  apprehended  with- 
«  in  the  croffes,  the  party  that  took  or  laid  hold  of  him  there 

‘  did  forfeit  two  hundredh ;  if  he  took  him  within  the  town, 


01  Page  15- 

[c]  Wilkins,  Concil.  II.  p.  183.  See  Weever,  p.  181.  Sclden  on  Drayton’*-' 
Polyolb.  Song  16.  Matth.  Weftm.  p.  60. 

[*/]  It  is  probable  there  were  fuch  round  Beverley.  One  of  them  {till  re¬ 
maining  is  engraved  in  plate  IV.  of  vol.  III.  of  the  new  edition  of  Camden’s 
Britannia,  p.  73.  Plate  IV.  fig.  2. 

Vol.  VIII.  E  5  then 


Air.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

*  then  he  forfeited  four  hundredth  if  within  thevwalls  of  the 
4  church-yard,  then  fix  hundred h;  if  within  the  church,  then 
4  twelve  hundredh ;  if  within  the  doors  of  the  quire,,  then 
4  eighteen  hundredh  ;  befides  penance,  as  in  cafe  of  facrilege  ;  but 

*  if  he  prefumed  to  take  him  out  of  the  hone  chair  near  the 
‘  altar  called  fridfiol ,  or  from  amongft  the  holy  relicks  behind  the 
4  altar  [Y],  the  offence  was  not  redeemable  with  any  fum,  but 
4  was  then  become,  fine  emendatione ,  boteles ,  and  nothing  but 
4  the  utmoft  feverity  of  the  offended  church  was  to  be  expected 
4  by  a  dreadful  excommunication;  befides  what  the  fecular 

*  power  would  impofe  for  the  prefumptuous  mifdemeanor  \_f  j.9 
Mr.  Staveley  obferves,  and  has  it  from  his  author,  that  the  hun¬ 
dred  contained  eight  pound  [g],  fo  that  the  laft  penalty  was- 
mofl  immenfe,  nearly  as  much  as  the  weregild  for  killing  a 
crowned  head  in  Wales  [/>]  ;  and  indeed,  every  aft  of  violence 
committed  againft  the  rite  of  fanftuary  was  efteemed  a  breach 

of  the  church’s  peace,  a  high  crime,  and  a  fpecies  of  facrilege  [/].- 

.  .  1  . 

[<?}  The  veneration  for  relicks-,  it  appears,  was  at  this  time  very  profound, 
ranking  with  that  for  the  frldjloll  itfelf..  And  in  Wales,  a  perfon  might  go  out 
of  an  afylum,  and  be  fafe,  if  he  carried  relicks  with  him  ;  but  then  the  relicks 
could  nut  uphold  or  protect  him  if  he  committed  any  evil  a<fts.  Legg.  Hoel 
Dda,  lib.  ii.  c.  8.  They  are  held  here  in  the  fame  eftimation  as  a  crofs  or  a 
crucifix,  v.  infra,  p.  34. 

[/]  Mr.  Staveley,  p.  173.  citing  Ric.  Prior  Hagulftad.  de  ftatu  et  epifeopis 
Haguftaldenfis  ecclefiae  apud  X  Script,  ch.  13,  col.  308.  See  alfo  Mr.  Drake, 
Eborac.  p.  548,  and  Appendix,  p.  xc.  Widmore,  Hifl.  of  Weftm.  Abbey,  p.  103* 

[3-]  Mr.  Drake,  Ebor.  p.  548,  takes  the  hundred  for  men  of  the  hundred,  but  in 
that  I  think  he  miftaken,  as  the  hundred  is  faid  to  contain  8  1.  and  fee 
Dr.  Thoroton,  p.  313,  where  much  the  fame  account  is  given  of  the  privilege 
at  York.  One  copy  there,  however,  rates  the  hundred  at  6  1. 

| ~h]  Leg.  Wall.  p.  199  compared  with  p.  201.  See  for  this,  Gent.  Magaz* 
1753.  P-  26S- 

[?']  Archbilhop  Boniface,  H.  126.  art.  8.  Linwood,  p.  256.  and  by  a  law 
of  king  Alfred,  120  s.  a  very  heavy  fine  then,  was  to  be  paid  to  the  violated 
church  on  this  account.  Leg.  Alfredi  in  Wilkfnfii  Concil.  I.  p.  191. 


Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  27 

The  bounds  at  Beverley  were  a  mile  round  every  way  [/£], 
and  fo  at  Rippon  [/].  Thofe  of  St.  Martin’s  le  Grand  in 
the  city  of  London  are  defcribed  in  words,  and  by  a  plan 
cut  in  wood,  in  Strype’s  edition  of  Stowe’s  Survey  [?«].  Lord 
Lyttelton  informs  us,  that  the  Welch  were  particularly  Uriel 
and  fuperftitious  in  regard  to  this  ordinance,  and  adds,  that 
they  allowed  all  criminals,  even  murderers  and  tray  tors,  to 
have  fecurity  in  churches,  not  only  for  themfelves,  but  for 
their  fervants,  and  even  for  their  cattle  ;  4  to  feed  which  lad: 
4  confiderable  trails  of  paflure  land  were  afligned,  in  the 
4  whole  compafs  whereof  they  were  facred  and  inviolable, 
4  nay,  with  relation  to  fome  of  the  principal  churches  .  .  .  . 
4  the  right  of  faniluary  was  extended  as  far  as  the  cattle 
4  could  range  in  a  day  and  return  at  night  [;?].’  The  whole 
town  of  Hexham,  being  included  within  the  erodes  above  men¬ 
tioned,  enjoyed  immunity,  and  the  city  of  York  was  pofiefled 
of  it  in  fome  degree  [0] ;  whence  one  fees  upon  what  grounds, 
the  compiler  of  the'  Britifh  Hiftory,  in  the  cafe  of  Molmutius 
above,  feigned  that  cities  were  privileged  by  him.  The  part  of 
a  church  mod:  reverenced  was  the  altar,  and  the  fridfiol ,  or 
flone-chair.  This  chair  at  Beverley  was  inferibed,  4  Base  fedes 
4  lapidea  Freedftoole  dicitur,  i.  e.  Pacis  cathedra,  ad  quam  reus 
4  fugiendo  perveniens,  omnimodam  habet  fecuritatem  [^>].’ 

H]  Leland,  Colleft.  II.  p.  1  o  1 .  Drake,  Ehorac.  p.  lxxxvi  i 1  and  xc  of  Appendix. 

[/]  Leland,  ibid.  p.  no.  Mr.  Drake,  L  c.  p.  xci,  xcii.  Leuca  there  mean¬ 
ing  a  mile. 

[w]  Stowe,  Survey,  I.  p.  611.  613.  edit.  Strype,  where  fee  the  regulations 
preferibed  by  Henry  VI. 

[«]  Lord  Lyttelton,  Life  of  Hen.  II.  vol.  II.  p.  358. 

jy]  Drake,  Eborac.  p.  548. 

[/>]  Spelm.  Gloff.  v.  Fridfloll.  The  infeription  is  put  in  a  different  teiife  in 
Drake,  Eborac.  p.  xci.  and  has  other  fmall  variations.  See  Camden,  col.  891. 
It  Hands  now  againft  the  South  wall  of  St.  John’s  chapel  in  the  minller.  1  he 
infeription  has  been  long  gone.  R.  G. 

E  2 



Mr,  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary** 

That  at  York  was  againji  the  altar  [y1,  that  at  Hexham  and 
Durham  near  it  [rj.  At  Armethwaite  in  Cumberland  there  was 
a  Benedidine  nunnery  founded  by  king  William  Rufus,  and 
on  a  pillar  three  yards  high,  placed  on  a  riling  ground,  is  in- 
fcribed,  santvarivm  io88  [jl.  The  pillar  is  fquare,  and  I  am 
informed  that  the  tan&uary  ltone,  which  one  mull  luppofe  to- 
have  been  the  fridjioll ,  is  incloled  within  it.  This  however  is 
very  wonderful,  as  the  Rone,  if  k  were  the  fridjloll,  ought  in  all 
reafon  to  have  been  within  the  nunnery.  It  could  not  well 
be  taken  thence,,  and  included  within  the  pillar,  lince  the  Re¬ 
formation  for  inftance,  becaufe,  to  judge  from  the  form  of  the 
letters  in  the  infcription,  the  pillar  appears  to  be  as  old  as  the 
foundation  of  the  nunnery  itfelf.  The  matter  deferves  to  be 
further  enquired  into  ;  this,  however,  may  be  determined,  in 
the  mean  time,  that  the  privilege  of  fan&uary  at  this  place  cer¬ 
tainly  extended  to  this  pillar.. 

A  crofs  in  a  highway  had  the  privilege  of  proteding,  4  li  quis 
4  ad  aliquam  crucem  in  via,  perfequentibus  inimicis,,  confuge- 
6  rit,  liber  ac  li  in  ipfa  ecclelia,  permaneat  [/],* 

2.  It  feems  natural  to  enquire  next  into  the  cuRomary  for¬ 
malities  of  entering  a  place  of  fanduary.  By  the  laws  of 
Edward  the  Confeffor,  if  a  fugitive  in.  going  to  refuge  lhoukl 
enter  the  houfe  or  courtyard  of  a  prieR,  he  was. to  be  as  lafe  as 
if  he  had  reached  the  church,  provided  the  premifes  Rood  upon 
the  demefnes  of  the  church  [#].  As  if  there  was  a  relative 
fandity  in  the  premifes,  derived  from  the  proximity  of  the  al¬ 
tar,  to  which  they  were  fuppofed  to  belong. 

[q~\  Drake,  p.  548. 

[r]  Vide  fupra. 

[f]  Gent.  Magaz.  1755.  p.  440. 

[f]  Concilium  Claromont.  1093.  apud  Du  Frefne,  tom.  ii.  col.  1184.. 

[«]  Wilkins,  Legg.  Sax.  p.  197.  Weever,  p.  182...  Accefs  was.  to  be  eafy 
in  the  Holy  Land.  See  p.  4. 

I  It 

Mr .  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  29 

•  It  may  here,  however,  properly  be  noted,  that  there  was  an¬ 
ciently  alfo  a  regard  and  reverence  (hewn  to  certain  characters 
an-d  places,  which  though  it  amounted  not  to  the  dignity  and 
religion  of  fanCtuary  properly  fpeaking,  yet  entitled  the  fugi¬ 
tive,  nevertbelefs,  to  a  temporary  fecurity.  Thus  it  is  directed 
in  the  Conftitutions  of  king  Ethelred,  A..  D.  1008,  4  that  if  a 
6  perlon  guilty  of  a  capital  offence  fled  to.  the  king,  archbifhop, 
4  or  nobleman,  he  fhould  be  allowed  no  more  than  nine  days, 
4  unlefs  the  king  fhould  pleafe  to  indulge  him  with  more.  If  he 
4  had  recourfe  to  the  bifhop  of  his  province,  to  the  alderman,  or 
‘  h e alien e  heapod  puede  [V],  then  he  was  to  be  fafe  only  for 
*  feven  days,  unlefs  the  great  man  would  allow  him  longer 
4  time  [yj.’  It  was  a,  piece  of  refpeCt  and  decency  due  to  the 
eminency  of  the  parties  fpecified,.  and  the  peace  of  the  places  of 
their  refpe&ive  abodes;,  whence  Sir  Henry  Spejman  writes,  that 
pjiydpuop  4  lignifies-  praeterea  palatium ,  quod  palatia  regum  et 
4  optimatum  multis  legibus  a  vi  et  injuria  erant  immunity  [2;] 
and  of  this  nature,  I  apprehend,  is  the  verge  of  the  court*,  as  it 
is  called,  at  this  day.  This  at  the  fame  time  was  a  laudable 
expedient  for  giving  the  malefa&or  time,  either  to  exculpate 
himfelf,  or  to  make  fatisfa&ion  ;  for  it  follows  in  the  law,  rela¬ 
tive  to  this  cafe,  4  If  he  be  a  thief  or  robber,  let  him  reflore 
4  what  he  hath  unjuflly  taken,  if  he  hath  it  in  his  poffeffion 
*•-  or  if  he  hath  walled  or  embezzled  it,  let  him  make  it  good. 
4  from  his  own  property  if  he  be  able 

Criminals  flying  to  fan  6t  nary  were  to  declare  their  intention 
of  taking  refuge,  and  then  they  were  not  to  be  obllrufted  or 

[.*]  This  is  rendered  fummum  capitollum  ;  meaning  a  dignitary  in  a  cathedral 
Zptecentor  perhaps,  or  head  of  the  fchool.  Du  Frei'ne,  v.  Capitolus. 

[_>>]  Wilkins,  Legg.  Sax.  p.  no. 

[z]  Spelm.  Gloff.  v.  Fridftoll.  See  alfo  Wilkins’,  Legg.  Sax.  p.  197.* 

[a]  Wilkins,  Legg.  Sax.  p.  J97. 


30  Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

hindered  from  entering  the  church  [<£].  On  their  acceffion  tC> 
the  place  and  entering  the  precinct,  they  were  to  confefs  their 
refpedive  crimes,  or  the  caufes  of  their  repairing  to  fhelter,  be¬ 
fore  a  coroner,  and  to  give  in  their  names,  all  which  were  to 
be  recorded  [c].  At  Durham ,  the  refuge  knocked  at  the  door 
of  the  Galilee ,  and  men  lay  ready -to  let  him  in  at  any  hour  of 
the  night.  They  then  tolled  the  Galilee  bell,  that  it  might  be 
known  fome  one  had  taken  fandtuary  ;  and  the  prior  ordered, 
that  the  refuge  lhould  have  a  gown  of  black  cloth,  with  a  yel¬ 
low  crofs,  called  St.  Cuthberfs  crofs,  at  the  left  fhoulder ;  he 
was  lodged  on  a  grate  within  the  fabric,  on  the  fouth  fide,  ad¬ 
joining  to  the  door,  and  near  the  altar  | V].  But  probably  the 
modes  of  entry  varied  in  different  places.  Refuges  were  more¬ 
over  to  be  totally  difarmed,  defenfively  as  well  as  offenfively, 
and  allowed  only  a  pointlefs  knife  to  carve  with  [*].  This, 
in  the  larger  and  moll  frequented  fandtuaries,  was  a  very  necef- 
fary  precaution,  becaule  thefe  fugitives,  being  a  fct  of  bad  peo¬ 
ple  affembled  together,  would  often  iffue  from  the  privileged 
place,  and  committing  riots,  robberies,  murders,  &c.  [/]  bring 
in  thither  their  ftolen  goods  [g],  for  which,  however,  they  were 
liable  to  be  imprifoned  as  long  as  they  remained  in  the  afylum, 
with  liberty  nevertheleis  to  leave  it,  if  they  pleafed  [A].  By 
flat.  32  Hen.  VIII.  the  fandtuary-man  was  to  appear  before  the 
governor,  and  if  he  had  committed  any  felony  was  to  lofe  his 

[£]  Archbifhop  Boniface,  Conftitut.  1261.  art.  8. 

fcj  Stowe,  Survey,  I.  p.  607.  Lord  Bacon,  Hift.  of  Hen.  VII.  p.  104. 

[</]  Patr.  Sanderfon,  Antiq.  of  Durham  Abbey,  p.  43.  feq.  the  altar  was  I 
prefume,  in  the  Galilee. 

|>]  Stowe,  ibidem. 

[/]  Lord  Bacon,  I.  c.  Stowe,  p.  607,  608.  Stat.  28  Hen.  VIII.  c.  1. 

[^ ]  The  effe&s  of  refuges,  if  within  the  place,  were  under  prote&ion ;  but 
t.  H.  VII.  thofe  without  were  not.  Lord  Bacon,  1.  c. 

0]  Stowe,  ibidem. 


Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  31 

privilege.  This  feems  to  have  been  the  cafe  too,  after  the  ac- 
ceflion  of  Henry  VII.  [/],  but  I  think  the  delinquent  might  go 
into  any  other  place  before  that  time  [/£].  For  the  fame  rea- 
fon,  notorious  offenders  were  to  give  bond,  and  others  with 
them,  on  entering  the  fandtuary,  for  their  good  abearing  dur¬ 
ing  their  abode  there  [/]  ;  and  if  a  man  did  damage  to  any 
one,  though  but  to  the  value  of  a  penny,  he  was  no  longer  to 
enjoy  the  benefit  of  his  prefent  afylum,  according  to  the  laws 
of  Hoel  Dda  [  w],  but  to  feek  another. 

The  Bnglifh  fandtuary,  with  all  its  faults  and  imperfedtions, 
particularly  the  natural  tendency  it  had  to  encourage  evil  and 
mifchief,  was  ffill  confidered  as  having  a  regard  to  penance  ; 
and  therefore  refuges  were  required  to  take  an  oath,  not  only  to 
obferve  the  wholeiome  regulations  of  the  place  [«],  but  alfo  not 
to  prophane  the  Sabbath  [ 0 ]  j  foreigners,  not  free  of  the  city, 
often  inhabiting  there  (/>],  and  others  taking  houfes  (though 
they  were  dear  on  account  of  the  protection  [<7]),  and  exercifing 
their  trades  [r],  in  privileged  places  of  extent,  as  in  St.  Martin’s 
le  Grand  and  Weftminfter  [r] ;  at  which  latter  place,  they  were 
bound  in  queen  Elizabeth’s  time,  to  attend  morning  and  even¬ 
ing  fervice  [f],  and  were  provided  with  two  churches,  one  oven 

A  r  -r  f  .  ,  ,  *  ... 

[z]  Widmore,  Hlft.  of  Weltm.  Abbey,  p.  141. 

[£]  Hoel  Dda,  in  Wilkins,  Concil.  I.  p.  210. 

[/J  Stowe,  l.  p.  607,  alfo  II.  p.  615.  feq. 

[■«?]  Wilkins,  ibid.  Lord  Bacon,  Hilt,  of  Hen.  VII.  p.  24.. 

[w]  Stowe,  I.  p.  608. 

jV]  Ibid,  ibidem.* 

[/>]  Ibid.  p.  614. 

\q]  Ibid.  p.  609.  Widmore,  p.  141.  Dr.  Stake  ley,  Archaeologist,  If  p.  43.  . 

[r]  ibid.  p.  608. 

[j]  Widmore,  ibidem. 

[t]  Stowe,  II.  p.  615.  Spelman,  GlolT.  v.  FridftoL 

'  1  It*; 4  ,  „  the-' 


Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 


the  other,  for  the  purpofe  [a].  This,  however,  feems  to  relate 
chiefly  to  foreigners  and  debtors,  who,  together  with  the  male¬ 
factors,  composed  a  numerous  body  in  the  more  eminent 
afyla  [w].  '  - 

gdly,  Though  our  fan&uaries  were  open  in  a  common  way 
to  murderers  and  aflaffins  [#],  and  other  very  atrocious  of¬ 
fenders,  vet  all  forts  of  malefactors  were  not  permitted  to  enter 
them  indifcriminately,  and  to  enjoy  the  privilege.  Archbifhop 
Boniface’s  Conflitution  fays,  4  Let  the  church  proteCt  thofe  only, 
4  whom  the  canons  diredt  to  be  protected/  and  certain  defci  ip- 
tions  of  men  were  excepted  in  the  Welch  Laws  [y].  Traytors 
were  excluded  [z],  as  now  they  are  in  Italy  [<2]  ;  and  the  church 
would  not  admit  Jews,  Infidels  and  Hereticks  [b\,  and  it  may 
be  added,  Catholicks,  if  their  crime  were  committed  in  the 
church  [c].  Mr.  Johnfon  obferves,  ‘  Public  robbers  and  de- 
‘  populators  of  the  country  only  were  excepted  by  canon  law 
'*  (Decretal.  1.  iii.tit.  49.  c.  6.)  and,  fays  Linwrood,  fuch  as  re- 
*  fufed  to  pay  the  tribute  [</]/ 

The  temporal  lords  infilled,  in  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  that 
the  privilege  of  fan&uary  extended  no  further  than  to  preferve 

[u]  Dr.  Stukeley,  ibid.  p.  39.  He  does  not  tell  us  why  there  were  two. 
One  perhaps  might  be  for  criminals,  the  other  for  debtors  and  inhabitants. 

[w;]  Strype,  Mem.  III.  p.  310.  Stowe,  I.  p.  614. 

[*J  Ottobon,  1268,  art.  12. 

[yj  Of  Hoel  Dda,  p.  104.  348.  edit.  Clarke.  See  alfo  Juftinian.  Novell.  17, 
de  Mandat.  Princ. 

[z]  Rapin,  I.  p.  803.  Lord  Bacon,  Hifl.  Hen.  VIII.  p.  12.  Staveley,  p. 
173*  05* 

[a]  Smollet,  Trav.  p.  279. 

[ b ]  Linwood,  p.  257,  where  minus  Catholicus  means,  we  may  prefume,  an 

[e]  Mr.  Johnfon  on  Archbifhop  Boniface’s  Conftitut. 

[i]  Ibid.  art.  8. 


Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 


life  and  limb,  and  not  to  protect  debtors,  or  interfere  with  ac¬ 
tions  of  account  [V].  This  undoubtedly  was  the  defign  of  the 
inftitution  originally  \_f\  ;  but  the  lords  could  not  carry  their 
point,  as  we  find  by  the  proceedings  of  our  fan&uaries  in  after¬ 
times.  Every  thing,  confequently,  relative  to  debtors,  their 
goods  and  chattels,  was  an  abufe  and  perverfion  of  the  rite  [g], 
though  in  traCl  of  time  they  got  Ihelter  in  fanCtuaries,  and  the 
prote&ion  went  fo  far,  as  to  fecure  their  goods  and  effe&s  [A]. 
Thus  the  new  templars  refufed  to  deliver  up  Hubert  de  Burgh's 
money  to  the  king,  Henry  III.  without  his  conlent  [z],  This 
extenfion  of  privilege  occafioned  much  evil  and  iniquity,  as 
knavifh  and  difhonefb  men  would  often  run  into  fan&uary,  in 
order  to  defraud  their  creditors,  and  to  avoid  paying  their  juft 
debts.  We  have  a  clear  proof  of  this,  in  the  debtors’  being  ob¬ 
liged  at  lafi:  to  fwear,  that  they  did  not  claim  privilege  and  pro¬ 
tection  for  the  purpofe  of  cheating  their  creditors,  but  only  for 
the  fafety  of  their  perfons,  when  they  were  not  able  to  pay  [£]. 
One  fpecies  of  fraud,  in  this  line,  was  intolerable ;  a  fanCtuary- 
man  would  bring  into  his  faftnefs  ftolen  goods  or  merchan¬ 
dize  [/],  with  intent  to  live  upon  them  [w].  But  now,  the 
fanCtuary-man,  as  Mr.  Johnfon  tells  us,  was  6  not  fecured  from 
*  pecuniary  fatisfaCtion,  much  lefs  from  penance,  nor  from  pay- 

[*]  Collier,  Ecclef.  Hift.  I.  p.  568.  Staveley,  p.  173. 

[f~\  Stowe,  Survey,  II.  p.  614. 

[<■>]  What  is  faid  above,  p.  31,  of  the  fecurity  of  cattle  in  Wales,  is  of 
the  cattle  of  felons. 

[£]  Dugd.  Bar.  I.  p.  697.  he,  however,  thought  proper  to  cohfent. 

[2]  Ibid.  p.  697. 

[£]  Temp.  Eliz.  Stowe,  Survey,  II.  p.  615,  where  the  form  of  the  oath  may 
be  feen. 

[/]  V.  p.  15. 

£ m ]  Stowe,  Survey,  I.  p.  608.  Ottobon  1268.  art.  12. 

Vol.  VIII.  F  •  ‘  ing 

Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 


4  Ing  his  debts  [»]  ;*  on  the  contrary,  he  was  required,  in  queen 
Elizabeth’s  time,  to  deliver  in  upon  oath  a  fchedule  of  his 
debts,  and  of  his  effe&s  wherewith  he  might  make  prefent  pay¬ 
ment,  and  to  fvvear,  that  he  would  labour  and  do  his  utmofl  to 
-iatisfy  his  creditors  \o\ ;  a  very  juft  regulation. 

4th ty,  A  fugitive  felon  betook  himfelf  to  fanftuary  for  his 
own  benefit  and  fecurity,  and  therefore  might  leave  it  when  he 
pleafed  [^],  on  making  his  peace,  we  will  fuppofe,  with  his 
adverfary,  obtaining  his  pardon,  or  from  any  other  caufe  that 
might  enable  him  to  extinguifli  his  afylum  with  fafety.  Some 
pf  thefe  justifiable  caufes  were  abfolutely  neceilary,  for  other- 
wife  if  he  came  out  voluntarily,  and  was  found  abroad,  the 
avenger  might  kill  him  [y).  It  appears,  however,  from  a  paft- 
fage  in  Hoel  Dda ,  that  in  Wales  a  fan<ftuary-man  might  fafely 
go  out  of  bounds,  if  he  carried  a  relick  with  him  [r],  A  com¬ 
petent  time  was  allowed,  as  has  been  (hewn  [j],  for  the  pur- 
pofe  of  reconciliation,  and  therefore  he  was  not  to  burthen  the 
church  unto  which  he  had  reforted,  for  ever  [*].  Wherefore, 
after  entertainment  and  fecurity  for  the  time  allowed,  a  refuge, 
if  a  layman  [«],  was  bound  to  abjure  his  country  [„v]  (if  he  did 

[«]  Mr.  Johnfon  on  arclibifhop  Boniface’s  Conftit.  1261.  art.  1.  Linwood, 
p.  256. 

[0]  Stowe,  Survey,  II.  p,  615. 

[/>]  Ibid.  I.  p.  607.  v.  fupra,  p.  30. 

[y]  Hofpin.  p.  78.  See  above,  p.  5. 

[r]  Wilkins,  Concil,  I.  p.  210.  et  fupra,  p.  31. 

[r]  Page  29. 

[>]  This  is  different  from  the  cafe  of  debtors  in  fan&uaries  of  that  extent, 
who  lived  by  their  own  labour. 

[«]  Clerks  were  not  bound  to  abjure.  Linwood,  p.  256,  but  yielding  them- 
felves  up  to  the  laws  of  the  realm,  might  enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  church,  and 
fo  be  delivered  to  the  ordinary.  Antiquar.  Repert.  I.  p.  175. 

[x]  The  proper  term  was  forts  jurare ,  v.  Spehnan  in  voce,  where,  however, 
we  fhould  read  nec  redeat  for  nec  vidsat ,  as  in  Dr.  Wilkins,  edit.  p.  198.  The 
form  of  the  oath  is  in  Antiq.  Repert.  1.  q,  See  Stat.  32  Hen,  VIII.  c.  12. 

3  no£ 

Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.  33 

not  do  it  before),  and  fwear  not  to  return  without  the  king’s 
licence.  Then  taking  a  crucifix  [y]  in  his  hand  as  a  caduceus 
to  (hew  he  was  under  protection  [2],  whofoever  feized  him  on 
his  journey,  took  him  from  the  highway,  or  flew  him  when 
taken  thence,  was  liable  to  inflictions  as  for  facrilege  [d].  He 
was  to  take  the  direCt  road  to  the  next  port,  or  the  port  afligned 
him  [£],  and  embark  the  firft  opportunity.  And  if,  after  endea¬ 
vouring  forty  days  to  get  a  paflage  abroad,  by  going  every  day 
into  the  water  up  to  his  knees,  or  above,  he  did  not  fucceed,  he 
was  to  return  to  his  fanCtuary  [c],  and  by  21  Henry  VIII.  the 
abjured  perfon  was  to  be  marked  by  the  coroner  on  his  thumb; 
and,  if  he  refufed  to  take  his  paflage  at  the  time  appointed  by 
the  coroner,  he  was  to  lofe  the  benefit  of  fanCtuary  [*/].  It 
fhould  feem  that,  inftead  of  abjuring  for  the  purpofe  of  going 
abroad,  he  might,  by  the  ACt  21  Henry  VIII.  take  his  abjura - 
tion  to  any  one  fanCtuary,  there  to  remain  a  fanCtuary-man  ab¬ 
jured  during  his  natural  life ;  and  if  afterwards  he  came  out, 
without  the  king's  licence,  he  was  to  fuffer  in  the  fame  manner 
as  if  he  had  abjured  the  kingdom,  and  returned  [*].  It  feems 
too,  that  not  more  than  twenty  perfons  at  a  time  were  to  be 
admitted  as  fanCtuary-men  in  one  place  [/]. 

A  query  is  ftarted  in  Linwood,  whether  a  fanCtuary-man 
could  be  taken  out  of  his  afylum  by  a  bifliop ;  and  he  is  of 

[y]  V.  infra,  p.  41.  Linwood,  p.  256.  Antiq.  Repert.  1.  c.  San£tuary-men 
wore  crofs  keys  on  their  garments  in  a  proceflion  at  Weftminfter.  Strype, 
Mem.  III.  p.  310. 

[z]  Archbifhop  Boniface,  Conftitut.  1261.  art.  8.  Aritiq.  Repert.  I.  c. 

[a\  Boniface  1261.  art.  8. 

[£]  Antiq.  Repert.  I.  p.  175. 

£c]  Ibid.  1.  c. 

\d]  Stat.  21  Hen.  VIII.  c.  2. 

[ e ]  Stat.  28  Hen.  VIII.  c.  5.  alfo,  32  Hen.  VIII.  c.  12* 

{/]  Stat.  32  Hen,  VIII,  c.  13. 


36  Mr .  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary. 

opinion  he  might ;  namely,,  for  the  purpofe  of  being  (hut  up  in 
a  monaffery  of  a  ftrift  order  for  the  doing  perpetual  penance,  or 
punifhed  in  any  other  eccleliaflical  way  [«].  Jeffrey,  natural 
foil  of  Henry  II.  and  archbifhop  of  York,  took  fandtu  ary  A.  D. 
1191  at  St.  Martin’s  priory  at  Dover,  and  was  dragged  from  the 
altar  in  his  archiepifcopal  veftments  through  the  dirty  flreets, 
and  committed  to  the  caflle  there,  by  order  of  William  Long- 
champ ,  bifhop  of  Ely  [/£].  William  at  that  time  was  alfo  the 
pope’s  legate,  and  might  perpetrate  this  a£t  of  violence,  either 
by  virtue  of  his  legatine  power,  or  as  a  prelate  of  the  church. 
Hubert  Walter ,  archbifhop  of  Canterbury,  took  William  Long- 
heard a  mover  of  fedition,  about  1196,  from  the  church  of  St. 
Mary  le  Bow,  and  hung  him  in  chains  [i]. 

5thly,  Offences  againft  the  privilege  of  fandluary  were 
thought  very  heinous,  even  worthy  of  divine  vengeance  [£].. 
Leland  reports-,,  that  Lhurfiiny  a  knight,  was  inftantly  ftrucken 
with  a  difeafe,  for  purfuing  a  perfon  in  the  church  with  a. 
drawn  fword  [7].  lnfradlion  was  deemed  a  fpecies  of  facri- 
lege  [w]',  and  was  punifhed  fometimes  with  the  lofs  of  life  and? 
goods  '[«].  Mourie ,  a  Welch  king,  was  excommunicated  by~ 
Jofeph ,  bifhop  of  LlandafF,  A.  D.  1034,  for  this  caufe  \p}*. 
When  the  difgraced  and  perfecuted  foreigners*  A.  D.  1234,, 
took  fanduary,  and  Peter  de  Rupihus ,  the  powerful  bifhop  of 

■*  ’  *  . 1  .  e  *  ,  f  •  .  t  ; 

[g]  Linwood,  p.  257,  where  the  reafons  of  his  opinion  may  be  feen. 

\h]  Rapin,  I.  p.240., 

[/]  Ibid.  Diceto,  col.  691. 

[£]  See  charter  of  Edw.  Conf.  in  Stowe’s  Survey,  II.  p.  614. 

[/]  Leland,  Collect;  IV.  p.  103.  ex  vita  Joan.  Beverl.  I  look  upon  this  to 
Be  the  fame  cafe  with  that  of  Truptcn ,  p.  104,  where  for  petiit  we  ought  to  read 
per  Hi  from  p.  103. 

[m]  Supra,  p.  26. 

[«]  Du  Frefne,  v.  San&uarium.  Weever,  p.  49’U- 
[*]  Wilkins,  Concil,  I.  p.  310. 

Winchejler ^ 

Mr.  Pegge  on  the- k&tiAJVi.or  Sanctuary. 

Wincheftcr,  repaired  to  his  cathedral,,  it  was  not  thought  pro¬ 
per  to  force  him  thence  f/>].  And  fo  late  as  the  reign  of  king 
Henry  VII.  the  king  would  not  take  Perkin  Warbeck  from  his 
fan&uary,  but  allured  him  out  of  his  hold  by  promife  of  life 
and  pardon  [7],  though  Perkin  muft  have  been  confidered  as  at 
rebel  and  tray  tor..  See  the  cafe  of  Alexander  and  Megabyzus^ 
above,  p.  7. 

But  notwithstanding  this  general  opinion  of  the  fan&ity  of 
privileged  places,  yet  ill  defiance  thereof,  and  the  fevere  penal¬ 
ties  annexed  to  infractions,.,  breaches  of  fancfuary  very  fre¬ 
quently  happened.  King  Henry  the  Second,  from  his  flriclnefsv 
in  regard  to  juflice,  is  faid  by  Knyghton  to  have  {hewn; no  reve¬ 
rence  at  all  for  the  afyla ,  but  to  have  taken  delinquents  from i 
churches  without  fcYuple,  both  clergymen  and  laymen,  in  order 
to  bring  them  to  puniihment  \f\l.  William  de  Peverel  durfl  not 
trufl  to  the  privilege  of  the  convent  he  had  retired  to,  after  poi- 
foning  the  earl  of  Chefler'  [j]  ;  and  archbiffiop  Boniface  com¬ 
plains,  that  fan£tuary-men  were  often  in  his  time,  A.  D.  1261, 
forced  from  churches,  church-yards,  or  pdblic  roads  [/].  In: 
1,3 7 8 ,  the  archbiffiop,  Simon  Sudbury ,  complained  in  parliament, 
of  the  invafion  of  the  franchifes  of  holy  church,  by  the  murder 
of  one  Robert  Hauley,  a  gentleman,  who  had  fled  to  the  abbey 
church  of  Wejlminjler ,  and  was  there  Bain  at  the  high  altar, 
while  the  priefl:  was  officiating.  A  fervant  alfo  belonging  t©> 

.1 . 

[p]  Rapin,  L  p.  3,10. 

[?]  Lord  Bacon,  p.  105. 
j>]  Knygliton,.apwd  X  Script,  col.  2400. 

[5]  Lord  Lyttelton,  Life  ct  Ben,  ll.  vol.  II.  p.  289.  See  alfo  an  Inflance 
of  Contempt,  p.  359. 

[/]  Archbiftxpp  Boniface,  ConfUtut.  art,  8.  See  the  Rory  of  Hubert  de  Burgh 
belp.wv.  '  'j. 

!  . . .  -  -  "  '  the 


3S  Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary.’ 

the  church,  who  interpofed  to  pitferve  Hauley,  underwent  the 

fame  fate  {#]. 

Infringements  of  privilege,  however,  feldom  happened,  but 
they  were  complained  of,  and  redrefled  [wl,  as  well  may  be  ex¬ 
pelled  from  the  tendernefs  and  extreme  ftridtnefs  of  the  pre¬ 
lates,  in  thefe  times,  in  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  church. 
The  church  of  Weftminfter  was  fhut  up  about  four  months,  on 
account  of  the  profanation  of  it  by  the  murder  of  Hauley,  as 
above;  the  offenders  were  all  of  them  excommunicated;  a  large 
fum  of  money  was  paid  to  the  church,  and  in  the  next  parlia¬ 
ment  at  Weftminfter  the  privileges  of  landluary  were  con¬ 
firmed,  with  this  exception,  that  the  goods  of  perfons  taking 
fan&uary  fhould  be  liable  to  pay  his  debts  [at j.  I  fhall  report  at 
large  the  cafe  of  the  great  jufticiary  and  favourite  of  Henry  III. 
Hubert  de  Burgh ,  earl  of  Kent,  as  being  not  only  in  point,  but 
affording  alfo  leveral  other  circumftances  llluftrative  of  our  fub- 
je<5t.  6  About  1232,  Hubert  falling  into  difgrace  with  his  maf- 

*  ter,  took  fandluary  in  Merton  priory,  but  the  king  commanded 

*  the  mayor  of  London  to  force  him  from  if,  and  Hubert  fled 

*  to  the  high  altar.  This  was  afterwards  countermanded  on 
‘  account  of  the  facrednefs  of  the  fan&uary,  with  other  political 

*  reafons.  Earl  Hubert  then  came  from  the  faftnefs  of  him- 

*  felf,  but  foon  took  refuge  in  a  fmall  chapel  at  Brentwood  in 
‘  Etfex  [y],  taking  a  crofs  [z]  in  one  hand,  and  the  hoft  in  the 
6  other.  Thefe,  however,  were  forced  from  him,  his  feet  were 

[«]  Collier,  Eccl.  Hift.  I.  p.  568,  or  Mr.  Widmore,  Hifl.  of  Weftm.  Abbey, 
p.  104,  where  the  ftory  is  more  circumftantially  related.  See  alfo  the  cafe  of 
Humph.  Stafford,  t.  H.  VII.  in  Staveley,  p.  174.  Stowe,  Surv.  I.  p.  608. 

[zu]  Stowe,  Surv.  I.  p.  606.  608.  II.  p.  615.  Leland.  Collefl.  IV.  p.  no. 
[.v]  Widmore,  Hiftory  of  Weftminfter  Abbey,  p.  105. 

[7]  A  chapel  of  eafe  to  South  Weld,  Newcourt,  II.  p,  646. 

[*]  T  his  feems  to  be  called  a  crucifix  above,  p.  35. 

*  chained 

Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary,,  39 

*  diained  under  his  horfe’s  belly,  and  in  that  ignominious  man- 
4  ner  was  he  conduced  to  the  Tower.  The  whole  body  of  the 

*  clergy  were  alarmed  at  this,  and  the  bifhop  of  London  de- 

*  clared  to  the  king,  that  he  would  excommunicate  all  thofe 
4  who  were  concerned  in  this  breach  of  the  church’s  privi- 
6  leges.  The  king  ordered  Hubert  to  be  fent  back  to  the  cha- 

*  pel,  but  commanded  the  fheriffs  of  Hertford  and  Effex  to 
4  guard  the  chapel  fo  ftriCtly,  that  the  prifoner  might  neither 
4  efcape,  nor  receive  victuals  from  any  perfon,  which  was  done 
4  by  making  a  ditch  about  the  bifhop’ s  manor-houfe  and  ad- 
4  joining  chapel.  Hubert  then  yielded  himielf  to  the  fheriffs, 
4  who  carried  him  to  the  Tower,  fettered  and  chained.  His 
4  affairs  being  in  part  made  up,  he  was  fent  to  the  caftle  of 
4  the  Devizes ,  but  from  thence  he  efcaped  to  a  neighbouring 

*  church,  where  his  purfuers  finding  him  before  the  altar  with 
4  the  crofs  in  his  hands,  dragged  him  thence  by  violence,  and 
4  brought  him  back  to  the  caftle.  The  church  was  in  the  dio- 
4  cefe  of  Sarum,  and  the  bifhop,'  upon  this  outrage  committed 
4  againji  the  privilege  of  the  church ,  repaired  to  the  caftle,  to 
4  try  to  perfuade  the  governor  to  remit  Hubert  to  the  church, 

4  but  his  follicitations  proving  ineffectual,  he  excommunicated 
4  the  whole  garrifon,  and  preferred  a  complaint  to  the  king  : 

4  the  bifhop  of  London,  and  fome  other  prelates,  joined  him, 

4  and  they  fo  prefled  the  king,  that  he  ordered  the  prifoner  to 
4  be  reftored  to  his  fanCtuary.  This,  however,  was  of  fmall 
4  benefit  to  Hubert ,  as  the  king  commanded  the  fheriff  of  the 
4  county  to  prevent  any  perfon  from  bringing  him  victuals.  On 
4  the  morrow  he  was  refcued  by  a  troop  of  armed  men,  and  ef- 
4  caped  into  Wales ,  and  at  laft  died  peaceably  [*].’ 

When  the  prefumptuous  dared  not  infringe  the  ordinance  di- 
reCtly,  for  fear  of  the  penalties  and  cenfures,  they  would  often 

O]  Dugd.  Bar.  I.  p.  696.  Rapin,  p.  306. 



Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanct uak'Y.- 

- '  -  .  ; .  .  ).  C  -*  i.u  v,  j  3002  t  *  l. 

find  means  of  doing  it  in  effefl.  One  method  was,  by  blockad¬ 
ing  and  ftarving  the  prifoaer,  as  in  earl  Hubert's  cafe  above  [<£]; 
archbifhop  Boniface  complains  of  this  mode  of  infraction,  A.  D. 
1261,  and  fubjedts  the  aggreflors  to  cenfure  [c].  Churches 
fometimes  were  even  fired  to  caufe  the  refuges  to  come  out  [/], 
Prifoners,  again,  were  fometimes  perfuaded  to  leave  their  afy- 
lum,  as  Perkin  JVarbeck  was  above,  on  terms  and  conditions, 
fuch  as  the  prefervation  of  life  and  liberty  [<?].  In  this,  how7 
ever,  they  were  fometimes  cheated  and  deceived,  being  feized, 
or  perhaps  killed.  Thus  the  emperor  Zeno ,  to  induce  Bafilifcus 
to  quit  his  fan Ctu ary,  promifed  not  to  Hied  his  blood  ;  but  never- 
thelefs  he  caft  him,  with  his  wife  and  children,  into  a  dry  cif- 
tern,  where  they  perifhed  [/]. 

6th,  It  has  been  obferved,  that  though  all  churches  were 
privileged  with  fanCluary,  yet  the  inferior  ones  were  not  often 
reforted  to  [g].  Inflances,  however,  are  not  wanting  in  hiflory, 
and  perhaps  many,  of  offenders  repairing  to  common  churches 
or  chapels  [/&].  This,  my  Lord,  makes  it  neceffary  to  fpecify 
fome  of  the  principal  afyla  in  this  kingdom,  for  I  do  not  pre¬ 
tend  to  name  all,  and  I  fhall  place  them  in  alphabetical  order, 
adding  fome  few  authorities. 

\b~\  Vide  fupra,  p.  7.  Lord  Bacon,  Hen.  VII.  p.  104. 

,(Y]  See  his  Confutations,  art.  S.  and  Ottobon,  A.  1268.  art.  12. 

[d]  Dugd.  I.  c.  p.  695.  Ottobon.  1.  c.  excommunicates  burners  and  breakers 
of  churches.  See  Flor.  Vigorn.  p.  640,  or1  Godwin  de  Prteful.  p.  730. 

[*]  SmoIIet,  Trav.  p.  279. 

\_f]  Perizon  ad  Turfellin.  III.  p.  473-  MS.  ut  fupra.  Belifarius  played  Syl- 
werius  much  the  fame  trick,  Idem.  ibid.  p.  490.  and  Phocas,  in  like  manner 
fhamefully  broke  promife  with  Conflantina  wife  of  Mauritius.  Idem.  ibid. 

'?•  5!4* 

[g]  V.  fupra,  p.  12. 
pi  Story  of  Hubert  de  Burgh,  above. 




Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary, 

Aberdaron,  Wales  [a\. 

Abingdon  [<£].  d  na 

Armethwaite,  Cumberland  [c], 

Beaulieu,  Hants  (V], 

Beverley,  Ebor.  [*]. 

Battle- Abbey,  Suflex  [y], 

Colchefter  [-g-].. 

Derby  [£]. 

Durham  [/]. 


r  r  t 

yT  ^  i  *  3  , 

cjr:  j 

iUJi  (I  < 

c.  i L'  ’ 5 


<■]  ,\ 


cl  en 

1  /■  + 

I/*  .  j 

•  r 

Dover  [£]. 

Hexham,  Northumberland  [/]. 

Launcafter  [w]. 

.Lech lade  \n\  .  . 

L  J 

London  ;  St.  Martin’s  le  Grand,  and  Temple. 
Manchefter  [0], 

Merton  Priory  [/>]. 

Northampton  [^]. 

.  Norwich  [r]. 

;  .j  1 1 

*  n  -■*  •*  i  0  c.  1 1 . 1  i  1  u  0 

[a]  Girald.  Cambr.  Defc.  Cambr.  c.  8.  Lord  Lyttelton,  II.  p.  359. 

[3]  Charta  Kenulphi  regis  in  Du  Frefne,  v.  Sanduarium.  Staveley,  p.  174. 

[c]  Supra,  p.  28. 

[ d ]  Camden,  Brit.  col.  135.  Lord  Bacon,  Hift.  Hen.  VII.  p.  104.  Rapin,  I. 
p.  263. 

[<?]  Spelm.  Gloff.  v.  Fridftoll  &  Sanduarium.  Camden,  Brit.  col.  891. 
Drake,  Eborac.  p.  lxxxix  of  Appendix. 

[/]  Camden,  Brit.  col.  209.  p.  29.  above.  Fuller,  Ch.  Hift.  lib.  iii.  p.  1, 
[g]  Lord  Bacon,  p.  n.  Staveley,  p.  174. 

[b]  Stat.  32  Hen.  VIII.  c.  12.  All  Saints  Church  was  then  collegiate. 

jV]  Pat.  Sanderfon,  Antiq.  of  the  church  of  Durham,  p.  43.  Staveley,  p.  43. 
[£]  Antiq.  Repert.  p.  *75.  fupra,  p.  36. 

[/j‘  Staveley,  p.  173.  Richard,  prior  Haguftald.  ut  fup.  p.  25. 

Stat.  32  Hen.  VIII.  c.  12.  Staveley,  p.  176,  has  Launctjion. 

{ n ]  Caxta  H,  II L  in  Du  Frefne,  v.  Sanduarium. 

[*]  Stat.  32  Hen.  VIII.  c.  12. 

[ p]  Supra,  p.  38. 

[?]  Stat.  32  Hen.  VIII.  c.  12. 

[r]  Stat.  32  Hen.  VIII.  c.  12. 

Vol.  VIII. 



42  Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary- 

«  ’  *  I  v  •  J.  -  ■*-  -i  .  1  i  t  i  j  t  "  X. 

Ripon  [j], 

St.  Martin’s  le  Grand,  London  [/]. 

St.  Mary  le  Bow,  London  [#].  •  - 

Temple,  London  [w]. 

Wells  [*]. 

Weftminfter  [y]. 

Whichever  [z], 

York  [<?],  was  probably  granted  by  Edward  the  Confeflor  [£]. 

In  Scotland,  Holyrood  abbey  near  Edinburgh  afforded  a  pro¬ 
tection  to  debtors.  Its  precinCts  including  the  park  and  a  fpace 
as  far  as  Duddingfton  is  ftill  a  place  of  refuge  to  them,  and  has 
its  bailey  who  keeps  courts  and  punifhes  offenders  within  his 
jurifdi&ion  (y]. 

7th,  The  immunities  and  privileges  of  the  church  in  regard 
to  fan&uary  appear  never  to  have  run  higher  than  in  the  13th 
century  ;  witnefs  the  conftitution  of  archbifhop  Boniface ,  A.  D. 
1261,  and  of  Ottobon  the  legate,  A.  D.  1268.  This  is  faid  in 
relpeCt  of  criminals,  for  as  to  debtors,  and  all  the  evil  doings 
refpeCting  them,  we  hear  but  little  of  them  either  before,  or 
at  that  period.  Indeed,  they  feem  to  be  the  growth  of  after¬ 
times,  to  be  all  encroachments,  and  an  unjuftihable  extenfion 

r  *  '  ;  • ,  ;  *  f 

[5]  Leland,  Colkft.  IV.  p.  no..  Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  172.  Drake,  Eborac. 
p.  xci  of  Appendix. 

[t]  Weever,  p.  300.  Stowe,  Surv.  I.  606  feq.  It  was  given  by  king 
Henry  VII.  to  Wejiminjier ,  p.  612.  II.  p.  615.  Newcourt,  Repert.  I.  p.  424, 
feq.  Supra,  p.  27. 

[»]  Supra,  p.  36. 

[w]  Weever,  p.  441. 

[at]  Stat.  32  Hen.  VIII.  c.  12. 

[ y]  Weever,  p.  491.  Stowe,  Surv.  II.  p.  614  feq.  Antiq.  Repert.  p.  43. 

[%]  Supra,  p.  36, 

[o]  Speim.  Gloff.  v.  F ridfloll.  Drake,  Eborac.  p.  548. 

[/>]  Mr.  Drake,  p.  547,  where  Alfred  fhoukl  be  Alfricy  though  he  is  called 
Alfrid  in  Leland,  Collect.  IV.  p.  102. 

[ c ]  Pennant's  Tour  in  Scotland  1772,  P.  ii.  p.  246. 



Mr.  Pegge  on  the  or  Sanctuary.  43 

of  the  church’s  power,  never  intended  to  be  granted  by  our 
princes  [< d J. 

The  rite,  as  we  have  feen,  was  clofely  connected  with  reli¬ 
gion,  efpecially  with  the  popery  of  later  times  ;  wherefore,  it 
may  eafily  be  imagined,  the  privilege  would  undoubtedly  un¬ 
dergo  fome  material  alteration  and  regulation  at  the  time  of  the 

Henry  VIII.  having  refumed  the  fupremacy,  it  was  con¬ 
firmed  to  him  by  ftatute  in  his  26th  year  ;  and  in  the  fame 
aft,  offenders  in  any  kinds  of  high  treafon  were  not  to  be 
admitted  to  the  benefit  or  privilege  of  any  manner  of  fanc- 
tuary  [>]. 

The  monafteries  being  dilfolved  before  1540,  and  confequently 
not  continuing  privileged  places  any  longer,  fandtuaries  were 
then  confined  to  parifh  churches  and  their  church-yards,  ca¬ 
thedral  churches,  hofpitals  and  churches  collegiate,  and  all 
churches  dedicated  ufed  as  parifh  churches,  and  thofe  of  Weils, 
Weftminfter,  Manchefter,  Northampton,  Norwich,  York,  Derby 
and  Lancafter  [y*].  Whereupon  it  may  be  obferved,  that  though 
Henry  would  not  venture  to  deprive  the  churches  of  an  acknow¬ 
ledged  privilege,  which  they  had  long  and  legally  been  polfefled 
of,  becaufe  the  body  of  the  clergy  would  have  clamoured  excef- 
fively,  had  he  attempted  that,  yet  thefe  cities  and  towns  were 
intended  to  be  the  principal  places  of  refort,  and  they  were  fe- 
ledted  accordingly  at  proper  diffances,  and  very  commodioufly 
difperfed  over  a  great  part  of  the  kingdom. 

Immunity,  at  the  fame  time,  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  per- 
fons  committing  murder,  rape,  burglary,  robbery  in  the  high¬ 
way  or  in  any  houfe,  or  in  any  church  or  chapel,  or  who  fhall 

\d\  V.  fupra,  p.  37. 

[<f]  Stat.  26  Hen.  VIH.  c.  13.  §  3. 

[/]  Stat.  32  Hen.  VIII.  c.  12. 

G  2 


44  Mr,  Pegge  on  the  Asylum  or  Sanctuary, 

burn  wilfully  any  houfe,  or  barn  with  corn;  fo  that  an  excel¬ 
lent  reformation  was  hereby  made  in  regard  to  crimes,  and  the 
privilege  jud'icioufly  limited  and  confined.  It  was  reftrained 
again,  i  Edwrard  VI.  when  horfe-ftealers,  takers  of  goods  out 
of  churches,  and  fuch  as  refufed  to  plead,  were  excluded. 

Queen  Mary,  on  the  re-eftablilhment  of  popery,  reftored  the 
tite  of  fan£tuary  at  Weftminfter  to  its  wonted  vigour  [g]  ;  but 
in  the  next  reign,  A.  D.  1566,  a  bill  was  brought  in  to  take 
away  fan&uary  for  debt,  but  it  mifcarried  f >6  ].  By  ftatute 
1  James  L  c.  25.  §  34.  the  old  ufage  of  fan&uary  was  totally 
abolifhed.  The  name,  Slfylum ,  has  been  of  late  revived,  and 
imparted  to  a  very  laudable  and  benevolent  foundation  of  a  very 
different  kind. 

I  beg  your  Lordfhip’s  indulgence  and  pardon  for  ingroftmg 
your  time  and  patience  with  a  detail  of  fuch  enormous  length. 
1  have  the  honour  of  being, 

My  Lord, 

your  Lord  (hip's 

mod  obedient  fervant, 


4°]  Strype,  Mem.  HI.  p.  310*  383;  ;■ 

[/?]  VVidraore,  Hiftory  of  Weflminiler  Abbey,  p.  141, 

II,  Rcafom 

t  4S  1 


•  r 9  ~i  f 

liOl.Gi  'J  .  I  i  »  ill'.  J,  ...» 

U  4  O  .  ' 

*  >\  ...  r*  **.*'-?  *  ^  -* 

II.  Reafons  for  dfoubting  whether  the  Genii  of  particular 
Perfons  or  Lares  properly  fo  called  be  really  Pan- 
thea  \a\ 

x  j  i  c )  ff  Czi  1 3  .  • ,  / '  i  - ;  *  *  />  ■»  v  i  ^  . . . . :  *  .■  n  i  a  c  \)  y  f  ^ 

By  Francis  Philip  Gourdin,  a  BenediBine  of  the  Con¬ 
gregation  of  St.  Maur,  Librarian  of  the  Abbey  of 
St.  Ouen,  Member  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Rouen, 
and  of  the  Literary  Society  of  Boulogne,  and  honorary 
Fellow  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  of  London. 

Read  April  7,  1785. 

AN  infcription  which  we  find  in  the  Vigna  Giufliniani  at 
Rome  contains  thefe  words  j  “  Signum  aereum  Pan¬ 
theum  [£].”  The  exigence  of  Panthea  is  therefore  certain.  But 
what  is  it  that  conftitutes  a  Pantheum?  Upon  this  point  we 
have  nothing  but  conje&ure  to  guide  us. 

The  following  infcriptions ;  “  Herculi,  Mercurio,  et  Sylvano 
et  Divo  Pantheo,  ex  voto,”  and  this,  “  Herculi,  Sylvano,  ex 
voto,”  &c.  might  make  us  conje&ure  that  the  name  of  Pan¬ 
theum  was  given  to  feveral  gods  combined  together.  Perhaps 

[«]  The  words  Pantlieum,  Pantheon,  and  Panthea,  may  probably  fignify  fuch 
gods  as  have  the  iymbols  or  attributes  of  feveral  Deities  belonging  to  them.  See 
Didlionaire  de  Mythoiogie. 

[£]  See  alfo  two  in  Gruter  I.  5,.  6.  lignum  Pantkei  et  lignum  Pantheum. 



F.  P.  Goutidin  on  the  Panthea. 


it  might  be  fufficient  that  they  were  placed  on  the  fame  pede- 
llal,  as  the  following  infcription  feems  to  indicate:  “  Signum 
Sylvani  et  Herculis  cum  ball  impenfa  fua  pofuit  dedicavitque 
viif  Kal.  Jul.  Sura.” 

Gregorio  Girardi,  in  hisTreatife  “  de  Diis  Gentium,”  Edit. 
Bafil.  recites  an  Epigram  of  Aufonius  concerning  Bacchus, 
which  gives  a  very  remarkable  etymology  of  the  word  Pan¬ 
theus.  The  Epigram  is  this : 

T  ■>  \  *  *  .  •  v 

Ogygia  me  Bacchum  vocat, 

Myfi  Phanacem  nominant, 

Romana  facra  Liberum, 

Ofirim  ^Egyptus  putat, 

Dionyfon  Indi  exiftimant, 

Arabica  gens  Adoneum, 

Lucaniacus  fed  Pantheum. 

Thus,  according  to  this  Epigram,  they  call  a  god  who  had  dif¬ 
ferent  fundlions,  names,  and  worlhip,  a  Pantheus.  The  follow¬ 
ing  infcription  feems  to  confirm  this  opinion  :  “  Fortunae  pri- 
nngenise  fignum  Liberi  Patris  Panthei  cum  fuis  parergis,  &c.” 
The  lad  words,  with  his  attributes,  his  peculiar  ornaments,  fhew 
diffidently  that  Bacchus  is  not  called  Pantheus  here  becaufe  he 
bears  the  attributes  of  any  other  Deities.  The  word  fuis  takes 
away  every  doubt ;  and  we  may  believe  it  was  the  intention  of 
the  perfoti  who  made  the  infcription,  and  that  he  was  defirous 
to  prevent  any  change  by  the  word  fuis ;  fince  in  another  infcrip¬ 
tion  we  read  limply  :  “  Venerem  Augudi  cum  parergo,  &c.” 

It  appears  therefore  not  ealy  to  determine  what  the  ancients 
meant  by  thole  exprefiions;  “  Signa  Panthea,  Divus  Pantheus.” 

Let  us  enquire  however  if  this  appellation  belong  to  the  Dii 
Lares  properly  fo  called,  to  the  domeftic  gods,  Dii  Domeficu 
I  think  1  have  fome  reafon  to  doubt  this. 

1.  Becaufe 

F.  P.  Gourdin  on  the  Panthea. 


1.  Becaufe  it  is  not  only  very  eafy,  but  ftill  more  natural,  to 
give  foine  account  of  their  attributes  without  regarding  them 
as  belonging  to  other  Deities. 

2.  Becaufe  it  implies  a  contradi&ion  that  thofe  attributes 
fhould  belong  to  other  Deities. 

In  figures  which  we  call  Panthea,  whether  thofe  of  Genii,  or 
of  Deae  Matres,  the  moft  common  attributes  which  we  meet 
with  are,  the  modius  or  meafure  of  Serapis ,  the  lotus’  flower 
of  Ifis,  the  cornucopiae  of  Fortune,  the  rudder  of  Neptune, 
fometimes  the  thunder  of  Jupiter  upon  that  rudder,  as  in  one 
of  the  Deae  Matres  of  M.  De  la  Chaufle,  the  knotted  ftaff  of 
iEfculapius,  or  Amply  the  ferpent  of  Hygeia,  and  laflly  the 
quiver  of  Diana.  One  may  affign  a  reafon  for  all  thofe  attri¬ 
butes  without  regarding  them  as  a  reprefentation  of  each  of 
the  deities  to  which  they  belong.  And  it  is  in  the  “  Science 
des  Medailles,”  1739,  that  we  fhall  find  an  explanation  of 
the  fymbols  which  appear  abfolutely  peculiar  to  the  domeftic 

The  meafure  denotes  Providence,  which  performs  nothing 
but  in  weight  and  meafure  [c].  The  flower  of  the  Lotus  ex- 
prefles  longevity  and  immortality  \d].  The  Cornucopiae,  feli¬ 
city  and  every  blefling  [e].  The  rudder  reprefents  the  autho¬ 
rity  of  the  Lares,  to  whole  prote&ion  we  are  committed.  And 
the  thunder  upon  him  who  holds  the  figure  above  mentioned 
feems  to  fignify  a  vow,  or  thankfgiving  for  having  been  pre- 
ferved  from  lightning,  or  becaufe  the  thunder-bolt  had  fallen  on 
a  certain  fpot  without  doing  any  damage.  Thus  we  may  fee  in 
fome  medals  the  thunder  reprefented  on  the  Puteal  to  point  out, 

[c]  Science  des  Med.  II.  p.  368 
W  lb.  p.  392. 

4§  F.  P.  Gourdin  on  the  Panthea. 

'  ‘  J  ''  ■  ’’  '  " J  !  '  J  f  '  '  !  ?  •'  -  !  ■  i  "J  '  '  ,  l 

fays  M.  Moreau  de  Mautour  [y],  that  the  lightning  had  fallen 
on  that  fpot. 

The  Half  of  iEfculapius,  or  the  ferpent  of  Hygeia,  fignifies 
health,  the  firfh  and  greateft  of  all  bleffings. 

As  to  the  quiver  of  Diana,  though  I  might  infer  with  Na¬ 
talis  Comes  that  it  fignifies  the  confecration  of  the  Lares  to 
Diana,  as  he  gives  no  proof  of  this,  I  chufe  rather  to  confefs 
my  ignorance.  But  the  infufliciency  of  one  who  has  only  at  a 
difiance  faluted  the  porch  of  a  temple  on  the  gates  of  which  is 
written,  “  Odi  profanum  vulgus  et  arceo,”  can  prove  nothing. 
1  might  fay  that  in  this  attribute  as  in  many  others,  we  need 
not  leek  any  other  reafon  than  the  fancy  of  the  workman  as 
Montfaucon  [o]  relates  in  regard  to  a  monument  that  repre- 
fents  the  judgment  of  Paris,  in  which  Venus  and  Juno  are 
armed  with  a  lance,  and  Cupid  is  near  Minerva,  and  feems  to 
converfe  with  her. 

To  prove  that  the  attributes  of  the  Dii  domeftici  are  no  more 
than  fymbols,  I  could  bring  many  examples  of  the  fame  kind  ; 
as  for  inftance,  that  Cupid  which  we  fee  in  Montfaucon  [A 
with  one  finger  on  his  mouth,  who  holds  a  Cornucopia,  anc 
carries  on  his  head  a  fort  of  drinking  cup  ;  or  as  Venus  popu- 
laris,  or  the  Dea  Cypria  of  the  Greeks  in  Maffei,  who  in  one 
hand  holds  a  thyrfus  furrounded  with  vines  and  grapes,  and 
crowned  with  ears  of  corn,  and  in  the  other  three  arrows ;  or 
that  of  La  Chaufie,  who  holds  in  her  right  hand  two  ears  of 
corn,  and  a  bunch  of  grapes  in  her  left  [/].  Shall  we  fay  that 
the  fymbols  of  Venus  to  which  Terence  alludes  in  the  follow- 

[/]  Difiertation  on  the  God  Bonus  Eventus  \  Mem.  of  the  Acad,  des  Infc, 
&  Belles  Lettres,  III.  p.  94.  120. 

[V]  Antiq.  Expl.  Vol.  111.  P.  ii.  b.  iii.  c.  20.  p.  108. 

[/>]  lb.  pi.  cxii.  fig.  12. 

[/]  lb.  c.  18. 



F.  P.  Gourdin  on  the  Panthea. 


ing  verfe,  “  Sine  Cerere  et  Baccho  friget  Venus,”  are  really  the 
attributes  of  thofe  Deities  ?  and  that  thofe  Venufes  as  well  as 
that  Cupid  are  Panthea? 

But  it  is  not  fufficient  merely  to  affign  a  caufe  for  the  attri¬ 
butes  of  the  domeffic  gods  in  confdering  thofe  attributes  as 
merely  fymbolical;  this  explication  muft  likewife  be  the  moft 
natural . 

The  Lares,  properly  fo  called,  were  Genii.  Every  man  (fays 
M.  Hardion  in  his  Remarks  on  the  4th  Idyll  of  Theocritus  [/£]), 
had  a  particular  genius  who  watched  over  his  a&ions  from  his 
birth  to  his  death.  Man,  adds  Mr.  l’Abbe  Maffieu  [/],  being 
continually  dependant  on  thofe  powers,  ought  to  invoke  them 
in  prayer,  and  to  honour  them  by  facrifices. 

In  the  number  of  genii  we  ought  to  place  the  Deae  Matres, 
called  in  infcriptions,  Matres,  Herae,  Deminas;  for  whom  the 
Gauls  and  Germans,  who  had  borrowed  them  from  the  Ro¬ 
mans,  as  they  had  done  from  the  Greeks,  had  a  fingular  vene¬ 
ration.  There  is  no  doubt,  fays  Abbe  Banier  in  his  Differ- 
tation  on  the  Deze  Matres  [w],  that  thefe  goddeffes  were  of  the 
number  of  genii,  fince  they  were  genii  of  thofe  places  where 
they  were  worfhiped.  I  fay  it  is  natural  to  look  upon  the  at¬ 
tributes  of  Genii  or  Deae  Matres  as  perfonal  attributes,  as  parti¬ 
cular  fymbols,  proper  and  chara&eriftic,  and  not  as  belonging 
to  any  other  deities. 

We  ought  to  regard  thofe  deities  as  tutelary  and  propitious 
gods,  able  to  load  us  with  benefits,  to  procure  for  us  happinefs* 
health,  and  long  life,  fignified  by  the  horn  of  plenty,  the  fer- 
pent,  the  lotus ;  we  ought  to  beg  of  them  to  conduct  us  in 
every  circumftance  of  life,  as  the  rudder  implies,  fince  they  alone 
can,  as  the  meafure  declares,  condudl  us  with  prudence * 

[A*]  Mem.  de  I’Acad.  des  Infc.  VI.  240. 

[/]  Parallele  d’Homere  et  de  Platon.  Mem*  de  1’Acad.  de$  Infc*  II.  p.  8.  I2e« 

[ tn ]  Mem.  de  l’Acad.  des  Infc.  X.  75. 

Vol.  Vill.  H  Th.'s 


P.  P.  Gourdin  on  the  Panthea, 

Th  is  explanation  is  fo  much  the  more  natural  as  it  afligns  a 
reafon  tor  all  and  each  of  the  functions  of  thole  domedic  gods, 
and  for  the  worfhip  which  we  ought  to  pay  them. 

The  explanation  which  lias  recourfe  to  the  attributes  of  other 
gods,  which  makes  of  Genii  and  Deaa  Mattes  fo  many  Panthea , 
is  certainly  neither  fo  fimple  nor  fo  natural,  and  always  leaves 
the  quedion  without  a  fatisfaclory  reply  :  “  Why  do  the  tame 
attributes  occur  in  all  the  Panthea ?  and  whence  proceeds  that 
uniformity  which  only  varies  either  more  or  lefs  ?” 

But  this  is  not  all.  1  have  maintained  that  the  explanation 
which  makes  Genii  and  Deas  Matres  charged  with  different  attri¬ 
butes  fo  many  Panthea ,  implies  an  ablolute  contradiction.  This 
is  what  I  fhall  endeavour  to  fhew. 

I  have  undertaken  to  folve  one  of  the  greateft  problems  which 
the  ftudy  of  Pagan  theology  affords,  viz.  whether  the  Dii  Ma- 
jores  were  ever  to  be  reckoned  Lares  properly  fo  called.  If 
I  can  prove  they  were  never  regarded  as  fuch,  I  (hall  have 
fhewn  that  the  attributes  which  were  thought  to  reprefent  them, 
and  which  make  them  the  fame  with  the  Dii  Domeftici,  cannot 
belong  to  them. 

The  dogfkin  which  covers  the  greater  part  of  the  pretended 
Panthea  leaves  no  room  to  doubt  that  they  were  Genii  or  Deaa 
Matres.  Antiquaries  are  univerfally  agreed  in  this  opinion. 
Vincent  Chatardi,  whofe  Italian  work  has  been  tranflated  into 
Latin  by  Ant.  du  Verdier  under  the  title  of  “  Imagines  Deo- 
rum  qui  ab  antiquis  colebantur,  Lyon.  1681,”  40,  after  having 
Laid  the  fame  thing,  p.  298,  adds  that  evil  Genii  were  cloathed 
with  the  (kin  of  a  wolf,  and  relates  on  this  occafion,  after  Pau- 
fanias,  the  hidory  of  the  wreftler  Euthymus. 

The  Genii,  fays  Mr.  Maffieu  in  the  paffage  already  cited, 
were  beings  in  fubjeCtion  to  the  Supreme  Being.  By  this  appel¬ 
lation  we  may  underftand  Jupiter,  Neptune,  Mars,  &c.  who 
according  to  feveral  moderns  after  Macrobius,  as  Montfaucon 


F.  P.  Gourd  in  on  the  Panthea. 


remarks  [»],  were  in  effett  the  fame  thing,  the  fame  deity,  i.  e. 
the  fun  adored  under  different  names. 

The  Genii,  fays  M.  Baudelot  [0],  are  never  the  gods  of  the 
country,  that  is  to  fay,  they  are  inferior  to  them  ;  in  proof  of 
which,  they  are  fometimes  themfelves  offered  up  to  the  higher 
order  of  deities,  as  this  infcription  imports: 

“  Ifidi  fignum  Harpocratis  C.  Didius  Acutianus  D.  D.” 

To  confound  the  Dii  Majores  with  the  inferior  gods,  to  pre¬ 
tend  that  the  Lares  properly  fo  called,  to  whom  private  vows 
are  addreffed,  and  private  facrifices  made,  to  whom,  in  fhort,  as 
M.  Baudelot  \_p~\  confeffes,  we  give  the  preference  in  our  devo¬ 
tions,  fhould  be  adorned  with  the  attributes  of  the  fuperior 
deities,  is  in  fome  fenfe  degrading  thofe  deities,  and  confidering 
them  as  inferior  to  the  Lares  themfelves,  and  lefs  powerful. 

The  whole  force  of  this  obje&ion  has  been  felt ;  and  it  has 
been  pretended  that  the  great  gods,  and  even  Jupiter  himfelf, 
have  been  placed  in  the  rank  of  Lares  and  Penates,  becaufe 
Lares  and  Penates  were  the  fame  thing  and  fynonymous  names. 
M.  Baudelot,  who  loves  to  confider  them  as  fuch,  and  to  con¬ 
found  them,  cites  a  paffage  from  Arnobius  (1.  iii.  adv.  Gentes, 
p.  123,  ed.  Elmenh.)  “  Nigidius  in  libro  6t0  exponit  et  deci- 
mo,  difciplinas  Etrufcas  fequens,  genera  efle  Penatium  quatuor, 
et  efle  Jovis  ex  illis  alios,  alios  Neptuni,  Inferorum  tertio^  mor- 
talium  hominum  quartos.” 

It  is  on  this  paffage  of  Arnobius  the  fyflem  of  thofe  who 
place  the  Dii  Majores  in  the  rank  of  Penates,  i.  e.  as  they  un¬ 
derhand  ft  in  the  rank  of  domeflic  deities,  is  founded. 

In  fa<5t,  Arnobius,  fays  Montfaucon  [^],  is  the  full  author 
who  has  advanced  this  fentiment,  and  we  find  no  traces  of  it  in 
more  ancient  authors. 

[«]  V.  I.  p.  ii,  b,  iv.  c.  8.  p.  388, 

[<?]  Utilite  des  Voyages,  1.  p.  218. 

M  F-  255.  [?]  Ubi  fup.  I.  ii,  p.  315. 

H  2  A  he'4 


F.  P.  Gourdin  cn  the  Panthea. 

After  this  confeffion,  we  may  the  more  eafily  rejedt  this  opi¬ 
nion,  as  the  authority  of  Arnobius  is  not  in  all  refpects  to  be 
relied  upon.  To  be  convinced  of  this  truth  confult  not  Bayle’s 
Dictionary,  but  the  little  Differtation  of  Pere  Merlin  the  Jefuit, 
in  which  he  vindicates  Arnobius  from  the  calumnies  of  Bayle  jVh 
But,  on  reading  the  palTage  itfelf  in  Arnobius,  we  fhall  be 
convinced  of  the  weaknefs  of  making  this  the  balls  of  a  fyftem^ 
unknown  to  all  the  writers  of  antiquity. 

Arnobius,  who  lived  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,, 
embraced  the  Chriftian  faith,  and  was  only  a  Catechumen  when 
he  exercifed  his  zeal  in  writing  againft  the  Pagans.  He  re¬ 
proaches  them  with  incoherence,  obfcurity,  uncertainty  in  their 
opinions  and  in  their  worfhip.  This  is  fo  true,  that  after  the 
laft  words  of  the  palTage  cited  by  M.  Baudelot,  there  is  no  flop 
in  the  text,  and  it  goes  on  ;  “  inexplicabile  nefcio  quid  dicens.” 
There  have  been  fome  writers,  he  adds,  who  have  written  that 
there  exifls  a  Jupiter,  a  Juno,  a  Minerva,  Dii  Penates  ;  without 
whom  we  cannot  live  or  exercife  our  faculties,  and  who  dif- 
penfe  reafon,  heat,  and  life  ?  but  fays  he,  all  this  you  may  per¬ 
ceive  does  not  follow7,  “  nihil  concinens  dicitur  [j].”  He  con¬ 
cludes  that  fo  many  contradictions  prove  the  fallity  of  their 
opinions,  “  Ira  enim  labant  fententiae,  alteraque  opinio  ab  altera 
convellitur,  ut  aut  nihil  ex  omnibus  verum  lit,  aut,  li  ab  aliquo 
dicitur,  tot  rerum  diverlltatibus  nefciatur.” 

Arnobius  and  many  others  think  the  word  penates  may  be 
thus  rendered,  qui  penitus  regit.”  Hyginus  cited  by  Macro- 
bius  (Saturn.  III.  4.)  calls  them  r&s  'srajpuag.  The  Penates  then 

M  Memoires  de  Trevoux  Apr.  et  May  1736. 

[j]  Nec  defuerunt  qui  fcriberent  Jovem,  Juaonem,  ac  Minervam,  Deos  Pe¬ 
nates  exiftere,  fine  quibus  vivere  ac  fapere  nequeamus,  et  qui  penitus  nos  re- 
gant  ratione,  calore,  ac  ipiritu.  Ut  videtis,  et  hie  quoque  nihil  concinens 
dicitur,  &c. 

Compare  alfo  Macrob.  Sat.  III.  c,  4. 

r  are 


F.  P.  Gourdin  on  the  Panthea.  ^ 

are  not  the  fame  as  the  Lares  which  were  called  foci,  or 

K<xJot}Cl$lOl}  Dii  Domeftici.  Ovid  Faft.  L  II.  v.  615.  fays  the 
lame  : 

Et  vigilant  noftra  Temper  hi  aede  Lares. 

LaFly,  A  pallage  in  Dionyiius  HalicarnafTenfis  clears  up 
every  difficulty  ;  I  mean  the  lad  words  of  Coriolanus  to  his 
mother  [/],  “  Et  vos,  o  Dii  Penates  et  Lares  Patrii,  \gicc, 
Geniique  Loci  Praffides,  valete.”  Here  he  diftinguifhes  the  Pe¬ 
nates,  Lares,  and  Genii  of  the  place,. 

I  am  not  ignorant  that  the  domeftic  Genii,  which  are  the  true 
and  only  Lares,  have  been  fometimes  called  Penates ,  “  quia 
penitus  regunt,”  but  improperly,  and  that  word  appears  facred 
to  the  tutelar  gods  of  cities,  and  nations,  as  may  be  l'een  in 
Virgil,  HLi.  II.  294. 

Sacra  fuofque  tibi  commendat  Troja  Penates , 

Hos  cape  fatorum  comites,  his  w  cent  a  quaere  .  .  .  , 

Sic  ait,  &  manibus  vittas,  Veflamque  potentem, 
^Eternumque  adytis  effert  penetralibus  ignem. 

I  will  no  longer  deny  that  the  name  of  Lares  has  been  given 
to  the  Dii  Majores.  Who,  it  will  be  faid,  after  having  read  the 
learned  Diflertation  of  M.  Baudelot,  can  doubt  that  they  were 
real  Lares?  But  let  us  examine  fome  of  his  proofs,  and  we  ffiall 
fee  they  are  not  fo  conch, dive  as  is  fuppofed. 

In  proof  of  what  he  has  advanced  he  cites,  page  212,  that 
invocation  of  Decius,  when,  being  conful  in  the  war  with  the 
Latins,  he  devoted  himfelf  to  death  for  the  prefervation  of 
his  country:  44  Jane,  Jupiter,  Mars  Pater,  Quirine,  Beilona, 
Lares,  Dii  Novenffies,  Dii  Indigetes.”  You  fee,  he  obferves, 
how  after  having  named  four  or  five  gods,  he  comprehends 
them  altogether  under  the  name  of  Lares .  If  M.  Baudelot  had 

[f]  L.  VIII.  p.  213.  ed.  Francofurti,  1586. 


54  F.  P.  Gourdin  on  /^  Panthea. 

given  us  the  end  of  .  this  invocation,  we  fhould  have  feen  that 
his  conclufion  was  falfe,  fince  Decius  after  that  enumeration 
comprifes  ail  the  deities  in  thefe  terms  only  :  “  Divi  quorum 
df  poteflas  noftrorum  hoftiumque  [»].’* 

We  have  obferved  above,  that  M.  Baudelot  may  be  juftly 
blamed  for  having  carefully  removed  from  his  quotations  all 
that  might  prejudice  his  fyftem.  He  goes  hill  farther  in  his 
explanation  of  the  following  infeription,  <{  Eteitius  Alypus  Jovi 
D.  D.”  which  he  thus  renders,  Eteitius  Alypus  dedicates  this 
lamp  to  domeflic  Jupiter,  as  if  in  every  confecratioti,  in  every 
dedication,  thefe  two  letters  D.  D,  did  not  always  and  every 
where  fignify  dono  dedit . 

Notwithftanding  the  vveaknefs  of  thefe  proofs,  if  they  really 
deferve  that  name,  I  will  agree  with  M.  Baudelot,  that  they 
fometimes  gave  the  name  of  Lares  to  the  Dii  Majores,  and  ac~ 
knowledge  that  in  fome  infcr.iptiens  they  have  the  epithet  do- 
mejlic  given  them  ;  but  I  am  not  yet  perfuaded  thofe  names  are 
not  improperly  afligned,  and  we  can  by  no  means  conclude  from 
thence  that  the  Dii  Majores  have  ever  been  confounded  with 
the  Dii  Lares.  Whence  then  are  derived  the  proper  qualifica¬ 
tions  of  the  Dii  Lares,  or  domeflic  gods  ?  This  will  prefently 

There  was  in  every  houfe,  at  lead  in  houfes  of  any  diftinc- 
tion,  a  fan&uary  called  Penetrate,  in  which  were  placed  the 
Lares  properly  fo  called,  whence  it  took  the  name  of  Lararium. 
We  find  in  Athenagoras  [w]  a  defeription  of  Lararia  of  that  fort. 
It  is  thus  exprefted  in  an  ancient  tranflation,  which  is  the  more 
valuable,  as  the  original  appears  to  be  loft, 

“  At  the  requeft  of  his  hoftefs  the  Poktes  carried  her  thither, 
being  tollovved  by  one  of  his  maid  fervants  into  a  cioiet,  alter 

[«]  Livy,  VIII.  c.  9. 

Pcu]  Du  vrai  et  parfait  amour,  Par.  1612,  120. 

..t.  j  .1. 


K  P.  Gourdin  on  the  Panthea.v  5$; 

having  palled  through  a  long  alley  which  ferved  as  a  paffige  and 
entry  to  two  or  three  rooms  following  one  another.  That  place 
was  only  12  feet  fquare,  vaulted  with  ftone,  and  very  dark,  fo 
that  it  was  with  great  difficulty  one  could  difcover  the  foim  of 
thofe  penates,  w'hiclnwere  made  of  wood,  two  feet  high,  and 
placed  in  two  niches.  They  reprefented  two  young  men,  and 
were  covered  with  dog- (kins;  before  them  flood  a  fmall  al-. 
tar,  &c.” 

The  Lararium  wras  a  place  confecrated  to  prayer  and  facrifice,. 
which  they  addrefed  not  only  to  the  Lares,  but  alfo  to  the 
greater  gods,  fince  the  Poletes’  gueft  was  aefirous  of  returning 
thanks  to  Neptune r  whofe  image  was  not  to  be  Teen  there. 

It  was  commonly  in  this  fanfluary  that  the  images  of  gods  o r 
heroes,  w'hichever  they  might  be,  were  placed,  as  that  paflage 
of  Suetonius  [#].  proves,  which  fays,  Tpeaking  of  L.  V itell iu s,- 
father  to  the  emperor  of  the  fame  name,  that  he  placed  amongft 
his  Lares  the  golden  ffatues  of  Narciffus  and  of  Pallas  :  “  Nar- 
ciffi  quoque  et  Pallantis  imagines  aureas  inter  Lares  coluit.,> 
What  proves  that  the  word  'inter  here  does  net  fignify  the  fame 
as  jicut ,  is  a  paffage  of  the  fame  author:  Tpeaking  of  the  refpedl 
Capitolinus  had  for  his  mailers,  he  lays,  that  he  had  placed  their 
images  in  gold  in  or  within  the  place  where  his  Lares  flood,* 
“  in  Larario  haberef.” 

Though  the  Lararium  was  a  place  particularly  fet  apart  for 
the  particular  worlhip  of  the  houfhold  gods,  they  placed  there 
not  only  their  images  but  thofe  of  the  Dii  Majores,  as  this  verfe  . 
of  Juvenal,  Sat.  XII.  82,  proves, 

Hie  noflrum  placabo  Jovem,  laribufque  paternis 
Thura  dabo, 

[*]  Vitel.  c.  2. 

Upon?  j 

o  A 

/j  F.  P.  Gourdin  on  the  Panthea. 

Upon  which  account,  fays  Feftus  [y],  they  called  them  “  Dii 
Penetrales.”  But  one  may  farther  fee  that  they  kept  there 
as  in  a  place  of  fecnrity  the  flatties  of  refpedlable  men,  with¬ 
out  paying  them  any  worfhip,  This  the  following  paffage  of 
La  mpridius  abfolutely  proves.  u  Ufus  vivendi  eidem  (Alex, 
Severn)  hie  fuir.  Prim  urn  fi  facultas  diet,  id  eft,  fi  non  cum 
muliere  cubuiftef,  matutinis  horis  in  Larario  fuo  (in  quo  et 
divos  principes,  fed  optimos,  eledtos,  et  animas  fandtiores,  in 
queis  et  Apollonium,  et,  quantum  feriptor  fuorum  temporum 
dicit,  Chriflum,  Abraham,  et  Orpheum,  et  hujufeemodi  Deos 
liabebat,  ac  majorum  effigies)  rem  divinam  faciebat  [z].** 

I  think  therefore  I  have  reafon  on  my  fide  when  I  fay  that 
the  name  of  Lares  and  Dii  Domeftici  was  only  beftowed  on 
the  Dii  Maj  ores,  becaufe  their  images  were  placed  in  houfes 
in  the  Lararium  ;  but  that  they  never  confounded  them  with 
the  Lares  properly  fo  called. 

And  in  proof  of  this  I  alledge  that  they  never  covered  them, 
ns  far  as  I  knowr  with  dog-fkins,  the  diftindtive  mark,  the  per- 
fonal  and  eftential  attribute  of  Lares  properly  lo  called. 

It  implies  a  contradiction  therefore  to  place  them  in  the 
rank  of  thofe  inferior  deities  ;  it  is  ftill  more  contradictory  to 
degrade  them  even  below  thofe  deities,  by  adorning  the  latter 
with  the  particular  attributes  of  the  Du  Majores. 

I  fhall  not  here  repeat  that  it  is  a  more  eafy,  more  natural 
mid  fimple  folution  to  look  upon  thoie  attributes  as  iymbols. 

"  This  is  no  longer  neceftary  to  conclude  that  the  doubts  I  have 
fuggefted  are  juft  and  well-founded, 

[y]  Lib.  vin  and  xiv.  de^verb.  fignif. 

[s]  Hift.  Rom.  Script,  Latini  veteres,  P.  n.  p.  349.  col,  2.  Lamprid.  vit, 
Alex.  Sev.  c.  29. 

Rouen , 

J«/y  27,  1783. 

On  the  Pantile  a. 


An  altar  found  at  Riechefter  in  Northumberland  jV]  is 
infcribed  silvano  pantheo,  on  which  Mr.  Horfley  has  thefe 
oblervations : 

“  It  is  common  now  to  give  the  name  of  Pantheus  to  the 
figure  of  any  god  who  has  the  lymbols  of  other  gods  joined 
with  his  own.  And  in  fome  infcriptions  Pantheus  is  fpoken  of 
as  a  particular  god.  Thus  we  have  in  Gruter  [^], 








Dio  Callus  informs  us  that  Drufilla  was  called  Panthea  from 
the  variety  of  divine  honours  which  her  brother  Caligula  or¬ 
dered  to  be  paid  to  her  after  her  death  [c].  A  late  ingenious 
friend  conjectured  that  the  expreflion  silvano  pantheo  might 
denote  the  whole  groupe  of Jilvun  deities  ; 

Faunique  fatyrique  et  monticolae  filvani  \d ] 

Et  quofeunque  deos  umbrofaque  filva  feraxque 
Rus  habet  [*]. 

On  this  the  late  Profeffor  Ward  has  this  MS.  note  : 

“  I  fuppofe  Pantheum  in  all  thefe  places  is  ufed  as  in  the 
modern  fenfe,  and  in  the  fecond  inltance  adjecihelyP 

[«]  Horfley,  Nortliumb.  xcvi.  p.  243. 

[*]  I-  5- 

jV]  LIX.  p.  648. 

\d]  Ovid,  Metam,  I.  193. 

M  lb.  693. 

Vol.  VIII. 

TIL  Obfer* 

£  58  J 

HI.  Ohfervations  hy  the  Rev .  Mr.  Pegge  on  the  Stan- 
ton-Moor  Urns,  and  Druidical  Temple.  In  a  Letter 
to  Major  Rooke. 

Read  November  2,.  i 785; 


FTER  returning  you  my  bell;  thanks  for  the  favour  of 

.  l\..  your  letter  of  Nov.  27,  1784,  wherein  you  are  fo  oblig¬ 
ing  as  to  impart  to  me  an  account  of  your  late  and  further  dif- 
coveries  of  antiquities  on  Stanton- Moor  in  the  county  of  Derby, 
with  drawings  of  the  urns  which  you  was  then  fo  fortunate  as 
to  find,, I  fhould  be  wanting  in  gratitude  did  I  not  communicate 
to  you,,  in  return,  my  fentiments  upon  them,  in  hope  that  they 
may  prove  acceptable  to  you. 

The  difcovery  was  indeed  mod  fortunate  and  extraordinary,, 
as  I  do  not  recollect,  at  prefent,  one  {ingle  inftance  befides  this, 
among!!  all  the  difcoveries  that  have  been  made  in  this  ifland 
relative  to  hydriotaphy,  wherein  one  urn  was  found  inclofed,, 
or  buried  as  it  were,  within  another.  Meric  Cafanbon  informs 
us  [0],  that  vejfels  of  various  kinds  had  been  found  within ,  or 
near  the  larger  urns  dug  up  at  Newington  in  Kent ;  and  it  is 
well  known,  that  an  immenfe  variety  of  other  articles  have  been 
found  included  in  the  larger  and  more  capacious  urns  [£]. 

[a]  Notes  on  Marc.  Aurel.  Antonin,  p.  43.. 

[b\  Vide,  inter  alios,  Cafaubon,  1.  c.  SirTho.  Brown,  p.  6.  9.  11.  Philipot, 
Villare  Cant.  p.  250.-  Montfaucon,  vol.  V.  p.  51.  and  fo  for  money  in  parti¬ 
cular,  See.  Weever,  p.  516,  Philipot,  1,  c,  and  Archaeologia,  vol.  II.  p.  181. 


Mr.  Pegge’s  Obfervations  on  the  Stanton-Moor  Urns ,  59 

We  read  again  of  family-urns  [c],  which  neceffarily  muft  be 
of  greater  content  than  common ;  but  neverthelefs,  thefe  do  not 
appear  to  have  had  fmaller  urns  with  burnt  bones  inclofed  in 
them,  as  this  of  yours  had,  but  only  to  contain  the  bones  and 
allies  of  feveral  perfons  all  mixed  together;  though  it  feems 
the  allies  were  not  always  mixed  jV].  Belides,  P.  Montfaucon 
lpeaks  of  holes  being  made  in  the  covers  of  urns  at  Rome ,  for 
the  introduction  of  the  bones  and  athes  of  fubfequent  fubjeCts, 
viz.  the  remains  of  2d,  3d,  4th,  or  even  of  5th  bodies  [e]. 

The  mention  of  thele  large  family-urns,  reminds  me  of  a 
Roman  velTel  I  bought,  many  years  ago,  at  the  Tale  of  the 
cfFeds  of  John  Godfrey ,  Efq.  of  Norton-Court,  Kent ,  1742,  and 
of  which  there  is  a  print  in  Dr.  Harris's  Hiltory  of  Kent , 
p.  218.  It  came  from  the  grand  repofitory,  or  pottery,  at 
Newington  in  Kent  [jf],  and  is  faid  by  Dr.  Harris  to  contain 
near  a  bufhel ,  but  it  holds  only  forty-four  pints.  He  alfo  calls 
it  an  urn ,  but  as  it  is  fo  large,  has  not  much  the  figure  of  an 
urn  [g],  and  has  had  handles  to  it,  I  rather  efteem  it  a  veil'd  of 
fome  other  kind,  perhaps  for  wine  [Z>],  or  rather  fruit,  the  mouth 
being  fo  wide. 

But  to  return;  the  only  inftance  of  the  kind  of  your  urn  that 
has  occurred  to  me,  is  in  Denmark ,  where,  as  W ormius  tells 
us  [/],  4  Inventa  ell  una  [urn a]  cinerei  coloris,  qua;  in  fe  mino* 

[c]  Sir  Tho.  Brown,  p.  14.  Dr.  Plott,  Nat.  Hift.  of  Oxfordfh.  p.  328. 
Philipot,  p.  249.  Montfaucon,  vol.  V,  paffim.  Dr.  Harris,  Hift.  of  Kent, 
p.  218. 

[<af]  Montfaucon,  p.  63. 

[*q  Id.  ibid.  See  alfo  Gent.  Magas.  1784,  p.  962,  for  feveral  bodies  interred 
in  one  barrow. 

[/]  See  above  the  note  from  Meric  Cafaubon, 

D]  See  the  print  in  Dr.  Harris. 

[£]  Batteley,  Antiq.  Rutup.  p.  107. 

J7]  Wormii  Muf.  p.  349. 

I  9. 


60  Mr.  Pegge’s  Obfcrvatiom  on  the  Stanton-Moor  Urns. 

*  rem  continehat  ex  puriore  argilla  elaboratam,  coloris  nigri, 
6  politam,  ut  ex  fragments,  quae  teneo,  conftat.’  i.  e.  ‘  An  um 
4  of  an  afh  colour  was  found,  which  contained  a  j mailer  one 
4  within  it ,  compofed  of  finer  clay,  black  and  polilhed,  as  ap- 
4  pears  from  the  fragments  in  my  poffeflion.’ 

In  regard  to  the  people  or  nation,  to  whom.  Sir,  we  may  fup- 
pofe  your  urn  to  belong,  the  Britons,  if  not  before  yet  certainly 
after  they  were  romanized,  uled  urn-burial  [/’]  ;  and  therefore 
one  has  good  reafon  to  imagine,  confidering  where  the  urn  was 
found,  viz.  in  the  mid  It  of  lb  many  Druidical  monuments  as 
are  to  be  feen  on  Stanton-Moor ,  it  appertains  to-  them..  The 
bones  and  afiies  in  the  turn  urns  may  podibly  be  thofe  of  a  child 
and  its  mother  dying  about  the  fame  time,  or  of  a  woman  who 
died  in  child-bed,  &c.  But  all  conjectures  on  this  fubjeCt  mud: 
be  fo  vague  and  uncertain,  that  it  is  bed:  to  leave  every  one  at 
liberty  to  form  their  own  notions  on  this  fo  very  uncommon  a 

Having  thus  difpatched,  Sir,  what  I  had  to  fay  concerning’ 
your  urns,  and  the  very  rare  and  curious  circumdance  of  inclo- 
fure  attending  them,  it  may  be  proper,  for  a  conclufion,  to  add 
a  word  on  the  diagram  which  accompanied  them,  and  reprefents 
a  plan  of  the  ground  where  they  were  found ;  and  the  rather, 
as  reference  has  above  been  made  to  thole  Druidical  monuments 
exprefied  in  the  diagram.  The  podtions,  Sir,  of  the  circles  and 
barrows  are,  in  ray  opinion,  as  lingular  and  remarkable  as  the 
urns  themfelves. 

The  firft  obfervable  is,  that  the  circles,  N°  i  and  2,  PI.  I.  Hand 
in  a  right  line,  being  conne&ed  as  it  were  by  the  tingle  Hone 

[f]  This,  I  find,  is  the  opinion  of  moft  of  thofe  who  have  been  converfant 
in  thefe  matters,  as  Montfaucon,  VII.  p.  288.  Sir  Thomas  Brown,  p.  10. 
Camden,  col.  1408.  edit.  Gibfon.  Philipot,  Villare,  p.  251, 

N*  3, 

Mr .  Pegge’s  Obfervations  on  the  Stanton-Moor  Urns,  61 

N°  3  [/],  {landing  in  the  line,  and  from  which  the  circles  are 
equidiftant,  viz.  each  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  paced  yards. 
The  barrow,  in  which  the  urns  were  found  is  within  the  circle 
N*  1,  and  marked  with  the  letter  a.  In  fig.  4,  this  circle  is 
given  on  a  larger  fcale;  it  is  nine  yards,  one  foot  diameter,  but 
N°  2,  at  the  end  of  the  line,  and  reprefented  alfo  on  a  larger 
fcale,  is  not  lefs  than  fixteen  yards  acrofs.  We  may  note  fur¬ 
ther,  that  the  connecting  Hone,  as  I  call  it,  is  but  thirty-four 
paced  yards  weft  of  the  temple,  as  you  term  it,  or  the  Nine 
Ladies  N°  5,  fo  that  the  circles  N°  1  and  2,  are  alfo  at 
equal  difiances  from  the  temple. 

The  next  thing  to  be  remarked  is,  that  the  barrows,  N°  6 
and  7,  and  the  circle  N°  8,  appear  again  to  range  alfo  in  a  line; 
and  that  N°  6  is  two  hundred  and  fixty  paced  yards  diftant  from 
N°  7,  and  this  laft  the  fame  from  the  circle  N°  8,  which  is  here 
alfo  exhibited  on  a  larger  fcale,  fig.  8.  and  is  eleven  yards  in 
diameter.  Lafily  the  barrow,  N°  9,  (lands  in  a  line  with  N°  6, 
7,  8,  that  is,  at  the  termination  of  the  line,  and  is  difiant  one 
hundred  paced  yards  from  the  laft  mentioned  N°  8. 

Surely,  Sir,  there  is  fomethiiig  very  myfterious  in  thefe  ar¬ 
rangements.  One  can  never  fuppofe  thefe  Druidical  monuments 
could  be  thus fortuitoujly  placed;  that  would  be  too  wonderful  a 
coincidence  ;  but  upon  what  plan,  defign,  or  fyftem,  the  Druids 
proceeded  in  forming  this  group  of  Britifh  antiquities,  I  cannot 
pretend  to  explain  ;  let  others,  more  fagacious,  divine,  taking 
this  along  with  them  at  the  fame  time,  that  N°  1  and  6,  are 
pretty  near  N.  and  S.  of  each  other. 

I  am.  Sir,  your  mod  obedient, 


]’/]  This  done  is  called  by  the  country  people,  the  king,  and  there  is  a  draw¬ 
ing  of  it  in  Archaeologia,  vol.  VI.  p.  112.  Plate  XV.  7. 

\m\  S?e  again,  Archaeologia,  VI.  p.  11.2.  lb. 

P.  Sr 

6  2  Mr.  Pegge’s  Obfervations  on  the  Stanton-Moor  TJrns. 

P.  S.  I  have  omitted  to  note,  and  1  beg  pardon  for  the  omif* 
fion,  that  in  a  draught  of  your  fmaller  urn,  as  big  as  the  origi¬ 
nal,  which  you  (hewed  me,  I  remarked  two  fmall  perforations 
in  the  (ide,  under  the  ornamental  border  at  the  top  ;  and  I  think 
vou  laid  there  were  two  fimilar  ones  on  the  other  fide  of  the 
urn,  and  nearly  oppofite.  This  particular  is  to  me  as  aflo- 
nifhing  and  as  unaccountable  as  any  one  of  the  foregoing  cir- 

Since  this,  Major  Rooke  being  defirous  of  examining  the 
fmall  barrows,  opened  one  that  was  within  the  circle  marked 
(8)  in  the  plan,  in  which  he  found  an  urn  of  coarfe  thin  clay, 
full  of  burnt  bones,  and  upon  them  lay  a  very  fingular  Druidical 
remain,  in  appearance  of  mountain  pitch,  very  hard  and  light, 
and  of  the  fize  of  the  drawing.  Cotifidering  the  figure,  which 
is  that  of  a  heart,  and  the  perforation  at  the  top  evidently  made 
by  a  tool,  we  cannot  but  efieem  it  a  Britifh  amulet. 

N°  x.  pi.  I.  is  an  urn  of  coarfe  clay  taken  out  of  a  fmall 
barrow  on  Stanton  Moor  marked  a  in  the  plan:  circumference 
three  feet,  three  inches  ;  height  ten  inches.  Within  this  urn 
was  a  fmall  one  N°  2  covered  with  a  piece  of  clay,  N°  3.  In 
the  fame  barrow  were  two  more  urns  fimilar  to  the  above. 

N°  4.  The  fize  of  the  fmall  urn  taken  out  of  N°  1.  This 
is  not  only  the  type  of  the  fmall  urn  in  its  true  dimenlions*  but 
the  drawing  exprefied  the  colour  of  it  alfa* 

IV,  M 

C  %  3 

IV.  An  Account  of  feme  Stone  Coffins ,  and  Skeletons^ 
found  on  making  fome  Alterations  and  Repairs  in 
Cambridge  Caftle .  In  a  Letter  to  the  Rev .  Dr . 

Lort.  By  the  Rev .  Robert  Matters,  B .  Z).  Z7  & 
ReElor  of  Land  beach.. 

Read  December  i,  1785. 

Dear  Sir, 

WELL  knowing  your  tafte  for  antiquities  in  general,  and’ 
in  particular  for  fuch  as  bear  any  relation  to  Cambridge, 
a  place  to  which  you  have  always  had  a  fingular  attachment,  I 
take  the  liberty  of  communicating  to  you,  by  the  hands  of  our 
moft  refpe&able  friend  George  Steevens,  Efq.  a  difeovery  lately 
made  there,  and  through  you  to  the  worthy  Society  of  Anti¬ 
quaries,  of  which  I  have  long  had  the  honour  of  being  a 

Some  time  in  Auguft  laft,  as  the  workmen  (who  have  been 
employed  for  more  than  twelve  months,  in  making  fuch  addi¬ 
tions  and  improvements  in  Cambridge  Caftle,  as  were  deemed 
neceffary  for  rendering  it  more  commodious  and  healthful  for 
the  unfortunate  inhabitants  deftined  to  abide  therein),  were  en¬ 
gaged  in  removing  earth  and  levelling  ramparts  on  the  South 
fide  thereof,  they  difeovered  two  ftone  coffins,  lying  nearly  Eaft 
and  Weft,  about  feet  under  the  furface,  and  almoft  upon  a 
level  with  the  prefent  area,  within  the  precinfts,  under  the 
wall  of  the  old  ftone  ftaircafe,  now  unfortunately  demolished, 
to  make  way  for  a  modern  one  of  brick.  The  firft  was  fix  feet 
%  ten- 

6 4  Mr.  Masters’s  Account  of  Stone  Coffins. 

ten  inches  long,  but  within  only  fix  feet  two  inches.  Its 
breadth  in  the  widefl  part  two  feet  two  inches,  but  at  the  feet 
one  foot  three  inches.  The  depth  was  nine  inches,  and  the 
if  one  hollowed  to  the  fhape  of  the  head,  under  which  was  found 
the  plate  accompanying  this,  in  a  cavity  cut  in  flone  to  receive 
it.  The  cover  feems  to  have  been  a  plain  flone,  and  the  coffin 
itfelf  cracked  either  in  removing  or  through  length  of  time. 
The  other  was  only  fix  feet  long,  its  breadth  one  foot  eleven 
inches,  and  at  the  feet  one  foot  one  inch,  the  depth  as  above 
nine  inches.  The  cover  of  this  had  a  fort  of  double  crofs  upon 
it,  with  fomewhat  like  chain-work  running  up  each  fide  :  but, 
what  is. remarkable,  the  upper  tranfept  was  not,  as  ufual,  a  ftrait 
line,  but  part  of  a  circle,  which  feems  to  have  been  compleated 
on  a  flone  lying  at  the  head  of  the  coffin ;  which  however  had 
been  otherwife  employed,  fo  that  a  fight  of  it  could  not  be 
obtained.  The  fkeletons  included  in  them,  are  faid  to  have 
been  entire  when  firfl  opened,  but  upon  being  expofed  to  the 
air  and  touch,  foon  loft  their  form,  and  are  now  only  a  parcel 
of  deranged  and  fcattered  bones.  The  prefent  Goal  here  was 
only  the  gateway  to  the  old  caflle  (as  its  flrudture  evinces) 
which  flood  at  fame  diflance  from  it,  as  the  imall  remains  of 
it  ftill  vifible  behind  the  Bridewell,  plainly  fhew,  and  was  pro¬ 
bably  much  older  than  this,  which  architects  have  judged  to 
have  been  eredled  about  the  time  of  Edward  the  Firft  ;  when 
the  old  one  might  be  repaired,  if  it  was  one  of  thofe  demolifhed 
by  king.  Stephen,  in  whofe  reign  it  was  bravely  attacked  by 
GeofFry  de  Mandeville  earl  of  Efiex,  who  loft  his  life  before  it, 
being  (hot  through  the  head  with  an  arrow.  Its  final  demoli¬ 
tion  however  may  be  afcribed  to  queen  Mary,  who  bellowed 
the  greatcfl  part  of  it  upon  her  favourite  Sir  John  Huddlefton, 
who  built  a  confiderable  part  of  his  large  houfe  at  Sawfton  with 
its  flones.  Under  the  old  llone  flairs  (near  which  as  I  obferved 


Mr .  Masters’s  Account  of  Stone  Cojjins.  65 

before  the  coffins  were  found)  leading  to  the  apartments  over 
the  gateway,  were  two  fkulls  depofited,  and  in  removing  fome 
part  of  the  ramparts  on  the  North  fide  two  fkeletons  likewife 
were  found  this  fummer ;  fo  that  I  cannot  help  thinking,  the 
room  over  the  gateway  was  made  ufe  of  as  a  chapel  to  the  caf- 
tle,  and  the  ground  on  the  Eaft,  North  and  South  confecrated 
for  a  place  of  burial,  otherwife  the  church  of  All  Saints  at  the 
Caftle-,  adjoining  to  the  ramparts  (fome  remains  of  which  I 
well  remember,  although  now  entirely  demolifhed)  might  have 
afforded  fufficient  room  for  fepulture.  In  this  however  I  fhould 
be  glad  to  he  favoured  with  the  opinion  of  others,  better  judges 
than  myfelf  in  thefe  matters,  and  particularly  of  the  ingenious 
Mr.  King,  who  has  made  fuch  curious  and  acute  enquiries  into r 
the  ftrudture  and  allotment  of  apartments  in  fuch  kind  of  fa¬ 
brics.  1  ffiall  be  happy  in  finding  fome  ingenious  member  of1 
the  Society  able  to  make  out  the  infcription  on  the  plate,  by  1 
which  both  the  name  of  the  perfon,  and  time  of  burial,  will,  I*' 
make  no  doubt,  be  afcertained  ;  and  if  any  farther  enquiries  re¬ 
lative  thereto  fhould  be  thought  needful,  you  may  freely  ! 
command,  Sir,  ? 

Your  mod  obedient  humble  fervant,  '  •  n 


Vol.  VIII 



V.  A 

V*.  A  fecond  Letter  from  Mr .  Maflers  to  George* 
Steevens,  Efq.  on  the  Stone  Coffins  found  in  repairing 
Cambridge  Caftle. 

Read  December  i,  1785. 

Dear  Sir, 

Landbeach ,  Nov.  26,  178& 

HEN  I  was  at  Cambridge  on  Thurfday  laR,  Mr.  Kerrich 

1  T  and  I  were  fummoned  to  the  CaRle  to  the  opening  of  two- 
more  Rone  coffins  lying  very  near  the  place  where  thofe  you 
faw  had  been  depofited,  but  nearer  to  the  building,  with  the 
covering  of  another,  part  of  which  went  under  the  foundation 
of  the  old  wall  of  the  Raircafe,  fo  that  they  feem  to  have  been 
depofited  there  before  that  building  was  ere&ed.  The  feet  of 
the  coffins  were  funk  much  lower  than  the  heads,  which  pro¬ 
bably  occafioned  their  breaking..  The  bones  laid  in  a  regular 
order  in  each,  with  a  Rick  of  three  quarters  of  an  inch  in  dia¬ 
meter  by  the  fide  of  one  of  them,  on-  which  the  hair  upon  the 
os  pubis  was  very  vifible ;  but  as  there  was  no  inferiptions  to  be- 
met  with  under  the  fkulls,  nor  any  other  memorials  of  the  per- 
fonages,.  to  prevent  their  being  fcattered  about  as  the  others 
were,  I  ordered  them  to  be  covered  down  again  immediately^ 
without  any  farther  difiurbance.  The  Rick,  npw  mere  touch- 
wood  (of  which  I  have  apiece  about  liaff  a  yard  long)  was  pro¬ 
bably  an  enfign  of  office,  and  might  denote  his  being  conRable 
or  keeper  of  the  caRle.  The  above  may  be  added  to  the  account 
©f  the  othersTent  to  Dr.  Lort  by 

Sir,  your  moR  obliged  and  obedient  fervant, 

¥X.  Mifcellaneoua 

C  67  ] 

VI.  Mlfcellaneous  Obfervations  on  ,  Parifli  Regifters* 
Addrejfed  to  the  Ho?tourable  Dairies  Barrington.  By 
John  Bowie,  F+  S .  A. 

Read  December  8,  1785. 

Dear  Sir, 

YO  U  do  not  want  to  be  informed  that  the  mtrodu&ion  of 
Parochial  Registers  was  in  confequence  of  the  injunc¬ 
tions  of  Thomas  Lord  Cromwell.  From  whence  he  formed  his 
refolution  of  bringing  them  into  general  ufe  is  not  apparent ; 
but  their  utility  and  advantage  to  poflerity  could  not  efcape  his 
fagacity  and  difcernment.  As  he  had  lived  abroad,  and  confe- 
quently  had  much  intercourfe  with  men  of  different  countries, 
from  thefe  he  might  have  formed  his  opinions,  and  at  a  fit  fea- 
fon  have  carried  them  into  execution.  The  known  period  when 
this  was  done  makes  the  fiippofition  no  ways  improbable  ;  it 
being  certain  that  in  Spain  it  had  been  in  ufe  many  years  before* 
Very  few  years  have  elapfed  fince  the  place  where,  and  time  when, 
the  famous  Cervantes  was  born,  and  baptifed,  were  known. 
Some  Antiquaries  of  late  among  his  countrymen  have  made  it 
a  point  to  invelfigate  the  matter  with  precifion  and  indifputable 
certainty,  by  means  of  regifters  of  churches  hill  in  being.  In 
that  of  St.  Mary  the  Greater  in  the  city  of  Alcala  de  Henares , 
which  began  in  1533,  and  ended  in  1550,  is  a  claufe  of  the  fol¬ 
lowing  tenor,  viz.  4  On  Sunday  the  ninth  day  of  the  month  of 
4  Oflober,  in  the  year  of  the  Lord  154 7,  was  baptifed  Michaelt 

K  z  e ion 

6$  Mr.  Bowle’s  Obfer&ations  on  Pariih  Regifters. 

6  fon  of  Rodrigo  de  Cervantes ,  and  his  wife  Dona  Leonor:  his 

*  godfather  was  John  Pardo :  the  reverend  Sir  Batchelor  Serrano ■ 

*  curate  of  our  Lady-  baptifed  him :  witnefs  Baltazar  Vazquez 
4  Sacriftan,  and  I  who  baptifed  him,  and  fubfcribed  it  bv  my 
4'\n&me,  the  Batchelor  Serrano .*  Whether  there  was  any  pre¬ 
ceding  regifter  appears  not.  The  evidences  that  prove  to  a  de- 
monftration  that  it  belongs  to  the  author  of  Don  Quixote  are 
foreign  to  our  purpofe,  notwithftanding  what  follows,  and  is 
adduced  to  (hew  their  earlier  ufe  in  that  kingdom.  We  have 
here  a  certificate  from  Don  Peter  de  Cordova  curate  of  the  re£tory 
prior  of  the  parochial  church  of  St.  Mary  of  the  town  of  Alca¬ 
zar  de  San  Juan ,  that  in  one  of  the  books  of  baptifms  of  the 
faid  church,  which  began  the  ioth  of  September  1506,  and 
ended  February  18th,  1635,  there  is  the  following  claufe  of  this 
tenor.  4  On  the  ninth  of  November  1558  the  licenciate  Sir 
4  Don  Alonfo  Diaz  Pajares  baptifed  a  foil  of  Bias  de  Cervantes. 
4  Saavedra ,  and  of  Catherine  Lopez,  whom  he  named  Michael ; 
4  his  godfather  at  the  font  was  Melchior  de  Ortega ,  attended  by 
4  John  de  Quiros,  and  Francis  Almendroz,  and  their  wives.  The 
4  licentiate  Alonfo  Diazd  On  the  margin  of  the  faid  claufe 
there  is  written,  as  a  note,  as  follows:  4  This  was  the  author  of 
4  the  Hidory  of  Don  Qmxote.  This  agrees  with  the  original 

*  to  which  I  refer :  given  in  this  town  of  Alcazar  de  San  Juan 
4  the  28th  of  the  month  of  Auguft  1765,  Don  Pedro  de  Cor- 
4  dobad  It  is  known  with  certainty  by  whom  this  marginal 
flote  was  placed  there  in  the  year  1758.  I  have  produced  this 
fecond  evidence,  to  (hew  that  regiders  were  ufed  in  Spain  thirty- 
two  years  before  their  introduction  into  this  kingdom.  Father 
Sarmiento,  a  learned  Benedictine  monk  of  St.  Martin’s  in 
Madrid,  who  died  a  few  years  fi nee,  in  his  manufeript  account 
of  the  true  birth-place  of  Cervantes  (of  which  I  poifefs  a  copy) 
§  105.  blames  fuch  marginal  notes  as  thefe  in  the  evidences  of 


Mr.  Eowle’s  Obfervations  on  Parifh  Regifters,  69 

baptifins,  totally  rejecting  their  teftimony,  efteeming  it  as  an 
adt  of  imprudence  deferving  correction,  that  the  parifh  priefts 
ihould  fuffer  fuch  additions  to  be  placed:  at  the  fame  time  he 
propofes  the  having  a  diftinCt  book,  and  that  the  parifh  prieft 
fhould  place  fome  evident  notes,  as  they  would  be  of  fervice  for 
the  hiftory  and  honour  of  the  place,  and  of  its  children  bap- 
tifed  at  its  font.  If  I  had  authority,  he  adds,  I  would  hence¬ 
forward  to  all  curates  who  fhould  take  poffeffion  of  their  liv¬ 
ings'  intimate  this  mod  juft  and  moft  ufeful  law. 

••  But  to  come  home,  and  to  furvey  the  ftate  of  our  regifters 
hiftorically.  It  is  obfervable  that  the  injunctions  to  the  clergy 
made  by  lord  Cromwell ,  of  which  we  have  a  copy  in  bifhop 
Burnet’s  Hiftory  of  the  Reformation,  v.  I.  col.  167.  are  undated, 
both  as  to  the  year  of  the  Lord,  or  of  the  king’s  reign.  Halle 
in  his  Chronicle  is  quite  file'nt  in  this  matter.  From  Hollinjhed 
it  appears,  that  they  were  fet  forth  in  September  1538,  the 
thirtieth  of  that  king.  That  of  Cromwell  concerning  this  bufi- 
nefs  is  as  follows,  viz.  6  Item,  That  you  and  every  parfon,  vi- 
4  car,  or  curate,  within  this  diocefs,  (hall  for  every  church  keep 
£  one  book  or  regifter,  wherein  he  fhall  write  the  day  and  year 

*  of  every  wedding,  chriftenrng,  and  burying,  made  within  your 
‘  parifh  for  your  time,  and  fo  every  man  fucceeding  you  like- 
‘  wife;  and  alfo  there  infert  every  perfon’s  name  that  fhall  be 
4  fo  wedded,  chriftened,  and  buried ;  and  for  the  fafe  keeping  of 
‘  the  fame  book,  the  parifh  fhall  be  bound  to  provide,  of  their 
4  common  charges,  one  fure  coffer,  with  two  locks  and  keys, 

‘  whereof  the  one  to  remain  with  you,  and  the  other  with  the 
‘  wardens  of  every  fuch  parifh  wherein  the  faid  book  fhall  be 
4  laid  up;  which  booky<?  fhall  every  Sunday  take  forth,  and  in 
4  the  prefence  of  the  faid  wardens,  or  one  of  them,  write  and 
‘  record  in  the  fame  all  the  weddings,  chriftenings,  and  bury- 

*  ings,  made  the  whole  week  afore ;  and  that  done  to  lay  up 

4  the 

jo  Mr.  Bowle’s  Obfervations  on  Parifti  Registers* 

6  the  hook  in  the  faid  coffer,  as  afore ;  and  For  every  time  that 

*  the  fame  (hall  be  omitted,  the  party  that  fhall  be  in  the  fault 
c  thereof  fhall  forfeit  to  the  faid  church  3  r.  4 d.  to  be  employed 
6  on  the  reparation  of  the  faid  church  (170).’  This  underwent 
fome  change  by  Edward  the  Sixth,  in  1547.  By  him  it  wias 
injoined  that  the  parfon,  vicar,  or  curate,  and parifhioners  of  every- 
farifl)  within  this  realm ,  (hall,  in  their  churches  and  chapels ? 
keep  one  book  or  regifter.  The  pecuniary  mulCt  for  omiftion 
was  directed  to  be  employed  to  the  poor  men  s  box  of  the  parijh . 
In  thofe  of  the  fir  ft  year  of  queen  Elizabeth  (§  10.)  one  half  is 
to  be  employed  as  here,  the  other  half  towards  the  repairing  of 
the  church.  In  archbhhop  Crammer’s  Articles  of  Vifitation, 
anno  z°  of  king  Edward,  there  are  two,  viz.  whether  they  have 
one  book  or  regifter  fafely  kept,  and  whether  every  pari(h  have 
provided  a  cheft  with  two  locks  and  keys  for  the  fame.  This 
occurs  in  thofe  of  the  firft  year  of  the  queen,  faving,  that  no¬ 
thing  is  faid  of  the  cheff.  But  probably  this  was  not  there 
mentioned,  as  it  was  particularly  fpecified  in  the  injunctions  of 
the  fame  year.  Among  thefe  articles  of  enquiry  are  fome  that 
may  be  looked  on  as  temporary  fettlements.  4  Item ,  How 
6  many  perfons  for  religion  have  died  by  fire,  famine,  or  ©ther- 

*  wife,  or  have  been  imprifoned  for  the  fame  ?  Item ,  that  you 
e  make  a  true  prefentment  of  the  number  of  all  the  perfons, 
4  which  died  within  your  parilhes  fithence  the  feaft  of  St.  John 
6  Baptift,  which  was  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  God  1558,  unto 
4  the  feaft  laft  paft,  making  therein  a  plain  diftinCt  declaration, 

*  how  many  men,  women,  and  men-children,  the  fame  were, 
4  and  the  names  of  the  men.’  In  fome  articles  printed  1564, 
among  the  proteftations  made  by  the  clergy,  at  their  admiftion 
to  their  cures,  was  the  following:  6  I  (hall  keep  the  regifter 
c  book  according  to  the  queen’s  majefties  injunctions.’  It  is  to 
he  remarked,  that  in  none  of  thefe  any  thing  is  faid  of  god¬ 

Mr.  Bowle’s  Observations  on  Pariffi  Regifters.  71 

fathers1  and  god-mothers’  names  being  entered  at  baptifms  as 
fponfors.  In  thofe  of  the  year  1564,  6  The  parent  may  be 

*  prefent,  or  abfent,  but  not  to  anfwer  as  god-father  or  god- 

*  mother,  except  the  child  hath  received  the  communion  [ a\.r 
Among  cardinal  Pole's  Articles  touching  the  clergy,  1557,  was 
one,  4  whether  they  do  keep  the  book  or  regifter  of  chriftening, 

4  burying  and  marriages,  with  the  names  of  the  godfathers  and 
c  god-mothers  [£].’  As  I  have  difcovered  nothing  of  this  kind' 
elfewhere  from  authority,  it  may  be  fuppofed  to  have  origi¬ 
nated  from  his  own  fuggeftions  [c]:. 

I  mud  now  take  a  long  ftep  in  point  of  time,  having  difco¬ 
vered  nothing  material  on  this  head  till  the  publifhing  of  the 
canons  in  1603.  The  feventieth  of  thefe,  befides  reciting  what 
is  above  advanced,  directs  the  minifter  and  churchwardens  to- 
fubfcribe  their  names  unto  every  page  ;  and  orders  t?he  latter  to 
fend  annually  a- true  copy  of  the  names  of  all  perfons  chriftened,, 
married  or  buried  within  one  month  after  the  twenty-fifth  of 
March,  fubfcribed  with  their  hands.-  To  this  canon  vye  owe 
the  Hue  Ufque  fo  general  in  all  fince  that  period.  In  the  ordi¬ 
nance  for  the  abolifbing  the  Common  Prayer,  and  uling  the 
Directory,  the  regifier  of  velim  was  diredled  to  be  kept  by  the 
minifter  and  other  officers  of  the  church;  the  names  of  all  chil¬ 
dren  baptized,  and  of  their  parents,  the  time  of  their  birth  and 
baptifm  :  the  names  of  all  perfons  married,  the  times  of  the 
deaths  and, burials  vary  but  little,  fave  only  in  the  addition  off 

[d]  The  feveral  citations  above  are  from  bifhop  Sparrow. 

[£]  Fox,  ad  an. 

jV)  Indifferent  cufloms  when  once  began  do  not  ceafe  prefently.  Three  in- 
fiances  of  this  praflice  in  1564,  1565,  and  1579,  are  to  be  found  in  the  regifier 
of  Thatcham,  Berks.  Hearne’s  Glaflonbury,  272,  3.  Jane  Tutt  the  daughter  of 
Mr.  Alex.  Tutt  the  younger  was  baptized  Dec.  29,  1611,  my  lady  Tutt  and. 
Mu.  Colcpepper,  god- mothers,  and  Mr.  Grove,  god-father.  Idmiilon  regifier. 


y-i  Mr.  BowLe’s  Obfervations  on  Pa rifh  Regiders. 

biithsv  The  aft  commonly  afcribed  to  Barebones ,  and  named" 
after  him,  which  palfied  24  Augud  1659,  was  regularly  attended 
to  during  the-  U  fur  nation.  The  banns  of  marriage  publithed 
three  feveral  Lord’s  days  in  the  public  meeting-houfe,  com-5 
monly  called  the  church  or  chapel,  or  on  three  market  days,  at- 
the  option  of  the  parties,  in  the  market  place  next  to  the  faid 
church  or  chapel,  were  regularly  entered.  The  fafe  keeping" 
of  the  regider-book  was  entruded  to  fome  able  and  honed  per- 
fon,  fworn  and  approved  by  one  judice  of  the  peace  :  the  perfotv 
elected,  approved,  and  fworn,  was  called  the  parith  regider,  and 
attended  the  judice  to  fubfcribe  the  entry  of  every  marriage. 
Various  inconveniences  mud  necedarily  have  arifen  from  this/ 
a£l.  In  many  cafes  the  parties  mud  have  travelled  many  miles 
for  the  accomplhhing  their  intentions.  There  is  no  probability 
that  Mr.  Bigland  at  the  tibiae  he  publidaed  his  Obfervations  in> 
1764,  had  feen  or  accurately  examined  this  a<d.  It  is  much  to 
be  lamented,  he  obfervesj  p.  7,  that,  during  Cromwell’s  ufurpa- 
tion,  few  parochial  regiders  were  kept  with  any  tolerable  regu-, 
larity.  How  far  this  will  hold  good  I  am  not  able  to  afcertain.. 
As  to  thofe  which  I  have  examined,  truth  commands  me  to: 
fay,  that  they  are,  in  general,  as  exafl  as  can  be  dedred.  The 
appointment  of  the  pari.dr  regider  to  his  office,  and  his  con d ant; 
attendance  upon  the  judice,  is  apparent  in  almod  every  indance. , 
The  appearance  of  want  of  regularity  in  many  regiders  may  bet 
collected  from  the  following  circumdances.  In  the  r.egider  of; 
the  pariffi  of  Idmidon  :  From  the  fird  entry  March  13,  1653, 
to  the  lad  in  Cromwell’s  time  June  7,  1658,  there  are  in  num¬ 
ber  feventy-jfour,  and  of  thefe  marriages  only  eight  are  of  the 
inhabitants,  or  parithioners.  Some  of  the  others  are  from  re- 
mote  places.  One  is  from  North  Buckhamton,  Hants,  and  . 
Stowford,  by  Wilton.  St.  Mary-Born,  Hants,  and  Hackledone,  ; 
the  latter  I  (ho  11  Id  fuppofe  twelve  miles  didance  at  lead-:  how- 



Mr.  Rowle’s  Observations  on  Parifh  Registers.  73 

ever  exaXnefs  can  hardly  be  expelled.  One  from  Melkfham 
[more  than  twenty  miles],  and  Netherhaven  ten,  Weftcomb  fix* 
teen  and  Netherhaven,  Tifbury  twenty,  Donhead  St.  Andrews 
twenty.  The  others,  if  not  fo  far,  of  courfe  had  no  kind  of  con¬ 
nexion  with  this  place.  What  brought  this  extraordinary  in¬ 
flux  of  weddings  here  mull;  have  arifen  from  the  refidence  of 
John  Rede,  Efq.  juftice  of  the  peace,  at  Birdlime’s  Farm,  in 
Porton,  a  principal  hamlet,  whofe  name  is  to  all,  the  two  laffc 
excepted;  and  one  July  2,  1657,  ky  J°hn  Sharpe,  junior,  whofe 
father  was  vicar.  This  being  the  cafe,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at  that  many  regiflers  were  defective.  The  parties  were  under  a 
neceffity  of  going  from  home,  and  gave  themfelves  no  concern 
about  recording  their  marriages  in  their  places  of  refidence. 
This  circumftance,  with  many  others,  evinces  that  nothing  can 
more  extend  the  general  utility  of  thefe  public  records,  but 
which,  by  being  laid  up,  unknown,  and  unfearched,  in  a  great 
degree  become  ufelefs,  than  judicious  extraXs  from  them  in 
county  hiflories.  Remote  alliances  merit  particular  attention. 
William  Urry  of  Frejhwater  in  comitat.  Southampt.  et  infula 
Wight ,  gentleman,  was  marryed  to  Sufanne  Note  of  idmifton  the 
18  of  Sept,  anno  1637.  Several  children  of  this  marriage  are 
among  the  baptifms.  The  living  of  the  Notes  is  not  at  prefent 
more  than  twenty  pounds  per  ann.  The  evident  difparity  of 
the  parties  feems  to  indicate  it  to  be  a  ftolen  match :  the  dift- 
ance  alfo  adds  a  probability  to  the  conjeXure.  Robert  Ramfay , 
Efq.  was  married  to  Matilda  Sherjield,  March  16,  1629  [*/]. 


[<£]  In  the  regifter  of  Winterborne-Earles  I  find  a  Mawde  Sherfield,  wife  of 
Richard  Sherfield,  buried  the  16th  of  December  1616.  What  connexion  there 
was  with  the  Recorder,  I  have  not  difcoyered  :  he  poflefied  a  farm  in  Porton, 
which  he  was  compelled  to  fell  in  confequence  of  the  heavy  fine  in  the  Star- 
chamber.  It  fhould  be  remembered,  that  Sir  Edward  Nicholas,  the  fecretary  of 
Rate,  was  born  here  ;  and  that,  in  a  different  hand  from  the  baptifm  here  re- 
Vol.  VIII.  JL  corded, 

74  Mr,  Bowle’s  Obfervations  on  Parifh  Regiflers. 

Among  the  chriflenings,  1627,  July  27,  is  the  following  t 
George  the  fbnne  of  the  right  worfhipful  Sir  Robert  Gordon,  Q„ 
What  relation  to  Dr.  John  Gordon ,  dean  of  Salifbury,  who  died 
in  1619?  or  to  the  noble  family  of  that  name  [*].  Whether 
Mr.  Hutchins,  in  his  Hiflory  of  Dorfetfhire,  be  the  firrl.  or  only* 
writer  who  has  adopted  the  mode  of  perufing  and  publifhing 
from  regiflers  the  evidences  of  marriages,  &c.  is  not  for  me  to* 
decide.  Several  remote  family  alliances,  however,  are.  there  to 
be  met  with.  Such  are  Jennings  of  Shiplake  c*.,  Oxon,  with. 
Conjlantine  of  Great  Canford \  Kerr  of  Morris  Town  in  Scot¬ 
land  near  Berwick,  with  Pitt ;  Lee,  of  Coton,  Shropfhire,  with 
Michel,  both  the  ladies  of  Melcomb  Horfey  [_/*]..,  The  recording 
of  extraordinary  events  is  of  lingular  ufe  in  local  and  natural 
hiflory,  and  points  out  a  farther  evidence  of  the  extent  of  their 
utility.  From  the  parifh  regifter  of  the  H,  Trinity  in  Dor^ 
chefter  [£*],  we  have  the  following  memorandum  :  6  1651,  Aug» 

*  22 .  At  night  there  was  great  thunder  and  lightning,  fuch 

*  as  has  not  been  known  by  any  living  in  this  age,  and  there 
‘  fell  with  it  a  great  florm  of  hail,  fome  of  the  Hones  of  which. 

*  were  feven  inches  about,  with  abundance  of  rain,  and  it  con- 

*  tinned  all  night,  and  great  part  of  next  morning,  till  eight  or 
‘  nine  of  the  clock.  That  lame  day  were  Mr.  Love  and  Mr. 

*  Gibbons  beheaded.’  This  ftorm  is  mentioned  by  feveral  au- 

corded,  on  a  blank  leaf  with  feveral  others  of  the  family,  is  written  ‘  Edvard 
4  Nicholas  nafcitur  quarto  die  Aprilis  circa  deciam  noftis  horam  48  poll  ho— 

*  ram  natu  1593.  3°  Sabb°  die.’  This  cuftom  was  kept  up  by  the  family  after^ 
it  ceafed  to  be  the  place  of  their  relidence.  Here  we  have  this  all'o  :  William 
Niche  las,  fon  of  Sir  John  Nicholas,  knight  of  the  Bath,  was  born  at  Spring 
Garden  on  Munday  the  13th  day  of  April  1668.  Hence  corredt  Bowyerls 
Life,  p.  98. 

(>]  Thefe  three  laft  are  from  Idmillon  Regifter,  com.  Wilts. 

[/]  Hutchins,  v.  LL.  111^.4x7.. 

[g]  lb.  v.  I.  391. 

i  tbor$r 

Mr.  Bowle’s  Obfervations  on  Parifh  Regifters.  75 

thors  [A],  but  nothing  is  faid  of  any  mifchief  in  its  confequence. 
In  the  third  register  of  the  parifh  of  Great  Durnford,  Wilts,  is 
this  entry.  ‘John  Cunditt  was  buried  Auguffc  the  2d,  1718. 
‘  He  and  his  man,  and  five  horfes,  were  killed  with  a  clap  of 
‘  thunder  and  lightning.’  The  day  of  interment  induced  me 
to  fuppofe,  that  it  might  be  on  the  fame  day  in  which  John 
Hewet  and  Mary  Drew  were  killed  by  lightning  at  Stanton- 
Harcourt,  as  related  in  Mr.  Pope’s  Letters.  On  mentioning 
this  to  a  gentleman  refident  in  the  next  parifh,  he  communi¬ 
cated  this  memorandum  of  his  grandfather’s  at  the  time  of  the 
event:  ‘  Farmer  John  Cundick ,  of  Winterbourn ,  was  with  his  man 
‘  and  five  horfes  flruck  dead  with  thunder  and  lightning,  and 
‘  another  fervant  wounded  July  31,  1716.’  Thefe  extraordi¬ 
nary  accidents,  certainly  the  fame  day,  poffibly  the  fame  hour, 
muft  have  been  at  leaft  feventy  miles  apart. 

As  every  man’s  experience  may  be  of  fervice  to  others  who 
may  be  engaged  in  fimilar  purfuits,  I  (hall  with  lefs  referve  re¬ 
late  what  has  happened  in  my  own.  The  difcovery  in  the  will 
of  William  of  Wykeham  of  this,  Item  lego  dgneti  Sandes 
conf anguine  re  mete  pro  fe  &  liber  is  fuis  centum  libras  Jlerlingorumy 
induced  a  belief  of  the  general  confanguinity  of  the  family, 
which  does  not  appear  quite  clear:  but  added  fpirit  to  my  en¬ 
quiries.  Looking  over  Rudder’s  Hiflory  of  Gloucefterfhire, 
p.  555,  I  found  an  account  of  the  death  of  Sir  William  Sandy s 
of* Mufarden,  March  2,  1640.  On  the  ninth  of  December 
*639  were  married  Richard  Goddard ,  Efq.  and  Mrs.  Culpepper 
Sandy s  [/],  one  of  the  five  daughters  of  the  faid  knight,  and  dame 
Margaret  his  wife,  daughter  and  heir  of  Walter  Culpepper  of 
Oxfordfhire,  The  illue  from  this  marriage  were  four  daughters. 

[6]  See  Aubrey’s  Mifcellanies,  Art.  Omens, 

[7]  MifTerden  Regifter. 

L  2 


76  Mr.  BowLEfs  Obfervations  on  Parifh  Regiftefs. 

The  baptifms  of  the  three  youngeft  only  are  in  the  Swindon  [£] 
regifter.  My  bufinefs  was  with  the  deleft,  but  her  baptilm,  after 
the  family  name  of  her  mother  Sandy s ,  was  not  to  be  found 
there.  Sufpicions  and  difficulties  naturally  arole  upon  this  event, 
and  were  at  length  annihilated  on  the  confirmation  of  a  lucky 
conje&ure,  that  Mrs.  Goddard  might  vifit  her  mother  at  the  time 
of  her  father’s  death  :  and  that  this  was  the  cafe  is  as  near  as 
poflible  certain,  her  baptifm  about  that  year  being  in  the  regi- 
ffer  of  Miferden .  From  the  fulleft  evidence,  I  know  that  this 
cafe  is  by  no  means  lingular.  And  as  we  have  feen  before  in 
the  affair  of  marriages,  fo  probably  in  the  entering  of  baptifms, 
a  general  negligence  or  inattention  to  them,  though  fo  mater¬ 
nal  in  its  confequences,  might  have  generally  prevailed  on  the 
fide  of  the  parents,.  Private  family  misfoi tunes,  and  public 
calamities  of  the  times,  muft  have  occafiondly  brought  about  a 
change  in  fituations :  thefe  in  consequence  neceflarily  produced 
oblivion  and  ignorance,  in  the  courfe  of  time,  of  the  place  of 
family  refidence,  and  in  fome  inftances  led  to  a  neceffity  of  other 
evidence  for  the  legitimacy  even  of  the  principal  perfon  in  the 

It  pleafed  Providence  upon  the  coming  in  pf  the  Houfe  of 
Stuart  to  vifit  this  kingdom  with  a  dreadful  peftilence.  In  our 
regifter  is  the  following  entry:  Anno  1604,  thofe  who  died  of 
the  plage  this  yere.  Goodwife  Willminton  and  John  Wdlminton 
died  December  14,  W.  Willminton  Jan,  13,  and  five  others  out 
of  the  latter’s  houfe  in  Porton,  the  laft,  Jan.  28  in  anno  1604.. 
N.  B.  There  is  a  confiderable  fpace  in  the  original,  as  if  it  had 
been  intended  to  have  inferted  others  before  thefe  deaths :  and 
it  is  remarkable,  there  are  no  other  entries  this  year.  Charles - 
the  Firft  began  his  reign  with  the  fame  calamity;  and  his  queen. 
Bed  to  Salifbury  in  the  courfe  of  the  year  1625.  The  plague 

[£]  Gobi,  Wilts. 


Mr*  Bowle's  Obfervations  on  Parifh  Regifters.  77 

was  in  Salifbury  in  1627  [/].  The  fame  year  it  appeared  in  the 
country,  6  1627,  ir  J ulii,  Agneta  Cooper  \ idua  in  campis. — 12 
*■  Julii,  Gulielmus  filius  Andrea  Pavye ,  in  campis. — 14  Julii 
6  Margaretta  filia  Ricbardi  Cobb. — 19  Julii  fepulta  erat  Fran- 
4  cifca  filia  Andrefe  Pavye  in  campis. — 19  Julii  NicboJaus  ats 
4  Phippes . — 21  Julii  Alicia  filia  Ricbardi  Cobb.  —  27  Julii  Ri- 
6  chardus  Cobb  in  claufo  ejus. — 28  Julii  Arthurus  Phippes  in 
6  claufo  ejus  \jn\C  Thefe  irregular  places  of  interment  may  folve 
fome  doubts  that  may  fometimes  arife  from  the  difcovery  of 
huiAan  bones.  As  in  this  particularly,,  fo  in  various  other  in- 
fiances,  regifters  will  be  found  ufeful  in  elucidating  other  parts 
of  hiftory,  and  biography,  by  correcting  errors,  and  pointing 
out  fingular  characters.  So  in  the  Regifter  of  Sherborne  among 
the  burials,  we  find  4  William  Howel,  hermit  of  St.  John  Bap - 
*  tifli  1538.  Thomas-  Wyatr  Knt.  Domini  regis  conJiliariusy 
4  1542  [n\*  Among  the  fame  in  the  Regifter  of  Wodeforde  [0] 
I  find  4  Nicholas  Barnes  prieft  the  xxx  daye  of  Auguft  1557.® 
In  the  Regifter  of  Weybill ,  Hants,  is  the  following  entry  r 
4  Thomas  Dominus  Blount  Comes  de  Newport,  fepultus  Mail 
6  quarto,  1675.’  No  mention-  is-  made  of  this  nobleman  by 
Wright  in  his  edition  of  Heylin,  a  work  in  a  great  degree  ne- 
ceflary  for  every  reader  of  Englifh  hiftory.  Should  thefe  remarks 
give  you  any  pleafure,  and  you  fhould  think  them  worthy  the 
notice  of  the  Society,  I  (hall  think  my  time  well  employed.. 
Such  as  they  are,  they  are  with  great  deference  and  refpect  fub- 
mitted  to  your  better  judgement. 

I  remain  your,  moft  obedient  fervant, 


[/]  From  a  MS.  lift  of  the  mayors  of  Salifburv. 

\m]  From  Great  Durnford  Regifter. 

[«]  Hutchins,  y.  II.  3S3. 

[0}  Near  Salifbury. 



.M\  Bowle’s  Observations  on  Parifli  RegHfers. 

P,  S.  Extra&s  from  the  Regifter  of  Barford  St.  Martin’s, 
-near  Wilton.  Francis  Deane  and  Jane  Harwood,  vid,  both  of 
that  place,  married  by  Mr.  Robert  Read ,  mayor  of  Wilton ,  April 
io,  1654. 

John  Bull  and  Elenor  Naf. \  vid.  by  Edward  Tooke ,  EJ juf- 
jice  of  the  peace ,  March  28,  1654. 

William  Surman  of  Wilton  and  Alice  Godwin  of  this  parifh 
married  by  Mr.  Stephen  Toogode  mayor  of  Wilton,  May  28, 

..No  appointment,  or  mention  of  the  parifli  regifter  here. 

VII.  Letter 

¥11.  Letter  to  the  Rev.  James  Douglas,  F.  A.  S.  fronts 
John  Pownall,  Ffq*  on  a  Roman  'Tile  found  at  Re* 
culver  in  Kent. 

Read  December  15,  1785, 

S  i  it, 

Lewilham,  Sept.  26,  1785. 

1H  AVE  the  honour  to  fend  you  herewith  a  very  rude  and 
imperfed  fketch  of  one  of  the  tiles  which  cover  Lome  duds 
or  drains,  now  difternible  in  the  cliff  at  Rec-ulver  in  Kent,  about 
eight  feet  below  the  furface  of  the  Roman  Ration.. 

I  call  thefe  duds,  ordrains,  becaufe  I  am  unable  to  determine 
whether  they  were  merely  drains  or  fewers  to  the  camp,  or 
whether  they  were  duds  to  a  bath. 

From  the  timilitude  of  the  tiles  in  fize  and'  fliape  to  thofe  de¬ 
ferred  by  Mr.  Lyon  as  ufed  in  the  duds  of  the  Roman  bath 
dilcovered  under  St.  Mary’s  church  at  Dover  [h],  and  to  thofe 
ufed  lor  the  like  purpofe  in  the  Roman  bath  difeovered  near. 
Brecknock,  as  deferibed  by  Mr.  Hay  [3],  and  from  the  whole  of 
the  fpace  occupied  by  theieduds  or  drains  being  coyered  above 
the  tiles  with  a  thick  coat  of  ve  f*  hard  plaifter  compofed  of 
mortar  mixed  up  with  bruiled  brick,  exadly  limilar  to  that  ufed 
for  the  fame  purpoie  in  thofe  baths,  as  deferibed  by  Mr.  Lyon 
and  Mr.  Hav,.  I  ffy  that  from  thefe  circumftances  I  am  inclined ; 
to  believe  that  thefe  alfo  are  duds  belonging  to  a  Roman  bath, 
and  that  the  coat  of  plaifter  laid  over  the  tiles  was  the  floor  of 

[«]  Archaeologia,.  vol.  IV.  p.  325.  [3]  Ibid.  vol.  VII.  p.  205... 


8o  Mr.  Pownall  on  a  Roman  Tile. 


fome  room  above  ;  but  I  fay  this  only  on  the  ground  of  conjec¬ 
ture,  as  my  vifit  to  Reculver  was  too  fhort  to  purfue  that  mode 
of  inveftigation  which  might  have  afcertained  the  fa£t ;  nor 
Ihauld  I  have  troubled  you  with  thefe  obfervations,  had-  it  not 
been  for  the  very  curious  rude  fcrawl  on  the  tile  I  brought  away 
with  me,  a  fac  fimile  of  which  is  upon  the  drawing  inc.lofe;d  [c]. 

It  thefe  are  really  letters,  and  the  Romans  ever  wrote  in  fuch 
characters,  of  which  I  never  yet  faw  any  fample,  I  fhould  be  in¬ 
clined  to  think  that  the  infcription  refers  to  the  Legio  fecunda 
Britannica,  which,  after  having  been  removed  by  Valent  ini  an 
from  amongft  the  Silures,  was  Rationed  at  their  different  polls 
in  Kent,  for  the  defence  of  the  coaft  againft  the  Saxons, 

1  examined  a  great  number  of  the  fragments  of  tiles  lying 
amongft  the  rubbifh  at  the  foot  of  the  cliff,  underneath  where 
thefe  dufts  or  drains  appear ;  but  that  which  I  brought  away  is 
the  only  one  that  has  any  infcription  *upon  it,  though  every  one 
has  invariably  that  femicircular  mark  upon  it  which  is  defcribed 
in  the  fketch,  and  which  feems  to  have  had  no  other  meaning 
than  as  a  guide  to  the  workmen  in  laying  the  tiles  with  greater 

T  o  • 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  moft  obedient  humble  fervant, 


[c]  See  plate  II. 


•  *  .  /  I  « 1  ‘  » I  •  * 

ncv  j.  ,'  iL  y.r  f  aibi  * 

•  a  l  c  c.ji  1 

r  i  , 

.  C  i: „  ;  oj  ^3 

'  *  \  cj 

‘JlodtV'1  L,  ? 

VIII.  Dr. 

[  8t  ] 

VIII.  Dr.  Glafs’  s  Letter  to  William  Marfden,  Lfq. 
on  the  Affinity  of  certain  TVorcls  in  the  Language  of 
the  Sandwich  and  Friendly  Ifles  in  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
with  the  Hebrew. 


Read  January  19,  1786. 

My  dear  friend, 

YOU  know  my  opinion  as  to  the  originality  of  the  Hebrew 
language  :  to  this  you  mud  attribute  the  trouble  I  am  now 
giving  you. 

If  there  was  a  time  when  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  world 
fpoke  Hebrew,  then  we  are  judified  in  our  attempts  at  tracing 
to  that  primary  fource  any  word  in  any  language  fpoken  on  the 
habitable  globe :  and  an  argument  conne&ed  with  thefe  data, 
though  it  may  not  carry  convidtion  with  it,  will  not,  I  hope,  be 
confidered,  prima  facie ,  as  abfurd  and  impoflible. 

It  is  my  opinion,  then,  that  the  word  taboo ,  which  is  fo  com¬ 
mon  in  all  the  iflands  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  which  occurs 
fo  very  frequently  in  the  journals  of  our  circumnavigators,  is, 
pojfibly,  of  Hebrew  origin. 

At  lead  thus  much  is  certain,  that  the  Hebrew  word  nmyn 
Taooba ,  from  ay/),  has  t lie  fame  precife  lignification  with  the 
'word  Taboos  as  ufed  in  the  Sandwich  and  Friendly  ides,  &c. 

The  word  2Vr\  as  a  verb  fignifies1  tranfitively,  to  loathe  nau- 
Jeate ,  abominate ,  both  in  a  natural  and  mental  feni'e.  From 
Vo l.  VIII.  M  hence 

32  Dr,  Glass  on  the  Affinity  of  certain  Words 

hence  is  derived  rQW  Taaob-a>  and  mw  Taoob-ath ,  an  abo¬ 

It  occurs  in  feveral  places  of  the  Sacred  Writings  ;  but  the 
three  following  in  fiances  are  fufficien-tly  in  point  for  my  pur- 
pofe,  viz.  to  (hew,  that  the  effect  of  that  abomination  we  fpealc 
of,  was  interdictory^  and  that  to  a  very  high  degree,  which  is 
exactly  the  fenfe  in  which  it  feems  to  occur  in  the  Journals  of 
Captain  Cook,  &c.  with  the  flight  tranfpofition  of  one  vowel  * 


Genehs  lxiii.  32. 

se  And  they  fet  on  (meat)  for  him  (Jofeph)  by  himfelf,  and  for 
them  (the  Tons  of  Jacob)  by  themfelves;  and  for  the  Egyptians 
which  did  eat  with  him  (in  his  prefence)  by  themfelves,  be- 
caufe  the  Egyptians  might  not  eat  bread  with  the  Hebrews,  for 
that  is  rDWT,  Taooba ,  to  the  Egyptians.” 

An  inhabitant  of  O-why-hee  would  have  given  the  very  fame 
reafon  for  iuch  a  feparation  at  his  meaL 


Genefls  xlvi.  33,  34. 

“  And  it  fli all  come  to  pafs  when  Pharaoh  fhall  call  yon,  and 
“  fhall  fay,  6  What  is  your  occupation?’ 

“  That  ye  fhall  fay,  ‘  Thy  fervants  trade  hath  been  about 
(C  cattle,  from  our  youth  even  until  now,  both  we  and  our  fa- 
“  thers:’  that  ve  may  dwell  in  the  land  of  Gofhen,  for  every 
“  fhepherd  is  mw  : Taoob-ath ,  to  the  Egyptians.” 


Exodus  viii.  25,  26. 

And  Pharaoh  called  for  Moles  and  Aaron,  and  (aid :  u  Go 

ye,  facrifice  to  your  God  in  the  land.” 


in  the  Hebrew  and  South-Sea  Ijlands  Language. 

And  Mofes  (aid  :  “  It  is  not  meet  fo  to  do,  for  we  (hall  facri- 
u  fice  the  abomination  of  the  Egyptians  to  the  Lord  our  God 
il  (Tdaoob-ath-M'izraim) ,  Lo,  fhall  we  facrifice  D'lXD"  raw, 
M  that  which  the  Egyptians  are  forbidden  to  ufe,  before  their 
“  eyes,  and  will  they  not  (lone  usr” 

There  is  little  doubt,  that  Mofes  in  this  place  alludes  to  the 
well-known  Egyptian  hiftories  of  Ifis  and  Ofiris,  and  that  the 
cow  was  the  taboo'd  animal  which  it  was  fo  hazardous  to  facri¬ 
fice  in  Egypt. 

Herodotus  gives  us  the  reafon  in  his  Euterpe  : 

T&V  8v  xctOapxg  /3xg  rxg  Sparevag,  xdii  rug  pioa-^g  ol  7xrdv}sg 
AiyvTrjioi  Suva*  rdg  $s  fyrjX'cug  cv  tr(pi  s^sg’i  S’uav*  dxxd  locu  eun  rr,g 
*' Icriog .  to  <yctp  TY]g’'l<nog  ccytzXpcoi,  sov  yvvoiixvjiovj  (3 vxsguv  sg’i,  xo6§i%7rs(3 
^EXXsvsg  ryjv  ’ixv  ygottparr  xcti  rug  (bug  rag  fyyXsag  A lyV7rjioi  TS-dCrg 
opioioog  <re&ovJ<xi,  Ttr^o&ctTuv  'sroivjoov  pidx i$c&  pcooxpd* 

“  All  the  Egyptians  facrifice  bulls,  and  bull-calves  which  are 
free  from  blemilh  ;  but  cows  they  are  forbidden  to  offer  up,  for 
they  are  holy  to  Ifis.  For  the  reprefentation  of  Ifis  is  that  of  a 
female  with  a  cow’s  horns,  as  the  Greeks  paint  Io,  and  all  the 
Egyptians  do  thus  venerate  cows  (boves  foeminas)  far  more 
than  all  other  cattle.” 

In  confequence  of  this,  their  behaviour  to  perfons  coming 
from  a  country  not  fo  fcrupulous  gives  us  a  mod  perfedt  idea  of 
the  taboo . 

Tab  ebejca,  8T  ccvvjp  Alyvorjiag,  xts  yuvrj  ayfyx  'EXX'/iva,  (piXycete- 

~  /  fi  »t\  /  ’  T'  '•  'Ip,  .  /  n  ’V  ’/o'.  ’5" 

m  rw  gcfxocjC  80s  avc^og  EXX vjvog  Xpijcrs jut,  8o  obc/vCitr;,  80s 

Xs&vjti,  8$e  xpsoog  KocQup8  (3oog  hciTz]y.rly&\8  'EXXyvixy  pctxctipy j  ysvcsjou. 

“  On  this  account  no  Egyptian  man  or  woman  would  kifs  a 
Greek,  nor  ufe  the  (word  of  a  Greek,  nor  Grecian  fpirs,  or  cal¬ 
drons;  nor  will  they  even  tade  the  flefh  of  a  clean  bead,  which 
is  carved  with  a  Grecian  knife.” 

M  2  This 

$4  Dr.  Glass  on  the  Affinity  of  certain  Words,  &c. 

This  was  the  T aoob-a-Mizrdim  in  its  effects,  which  are  ex¬ 
actly  analogous  to  thofe  of  the  Taboo. 

The  tenor  ot  rhefe  obfervations  is  lupported  by  the  Jewifh 
Rabbinical  Comment,  called  Targum  Onkelos,  on  Genefis  xliii. 
32.  quoted  by  the  ingenious  and  learned  Mr.  Parkhurft  in  his 
Lexicon,  on  the  word  where  it  is  laid,  “  For  the  Egyp- 

“  tians  could  not  eat  bread  with  the  Hebrews  becaufe  the  bead's 
“  which  the  Egyptians  worffiipped  the  Hebrews  eat.” 

If  I  miftake  not,  the  Taboo  of  the  i (lands  has  fome  connec¬ 
tion,  not  accurately  underfiood,  with  their  religious  tenets. 

This  conjecture  will  receive  additional  flrength,  if  in  the 
courfe  of  future  enquiry  there  fhauld  appear,  as  I  cannot  but 
lufpeCt  will  be  the  cafe,  as  marked  an  affinity  between  other 
words  in  the  two  languages,  expreffive  of  the  fame  ideas  j- 
Mattee ,  from  no,  feems  to  be  here  in  point. 

1  wifli  I  had  leifure  and  abilities  to  enter  more  deeply  into 
fuch  an  inveftigation. 

The  fubjeCt  viewed  in  any  light  whatever  is  not  unintereft- 
ing;  and  no  argument  in  fivour  of  the  primaevity  of  the  Hebrew 
language  is  unimportant.  Refearches  of  this  nature,  we  under- 
ftand,  are  now  making,  under  the  direction  of  a  great  princefs,. 
as  well  as  by  the  affiduous  care  of  learned  individuals.  I  am 
fully  perfuaded,  that  thefe  refearches  will  terminate  in  fome 
new  difcoveries  of  the  connection  between  the  language  of  every 
kingdom  upon  earth  with  that  prefumed  to  have  been  ipoken 
by  Adam  and  Noah. 

Yours  mod  affeClionately, 

G.  H.  G  LAS  S. 

IX.  Mr . 

C  85  3 

IX.  Mr.  Willis’s  EJfay  on  the  Ikineld-Street. 

Communicated  by  Mr.  Bray  to  the  Earl  of  Leicefter. 

Pr.  A.  S. 


Read  March  3,  1785. 

My  Lord, 

rpHE  following  efl'ay  towards  a  difcovery  of  the  Ikneld- 
JL  ftreet,  the  courfe  of  which  Antiquaries  have  been  fo 
long  enquiring  after,  is  the  production  of  the  late  Mr.  Richard 
Willis  of  Andover,  a  gentleman  very  fludious  in  matters  of 
antiquity,  and  indefatigable  in  his  refearches. 

It  feems  proper  to  premife,  that  in  the  firffc  volume  of  the 
Archaeologia,  p.  56,  Mr.  Lethieullier,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Gale, 
corrects  an  error  of  Dr.  Stukeley  in  aflerting  that  the  Icening- 
ftreet  (as  he  calls  it)  goes  from  Newberry  to  Old  Sarum  ;  and 
he  delcribes  very  minutely  a  Roman  road  from  Marlborough  to 
the  North  gate  of  Winchefter,  but  he  does  not  affign  it  any 

Mr.  Richard  Willis  (p.  60.  of  the  fame  volume)  calls  the  atten¬ 
tion  of  the  Society,  and  of  Dr.  Stukeley  in  particular,  to  the  di¬ 
verticulum  which  Mr.  Taylor  has  (hewn  in  his  map  of  Plants,  of 
the  Ikeneld-ftreet,  running  from  the  N.  E.  corner  of  Sir  Sydney 
Medows’s  park  which  Mr.  Taylor  calls  Chute  park,  (viz.  from 
the  figure  326.  Sir  Sydney’s  late  Sir  Philip  Medows’s  feat  called 
Conholt),  to  a  little  houfe  to  the  S.  W.  called  Scot’s-poor. 
This  diverticulum,  he  fays,  is-  called  Chute  Caufewav,  and  is 
Vol.  VIII.  M  3  '  the 


Mr,  Willis  on  the  Ikineld- Street. 

the  Ikeneld-ftreet  continued  from  Winchefter.  He  affirms  that 
this  caufeway  from  Scots-poor  goes  to  Marlborough,  not  to  Old 
Sarum,  divides  into  a  vicinal  way  from  Banbury  camp  near 
Wanborough,  from  whence,  by  Mr.  Wife’s  account,  it  pa  ties  by 

the  White-horfe  -hill  and  Wantage  to  Goreing,  and  is  Dr.  Plot’s 
Ikeneld-ftreet ;  thence  to  Royfton  or  Barley.  But  from  Wan¬ 
borough,  he  lays,  the  great  Ikeneld-ftreet,  one  of  the  tour  Buti- 
lical  ways ,  runs,  as  I  affirm  it  from  my  own  infpection,  into  War- 
wickffiire.  f  . 

The  merit  however  of  difcovering  the  road  from  Southamp¬ 
ton  by  Winchefter  to  Gloucefter  to  be  the  great  Ikeneld-ftreet,. 
is  claimed  by  Mr.  Willis,  who,  in  fome  papers  relating  to  this 
and  other  Roman  roads,  fays,  that  “  the  difcovery  of  the  Port- 
“  way  from  Silchefter  to  Andover,  and  thence  to  Old  Sarum, 
“  as  well  as  the  Ikineld-ftreet  from'  Southampton  to  Gloucefter, 
“  and  the  etymology  of  both  thefe  caufeways,  was  firft  com- 
“  municated  to  the  Society  by  a  letter  I  wrote  to  the  late  Dr. 
“  Ward,  accompanied  with  a  rough  Iketch  of  a  map  to  fhew 
“  the  Roman  caufeways  in  the  county,  which  for  the  two  prin- 
“  cipal,  viz.  the  Ikineld-ftreet,  and  the  Port  way,  crofting  juft 
“  by  this  place  of  my  aboad,  I  had  made  large  remarks  on 
“  their  progrefs  through  the  kingdom  ;  which  letter  was  read 
“  to  them  by  the  honourable  James  Weft,  Efq.  in  1752. 

“  As  my  remarks  on  thefe  monuments  of  Roman  grandeur 
“  were  entirely  new,  1  was  fo  vain  as  to  expert  from  the  ho- 
“  nourable  Society  fome  token  that  they  were  pleafed  with  my 
“  new  ditcovery,  in  (lead  of  which  the  Dodlor  wrote  me  word 
“  that  my  account  claftied  fo  far  with  Dr.  Stukeley’s  Itinera- 
“  rium  Curiofum,  that  on  that  account  the  gentlemen  ffiewed 

the  lefs  regard  to  it.  But  the  publication  of  Mr.  J.  Taylor’s 
“  map  or  accurate  Purvey  of  Hampffiire,  encouraged  me  to 
14  appeal  to  the  public  through  the  conveyance  of  the  Gentle- 

“  man’s 

Mr.  Willis  on  the  Ikineld-Street.  87 

<e  man’s  Magazine.  I  took  the  liberty  to  fend  one  of  thefe 
46  maps  to  the  abovemeiitioned  honourable  Gentleman  for  the 
“  infpe&ion  of  the  Society,  and  with  it  a  drawing  of  a  plan 
“  of  Winchefter  [Y]  to  fhew  the  fix  Roman  caufeways  I  took 
“  notice  of  in  my  above  remarks  proceeding  from  the  four 
“  gates  of  the  city.  I  would  by  means  of  the  Magazine  make 
“  an  apology  to  Dr.  Stukeiey  for  imagining  in  thole  remarks 
“  he  had  been  impofed  on  in  his  account  of  Chute  Caufeway, 
“  by  his  fenfible  Amefbury  friends,  if  I  laid  they  were  two 
“  ignorant  conceited  fellows.  I  beg  the  Gentlemen  of  the  So- 
“  ciety  and  Dr.  Stukeiey  in  particular  would  oblerve,”  5cc.  as 
in  vol.  I.  p.  60. 

Thefe  papers  have  been  communicated  to  me  by  Henry 
Norton  Willis,  Efq.  his  grandfon,  at  whofe  defire  1  have  ex- 
traded  the  following  account  of  the  Ikineld-ftrect  to  lav  before 
your  lord Ih ip.  The  letter  above  referred  to  has  not  been  printed 
by  the  Society,  and  is  now  probably  loll: ;  and  as  the  road  is 
here  traced  much  further  than  it  is  by  Mr.  Lethieullier,  befides 
that  here  is  alfo  an  elucidation  of  the  road  through  Oxfordlhire, 
if  your  lordfhip  lhall  think  this  paper  worthy  the  notice  of  the 
Society,  which  has  the  honour  of  your  lordfhip  for  Prefident,  , 
I  may  hereafter,  with  Mr.  Willis’s  leave,  tranimit  the  obferva- 
tions  on  the  Portway. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  refped, 

My  Lord, 

your  lordfhip’s  mold  obedient  humble  fervant,' 


[a]  Mr.  Weft  not  having  communicated  Taylor’s  map  of  Hants  and  the 
plan  of  Winchefter  fent  to  accompany  this  letter ;  the  Society  could  not  receive 
the  conviftion  from  thenv  which  Mr.  Willis  deftgned.  Minutes. 


X.  An 

[  83  ] 

X.  An  Ejfay  towards  a  Difcovery  of  the  great  Ikineld- 

Strcet  of  the  Romans, 

HATEVER  ground  there  maybe  for  fuppofing  the 

▼  *  city  of  Winchefter  to  have  been  built  near  1000  years 
before  Chrift,  there  feems  to  be  no  doubt  of  its  having  been  a 
Roman  ftation,  and  probably  one  of  their  cities ;  a  pavement  of 
brick,  and  coins  of  Conftantine  the  Great,  and  others,  were 
difcovered  in  digging  the  foundations  of  the  palace,  which  was 
begun  by  Charles  II.  [a].  It  is  faid  to  have  had  formerly  fix 
gates,  four  principal  of  which  ftill  fubfift.  The  Britons  called 
it  Caer-Gwent,  or  the  White  City,  from  its  chalky  fituation, 

.  and  it  is  agreed  to  be  the  Roman  Venta  Belgarum  of  Ptolemy 
and  Antoninus. 

From  the  four  remaining  gates  of  this  city  there  are  fix  Ro¬ 
man  ways.  Mr.  Taylor’s  map  of  Hampfhire,  as  it  is  the  firft 
that  ever  delineated  a  Roman  way  in  the  county,  is  confe- 
quently  the  firft  that  has  (hewn  any  of  thefe  fix;  but  he  has 
overlooked  two,  viz.  one  from  the  Eaft  gate,  which  goes  by 
Alresford  to  Farnham,  and  one  from  the  South  gate  to  South¬ 
ampton.  His  overfight  may  be  excufed  if  we  conlider  that  they 
were  lately  become  turnpike  roads  when  he  made  his  map,  fo 
that  they  were  broken  up  and  difguifed. 

i.  From  the  Eaft  gate  one  goes  by  Alresford  and  Alton  to 
Farnham,  and  is  part  of  Antoninus’s  15th  Iter,  viz.  Vindomis, 

[«]  Camden,  Brit.  vol.  I.  p.  215. 


Mr.  Willis  on  the  Ikineld-Street. 


Veuta  JBelgarum  [£].  The  learned  annotator  on  Camden  fays, 
that  from  Airesford  to  Alton  there  goes  all  along  a  Roman 
highway  [c].  Part  of  this  (y/J  makes  a  head  or  hank  to  the 
great  pond  at  Airesford,  out  of  which  rifes  the  river  Itchin,  run¬ 
ning  from  thence  by  Winchefter  to  Southampton, 

2.  Another  way  fiom  the  Eaft  gate  proceeds  on  the  now 
turnpike  road  to  Morefted,  where  it  branches  off  weftward  from 
the  Gofport  and  Portfmouth  road  to  Oulefbury,  and  from  thence 
to  a  wood  called  Rowh ay-coppice.  Heie  Mr.  Taylor’s  map  lofes 
it,  and  it  is  no  longer  a  road ;  but  it  goes  through  that  wood* 
and  through  feveral  inclofures  by  Upham  and  Bifhops  Waltham 
to  Portchefter,  the  landing  place  of  Vefpafian, 

3.  To  the  South  gate  comes  the  way  from  Southampton, 
mentioned  in  Antoninus’s  yth  Iter  ^  a  Claufento  Venta  Belga¬ 
rum.  Dr.  Stukeley  fays  (Itin.  Cur.  I.  p.  192.  lad;  edit.) :  “  The 
way  between  Winchefter  and  Southampton  we  perceived  plainly 
to  be  a  Roman  road,  efpecially  as  far  as  the  chalk  reached.” 
[This  erodes  the  city,  goes  out  at  the  North  gate,  as  in  N°  6, 
and  is,  as  will  be  fhevvn  by  and  by,  the  true  Ikineld-ftreet.] 

[£]  N°  5  feems  rather  to  belong  to  this  Iter.  Airesford  and  Alton  are  in  a 
line  to  Farnham,  bat  very  much  out  of  the  way  from  Winchefter  to  Silchefter, 
Vindomis.  Dr.  Stukeley  makes  Farnham  to  be  Calleva,  inftead  of  Walling¬ 
ford  as  Camden,  or  Henley  as  Talbot,  interprets  it,  and,  that  it  may  anfwer 
that  name,  makes  the  road  from  thence  to  Winchefter  in  the  1 5th  Iter  go 
round  by  Silchefter,  a  long  and  needlefs  circuit,  when  there  was  a  ftraight  road 
through  Alton  and  Airesford.  But  Silchefter  would  come  naturally  in  the  way 
from  either  WTallingford  or  Henley  to  Winchefter. 

[r]  Camd.  vol.  I.  p.  214. 

[y?]  The  turnpike  road  having  taken  a  new  courfe,  this  is  no  longer  the  com¬ 
mon  way  to  Alton.  In  the  Gent.  Mag.  for  17 S3,  p.  324,  it  is  laid,  that  in  a 
•wood  called  Monks  wood  near  Alton  were  lately  diicovered  deep  trenches  and 
evident  remains  of  an  old  camp. 

Vol.  VIII. 


4,  Another 

9  o 

Mr,  Willis  on  the  Ikiaeld-Street. 

4.  Another  way  goes  from  the  Well:  gate  to  Old  Sarum,  ter¬ 
minating  in  Hants  at  Buckholt,  the  fite  of  the  Roman  Brige> 
demolifhed  by  William  I.  to  extend  the  bounds  of  the  new 
fore  ft.  This  is  part  of  the  15th  Iter,  viz.  Venta  Belgarum, 
Brige,  Sorbioduno.  From  this  gate  alfo  proceeds  a  turnpike 
road  by  Stockbridge  to  Salilbury,  and  another  to  Romfey. 

5.  From  the  North  gate  to  Silchefter,  now  the  turnpike  road 
to  Bafingftoke  [<?]. 

6.  From  the  North  gate  a  Roman  caufeway  [a  continuation 
of  N°  3.],  fhewn  in  Taylor’s  map,  runs  N.  W.  through  the 
whole  county  of  Hants  into  Wilts  at  Hampfhire  gate,  at  the 
S.  E.  corner  of  Chute-park  [f~\.  When  got  through  the  park 
into  the  Marlborough  road  again  it  turns  into  a  diredt  S.  W, 
courfe,  to  avoid  the  defcent  of  a  precipice  from  the  vaft  ridge 
which  here  runs  along.  At  the  Eaft  fide  of  Hampfhire  gate  it 

{/]  This  leems  to  be  the  15th  Iter,  rather  than  N°  1. 

[/]  Chute  park  was  made  a  park  by  Sir  Philip  Medows  about  the  year  .... 
of  the  lands  that  were  known  by  the  name  of  Efcourt,  a  place  of  great  antiquity, 
and  diftinguilhed  in  all  former  maps  of  Wilts  as  if  it  were  a  town  or  village. 
This  park  is  all  in  Wilts,  and  when  Sir  Philip  made  it,  he  got  a  writ  of  ad  quod 
damnum  to  make  the  Eaft  bound  in  a  ftraight  line,  thereby  taking  in  this  road, 
which  now  makes  a  grand  gravel  terrace  walk.  It  is  raifed  in  a  high  ridge,  on 
the  fummit  of  a  high  hill,  and  commands  a  view  of  the  Ille  of  Wight  and  Salis¬ 
bury  fteeple,  the  former  at  more  than  forty,  the  latter  at  more  than  twenty 
miles  diftance.  The  bafts  of  this  caufeway  is  a  high  bed  of  flint ;  the  next 
ftratum  is  like  the  cinder  and  afhes  of  a  blackfrnith’s  forge,  but  from  whence 
fuch  a  quantity  could  be  collected  is  truly  marvellous.  I  analyfed  it  by  walhing 
it  in  a  bafon  of  water,  and  by  often  decanting  the  black  ablutions  whilft  any 
colour  ftained  the  water,  what  had  looked  like  the  cinder  was  left  perfectly 
white  at  the  bottom  of  the  bafon,  and  refembled  the  fmall  fragments  of  marble 
made  by  the  ftonecutterrs  chippings,  and  much  of  the  fame  grit.  The  fediment 
of  the  black  water,  being  dried,  made  a  powder  like  gunpowder  rubbed  fine,  but 
was  not  at  all  inflammable.  The  upper  ftratum  is  not  much  lefs  wonderful, 
though  it  is  no  more  than  a  beautiful  gravel,  as  no  parts  of  the  country  near 
produce  any  fuch  material. 



Mr.  Willis  on  the  Ikineld- Street. 


pafles  through  the  middle  of  a  beautiful  encampment,  called  by 
the  country  people  Bevisbury,  over  a  common  North  of  Chute, 
and,  as  far  as  a  fingle  public  houfe  called  Scot’s-poor,  is  known 
by  the  name  of  Chute  caufeway  [§•].  At  Scot’s-poor  [/6]  it  erodes 
a  great  intrenchment  called  Wanfdyke  (which  Stukeley,  in  his 
Stonehenge,  p.  48,  fays  was  a  bound  of  the  Belgae,  and  appre¬ 
hends  it  to  have  been  made  by  Divit'iacus  about  fifty  years  be¬ 
fore  Caefar  wrote,  and  that  it  feems  to  have  been  drawn  from 
the  upper  end  of  Tees  river  about  Whitchurch  and  Andover  in 
Hants  to  the  Avon  river  about  Briftol,  and  that  thefe  two  rivers 
and  the  Wanfdyke  feparated  the  Belgick  kingdom  from  the  old 
Britons);  then  it  turns  in  a  right  angle,  and,  prefently  amend¬ 
ing,  runs  on  the  ridge  of  another  high  hill,  and  is  here  called 
Battle-hill  caufeway,  all  along  crouded  with  barrows  and  in- 
trenchments.  One  of  thefe  barrows  [the  prefent  earl  of  Aylef- 
bury  when]  lord  Bruce  has  planted  with  firs,  which  make  a 
beautiful  eye-mark  from  a  fummer-houfe  in  his  park  on  the 
oppofite  fide  of  the  vale ;  another  of  them  [/]  (lands  at  the  brow 


[£]  From  this  caufeway  at  Worthy  Cow- down  branches  off  a  turnpike  road 
for  Whitchurch,  Newberry,  &c.  And  further  North,  near  Newton  Stacey,  a 
turnpike  road  branches  from  it  to  Gofport  and  Southampton  through  Winchef- 
ter,  and  a  branch  through  Wherwell  to  Andover,  from  thence  in  the  fame  di¬ 
rection  to  Weyhill,  and  from  thence  one  by  Everly  and  Devizes  to  Bath  and 
Brihol;  another  by  Amefbury  to  Shruton,  Warminfter,  Froom,  &c. 

[£]  At  Scot’s-poor  the  Marlborough  road  from  Andover  proceeds  ftraight 
on  to  Burbach,  and  thence  along  the  Weltern  fide  of  Savernake  forefl,  which  it 
leaves  at  the  brow  of  the  hill,  where  it  joins  the  road  part  of  the  14th  Iter 
from  Silchefter  to  Newberry,  and  paffes  with  it,  croffing  the  river  Kennet,  to 
Marlborough,  viz.  Callcva ,  Spinis ,  Cunetio. 

[i]  The  peafants,  being  perfuaded  that  great  riches  were  hid  in  this  barrow 
about  the  year  1750,  bellowed  almofl  a  fummer’s  labour  to  dig  into  it;  when  at 
laft  they  found  three  prodigious  large  hones,  much  of  the  form  and  fize  of 
thofe  at  Stonehenge,  and  probably  brought,  as  thofe  were,  from  Marlborough 

N  2  Dowyis, 


Mr.  Willis  on  the  Ikirteld- Street:. 

of  this  hill  where  our  road  defcends  to  the  village  of  Marton  ; 
but,  it  being  here  ploughed  field,  it  is  fcarcely  obfervable  till  it 
quits  the  village,  when  it  proceeds  in  a  high  ridge  by  Wilton, 
then  defcends  into  the  vale  to  Craton  (adjoining  to  Great  Bed- 
win),  where  it  croffes  that  river  at  lord  x^vlefbury’s  water-houfe, 
and  foon  after  runs  through  his  park,  and  near  his  feat  at 
Tokenham,  quitting  which  it  enters  his  foreft  of  Savernake  on 
its  Eaftern  fide,  and  near  its  further  fide  erodes  the  14th  Iter,, 
which  is  alfo  the  turnpike  road  from  London  to  Bath.  It 
erodes  the  river  at  Werg-mill  by  Marlborough,  mounts  the  op- 
pofite  hill,  and  goes  clofe  by  its  Weft  fide  to  a  houfe  fome  time 
lady  Winchilfea’s,  now  reduced  to  a  farm-houfe.  From  hence 
it  goes  to  Ogbourn  St.  George  clofe  on  the  left  hand ;  but  a  lit¬ 
tle  before  that  place  another  Roman  caufeway  runs  off  from 
this,  nearly  in  a  right  angle  North  Eafterly  for  Bifhopfton. 
Between  thefe  two  roads  is  a  fine  encampment  called  Badbury- 
hill  (from  whence  is  a  very  extenfive  profpedt),  and  Barbury 
caftle  on  the  top  of  a  high  hill  encompaffed  with  a  double 
ditch.  A  little  beyond  thefe  two  camps  it  comes  to  Wanbo¬ 
rough,  a  place  of  great  antiquity,  from  thence  to  Stretton  St.. 
Margaret’s,  Cricklade,  Cirencefter,  Birdlip  hill,  and  fo  to  Glou- 
cefter  (ij. 

Downs.  Thefe  flood  up  perpendicular,  having  two  others  of  like  fort  laid  on  the 
tops  of  them,  and  thereby  making  a  fepulchre,  for  under  them  was  depofited  one 
human  ikeleton.  When  I  vifited  it,  one  of  the  men  prefented  me  with  a  frag¬ 
ment  of  the  lower  jawbone  with  two  or  three  of  the  teeth. 

[£]  In  the  13th  Iter  of  Antoninus,  the  copier  has  omitted  one  flation,  as  he 
makes  the  fum  to  be  109  miles,  but  on  calling  up  the  particulars  they  make  but 
90.  It  makes  from  Durocornovio  (Cirencefter)  to  Spine  but  15  miles,  where¬ 
as  it  is  in  fa£l  about  34.  Wanborough  feems  to  be  the  flation  omitted;  and,  if 
we  read  the  Iter  thus,  Cirenceller  to  Wanborough  15,  Spine  19,  which  are  very 
nearly  the  diflances,  it  makes  the  particular  fums  added  together,  109. 


Mr.  Willis  on  the  ikineld-Street.  93 

At  Wanborough  another  Roman  way,  part  of  the  13th  Iter, 
viz.  Speen,  Cirencefter,  Gloucefter,  joins  our  road,  having  been 
traced  from  Speen  by  Donington  caftle,  and  Bay  don  to  Wan¬ 
borough.  This  croffes  the  other  mentioned  above  to  go  to 
Bifhopfton,  at  a  public-houfe,  at  the  N.  E.  bottom  of  the  hill 
called  Wanborough  Red-houfe,  and,  as  I  (hall  (hew  by  and  by, 
was  a  road  of  communication  between  the-  Hermin-ftreet  and 
that  which  I  have  thus  traced  from  Southampton  to  Gloucefter, 
and  which  I  doubt  not  is  the  Ikineld-ftreet.  This  with  the 
Hermin-ftreet  are  the  two  Chemini  Majores  running  in  the 
length  of  the  kingdom,  as  the  Fofte  and  the  Watling-ftreet  do 
in  the  breadth. 

The  Ikineld  and  Hermin-ftreets  were  cenne&ed  at  their 
Southern  ends  by  a  vicinal  road  of  communication,  mentioned 
in  the  7th  Iter,  a  Regno  (Chichefter)  Claufento  (Southampton) 
with  the  intermediate  caufeway  from  Portchefter  to  Winchei- 
ter  [N°  2  above]  ;  at  their  Northern  ends  by  the  road  men¬ 
tioned  by  Hrirfley  and  others  to  go  the  whole  courfe  of  the  Pifts 
wall;  and  in  the  intermediate  fpace  by  a  caufeway  beginning 
at  the  Hermin-ftreet  at  Royfton,  and  terminating  at  the  Ikineld- 
ftreet  near  Ogbourn  St.  George  (or  Wanborough)  mentioned 

The  Ikineld-ftreet  took  its  name  from  its  beginning  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Ichin,  and  continuing  its  courfe  thence  to 
Winchefter  parallel  to  that  river. 

Vefpafian  fi rft  conquered  the  Ifte  of  Wight  and  the  Belgi'e, 
and  is  laid  to  have  landed  at  Portchefter,  from  whence  he  may 
be  imagined  to  have  marched  on  this  caufeway  to  Winchefter; 
Agricola  to  have  made  Southampton  (Claufentum)  his  landing- 
place,  proceeding  hence  N.  W.  to  the  paftage  of  the  Severn  at 
Gloucefter  in  his  way  to  the  conqueft  of  the  Welch,  after 
which  he  purfued  his  victories  in  a  N.  E.  dire&ion  to  the 


Mr.  Willis  on  the  Ikineld-ftreet. 

Eaftern  termination  of  the  Pi&s  wall  at  Tinemouth  [/].  He  is 
generally  allowed  to  have  made  (in  particular)  this  noble  caufe- 
way  in  the  whole  length  of  England,  and  from  the  reafon  juft 
mentioned  might  give  it  the  name  of  Ichin-ftreet,  or  Ikin-ftreet, 
and  the  Saxons  might  make  it  Ikin-eld  ftreet,  or  the  old  lkin- 

Horfley,  p.  387,  fpelis  it  Hikenild-ftreet.  In  old  deeds  of 
lands  in  Andover  bordering  on  this  ftreet,  it  is  called  the  Hick - 
nek  or  Hicknal ,  way. 

When  I  faw  from  my  ftation  at  Wanborough  the  Roman 
way  from  Ogbourn  by  Bifhopfton,  going  thence  to  White- 
horfe-hill,  which  wras  in  my  view,  I  difcovered  what  had  been 
the  greateft  ftumbling-block  to  all  authors  I  had  read  on  Roman 
roads,  when  fpeaking  of  this  Ikineld -ftreet  and  another  they 
call  by  the  fame  name,  and  which  for  diftin&ion  fake  I  {hall 
call  the  Oxfordfhire  Ikineld- ftreet.  The  latter,  as  I  have  al¬ 
ready  mentioned,  is  only  a  road  of  communication  between  the 
Ikineld  and  Hermin-ftreets,  which  from  co-inciding  here  (Wan- 
borough)  with  the  former*  no  doubt  acquired  its  name  ;  and  as 
Mr.  Gale  denies  its  pafting  further  than  Barley  or  Royfton  in 
Harts,  fo  I  deny  its  crojjing  the  Ikineld-ftreet  here,  for,  if  it 
had,  its  direct  cGurfe  would  have  been  to  Marlborough.  Mr. 
Camden’s  map  of  Harts  traces  it  from  Royfton  and  no  farther, 
S.  W.  to  Baldock  and  Dunftable,  where  it  crolies  the  Watling- 
ftreet,  by  the  name  of  the  Iknel-way.  The  traces  of  this 
caufeway  are  very  im perfect  from  Dunftable  through  Bucks 

[/]  It  was  long  before  any  Roman  road  could  be  traced  beyond  Little  CH9?- 
ter  near  Derby  to  Chefterfield,  but  it  has  now  been  accurately  done  by  Mr. 
Pegge  *.  He  however  can  find  nothing  of  it  in  Derbyfhire  beyond  Chefter- 
ileld,  though  it  is  agreed  that  it  enters  the  county  of  York  near  Beighton,  in 
;ts  way  to  Temple-Brough, 

*  EflTay  on  the  Roman  roads  through  the  Coritani,  p.  31,  32. 


Mr,  Willis  on  the  Ikineld-Streef. 


by  Ivingho  [and  Meerfworth]  again  into  Harts  near  long  Mer- 
fton,  then  through  Tring  into  Bucks,  again  near  Wendover 
[Kemble  and  Princes  Rifborough]  to  Chinner  in  Oxfordlhire  ; 
from  hence  Mr.  Camden’s  map  (hews  it  very  remarkably 
through  that  county  to  Goreing  on  the  river  Thames  [*»],  over 
againft  which,  on  the  other  fide  ftands  Strateley  in  Berks.  Mr. 
Gale  fays,  44  it  gives  name  to  Strateley  ;  but  here  I  mull:  confefs 
44  myfelf  at  a  full  ftop,  the  Ikniid-ftreet,  as  far  as  I  know,  being 
44  entirely  loft,  and  our  guides  utterly  difagreeing  among  them- 
46  felves  which  way  to  lead  us.  Mr.  Drayton  terminates  it 
4f  upon  the  Solent  fea;  the  Cottonian  fcheme  carries  it  on  to 
44  Salilbury.  If  it  terminated  on  the  Solent  fea,  it  muft  have 
44  been  at  Southampton,  and  probably  went  from  Strateley 
44  where  we  loft  it,  to  Silchefter,  thence  to  Winchefter  and 
44  Southton  ;  but  by  its  palling  the  Thames  at  Goreing  to 
44  Strateley,  it  feems  to  bear  to  another  point,  and  carries  us  ra- 
44  ther  to  Newberry  or  Speen  than  Silchefter  [»}.” 

He  takes  this  to  be  the  true  Iknild-ftreet,  as  it  takes  its  rife 
and  name  from  the  people  called  Iceni,  the  inhabitants  of  Nor¬ 
folk,  and  he  lays  Dr.  Plot  is  the  firft  (Nat.  Hift.  Oxf.)  who 
difcovered  the  courfe  of  it  through  that  county.  Dr.  Plot  alfo, 
upon  the  prefumption  that  the  way  muft  be  derived  from  the 
Iceni  as  it  proceeds  from  Royfton,  adjoining  to  thofe  people, 
fays  (Hilh  Staff,  p.  39 3.)  44  1  cannot  imagine  how  the  Roman 
44  way  through  Worcefter,  Warwick,  and  StafFordfhires,  came 
44  to  be  called  the  Ikineld-ftreet  except  thofe  people  were  atfo 
44  a  part  of  the  Iceni. ”  rind  adds  (p.  400.)  44  The  other  Iki- 
44  neld-ftreet  in  Oxfordlhire  feems  alfo  to  be  called  fo  from 

[m]  Plot’s  map  {till  more  clearly. 

[»]  Eflay  on  the  four  great  Roman  ways,  at  the  end  of  the  fixth,  volume  of 
Leland’x  Itinerary. 

44  pafting 

<jo  Mr.  Willis  on  the  Ikineld-Street. 

puffing  through  the  other  Iceni  of  Norfolk,  5 cc.  only  I  look 
<4  upon  this  of  Stafford  {hire  as  the  more  remarkable  of  the  two, 

and  fo  to  be  that  ikmid-ftreet  which  is  u  tally  reckoned -one 
44  of  the  four  bafrlical  or  great  ways  of  England,  and  not  that 
“  of  Oxfordshire,  this  being  raifed  all  along,  paved  at  fome 
iC  places,  and  very  ftgnal  almoft  wherever  it  goes,  w’hereas  that 
44  of  Oxfordshire  is  not  fo  there,  whatever  it  may  be  in  other 

46  counties.”  In  his  Hiftory  of  Stafford fh ire  (p.  3*16)  he  quotes 


Holinihed,  u  who  fancies  the  Iknild-ftreet  began  lome  where 
41  in  the  South,  and  fo  held  on  towards  Cirencefter,  Birming- 
“  ham  and  Litchfield,  by  Derby  and  Chefterfield,  and  crofting 
“  the  Watling-ftreet  fame  where  in  Yorkfhire,  ft  retched  forth 
44  in  the  end  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tine  at  the  main  fea.” 

Mr.  Wife,  in  his  Antiquities  in -Berks,  p.  41,  finds  this  leffer 
iknild-ftreet  through  Buckingham  (hire  to  Oxfordshire,  where 
Mr.  Gale  lofes  it,  viz.  at  Strateley,  and  thence  traces  it  ah 
through  that  county  by  the  White-horfe  hill  to  BiShop-fton  in 
Wilts,  where,  as  before  mentioned,  I  difcovered  its  terminating 
and  coinciding  with  the  real  Ikineld-ftreet  near  Ogbourn  St. 
George.  Mr.  Wife  fays  [5],  44  From  Bifhopfton  it  points  to- 
44  wards  Abury,  and  perhaps  to  the  Devizes,  but  not  at  all  to 
44  Salifbury  as  is  commonly  imagined.”  He  does  not  allow'  its 
derivation  from  the  Iceni,  but  rather  takes  it  from  the  termina¬ 
tion  of  tile  word  Agricola.  But  Dr.  Stukeley  condemns  both 

[0]  He  fays  it  goes  Weft  to  Bluberry,  and  near  that  town  is  vifibJe  enough  ; 
a  hill  between  Afton  and  Bluberry  called  Bluberton,  appears  to  have  been  a 
Roman  fortification,  though  the  works  are  now  nearly  demolifhed.  From 
Bluberry  to  Wantage,  but  whether  by  the  modern  great  road  to  Upton  and 
Harwell,  or  more  to  the  left  to  Chilton  under  the  hills  till  we  come  to  Lock.yng, 
where  is  a  raifed  way  called  Icleton-meer,  pointing  to  Wantage,  he  doubts. 
After  it  palled  Wantage  it  is  called  Icleton  way  all  under  the  hills  between 
.them  and  Childrey,  Sparlholt,  Uffington,  fo  under  White-horfe-hill,  leaving 
Woolfton  and  Compton  on  the  right,  thence  to  Afhbury  and  Bifhopfton,  p.  43. 

3  the 

Mr.  Willis  on  the.  Ikineld-Street.  97 

the  Iknild-ftreets,  calling  the  true  one  from  Gloucefter  to 
Yorkshire  by  the  name  of  the  Ricning-way,  from  his  whim- 
fical  derivation  of  the  Saxon,  Ri^e,  Dorfum.  This  he  imagines 
runs  from  Gloucefter  fomewhere  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Se¬ 
vern  ;  but  he  traces  a  Roman  caufeway  from  Gloucefter  by 
Birdlip  hill  to  Cirencefter  and  Cricklade.  Between  Gloucefter 
and  Birdlip  hill  he  defcribes  it  as  appearing  with  a  very  high 
ridge,  very  ftraight,  and  prodigious  fteep  and  rocky.  He  alfo 
mentions  Ogbourn  St.  George,  and  Badbury  camp,  between 
which  two  is  Ogbourn,  but  he  takes  no  notice  of  the  caufeway 
here.  As  Mr.  Gale  terminates  the  Oxfordfhire  Ikineld-ftreet 
at  Royfton,  or  Barley  near  it,  in  Harts,  I  imagine  Dr.  Stukeley’s 
courfe  of  his  Icening-ftreet  through  the  county  of  Norfolk  to 
Royfton  mull:  be  chimerical.  From  Royfton  he  calls  it  Ice¬ 
ning-ftreet  through  the  whole  courfe  of  Plot’s  Ikineld-ftreet,  to 
Goreing,  but  gives  no  reafon  why  he  differs  in  the  name  from 
all  other  authors.  He  does  not  carry  it  over  the  Thames  to 
Strateley,  but  dreams  that  it  goes  from  Goreing  to  Newberry, 
and  thence  he  fuppofes  to  Chute  caufeway. 

The  antiquity  of  Wanborough,  mentioned  in  the  above  ac¬ 
count,  has  been  noticed  by  Camden’s  Annotator  in  fpeaking  of 
Barbury  caftle.  A  cup  fuppofed  to  be  a  Patera  ufed  in  libations 
'has  been  fince' found  at  Rudge  in  the  parifh  of  Froxfield  on  the 
Roman  way  between  Speen  and  Marlborough,  about  four  miles 
Eaft  of  the  Ikineld-ftreets  crofting  the  faid  way  and  the  Kennet. 
This  eup-is  defcribed  by  Horfley,  p.329,  and  he  has  given  an 
engraving  of  it,  N°  74. 

About  the  fame  diftance  upon  the  river  is  Littlecot,  the  an¬ 
cient  and  noble  feat  of  the  Pophams,  in  whofe  park  in  1730 
was  difcovered  about  two  feet  under  the  furface  of  the  earth  a 
telfelated  pavement,  which  has  been  engraved  by  Vertue  from  a 
drawing  made  by  Mr.  George,  Reward  to  Mr.  Popham ;  in  the 

Vol.  VIII.  O  margin 

Mr.  Willis  on  the  Ikineld- Street. 

margin  is  a  verbal  defcription  of  it,  drawn  up  by  the  late  Dr. 
Ward  of  Grefliam  College* 

This  curious  piece  of  antiquity  has  been  fince  deflroyed,  but 
Mr.  George  made  an  ex a£f  draught  of  it  on  feveral  (beets  of  pa¬ 
per,  in  which  all  the  parts  and  figures  were  exp  refled  in  their 
proper  colours.  From  this  drawing  his  widow  afterwards  made 
a  beautiful  carpet  in  needle-work,  reduced  to  the  lize  of  near 
one  inch  to  a  foot  of  the  original.  Mrs.  George  fetting  up  a 
boarding-fehool  for  young  ladies  after  the  death  of  her  hufband, 
employed  fome  years  in  working  this  noble  carpet,  which  (he 
carried  to  Andover  on  removing  to  that  place,  and  afterwards 
prefented  it  to  her  benefa&or  Mf..Popham,  who  got  it  engraved' 
by  Vertue. 

Mr.  George  left  a  drawing  of  another  teflelated  pavement 
found  at  Froxfield  farm  in  the  fame  parifh  ;  it  is  an  oblong,  di¬ 
vided  into  three  parts,,  prettily  ornamented,  but  not  adorned  with 
any  animal  figures. 

In  1725  he  found  another  at  Rudge,  on  his  own  eflate,  of 
which  he  took  a  draught,  and  had  it  engraved  by  Vander 

His  widow  had  alfo  a  drawing  of  another  teflelated'  pave¬ 
ment,  without  figures,  which  was  in  being  when  this  account 

was  drawn  up ;  and  Mr.  . . fays  he  faw  it  under  the 

dung  in  the  farm  yard  of  Nighton  farm,  the  eflate  of  Mr. 
Popham,  on  the  North  fide  of  the  Kennet,  over  againft.  Lit<- 

In  this  parifh  of  Froxfield,  at  Rudge,  Mr.  George  alfo  difeo- 
vered  the  walls  and  foundations  of  a  Roman  hypocauft,  and 
other  buildings,  in  which  ruins  and  a  well,  he  found  earthen 
pots  with  large  quantities  of  Roman  medals,  and  feveral  inflru- 
ments  belonging  to,  their  facrifices,  particularly  a  Secefpita,  and 


Mr.  Willis  on  the  Ikineld-Street. 


the  above  mentioned  Patera  defcribed  by  Horfley.  That  gen¬ 
tleman  would  not  have  exprefled  his  furprize  at  its  being  found 
there,  if  he  had  known  of  the  profufion  of  other  curiofities 
difcovered  thereabouts  upon  a  Roman  way  fo  near  to  the 
Ikineld-ftreet,  that  again  fo  near  to  Marlborough,  the  ancient 
Cunetio ,  diftinguifhed  by  many  Roman  works  near  the  caftle, 
and  the  mount  or  keep  thrown  up  by  them ;  thefe  again  fo 
near  the  Vicinal  way  to  the  Hermin-flreet,  co-inciding,  as  above 
defcribed,  with  the  Ikineld-flreet ;  fo  near  Barbury  and  Bad- 
bury  hills,  and  fo  near  Wanborough,  which  I  have  (hewn  to  be 
a  Roman  ftation  between  Speen  and  Cirencefter,  and  at  which 
place  that  Roman  way  from  Speen  unites  with  the  Ikineld- 

O  2 

XI.  Mra 

.  *  1 


[  100  3 

*  J  •  .  -  ‘  1  *  *  (1*4 

.1  :  ; *  •  '  '  -jjq>  )  J<;k  bl. 

t  (  :  •  t  .  ■  ‘  j  * .  •*  '  •  J  •  * 


XL  Mr.  Willis  0/2  the  Roman  Portway, 

Read  February  2,  1786. 

.  ;  ; ;  * . '  .  .  ; ;  *• ."  .  ?  VK  *  •>  *  J  4 1  .  ,  :  i V. ’>  ■  j 

TH  E  Roman  Caufeway  which  runs  from  the  N*  E.  to 
the  S.  W.  of  the  kingdom  through  Hants  and  Wilts,  is 
known  through  thofe  counties  by  the  name  of  the  Portway . 
If  I  may  be  allowed  to  give  this  name  to  thofe  ways  in 
Antoninus’s  Itinera  which  run  in  a  North  Eafterly  dire&ion 
from  this  road  in  Hants,  and  South  Wefterly  from  its  Wilt- 
(hire  limit,  the  Portway  is  as  long  as  either  of  the  two  great 
ways  in  longitudinem  ;  and  if  it  is  a  Roman  way  from  the  Eaftern 
fea  coaft  to  Hampfhire,  and  from  Wilts  to  the  fea  coaft  Weft- 
ward,  it  would  exceed  them.  That  it  does  fo,  feems  to  be  re¬ 
ferred  to  in  the  charter  granted  by  queen  Elizabeth  to  the  Bo¬ 
rough  of  Andover,  w’hich  is  on  the  Portway  between  London 
and  the  LandVend.  The  claufe  is  this  ;  “  Confiderantefque 
“  quod  burgus  five  villa  de  Andever  eft  villa  antiqua  et  popu- 
u  lofa  et  communis  via  (Anglice  a  thorough-fare)  per  totum  reg- 
iC  num  noftrum  Angliae  in  partes  occidentales.”  Antoninus’s 
9th  Iter  carries  us  in  this  direction  from  Cailtor  near  Norwich, 
(Venta  Icenorum)  to  London ;  his  7th  from  London  to  Sil- 
chefter ;  from  whence  we  know  it  by  the  name  of  the  Portway 
through  Hants  and  Wilts,  viz.  to  Old  Sarum  and  thence  to 
Stretford.  From  Old  Sarum  the  15th  Iter  continues  it  to  Dor- 
chefter  and  Exeter. 


‘3  ' 



Mr.  Willis  on  the  Roman  Portway. 

As  the  word  porta  denotes  the  name  of  city  from  portare  to 
carry  the  plough  where  the  gates  were  intended,  fo  Portway 
here  might  perhaps  take  the  name  from  uniting  the  fix  Roman 
cities  here  mentioned ;  therefore  the  whole  from  Norwich  to 
Exeter  feems  to  have  properly  the  name  of  Portway . 

The  imperial  Iter  is  from  London  through  Pontes  to  Silchef- 
tem  Dr.  Stukeley  reckons  Staines  to  be  Pontes', ;  but  Mr.  Horfley 
takes  it  to  be  Old  IPindfor.  The  latter  feems  to  agree  bed  with 
the  Old  Portway,  which,  fince  the  demolition  of  Silchejler ,  hag 
become  ufelefs,  and  the  modern  pod  road  which  comes  through 
Staines,  Bafingftoke,  &c.  does  not  unite  with  it  till  they  both 
come  to  Andover,  where  alfo,  fince  the  dedrudlion  of  Old  Sa- 
rum,  they  again  feparate ;  and  they  meet  no  more.  The  pod 
road  from  Andover  runs  through  Salifbury;  the  Portway  erodes 
the  Bourn  at  Porton  (to  which  it  probably  gives  name),  goes 
by  the  Ead  gate  of  Old  Sarum  where  it  coincides  with  the 
Roman  way  from  Wincheder,  erodes  the  Avon  at  Stretford,  and 
then  afeends  the  hill  [#]. 

From  the  difufe  of  this  London  road  to  Silcheder,  the  other 
many  roads  from  the  latter,  in  the  time  of  the  Romans,  are  now 
become  almod  invifible. 

Mr.  Camden  takes  notice  of  the  Portway,  faying,  v.  I.  p.  219, 
“  There  is  a  Roman  road  pafles  wedward  from  Silcheder 
“  through  Pamber,  a  thick  and  woody  fored,  by  fome  places 
41  that  are  now  uninhabited ;  it  runs  through  Lichfield,  and  fo 

[a]  From  hence  Dr.  Stukeley  traces  it,  under  the  name  of  the  Ikenild  Street , 
©■yer  the  Nadre  and  Willey  near  Bemerton,  where  the  ftony  ford  is  vihble,  to 
Nether  Hampton,  over  the  race-courfe,  lord  Pembroke’s  hare-warren,  the 
brook  at  Stony  Stratford,  along  the  great  downs  to  Cranborn  Chace,  through 
the  woods  to  Vernditch  Lodge,  a  mile  and  half  Eaft  from  Woodyates,  and  juft 
before  its  coming  to  this  place  it  crofles  the  vallum  and  ditch  that  divides 
Wilts  from  Dorfet.  After  this  Mr,  Hutchins  traces  it  through  that  county  into 

“  to 

ion  Mr.  Willis  on  the  Roman  Portway . 

“  to  the  foreft  of  Chute,  pleafant  for  its  ftiady  trees  and  the 
“  diverfions  of  hunting,  where  the  huntfraen  and  forefters  ad- 
“  mire  its  paved  riling  ridge.”  Mr.  Taylor,  in  his  map  of 
Hants,  weftward  of  Silchefter,  has  loft  this  way  in  the  uninha¬ 
bited  Pamber  foreft,  but  from  Ewhurft  he  traces  it  minutely 
through  the  parifli  of  Lichfield,  and  thence  to  Finckly  farm  in 
the  parifti  of  Andover.  Finckly,  when  Camden  wrote,  was  the 
Eaft  walk  of  Chute  foreft,  which  foreft  at  that  time  extended 
from  thence  through  the  N.  W.  part  of  Hants  to  the  N.  E. 
of  Waybill,  viz.  Clan v ill  Street  its  moft  northern  extent  in 
this  county  being  at  the  upper  end  of  that  ftreet  which  divides 
it  from  Wilts  at  Wakefwood,  called  Foreft-farm.  On  the 
other  fide  of  that  ftreet  from  Wakefwood,  it  was  called  Chute- 
foreft,  Wilts.  The  whole  has  been  difafforefted  many  years ; 
but  Finckly  remained  a  part  of  it  till  Charles  II.  granted  it  to 
general  Monk,  to  whofe  heirs  it  does  now,  or  did  lately,  belong. 
The  Caufeway  runs  in  an  eminent  elevation  through  this  now 
farm-yard  ;  and  the  woodlands  to  the  North,  which  the  map 
■,  make  it  ftill  retain  the  appearance  of  foreft  [3],  Dr. 


[£]  The  town  of  Andover  itfelf  was  part  of,  or  had  a  ftrong  relation  to,  this 
royal  foreft  in  queen  Elizabeth’s  time.  In  the  charter  granted  by  that  queen, 
Ihe  dire&s  the  corporation  to  devife  a  common  feal  to  be  affixed  to  their  writ¬ 
ings,  Ac.  They  accordingly  chofe  it  to  be  a  lion  {landing  under  an  oaken  tree, 
which  denotes  a  royal  foreft,  and  is  now  their  arms  or  common  feal.  I  have 
been  favoured  with  the  light  of  a  writing  in  the  pofteffion  of  an  honour¬ 
able  gentleman,  in  his  colle&ion  of  fome  curious  papers  of  lord  Burleigh’s, 
which  corroborates  this,  and  ffiews  the  extent  of  Chute  foreft,  Hants.  It  is 
intituled  “  A  furvey  of  the  foreft  of  Chute  Wiltlhire  and  Chute  Hampffiire, 
by  Mr.  John  Tavernor,  hir  majefties  furveyor  general,  Ac.  Jan.  9,  1589-90, 
relating  to  firewood  allowed  out  of  the  foreft  to  Winchefter  College.”  It  fays, 
“  The  warden  and  fcholars  of  the  College  of  St.  Mary  Winton  have  yerely  by 
your  honours  warrant  xxvi  loades  of  woode  to  be  taken  of  deede  trees,  dot- 
tardes,  and  thorites  in  Wakefwood  and  Finckley,  for  the  firewood  of  Nicholas 


Mr.  Willis  on  the  Roman  Portway.  103, 

Stukeley  appears  to  have  gone  on  this  road  from  Silchefter  to 
Andover  without  obferving  that  he  was  upon  it but  that  he 
was,  is  proved  by  his  mention  of  crofting  Wanfdyke  intrench- 
ment,  which  this  Caufeway  does  juft  before  it  enters  the  great 
inclokire  of  Finckly,  but  which  no  other  road  does.. 

The  Doctor  fpeaks  of  a  fquare  Roman  camp  in  a  park  on  a 
high  promontory  above  Kingfcleer.  This  camp  is  drawn  byMr> 
Taylor  in  his  map-,  with  the  Portway  running  by  the  bottom 
of  it  on  the  South  fide,  Kingfcleer  being  at  the  bottom  on  the 
North  fide.  From  Free  man  tie  park  the  Portway  is  fo  confpi- 
euous,  and:  appears  to  the  view  for  fome  miles  in  fo.  ftreight  a 
line  over  an  open*  country,  that,,  as  the  Doflor  obferves,  even 
an  incurious  traveller  mufhbe  ftruck  with  the  profped:,  but  an 
Antiquary  muft  fee  at  once  that  it  is  a  Roman  Caufeway. 

From  Finckly  this  road  runs  to  Andover.  At  the  meeting 
of  two  of  the  currents  which  form  the  Andover  river,  viz.  thofe 
from  Charlton  and  Inham,  about  half  a  mile  N.  W.  from  An¬ 
dover,  the  Portway  erodes  the  river;  the  Caufeway  raifed  acrcfs 
the  vale  here  by  its  elevation,,  extent,  and  breadth  fhews  the 
grandeur  of  the  Romans  in  their  works  of  this  kind.  This 
caufeway  extends  acrofs  the  vale:  the  perpendicular  height  of 
its  ridge,  from  the  furface  of-  the.  river  that  runs,  through  it,  is 

Venables,  gent,  farmer  of  the  parfonage  of  Andover,  over  and  befydes  xl  loades 
yerely  lykewife  allowed  them  of  the  underwoodes  of  Finckly  now  in  leafe,”  &c. 
As  Finckly  and  Wakefwood  the  two  extreme  ends  of  Chute  foreft  Hants,  are 
hereby  afeertained,  another  paflage  in  Camden  feems  to  fhew  that  the  inter¬ 
mediate  fpace  to  the  North  of  Andover  was  in  thofe  times  alfo  a  part  of  the 
fame  ;  it  fays,  “  the  river  which  we  now  call  Teft,  riling  out  of  Chute  foreft, 
runs  firft  to  Andover.”  The  fprings  which  by  uniting  form  the  Andover 
river  are  from  the  bottom  %of  Way  hill,  or  Clanvill,  to'Eaftanton,-  including  the 
intermediate  fprings  of  the  two  Pentons,  Fofcot,  Charlton  and  Inliarn,  all 
which  I  fuppofe  were  in  Mr.  Camden’s  time  in  Chute  foreft  Hants  ;  far  in- 
Chute  foreft  Wilts  no  fpring  fupplying  a  river  eyer  exifted. 


ro4  Mr.  Willis  on  the  Roman  Portway. 

eight  yards.  The  vale  between  the  Caufeway  and  Inham, 
where  the  fpring  rifes,  was  formerly  a  pond,  fo  that  the  Caufe- 
way  was,  as  at  Alresford,  the  Rank  or  head.  There  is  no  bridge 
over  the  opening  through  which  the  river  runs,  nor  any  appear¬ 
ance  of  there  having  been  one  ;  hut  l  am  inclined  to  think  there 
was  formerly  a  mill  here,  becaufe  the  field  adjoining  to  the 
North  fide  is  called  Mill-field,  and  I  have  feen  a  very  large 
overfhot  mill  at  Waltham  turned  by  the  fall  of  the  water  of 
Waltham  pond,  the  bay  of  which  I  take  to  be  made  by  the  Ro¬ 
man  road  from  Winchefter  to  Portchefler. 

Dr.  Stukeley  names  this  way  the  Icening-flreet,  and  where  it 
runs  over  an  open  country  to  Stretford,  calls  it  Port^lane,  in- 
ilead  of  Portway ,  though  in  fa&  no  one  in  the  neighbourhood 
ever  knew  it  by  any  other  than  the  latter  name. 

There-  is  a  remarkable  tree  on  the  Caufey  [c],  under  which 
the  reprefentatives  of  Old  Sarum  are  chofen,  and  by  a  refolution 

of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  in . the  owners  of  the  lands  of 

the  fite  of  that  city,  as  alfo  of  other  lands  nominated  as  reach¬ 
ing  from  thence  to  Stretford,  on  both  Tides  the  Port-way ,  are  the 

Dr;  Stukeley  has  given  a  view  [^/]  of  Old  Sarum  and  Salis¬ 
bury  from  an  encampment  which  the  country  people  call  Fig - 
hury-ring  (and  which  Mr.  Camden  in  his  map  of  Wilts  calls 
Frippejbury ,  or  Frippejbury ),  and  in  it  he  gives  a  view  of  the 
,  Caufewav  (from  Brige)  of  the  modern  poft-road  from  Andover 
to  Salifbury,  and  a  portion  of  the  Port’Way>  which  he  calls  the 
Icemng-Jireet ,  up  the  hill  beyond  Stretford  ;  but  what  feems  a 
wilful  omiffion  is,  that,  to- avoid  the  view  of  the  Portwav  in  its 
eaficrn  courfe  from  Andover  to  Old  Sarum,  he  (hews  no  road 

[c]  So  faid  about  twenty  years  ago, 

•••  [yj  Vol.  I,  plate  66. 


Mr.  Willis  on  the  Roman  Partway.  105 

at  all  from  that  eaftern  courfe,  though  that  courfe  of  the  real 
Port- way ,  and  his  imaginary  Icening-Jlr eet  from  Chute  Caufe- 
way,  are  within  the  compafs  of  his  plate.  He  (hews  the  way 
from  Winchester  crolfing  the  Bourn  river  at  Ford,  and  its 
courfe  from  thence  to  Old  Sarum;  and,  when  he  viewed  this,  he 
could  not  but  fee  alio  the  Port-way  eroding  that  river  near 
Porton  (to  which  it  gives  name)  running  thence,  in  full  fight 
of  a  perfon  handing  on  the  top  of  Figbury-ring,  to  the  Eafl 
gate  of  Old  Sarum.  In  his  view  of  Old  Sarum  [e\  he  has  marked 
it  as  the  Icening-fireet- 

[Mr.  Hutchins,  in  his  hiftory  of  Dorfetfhire,  follows  Dr. 
Stukeley  in  calling  this  the  Ikenlld-Jireet ,  and  adopts  his  account 
of  its  paflage  from  Norfolk  into  Wilts,  together  with  his  mif- 
take  in  calling  it  Port-lane  inftead  of  Port-way ,  at  Stretford  ; 
but  in  its  progrefs  through  Dorfetfhire  he  corre&s  other  errors 
of  the  Doctor’s,  deferibes  it  minutely,  and  fuppofes  it  goes  to 

Mr,  Willis  claims  the  merit  of  firft  difeovering  this  road  from 
S.lchefter  to  Andover,  and  thence  to  Old  Sarum,  and  obferves 
that  though  the  law  of  St.  Edward  [jf]  touching  the  four  Ro¬ 
man  ways,  the  Watling-ftreet,  Foffe,  Ikineld-fbreet  and  Ermirig- 
fheet,  mentions  two  of  them  running  in  the  length,  and  two 
in  the  breadth  of  the  kingdom,  yet  Dr.  Stukeley’s  hypothecs 
makes  one  only  in  the  length,  and  three  in  the  breadth. 

[f]  Vol.  I.  plate  65. 

[/]  Pax  regis  multiplex. eft — alia  quam  habent  quatuor  cliemim,  Watling- 
ftrete,  Fofle,  Hikenilcl-ftrete,  et  Erming  ftrete,  quorum  duo  ill  longitudiiiem 
regni,  alii  duo  in  latitudinem  diftenduntur.  Horfley,  Brit.  Rom,  p.  387. 

Vol.  VIII. 


XII.  Mr. 

{  »°6  J 

XII.  Mr.  Willis's  Account  of  the  Battles  between  Edmund 

Ironfide  and  Canute, 

Read  February  9,  1786. 

R.  WILLIS,  in  endeavouring  to  alcertain  the  place 

IV J.  where  Tome  battles  were  fought  between  Edmund 
Ironfide  and  Canute,  which  are  mentioned  by  our  old  hifto- 
rians  in  fuch  a  manner  as  to  have  left  the  fpot  doubtful  to  Mr. 
Camden  and  others,  obferves,  that  Dr.  Stukeley,  in  his  letter  to 
lord  Pembroke,  fpeaking  of  Figbury-r'ing ,  near  Salifbury,  lays, 
44  To  the  is  Clarendon ,  which  your  lord fh i p  firft  obferved 
44  from  old  writings  ought  to  be  called  Clorendun ,  from  the  fa- 
44  mous  camp  half  a  mile  off  the  park  near  the  Roman  road';- 
44  this  was  made  or  repaired  by  Conftantius  Chlorus,  father  of 
44  Conftantine  the  Great  :  this  camp  therefore  properly  written 
44  is  Chloridunum ,  being  a  beautiful  fortification  of  a  round  form,. 
#4  on  a  dry  chalky  hill.” 

To  this,  fays  Mr.  Willis,  I  cannot  agree,  it  being,  as  the  Doc¬ 
tor  obferves,  perfedtly  circular..  It- is  generally  allowed  that  the 
camps  of  the  Romans  were  angular,  thofe  of  the  Saxons  and 

•4-.  .X 

Danes  circular.  I  fliould.  therefore  call  this  Canute’s  Camp .  In  ' 
the  long  ltruggle  between  the  Danes  and  Saxons,  thefe  fouthern 
parts  of  the  kingdom  were  more  remarkably  the  feat  of  the 
war,  fo  that  the  Belgse  (hew  more  of  their  antiquities,  viz. 
camps  and  barrows,  than  the  northern  counties,  where  the  Ro¬ 
man  monuments  of  antiquity  more  abound..  Figbury-ring,. 

Ned  bury- 

Battles  between  Edmund  Ironfide  and  Canute. 


Nedbury-hill,  Quarley-hill,  Dunbury  (or  properly  Danebury) 
hill,  Bury-hill,  Bakefibury-hill,  are  all  fine  encampments  of  a 
circular  form,  with  avail:  many  barrows  attending  them.  Thefe, 
and  particularly  one  called  Canute's  barrow  ((hewn  in  Mr. 
Taylor’s  map  of  Hants),  and  another  between  Figbury-ring  and 
Old  Sarum  called  An-barrow,  fituate  on  the  Pomvay  between 
Andover  and  Old  Sarum,  are  evident  proofs  that  many  battles 
were  fought  in  this  {pace,  and  in  that  between  Winchefter  and 
Old  Sarum. 

The  accounts  of  that  time  are  fhort  and  imperfefl ;  and  vari¬ 
ous  have  been  the  opinions  as  to  the  fituation  of  fome  of  the 
places  named  as  the  fcenes  of  afition. 

The  Saxon  Chronicle  [<2],  William  of  Malmetbury  [£],  and 
Henry  of  Huntingdon  [cj,  lpeak  of  one  battle  fought  at  Peonna 
near  Gillingham  in  Dorfetfhire,  and  of  another  at  SceorJIan ; 
Th  is  SceorJIan ,  Mr.  Camden  thinks,  mull  be  the  four  (hire  hones 
near  Rolrich  in  Oxfordlhire,  parting  the  four  counties  of  Ox¬ 
ford,  Warwick,  Gloucefier,  and  Worcefier  [<f  ] ;  his  right  re¬ 
verend  annotator  makes  it  to  be  Sherjian  in  the  N.  W.  of 
Wilts  [>].  Speed  fixes  it  at  Sberejlan  in  Wo  roe  her  (hire. 

Roger  de  Hoveden  fays,  that  Edmund  hahened  into  Dorfet- 
fhire  to  meet  Canute,  fought  with  him  at  Peonna  near  Gilling¬ 
ham,  and  beat  him.  Afterwards,  in  the  middle  of  fummer, 
he  got  together  a  greater  army  to  fight  Canute,  who  met  him 
in  Hwidlia  [/]  in  a  place  called  Ceorjlan ,  where  though  the 
perfidious  Edric  and  many  others  had  joined  the  Dane,  the 
battle  was  fo  long  and  obhinate,  that  when  the  fun-  fet  the  two 

[«]  Sub  anno  1016.  '[£]  Lib.  ii.  40, 

p]  Lib.  vi.  208.  ]V]  V.  I.  293.  col.  1*  ad  fin. 

p]  V.  I.  195.  col.  2. 

[/]  Gibfon  fays  the  Wiccii  inhabited  part  of  Gloucefier,  Worcefier,  and 
Warwick,  Ihi-res.  Brit.  v.  I.  456. 

P  2 


10S  Mr.  Willis’s  Account  of  the 

armies  parted  from  mere  wearinefs.  The  next  day  Edmund 
would  have  entirely  routed  Canute,  but  for  a  ftratagem  ofEdric: 
notwithftanding  which  they  fought  till  the  dufk  of  the  evening, 
and  then,  as  the  day  before,  being  fpent  with  fatigue,  parted 
by  content.  Canute  quitted  his  camp  ftlently  in  the  night,  and 
went  towards  London,  which  when  Edmund  found  in  the  morn¬ 
ing,  he  went  into  the  country  of  the  Weft  Saxons  [g], 

Polydore  Vergil  [b]  gives  an  account  of  three  fucceftive  bat¬ 
tles,  and  is  much  more  particular.  He  fays, 

“  Canuto  fe  ft  in  ante  cum  Edmundo  confiigere  quern  interea: 
audierat  Andoveram,  qui  eft  pagus  ad  mill i a r i a  xv  prope  Sarifbe- 
riam,  reverfum  efte ;  quo  ubi  pervenit,  caftra  in  confpedu  hoft- 
tium  toco  piano  pofuit,  fuofque  in  aciem  eduxit.  Nec  recufavit 
certain en  Edmundus,  ut  ftgna  ab  hofte  efferri  vidit  i  ab  bora 
tertia  jam  ferme  ad  nodem  pugnam  extraxerant,  et  ipfia  pugna 
ill  neutram  partem  inclinata  adhuc  ftabat,  cum  Edricus  praliO' 
egreftus,  Anglos  territandi  causa,  in  fpeculam  q  ua  n  dam,  a  fee  nd  it,, 
ibtque  voclferans  Edmundum  interemptum  gladium  often  deb  at 
cruore  manantem  ;  quern  ita  clamitantem  nihil  proprius  fac¬ 
tum  quam  ut  fagittarii  Angli  interftcerent.  Ceterum  ea  res 
autoribus  hand  bono  fait,.  Angitis  ea  indignatione  accenfus,  fuos 
ftmul  cohortatus,  tanto  impetu  in  hoftes  prorupit,.  ut  primum  e- 
loco  moverit,  dein  animis  ferventibus,  fugavit ;  feciflet  ingen- 
tem  caedem  ft  per  nodem,  q mu  jam  multa  er  it,  licuiftet. 

“  Canutus  proftigatus,  totam  nodera  itinere  fado  Vinton i am 
verfus  in  locum  tutu.m  fe  recipit.  Edmundus  vero  hoftem  mi¬ 
nims  perfecutus,  Sansberiam  fiexit  iter,  opem  laturus  civibus 
qui  ab  altero  Dacorum  manu  oppugnabantur. 

“  Adfuit  non  multo  pof  Canutus.  Turn  non  longe  ab  urbe 
iterum  inftrudis  aciebus  manum  confer unt ;  fit  pugna  atrox, 

[H  Pars  I.  249.  b. 

fkj  Lib.  YII.  p.  169,  170. 

7  recentibus 

Battles  between  Edmund  Ironfide  and  Canute.  109 

recentibus  animis  corporibufque,  quam  aequo  marte  utrinque  diu 
commiftam  nox  omnibus  jam  fellis  militibus  diremit. 

“  Pojtero  die  Angli  a  lole  orto  ufque  eo  in  acie  ftetere  dum 
Canntus  in  certamen  defcendit;  pugnatum  eft  acriter,  pari  taraen 
eventu,  et  mului  uti  iufque  partis  caede,  et  cum  jam  vefper  diei 
inftaret,  aequo  piaelio  difcefl'um  eft. 

“  Deinde  altero  die  uterque  exercitus  per  otium  cibum  ca- 
piunt ;  ac  hefterno  pradio  interfedfos  in  unum  congeftos  ere- 
mant,  neque  interea  arma.  deponunt.  Plus  viginti  miliia  homi- 
num  utrinque  defiderata.” 

Whatever  doubts  there  may  have  been  as  to  the  ftte  of  Sceor - 
JLin,  Mr.  Willis  thinks  he  can  fix  the  place  where  the  battles 
mentioned  by  Polydore  were  fought,  and  probably  that  near 
Sceorjlan  was  one  of  them. 

He  faysr  Canute  marched  from  London  to  attack  Edmund  in 
the  Weft  near  Andover.  The  Port  way  runs  through  Andover  to 
Sarjian  adjoining  to  Way-bill  [/].  The  firft  of  theffe  battles 
wherein  Edric  attempted  to  throw  the  Englifh  army  into  confu- 
fton,  according  to  Polydore,  was  fought  in  loco  piano ,  not  far 
from  Andover,  and  probably  in  Sarjlan-jields  near  Way-hill. 
From  Way-hill  Canute’s  flight  to  Winchefter  in  one  night 
was  but  about  a  dozen  miles;  nor  was  Edmund’s  march  the 
next  morning  to  Old  Sarum  a  much  greater  diftance,  and  on 
the  military  Portway.  In  further  proof  that  this  was  the  fpot 
on  which  the  battle  was  fought,  it  is  to  be  obferved  that  there 
is  one  large  barrow  at  Penton,.  and  about  four  more  upon,  and 
on  the  edge  of,  the  hill,  of  which  one  is  adjoining  to  Sccorjlan 
or  Sarflan  field,  all  an  open  country,. loco  piano, 

Canute  may  be  fuppofed  to  have  recruited  his  forces  at  Win¬ 
chefter  ;  for  in  no  long  time  after  this  defeat  Polydore  fays,  not 

[j]  Way-lii!l  may  be  fo  called  from  its  vicinity  to  the  Port- way  ;  Penton 
Grafton  is  in  this  parilh. 


I  10 

Mr.  Willis’s  Account  of  Battles,  &c. 

far  from  the  city  (viz.  Old  Sarum,  which  Edmund  had  marched 
to  relieve)  he  again  offered  battle,  and  defended  to  fight  the 
Englifh.  This  may  be  eafily  explained  that  Canute  had  marched 
on  the  Roman  road,  and  made  Figbury-ring  his  camp,  from 
whence  ( defcendit J  he  came  down  to  fight  the  two  fucceeding 
days,  in  the  valley  between  his  camp  and  Old  Sarum.  The 
large  barrow  called  An-harrow ,  fituate  near  the  Bourn  river,  on 
the  oppofite  fide  from  the  camp,  and  near  the  city,  wras  proba¬ 
bly  the  place  of  adtion,  and  the  burial  place  of  the  20,000  burnt 
bodies  (lain  in  the  two  battles. 

Upon  the  whole,  Mr.  Willis  thinks  it  much  more  reafonable 
to  give  Figbury-ring  the  name  of  Campus  Canuti ,  than  that  of 
■Campus  Cbiori ;  and  that  the  accounts  of  any  of  thele  battles,  as 
related  by  Mr.  Camden,  Dr.  Gibfon  and  Mr.  Speed,  muff  appear 
very  improbable,  when  fo  eafily  accounted  for  by  Canute's  fhght 
to  Winchefter,  and  Edmund’s  march  to  Old  Sarum  ;  and  when 
another  Sarffan,  unnoticed  by  them,  is  found,  correlponding 

XIII.  Obfervations 

XIII*  Obfervations  on  antient  Spurs .  By  Francis 
Grofe,  Efq .  F,  A .  S+  In  a  Letter  to  John  Topham, 

•  • 

Read  March  3,.  1785*- 

S  I  R, 

HAVING  obferved  that  the  equeflrian  figures  on  the  Great 
Seals  of  moft  of  our  kings  and  ancient  barons  from  the 
Conqueft  to  the  time  of  Ed\vard  III.  are  reprefented  with  fpurS' 
confiding  of  only  one  point,  fomewhat  refembling  the  gaffle 
with  which  fighting  cocks  are  armed,.  I  have  endeavoured  to 
trace  out  the  origin  of  thefe  fpurs,  which  appear  to  have  been, 
worn  after  the  invention  of  the  rouelle,  or  wheel  fpur  (fo  called 
from  the  revolution  of  its  fpieula  about  an  axis),  feveral  of  our, 
kings  and  great  barons  being  on  different  feals  lo  me  times  repre¬ 
fented  with  one,  and  fometimes  with  the  other  fpecies.. 

At  what  period  fpurs  were  firft  invented  feems  unknown. 
Common  fenfe  points  out  that  they  muff  be  nearly  coeval  with 
the  art  of  riding  on  horfeback,  a  man  kicking  a  dull  or  tired, 
horfe  would,  loon  difcover  he  (food  in  need  of  a  more  powerful, 
hi mul us  than  his  heels,  and  it  does  not  feem  to  require  any  ex¬ 
traordinary  effort  of  genius  to  invent  and  fix  to  the  feet  fome 
kind  of  fpur  or  goad-. 

That  the  Romans  had  fpurs,  at  lead  as  early  as  the  Auguhati-. 
age,  is  proved  by  the  concurrent  tehimony  of  diverfe  writers* 
Notwithffanding  this,  for  fome  reafon  not  eafy  to  difcover, 
among  the  many  equeflrian  'figures,  that  have  furvived  the  ra¬ 

1 12  Mr.  Grose’s  Obfervations  on  arttient  Spurs . 

vages  of  war,  time,  and  weather,  none  of  the  riders  are  repre- 
fented  with  fpurs.,  or  any  equivalent  contrivance. 

Cicero  makes  ufe  of  the  word  calcar ,  to  fignify  a  fpur,  and 
slfo  ufes  that  term  in  a  metaphorical  fenfe,  as,  tuch  an  one  wants 
a  bridle,  fuch  an  one  a  fpur,  to  intimate,  that  one  was  too  quick, 
and  the  other  too  flow, 

Virgil  phrafes  the  fpur,  a  heel  (hod  with  iron  ;  fLneid,  ii. 
v.  714. 

Quadrupedemque  citum  ferrata  calee  fatigat. 

And  Silius  Italicus,  vii.  696. 

Ferrata  calce  atque  erfufa  largus  habena 

Cundtantem  impeflebat  equum. 

Livy  mentions  fpurs:  xxii.  6.  “  Subditilque  calcaribus  Cquo 
per  confertiffimam  hodium  turbam  impetus  fecit.”  And  Plautus 
Alin.  3,  3.  1 18.  “  Nam  jam  calcari  quadrupedem  agitabo  ad- 
verfum  clivum.”  Many  more  indances  might  be  cited,  but 
thefe  it  is  conceived  will  be  full  fufficient. 

Montfaucon  fuppofes  that  the  ancient  fpurs  were  fmall  points 
of  iron  fattened  to  a  little  plate  of  metal  fixed  to  the  fhoe,  on 
the  fide  of  the  heel,  for  fuch  he  has  feen  worn  by  the  pea  fan  1 3 
in  France;  and  to  fuch  points  he  conceives  that  fentence  in  the 
Adfs  of  the  Apodles  jy?]  to  allude,  “  It  is  hard  to  kick  agaitifl 
the  pricks,”  the  fame  as  is  ufed  by  Terence  [£],  who  fays, 
“  Contra  ffimulum  ne  calces;”  he  alfo  gives  the  delineation  of 
an  antient  fpur,  confiding  of  a  point  fixed  to  an  iron  femicircle, 
contrived  to  hook  upon  the  fhoe.  A  copy  of  this  is  given  among 
the  other  (ketches;  fee  N°  1.  PL  III. 

This  kind  of  fpur  is  found  on  many  of  our  antient  monu¬ 
ments,  particularly  on  thofe  crofs-legged  figures,  vulgarly 
though  improperly  called  Knights  Templars,  as  well  on  thofe 
in  relief  as  thofe  engraved  on  brafs  plates  ;  a  very  elegant  fpeci- 

[«]  IX.  5.  [£]  Phorra.  1.  ii.  28. 



Fr  Or  jsc'  del . 

Sajzrc'So . 

fr.  IrtvSH  del. 

B (Zaire  sc. 

Mr.  Grose's  Obfervations  on  antient  Spurs .  1 13 

men  taken  from  the  figure  of  the  earl  of  Cornwall  in  Weft- 
minder  Abbey  is  (hewn  in  PI.  III.  fig.  2. 

Randal  Holmes  in  his  Academy  of  Armory  has  a  figure  of 
one  of  thefe  fpurs  digged  up  at  Chefter  in  the  year  1670.  He 
fays  fome  term  it  a  gag  fpur,  and  fuppofes  from  its  magnitude 
that  it  belonged  to  a  giant.  See  a  fketch  of  it  PI.  III.  fig.  3. 

Spurs  conlifljng  of  only  one  point,  but  of  an  enormous  length 
and  thicknefs,  are  {till,  or  were  very  lately,  worn  by  the  Moors. 
A  drawing  of  one  of  them  of  the  fame  fize  as  the  original  is 
here  exhibited  in  PI.  IV.  fig.  1.  It  formerly  belonged  to  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Goftling  of  Canterbury.  Similar  fpecimens  are  in  the 
colle6lion  at  Don  Saltero’s  CofFee-houfe  in  Chelfea,  and  Sir 
Afhton  Lever’s  Mufeum. 

Blount  in  his  Law  Dictionary  mentions  a  fpur  of  this  kind, 
which  he  calls  a  pryck ,  and  cites  a  charter  in  the  ift  of 
Richard  II.  of  certain  lands  held  by  Sir  Nicholas  de  Langforde 
in  Kinvald-merfh  c.  Derby  by  the  fervice  of  finding  one  horfe, 
one  fack  and  one  pryck  for  the  king’s  wars  in  Wales.  He  like- 
wife  adds,  that  this  fort  of  fpur  was  worn  by  a  body  of  light 
horfemen  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  thence  called  prickers.  But 
with  refpeCt  to  this  laft  cited  authority,  it  feems  doubtful  whe¬ 
ther  the  ^ryck  mentioned  in  this  and  diverfe  other  charters, 
does  not  mean  a  goad  [<r],  fuch  as  is  ufed  for  the  driving  of 
oxen,  particularly  as  by  the  lack,  the  horfe  here  mentioned 
feems  intended  for  the  carriage  of  baggage,  and  befides  only  one 
pryck  is  mentioned,  which  could  not  have  been  the  cafe  with 
the  fpur  unlefs  the  fame  reafoning  was  then  adopted,  that  has 
fince  been  made  ufe  of  by  Butler  in  his  Hudibras. 

As  a  farther  elucidation  of  the  fubjeCt,  I  endeavoured  to  pro¬ 
cure  an  authentic  fpecimen  of  this  fort  of  fpur,  and  in  vain  for 

[c]  Blount  explains  it  fo  in  his  Jocular  Tenures,  and  fays  it  is  elfewhere  in 
Latin  called  compunflum. 

Vol.  VIII.  O  fome 


\  _ 

1 1 4  Mr.  Grose’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Spurs. 

fome  time  fearched  the  Britifh  Mufeum,  that  of  Sir  Aflitoit 
Lever,  and  diverfe  private  collections,  but  at  length  was  fo 
lucky  as  to  difcover  a  very  complete  one  of  Iron  in  the  cabinet 
of  Francis  Robfon,  Efq.  of  Chelfea,  found  in  the  parifh  of  N. 
Stoke,  Oxfordshire,  and  to  hear  of  another  of  brafs  in  the  pof- 
fefiion  of  Guftavus  Brander,  Efq.  Of  the  firft  a  drawing  is  here 
given,  PI.  III.  fig.  4.  The  other  being  packed  up  in  a  large 
cheft,  I  could  not  get  a  fight  of  it,  but  by  Mr,  Brander*s  de- 
fcription  it  feems  to  be  older  and  more  ornamented  than  that 
belonging  to  Mr.  Robfon. 

The  rouelk  or  wheel  fpur,  though  evidently  an  after-thought 
or  improvement  on  the  pryck,  was,  as  I  have  before  obferved, 
worn  in  common  with  it,  about  the  time  of  the  Conquefl.  It 
had  however  the  Superiority  in  many  inftances :  if  the  point  was 
broken  or  bent  in  the  pryck  fpur  it  became  entirely  ufelefs, 
whereas  by  the  rotation  of  the  wheel  the  place  was  fupplied 
with  a  fucceffion  of  others,  and  the  fame  motion  prevented  its 
injuring  the  horfe. 

The  points  of  the  antient  rouelle  or  rowell  fpurs  were  of  a 
great  length,  an  inflance  of  which  occurs  in  the  fpur,  PI.  V. 
fig.  1.  drawn  from  one  of  the  fame  fize,  late  in  the  pofleflion 
©f  the  Rev.  Mr.  Goftling.  The  length  of  its  rowels  from  the 
centre  to  the  point  is  three  inches,  of  the  neck  of  the  fpur  on  a- 
firait  line  four  inches.  Its  weight  ten  ounces  and  a  quarter. 
It  was  difcovered  in  digging  the  foundation  for  the  Obelifk  on 
Barnet  Common,  Middlefex,  ereCled  in  memory  of  the  bloody 
battle  fought  on  that  fpot,  between  the  Houfes  of  York  and 
Lancafter,  in  which  battle  it  is  probable  its  owner  fell,  and  was 
buried  on  the  field  of  battle. 

Fauchet  the  French  antiquary  thus  mentions  thefe  large 
fpurs,  “  Quant  aux  hommes  de  cheval,  ils  chaufloient  des 
“  chauffes  faites  des  mailles,  des  eperons  a  molettes  auffi  larges 
3  “  quo 



X  |#M 

Fr.  Gres 

£  as  z nr*  sc . 

Mr.  Grose’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Spurs .  115 

ix  que  la  paume  de  la  main  :  car  c’eft  un  viel  mot  que  la  che- 
“  valier  commence  a  s’armer  par  les  chaufies.” 

On  fome  antient  brafs  funeral  plates  we  meet  with  a  kind  of 
(pur  feemingly  partaking  of  both  the  pryck  and  rowell  fpurs, 
the  drawing  PI.  111.  fig.  5.  taken  from  the  colie&ion  of  Craven 
Orde,  Efq.  will  convey  the  form  much  more  intelligibly  than 
can  be  done  by  words.  I  (hall  only  obferve  that  the  (ingle  point 
feems  entirely  calculated  for  (hew,  as  from  its  (hortnefs  it  can 
never  reach  the  horfe. 

It  would  be  endlefs  to  point  out  the  different  forts  of  rowell 
fpurs.  Drawings  of  two  are  here  given,  PI.  V.  fig.  2.  drawn 
from  an  iron  fpur  of  the  fame  fize,  now  to  be  feen  at  Don 
Saltern’s  Coffee-Houfe,  Chelfea,  and  faid  to  have  been  taken  by* 
lord  Anfon  on  board  the  Acapulco  fhip.  It  weighs  one  pound 
and  three  quarters  avoirdupoife.  From  its  weight  and  fize  it 
could  hardly  have  been  worn,  but  was  in  all  likelyhood  in¬ 
tended  to  be  carried  in  fome  folemn  proceffion,  inftallment,  or 

The  other  PI.  IV.  fig.  2.  in  the  pofleflion  of  Mr.  Rawle, 
military  accoutrement-maker  in  the  Strand,  feems  calculated  for 
walking  in  proceffions,  the  roundnefs  and  bluntnefs  of  its  mol- 
lets  preventing  its  hitching  in  the  robes  of  the  wearer. 

I  (hall  conclude  this  paper  with  introducing  the  drawing 
PI.  IV.  fig.  3.  reprefenting  a  fort  of  double  pryck  fpur,  or  goad, 
made  of  box  wood,  and  feemingly  not  very  antient.  This  alfo 
belongs  to  Mr.  Rawle. 

XIV.  Account 


[  1 1 6 

XIV.  Account  of  the  d if cov erics  in  digging  a  Sewer 

in  Lombard-ftreet  and  Birchin-lane,  1786.  In  a 
Letter  to  Mr .  Gough,  and  communicated  hy  him . 

Read  February  16,  17 86* 

Dear  Sir, 

OU  have  expreded  a  wifh  that  I  fhould  give  you  as  exa£t 

A  an  account  as  I  am  able  of  the  difcoveries  which  have 
lately  been  made  by  the  workmen  who  were  employed  in  dig¬ 
ging  a  new  fewer  in  Lombard-ftreet  and  Birchin-lane.  In  mat¬ 
ters  of  this  fort  minute  exadtnefs  as  to  fituation  can  be  of  little 

importance,  but  the  modern  cudom  of  numbering  the  houfes 

will  enable  me  to  point  out  the  places  of  mod:  of  the  ruins  with 
tolerable  accuracy.  Some  fmall  progrefs  had  been  made  in  the 
work  before  I  heard  of  it.  About  the  latter  end  of  O&ober  X 
was  informed  by  a  friend  that  many  fragments  of  old  pave¬ 
ment  were  dug  up,  and  on  enquiring  I  found  that  not  only 
pavements,  but  walls,  fome  coins,  and  numberlefs  fragments  of 
earthen  ware  of  various  forms  and  forts  were  daily  difcovered 
which  bore  the  mod  undoubted  evidence  of  their  antiquity  and 
their  Roman  origin.  I  fhall  endeavour  to  give  you  drd  an  ac¬ 
count  of  the  difcoveries  of  the  pavements  and  walls,  in  order  to 
the  underdanding  which  you  will  recoiled!  that  Lombard-dreet 
runs  nearly  from  the  Manfion-houfe  at  the  Wed  to  Grace- 
church-dreet  at  the  Ead  end,  and  confequently  that  Birchin- 
lane  runs  nearly  from  Lombard-dreet  South  to  Cornhill  North. 

I  fhall  then  add  a  catalogue  of  fuch  coins  as  were  found,  with 
an  account  in  whofe  pofteffion  they  are  at  prefent. 


Antiquities  difcovered  in  Lombard- (Ireet,  &c.  nj 

And  I  (ball  fin i fh  with  a  fet  of  drawings  of  fuch  earthen  and 
other  utenfils  as  were  any  ways  remarkable  for  their  materials 
or  form,  and  which  are  in  my  polfeffion  [#].  Many  of  thefe  you 
will  perceive  to  be  exactly  limilar  to  others  which  have  been 
found  in  Roman  Rations  in  Britain  and  on  the  Continent. 

A  more  compleat  collection  of  thefe  is  in  the  hands  of  a 
perfon  who  being  relident  on  the  very  place  of  the  difcovery, 
had  the  bell:  and  earlieft  opportunity  of  becoming  poflelTed  of 
what  was  the  objeCt  of  his  curiofity,  and  to  whom  both  you 
and  I,  Sir,  are  obliged  for  the  mod  unreferved  and  liberal  com¬ 

A  very  rude  plan  [£]  not  drawn  from  aCtual  meafurement  ac¬ 
companies  this  paper,  which  it  may  ferve  to  explain.  It  will  alfo 
anfwer  the  purpofe  of  (hewing  the  direction  of  the  fragments 
of  the  walls,  fome  of  which  projected  into  the  fewer,  and 
were  by  no  means  parallel  to  the  direction  of  its  fides.  Such 
was  the  wall  found  on  the  North  fide  of  the  iewer  near  the 
Poll:  Office. 

In  the  interval  between  thofe  houfes  which  are  numbered 
from  82  to  85,  at  the  depth  of  about  nine  feet  from  the  fur- 
face  a  pavement  was  found  compoled  of  fmaH  rough  (tones, 
and  about  three  feet  below  this,  that  is  about  twelve  feet  from 
the  furface,  another  pavement  was  difcovered  of  the  kind 
ulually  fuppofed  to  be  Roman,  and  compofed  of  fmall  irregular 
bricks  moll:  of  them  red,  but  fome  few  black  and  fome  white. 
Though  they  were  of  irregular  form  they  did  not  differ  much  in 
fize,  being  in  length  about  two  inches,  and  in  breadth  one  inch 
and  a  half.  They  were  roughly  cemented  with  a  yellowilh  mor¬ 
tar,  and  were  laid  in  a  thick  bed  of  coarfe  mortar  and  Rones. 

[<«]  A  lift  of  thefe  articles  is  fubjoined  to  this  paper,  and  from  them  were 
felefled  thofe  engraven  in  plates  VI.  VII.  VIII.  IX.  X. 

[£]  See  plate  V*. 


1 1 8  Antiquities  difcovered 

The  extent  of  this  pavement  from  North  to  South  could  not  be 
difcovered,  as  it  exceeded  the  breadth  of  the  fewer.  From  Weft 
to  Eaft  it  extended  about  twenty  feet.  Near  this  pavement  Eaft- 
ward,  on  the  North  fide  parallel  with  the  fide  of  the  fewer 
ftood  a  wall  compofed  of  the  fmaller  fized  Roman  brick,  about 
ten  feet  high  and  eighteen  feet  long,  in  which  were  two  flues 
near  each  other,  one  femicircular,  the  other  rectangular  and  ob¬ 
long,  the  top  of  this  wall  was  about  ten  feet  below  the  furface 
of  the  ftreet. 

In  the  interval  between  the  houfes  numbered  72  and  82  were 
found  large  fragments  of  different  kinds  of  pavements,  fome  of 
the  common  teflelated  kind,  fome  final l  teflerae  of  different  co¬ 
lours,  fome  channelled  tiles  of  various  kinds  (fee  the  figures 
95,  96,  97,  98,)  and  fome  large  pieces  of  coloured  ftucco. 

Near  the  Poft  Office  on  the  North  fide  of  the  fewer  about 
fourteen  feet  under  the  furface  was  found  a  wall  of  the  ufual 
Roman  ftruTure.  From  the  top  for  about  two  feet  down  was 
rough  work,  and  then  regular  layers  of  flat  bricks  at  fmaller 
intervals.  Near  this  wall,  but  not  more  than  nine  feet  below 
the  furface,  was  a  pavement  of  flat  tiles,  whofe  length  was  about 
one  foot  five  inches  and  four-tenths  of  an  inch,  breadth  one 
foot  three-tenths  of  an  inch,  thicknefs  three-tenths  of  an  inch. 

Oppofite  the  houfe  N°  64  on  the  South  fide  of  the  fewer  at 
the  depth  of  twenty  feet  was  found  a  piece  of  folid  archwork 
compofed  of  ftones  of  irregular  forms,  and  yellow  mortar  al- 
moft  as  hard  as  the  ftones  themfelves.  See  fig.  13 1.  Walls  of 
the  fame  materials  as  that  defcribed  oppofite  the  Poft  Office 
were  found  on  the  South  fide  of  the  fewer,  nearly  oppofite  to 
the  end  of  Birchin-lane,  and  on  the  North  fide  near  the  houfes 
numbered  59,  57,  and  55. 

Oppofite  the  houfes  numbered  55  and  58  two  walls  compofed 
of  the  fame  materials  crofted  the  lewer.  They  were  about  two 
feet  and  a  half  in  thicknefs. 


in  Lombard-ftreet  and  Birchin-lane  1786.  119 

At  the  end  of  December  the  work  in  Lombard-ftreet  being 
compleated,  that  in  Birchin-lane  was  begun,  and  the  following 
numbers  therefore  refer  to  houfes  in  that  lane. 

Oppofite  the  houfes  numbered  15  and  13  on  the  Eaft  fide  of 
the  (ewer,  and  near  1ST  12  on  the  Weft  fide,  and  at  the  North 
end  of  the  lane  on  the  Weft  fide  of  the  fewer  were  walls  of 
the  fame  materials  as  that  near  the  Poft  Office  in  Lombard- 

Oppoftte  N6  14  was  a  pavement  of  coarfe  tefferae  of  the 
length  of  about  five  feet,  which  evidently  lay  on  a  dope  de¬ 
scending  northwards. 

Oppofite  N°  1 1  were  large  fragments  of  Small  tefielated 
figured  pavement.  The  telferae  meafured  about  one- fourth  of 
an  inch  in  each  dimenfion,  and  were  of  different  colours. 

Oppofite  N°  2,  at  the  depth  of  about  fourteen  feet  was  found 
a  pavement  of  chalkftones. 

Oppofite  N°  1  a  wall  crofted  the  fewer,  and  near  the  Weft 
corner  of  the  lane  was  a  wall  on  the  Weft  fide  of  the  fewer ^ 


t  20 

Antiquities  difcovered 

i  '.i  i  j  i  -iS‘ 

Articles  found  in  Lombard -Jlreet  and  Birchin-ianey 
numbered  as  drawn,  and  exhibited  to  the  Society, 
feveral  of  which  are  engraved  in  the  five  Plates 
hereunto  annexed. 

-  . -J;r  '•  ;  LTJ  :  /- 

i.  ECK  of  a  vefiel  of  the  common  cream-coloured  ware; 

-l.^1  the  diameter  including  the  rim  is  three  inches  one- 

.  i  i  *  *  *  4  y.  A  ^  r'  v  4  '.****’ 

2.  Another,  of  the  fame  ware;  diameter  three  inches  three- 
tenths.  .  ,  • 

3.  Another,  common  red  ware;  diameter  three  inches  two- 

)r  *  -  *  .*'■[)  i  >  )  jfj 

4.  Another,  white  ware  ;  diameter  three  inches. 

5.  Another,  red  ware  coloured,  white  on  the  outfide;  diame¬ 
ter  three  inches. 

6.  Another,  cream-coloured  ware. 

7.  Another,  the  fame  ware;  diameter  two  inches  three-tenths. 

8.  9.  Two  others,  common  white  ware. 

10.  Another,  coarfe  white  ware  ;  diameter  five  inches  three- 

11.  Another,  very  coarfe  dark-brown  ware;  diameter  one 
inch  one-tenth. 

12.  Another,  fine  light-brown  ware. 

13.  Another,  white  ware;  diameter  two  inches  one-tenth. 

14.  Another,  light  red  ware. 

1 5.  Another,  very  coarfe  brown  ware ;  the  rim  is  one  inch 
feven-tenths  thick. 

16.  Another,  fmooth  brown  ware  ;  diameter  eight-tenths  of  an 
inch,  length  of  the  handle  twTo  inches  three-tenth.  PL  VI.  fig.  1. 

17.  The  fpout  of  a  veffel  light  red  ware  ;  three  inches  three- 
tenths  in  length.  PL  VI.  fig.  2. 


17.  Neck 

po  ooo QfoqOQOO 

///////////*  (///  // ////////.  t  //'////</  /// 



^  it  jf  . ' lr/(fS  ' 

1  1  CT'^l// 

m  X 

in  LombarJ-ftreet  and  Birchm-lane.  121 

18.  Neck  of  a  veffel  red  ware,  coloured  white  on  the  outfide. 

19.  Another,  light-brown  ware;  diameter  one  inch  fix-tenths. 

20.  Another,  fhining  black  ware ;  diameter  two  inches  one- 


21.  Another,  fmooth  light-brown  ware;  diameter  two  inches 

22.  Another,  common  cream-coloured  ware;  diameter  four 
inches  and  a  half.  PI.  VI.  fig.  3. 

23.  Another,,  light- brown  ware ;  diameter  two  inches  one- 

24.  Another,  white  ware;  diameter  three  inches  five-eighths. 

25.  Another,  coarfe  light-brown  ware;  diameter  four  inches 

26.  Another,  grey  ware,  fize  of  the  figure. 

27.  Another,  red  ware  coloured  light-yellow  on  the  outfide, 
fize  the  fame  as  the  figure. 

27*.  Another,  coarfe  reddifh  ware;  diameter  two  inches  three- 

28.  Another,  coarfe  red  ware,  fize  of  the  figure.  PI.  VI.  fig.  4. 
28*.  Another,  coarfe  brown  ware;  diameter  two  inches  feven- 


29.  Another,  light -brown  ware  ;  diameter  fix  inches,  on  the 
handle  is  the  word  caro.  PI.  VI.  fig.  5. 

29*.  Another,  light- brown  ware,  height  three  inches.  PL 

VI.  fig.  7. 

30.  Another,  common  cream-coloured  ware  of  the  fize  of  the 
figure,  like  22  in  fhape. 

30*.  Another,  coarfe  brown  ware,  fize  of  the  figure.  PI.  VI.  fig.  6. 

31’  32>  33>  34.  3J>  36>  37>  38’  39>  4°,  4i-  Fragments  of 
fhining  coral-coloured  ware  of  the  fame  fize  as  the  figures,  31, 
32  are  engraved  PL  VI.  fig.  8.  9. 

Nos  33>  34,  35.  36,  37.  39,  40,  41.  are  engraved  Pi.  VII. 
fig.  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8. 

N°  38  is  engraved  PI.  VIII.  fig.  6. 

Vol.  VIII.  R  42.  A. 

I  22 

Antiquities  difcovered 

42.  A.  Fragment  of  a  veffel,  coral-coloured  ware;  diameter  fix 
inches  three-fourths,  depth  two  inches  one-tenth.  Pl.VIII.  fig.  1. 

42.  B.  The  fame  to  (hew  the  ornaments. 

43,  44.  Fragments  of  paterae,  fine  coral-coloured  ware,  fize 
of  the  figures. 

45.  Another  fragment  of  the  fame  ware;  diameter  fix  inches 
and  a  half,  depth  one  inch,  in  the  center  is  the  word  chia. 

46.  Fragment  of  an  ornamented  veffel,  fine  coral-coloured 
ware.  PI.  Vllf.  fig.  2. 

46*.  Another,  differently  ornamented.  PI.  VIII.  fig.  3. 
46**.  The  fame  to  fhew  the  ornaments. 

47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 

62.  Fragments  of  ornamented  fine  coral-coloured  ware.  NoS5i, 
52.  58,  59,  60.  are  engraved  PI.  VIII.  fig.  4.  5.  PL  IX.  fig.  1.  2.  3. 
62*.  Fragment  of  the  fame  ware.  PI.  IX.  fig.  4. 

63.  Another  fragment  of  a  fmall  veffel  of  the  fame  ware. 
63*.  Another;  diameter  two  inches  and  a  half,  depth  half  an 


64.  Fragment  of  fine  black  ware  with  an  ornamented  border. 
64*.  Fragment  of  coral-coloured  ware  ;  diameter  four  inches 

two- tenths,  depth  one  inch  two-tenths. 

65.  Another  fragment  of  the  fame  ware. 

65*.  Fragment  of  a  veffel  of  dull  coral-coloured  ware. 

66.  Fragment  of  fine  coral-coloured  ware,  border  orna¬ 

66*.  Fragment  of  a  fiat  vefiel  of  fine  coral-coloured  ware. 

67.  Another  fragment  of  the  lame  ware ;  in  the  center  are 
the  letters  C1R;C°II  Sv. 

67*.  Another  (lightly  ornamented  near  the  center,  in  which 
are  the  letters  MARCIF. 

68.  69,  70.  Fragments  of  fine  brown  ware,  (lightly  orna¬ 

71.  Fragment  of  dull  red  ware  (lightly  ornamented. 

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In  Lombard-ftreet  and  Birchin-lane.  123 

72.  A  veflel  almoft  perfect,  light  red  ware.  Pi.  IX.  fig.  5. 

73.  Another  of  the  fame  ftiape,  dull  red  ware.  PI.  IX.  fig.  6, 

74.  Bottom  of  a  veflel,  white  ware.  PI.  IX.  fig,  7. 

75.  Fragment  of  a  very  large  veflel,  very  coarfe  dark-grey 

76.  Fragment  of  a  veflel,  fine  grey  ware  ornamented.  PI. 
IX.  fig.  8. 

77.  Fragment  of  fine  black  ware  ornamented.  PI.  X.  fig.  1. 
77  A.  Another  fragment  of  black  ware,  depth  one  inch  and 

a  half. 

77  B.  Another,  coarfe  light-red  ornamented. 

77  C.  Another,  light  grey  fine  ware. 

77  D.  Another  grev. 

77  E.  Another  grey. 

77  F.  Another  fine  black. 

77  G.  Another  fine  grey. 

77  H.  Another  fine  (hitting  grey. 

77  I.  Another  dull  grey. 

77  K.  Another  fine  (hining  black. 

77  L.  Another  dull  grey. 

77  M.  Another  dull  grey. 

78.  A  perfeft  veflel,  dark  brown  coarfe  ware.  PI.  X.  fig.  2. 

79.  A  fragment  of  glafs,  dark- blue  ground,  the  marks  are 
ftained  red,  green,  and  various  colours.  PI.  X.  fig.  3. 

80.  Another  fragment  of  glafs,  white  and  curioufiy  orna¬ 
mented.  Pl.  X.  fig.  4. 

81.  Another  fragment  of  glafs.  PI.  X.  fig.  5. 

82.  Lid  of  a  vefiel,  of  earthen  ware;  the  intide  and  rims  are 
white,  the  refi  is  dark-brown  and  highly  glazed.  PI.  X.  fig.  6. 

83.  Neck  of  a  phial  of  white  glafs.  PI.  X.  fig.  7. 

The  above  figures  from  46  to  83  were  all  drawn  the  fize  of 
the  originals. 

R  2 

84.  Fragment 

1 2  4  Antiquities  difcovered 

84.  Fragment  of  a  veffel  of  greenifh  g'lafs,  height  four  inches 
three-fourths,  diameter  two  inches  three- fourths.  Pi.  X.  fig,  8. 

85.  Handle  of  a‘ veffel,  green  glafs,  fize  of  the  figure-.  Pi.  X. 

%•  9- 

86  A.  86  B.  Bottom  of  a  veffel  of  yellowifh-green  glafs,  fize 
of  the  figure. 

87.  Fragment  of  a  veffel  of  grey  fine  ware,  fize  of  the  figure. 

88  A.  Fragment  of  coarfe  light-brown  ware,  diameter  in¬ 
cluding  the  rim,  one  foot,  depth  three  inches  three-fourths,  on 
the  rim  is  sollvs  f.  as  exprefiTed  in  a  fac  fimile,  fig.  B.  Pi.  X. 
fig.  10. 

89,  90,  91,  92,  93.  Fac  fimiles  of  words  on  different  frag¬ 
ments  of  the  fame  kind  of  veffels,  as  fig.  88.  Pi.  X.  fig.  11, 
12,  13,  14,  15- 

94.  Fragment  of  the  fame  kind,  on  the  rim  the  letters  as  in 
fig.  93.  Pi.  X.  fig.  16. 

95,  96,  97,  98  A.  98  B.  Fragments  of  different  kinds  of 
channeled  bricks  found  in  Lombard-ffreet  between  the  houfes 
numbered  72  and  82,  and  in  different  parts  of  Birchin-lane. 
98  A.  is  exhibited  PI.  X.  fig.  17. 

99  A.  99  B.  Brafs  ring.  PI.  VII.  fig.  9. 

100  A.  ico  B.  Bead  of  earthen  ware.  PI.  VII.  fig.  10. 

10 1.  Brafs  key.  PI.  VII.  fig.  11. 

102.  Brafs,  fuppofed  part  of  a  fitting  figure,  but  melted  or 
crufhed.  PI.  VII.  fig.  12. 

103.  Fragment  of  a  veffel  of  coarfe  grey-brown  ware. 

The  above  from  94  to  103  are  all  the  fize  of  the  figures. 

104.  Fragment  of  a  veffel  of  coarfe  brown  ware;  diameter 
one  foot. 

105.  Handle,  coarfe  light-brown  ware,  length  one  foot. 

106.  Bottom  of  a  large  veffel,  coarfe  red  ware,  the  upper  part 
of  a  lighter  colour,  length  one  foot  fix  inches,  breadth  eleven 
inches  and  a  half.  PL  VII.  fig.  13. 

107.  Fragment 

in  Lombard-ftreet  and  Birchin-lane.  125 

107.  Fragment  of  the  fame  kind  of  veflel,  nine  inches  fix- 
tenths  in  length,  diameter  five  inches. 

108.  Stand  of  a  veflel,  common  brown  ware;  diameter  three 
inches  and  a  half,  height  two  inches. 

109.  Fragment  of  a  patera,  coarfe  light-red  ware;  diameter 
four  inches  two-tenths. 

no.  Fragment  of  a  veffel  with  a  handle,  coarfe  cream-co¬ 
loured  ware,  fize  of  the  figure. 

in.  Another  fragment,  very  fine  black  ware;  diameter  two 
inches  eight-tenths. 

1 1 2.  Another,  cream-coloured  ware,  marked  with  red  lines. 

1 13.  Another,  fine  brown  fprinkled  with  gold. 

1 14.  Another,  coarfe  brown  ware.  PI.  VII.  fig.  14. 

iij.  Handle,  cream-coloured  ware  almoft  flrait. 

1 16,  1 1 7.  Handles  of  the  fame  ware. 

11 8 .  Fragment  of  the  fame  ware. 

The  above  from  1 12  to  1 18,  are  the  fize  of  the  figures. 

1 1 9.  Round  brick  with  a  prominence  on  one  fide,  and  a  ca¬ 
vity  on  the  other  two  inches  thick,  diameter  nine  inches.  PI. 

VI.  fig.  10. 

120.  Fragment  with  the  appearance  of  a  face,  fize  of  the 

1 2 1.  Flue,  red  brick,  length  fixteen  inches  and  a  half,  breadth 
fix  inches  and  a  half,  depth  five  inches. 

122.  Another;  length  ten  inches,  breadth  fix  inches  fix-tenths. 

123.  Tile  bent;  length  eight  inches. 

124.  Large  veflel  of  coarfe  brown  ware,  entire  when  fir  ft  dis¬ 
covered,  but  broken  by  the  workmen  ;  diameter  of  the  bottom 
one  foot,  height  about  four  feet,  borders  flight ly  ornamented. 

125.  Drain  of  hard  ftone,  about  two  feet  long. 

130.  Wall  with  two  flues. 

131.  Archwork,  found  oppofite  N°  64  in  Lombard-ftreet. 



Antiquities  dtfcovered,  See, 

The  following  Letters  are  on  fragments  of  coral-coloured  ware 




















Coins  found  in  Lombard-ftreet  and  Birchin-lane. 

Antoninus  Pius.  M.  B.  reverfe  effaced. 

Antoninus  Pius.  M.  B.  reverfe  Britannia,  in  the  poifeffion 
of  Mr.  Jackfon,  much  corroded. 

Claudius.  M.  B.  1  *n  p0ffeffioa  of  Mr.  Bland,  banker. 
Nerva.  M.  B.  ')  *r 

Vefpafian.  M.  B. 

Diocletian.  M.  B.  reverfe  ivstitta. 

Gallienus.  B. 

Conftantinus.  f  near  ^co  brafs  were  found  in  the  ground, 
Tetricus.  J  together. 

Antonia  Aug.  M.  B.  reverfe  ti.  clavdivs  caesar  avg.  pm. 
tr.  p.  imp.  p.  p.  s.  c.  in  the  pofleflion  of  Mr.  Barnet,  banker. 


Alexander -Severus,  fmall  fize  imp.  sev.  ale.  ...  avg.  re- 
verfe,  virt.  avg.  in  the  poffeflion  of  Mr.  .Jackfon. 

Antoninus  Pius,  fmall  fize,  gold,  reverfe  ivstitia. 


Nero.  Nero  Caefar  Auguftus,  reverfe  ivppiter  cvstos,  in 
the  poflelfion  .of  Mr,  Jackfon. 

Galba.  in  the  poffeflion  of  John  Henniker,  Efq.  F.  R.  A.  S. 
ob  cives.  servatos.  in  a  civic  crown. 

Many  obliterated  coins  were  found  in  different  parts  of  the 

XV.  An 

C  I?7  ] 

XV.  Account  of  the  Dif cover  ies  before  7?ie?itioned ,  re 

preceding  Paper.  Communicated  by 

Charles  Combe,  M.  D.  F .  R.  and  A.  S.  S.  ft  'om  Mr. 
John  Jackfon  of  Clement’s-Laae. 

Read  February  ib,  1786. 

IN  making  a  common-fewer  along  Lombard-flreet  in  the 
autumn  of  the  year  1785  and  the  following  winter,  the 
labourers  met  with  a  great  number  of  Rbman  antiquities,  parti¬ 
cularly  teflelated  pavements  and  earthen  ware.  The  firfl:  pave¬ 
ment  that  I  have  heard  of' was  near  Sherborn-lane,  and  was 
compofed  of  bricks  about  an  inch  fquare,  and  bedded  in  very 
firm  mortar.  Between  this  and  the  Poft-ofEce  a  wall  was  found 
perforated  perpendicularly  by  two  flues,  one  circular,  the  other 
fquare.  Oppoflte  the  Poft-office  was  dug  up  a  foundation  (or 
floor)  of  common  Roman  bricks,  each  about  eighteen  inches -by 
twelve  in  flze. 

At  the  Eaft  fide  of  the  houfe  numbered  1 1,  there  was  found 
another  pavement,  about  ten  feet  deep,  more  or  lefs,  but  more 
decayed  than  the  firfi.  It  was  chiefly  compofed  of  red  bricks 
about  an  inch  fquare,  with  a  few  black  ones,  and  white  flones, 
but  apparently  forming  no  regular  figures. 

This  pavement,  as  -well  as  mofit  of  the-refty  was  laid  on  three 
diflinfl  beds  of  mortar.  The  loweft  very  coarfe,  about  three 
inches  thick  at  a  medium  and  mixed  with  large  pebbles ;  over 
this  is  fine  mortar,  very  hard, .and  ofareddifh  colour,  being 


128  Antiquities  difcovered 

mixed  with  powdered  brick.  This  is  about  one  inch  thick,  and 
on  it  the  bricks  are  laid  in  a  very  fine  white  cement. 

Oppofite  Abchurch-lane  there  appeared  two  walls  of  unhewn 
ftone,  their  diredftion  acrofs  the  ftreet,  at  the  diftance  of  about 
eight  or  ten  feet  from  each  another ;  between  them  was  much 
black  wood,  apparently  burnt,  and  indeed  many  things  dug  up 
hereabouts  difcovered  plain  marks  of  conflagration. 

In  many  parts  of  Lombard-ftreet  and  Birchin-lane  (which  was 
afterwards  opened)  a  very  large  quantity  of  oy fie r- (hells  was 
found  at  the  fame  depth  as  the  pavements,  &c.  with  a  few 
mufcle-fhells,  both  of  the  common  Englifh  kinds.  A  little  far¬ 
ther  to  the  Eaft  the  workmen  faid  they  found  another  teflelated 
pavement,  fo  much  decayed,  that  it  entirely  broke  to  pieces  in 
taking  up. 

About  this  fpot,  and  in  many  other  places,  large  pieces  of 
porous  brick  were  met  with,  of  a  very  loofe  texture,  feeming  as 
if  mixed  with  draw  before  they  were  burnt.  They  are  com¬ 
monly  channeled  on  the  furface.  Their  fize  is  quite  uncertain, 
being  mere  fragments.  Their  thicknefs  about  one  inch  and  half 
or  two  inches. 

Farther  on  there  appeared  more  pavement  of  the  common 
fort;  but  I  am  not  certain  whether  it  was  a  continuation  of  the 
la  ft,  or  diftindl  from  it. 

Next  to  this,  oppofite  to  N°  20,  was  difcovered  another  pave¬ 
ment,  compofed  of  pieces  of  black  and  white  ftone,  each  about 
one-third  of  an  inch  fquare,  probably  difpoled  in  regular  order; 
but  none  of  this,  I  believe,  was  extraffed  entire. 

At  the  Eaft  end  of  N°  20  were  feen  two  chalk  walls,  crofting 
the  ftreet  at  a  few  feet  di fiance  from  each  other. 

Opposite  N°  21,  another  chalk  or  ftone  wall  projected  from 
the  South  fide  of  the  ftreet,  and  more  of  the  coarfe  channeled 
brick  was  found. 


in  Lombard-ftreet  and  Birchin-Iane.  129 

Between  the  laft  mentioned  houfe  and  N°  22,  another  pave¬ 
ment  was  met  with  of  the  common  fort,  and  by  this  there  were 
fragments  of  plainer  walls  painted  red  with  a  black  border. 

Oppofite  to  the  end  of  Nicholas-lane  there  was  a  chalk  wall, 
on  the  South  fide  of  the  trench,  clofe  to  which,  at  about  feven 
feet  deep,  a  great  number  of  coins  were  found  loofe  in  the  earth. 
They  are  very  fmall  brafs,  and  of  the  rudeft  workmanfhip ;  the 
few  that  are  legible  appear  to  be  of  Tetricus. 

At  the  fouth-weft  corner  of  Birchin-lane,  a  wall  of  Roman 
bricks  and  ftone  projected  from  the  north  fide  of  the  trench. 
The  fide  of  this  wall  inclined  to  the  fouth  weft,  forming  an  an¬ 
gle  of  about  20  deg.  with  the  prefent  courfe  of  the  ftreet.  A 
little  beyond  this,  another  appeared  on  the  fouth  fide  parallel  to 
the  former  j  the  diftance  between  them  was  not  above  three  or 
four  feet. 

To  the  eaft  of  Birchin-lane,  another  wall  was  found  parallel 
to  the  laft,  but  at  a  much  greater  diftance  being  oppofite  to 
N°  26.  Thefe  remains  of  buildings  were  fuch  mere  ruins, 
and  the  feene  of  obfervation  fo  narrow,  that  probably  very 
little  information  could  be  gathered  from  a  more  accurate  de« 

When  the  workmen  proceeded  up  Birchin-lane,  they  found 
more  ruins  of  ftone-walls,  fragments  of  painted  walls  of  plaifter, 
and  pavements,  particularly  a  fine  teffelated  pavement  of  very 
fmall  bricks  and  ftones,  nearly  oppofite  N°  12.  Of  this  only 
a  corner  appeared,  which  is  compofed  of  black,  red,  green,  and 
white  ftones  and  brick,  forming  a  beautiful  border.  It  feems 
by  the  men’s  defeription,  that  this  pavement  runs  under  the 
footway,  and  the  houfes  thereabouts,  if  not  deftroyed  when  they 
were  built. 

Both  in  Lombard-ftreet  and  Birchin-lane  there  were  found 
great  quantities  of  Roman  earthen  ware,  but  chiefly  fragments ; 

Vol,  VIII.  S  coins 

hk  ttn » v 

T  *  Antiquities  difcovered 

coins  of  gold,  fiiver,  and  copper,  of  Claudius,  Nero,  Galba,  and 
other  emperors,  down  to  Conilantme,  leveial  handles,  anti  hag- 
rnents  ot  glafs  urns,  bottles,  etc.  Roman  keys,  hoi  ns,  and  bones 
of  different  animals,  and  in  the  upper  part  of  the  foil  Nurem¬ 
berg  counters,  coins  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  other  relics  of 
modern  times. 

From  the  foregoing  account  it  is  plain,  that  when  London 
was  a  Roman  colony,  the  fite  of  Lombard-ilreet  was  a  row  of 
houfes,  but  probably  has  been  a  ftreet  ever  fince  the  early  Saxon 
times,  as  nothing  appeared  to  indicate  the  contrary,  no  remains 
of  Saxon  antiquity  having  been  found  that  could  be  afeer- 
tained  for  fuch. 

I  have  handles  of  large  jugs  of  pale  coarfe  clay  found  here 
with  the  following  letters  (lamped  on  them, 

C.  F.  A  I.  CORI  v  m 

A  great  number  of  pieces  of  round  (hallow  veffels  were  found, 
made  of  coarfe  clay  :  they  were,  when  entire,  about  one  foot 
in  diameter,  and  have  broad  rims  turned  downwaids.  each  has 
a  channel  on  one  lide,  acrois  the  rim,  to  poui  off  the  contents, 
and  the  infides  of  fome  of  them  are  covered  with  fmall  Hones. 
They  all  appear  to  have  been  ufed  for  grinding  fome  fubllance, 
for  their  infides  have  plainly  been  worn  by  trituration,  and 
from  the  frequency  of  them,  it  is  likely  that  they  were  kitchen 
utenfils.  I  have  fpecimens  of  them  with  the  following  inferip- 
lions  damped  on  their  rims. 


TI03T  (fecit) 

l  NVS 

P.  P.  B. 



(#// /#■■// 





"  \ 

Vol.VIIL  FI.  XI.  p.  t3o. 


m  i 




in  Lombard- ftreet  and  Birchin-lane. 


I?  have  fragments  of  the  fine  red  ware  found  here,  with 
the  following  infcriptions  acrofs  the  middle  of  them,  befide 
feveral  others,  which,  from  the  ignorance  of  the  fculptor,  are 



OFMONANI  (Montani) 

O.  PASi 
— -  SECW)I 



Or.  CRES  (perhaps  Crefcentis) 

CALE  — - 

— -MbEII  •  M  (Pompeii) 


H/1A0JA  (perhaps  Albani,  reverfed) 


1 3  2*  Antiquities  difcovered, 

PI.  XI.  fig.  i.  exhibits  a  beautiful  bafon  of  red  earthen  ware, 
of  which  fig.  2.  is  a  feCtion  on  a  larger  fcale.  Fig.  3.  Another 
earthen  veftel  or  urn  of  a  lingular  form. 

PI.  XII.  fig.  1.  an  urn.  Fig.  2.  fragment  of  a  bowl. 

All  thefe  are  in  my  pofleffion. 

Fig.  4.  and  5.  PI.  XI.  a  gold  coin  of  Nero  and  a  film*  one  of 
Alexander  Sever  us  in  my  pofleffion. 

Fig.  3.  PI.  XII.  is  a  gold  coin  of  Galba  in  the  pofleffion  of 
John  Ilenniker,  Efq.  F.  R.  A.  S.  This  coin  is  beautiful  in  the 
excellence  of  its  impreffion,  and  more  particularly  curious  from 
the  circum fiances  under  which  it  was  difcovered,  which  were 
communicated  in  a  letter  from  Sir  John  Henniker,  to  the  fol¬ 
lowing  effect: 

“  A  large  trench  has  been  excavated  in  Lombard-ftreet  for  the 
flrfl  time  fince  the  memory  of  man,  which  is  funk  about  fixteen 
feet  deep.  The  foil  is  almoft  uniformly  divided  into  fourftrata; 
the  uppermoft,  thirteen  feet  fix  inches  thick,  of  factitious  earth; 
the  fecond,  two  feet  thick,  of  brick,  apparently  the  ruins  of 
buildings  ;  the  third,  three  inches  thick,  of  wood-afhes,  appa¬ 
rently  the  remains  of  a  town  built  of  wood,  and  deftroyed  by 
fire;  the  fourth,  of  Roman  pavement,  common  and  teflelated. 
On  this  pavement  the  coin  in  queftion  was  difcovered,  together 
with  feveral  other  coins  and  many  articles  of  pottery.  Below 
the  pavement  the  workmen  find  virgin-earth.  From  the  parti¬ 
cular  fituation  of  Lombard-ftreet,  elevated  above  the  level  of 
the  marfhes,  and  happily  placed  to  enjoy  the  advantages  of  the 
river,  and  from  the  appearances  here  fpoken  of,  it  is  prefumed 
that  it  conftituted  part  of  the  ftte  of  the  antient  Augufta.” 

XVI.  Obfer - 

[  *33*  ] 

XVI.  Ohfervations  on  a  PiSiure  by  Zuccaro  from  Lord 
Falkland’s  ColleSUon  fuppofed  to  reprefe?it  the  Game 
^Primero.  By  the  Hon.  Daines  Barrington.  In¬ 
ferred  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bowie. 

'  •  .  ;  t 

Read  May  5,  1785. 

Inner  Temple,  May,  4,  1785. 

CONCEIVE  that  the  following  account  of  a  piClure,  which 
was  fold  lafl  week  at  Greenwood's  au£lion-room  in  Leicefter 
Fields,  may  be  interefling  to  the  Society. 

It  originally  belonged  to  the  great  and  good  lord  Falkland ; 
from  whom  it  defeended  to  the  late  vifeount  of  that  title,  who 
died  not  long  fince. 

According  to  tradition  in  the  family  it  was  painted  by  Zuccaro; 
and  repretented  lord  Burleigh  playing  at  cards  with  three  other 
perfons,  who,  from  their  drefs,  appear  to  be  of  diflin&ion,  each  of 
them  having  two  rings  on  the  fame  fingers  of  both  their  hands. 

The  cards  are  marked  as  at  prefent,  and  differ  from  thofe  of 
more  modern  times  only  by  being  narrower  and  longer;  eight  of 
thefe  lye  upon  the  table,  with  the  blank  fide  uppermofl,  whilft 
four  remain  in  each  of  their  hands. 

Other  particulars  deferving  notice  are,  that  one  of  the  players 
exhibits  his  cards,  which  are,  to  the  bed  of  my  recollection,  the 
knave  of  hearts,  with  the  ace,  y  and  6  of  clubs.  There  are  alfo 
confiderable  heaps  of  gold  and  fiver  on  the  table,  fo  that  thefe 
dignified  perfonages  feem  to  have  played  for  what  would  not  at 
prefent  be  called  a  chicken  flake. 

132  Mr.  Barrington’s  Account  of  the  Game  Primero. 

It  fhould  feem,  that  the  game  is  a  Spanifh  one,  called  Pri¬ 
mero,  which  probably  might  have  been  introduced  by  Philip 
the  Second,  or  home  of  his  iuite,  whillt  he  was  in  England,  and 
was  much  in  vogue  during  the  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth,  as  ap¬ 
pears  by  the  following  pallage  from  Shakfpeare  : 

“ - I  left  him  at  Primero 

“  With  the  duke  of  Suffolk.” 

Henry  VIII.  Adi.  V.  Sc. 

I  have  taken  fome  pains  to  find  out  how  this  formerly  fa¬ 
vourite  game  was  played,  and  find  the  following  account  of  it 
in  Duchat’s  notes  on  the  twenty-fecond  chapter  of  the  firft 
book  of  Rabelais,  in  which  all  the  games,  with  which  Gargantua 
amufed  himfelf,  are  mentioned,-  amounting  to  nearly  two  hun¬ 
dred,  and  the  fecond  of  which  is  Primero. 

I  fihall  fubjoin  a  tranflation  of  Duchat’s  note  on  this  word, 
which  feems  moil  clearly  to  prove,  that  Primero  is  the  game 
deferibed  in  this  picture  of  lord  Falkland’s. 

<c  Each  player  hath  four  cards,  which  are  dealt  one  by  one  ; 
“  a  feven  is  the  highefl  in  point  of  number,  [which  he  can 
“  avail  himfelf  of,]  and  counts  for  twenty-one ;  the  next  is  the 
“  fix,  and  counts  for  fixteen ;  the  next  is  the  five,  and  counts 
“  for  fifteen  ;  the  ace  reckons  for  the  fame  number,  but  the 
“  duce,  trois,  and  quatre,  count  only  for  their  refpedtive  num- 
“  her  of  points.” 

Duchat  adds,  that  the  knave  of  hearts  moft  commonly  is 
pitched  upon  for  the  quitiola ,  which  the  player  may  make  what 
card,  and  of  what  colour  he  pleafes  [rz]  j  if  the  cards  are  all  c-f 
different  colours,  the  player  wins  primero,  and  if  they  are  all  of 
the  fame  colour,  he  wins  the  flufh  [£]. 

[a]  Hence  the  Spanifh  phrafe,  “  ejlar  de  quinola ,”  which  flgnifies  the  joining 
different  colours.  See  the  Dictionary  of  the  Royal  Academy  at  Madrid,  voce, 


[£]  The  Spanifli  term  is  “  flux,”  which  fignifies  the  fame  with  our  word 
JUiJh,  and  which,  when  applied  to  cards,  imports  that  they  are  all  of  the  fame, 
colour,  x  in  that  language,  moreover,  hath  the  power  of  Jh  or  nearly  fo. 


Mr.  Barrington’s  Account  of  the  Game  Primero..  13  3 

From  this  outline  of  Primero  there  feems  to  be  little  doubt 
but  that  it  is  the  game  which  the  painter  means  to  defcribe;, 
and  that  the  perfon  exhibiting  his  cards  to  the  fpedlators  hath 
won  the  flus ,  flux,  or  flufh ;  for  his  three  clubs  are  the  belt  cards 
for  counting,  and  his  knave  of  hearts  may  double  the  belt  of 
thefe,  whilfl:  it  aifo  becomes  a  club,  and  thus  wins  by  the  num¬ 
ber  of  points*  as  well  as  by  the  four  cards  becoming  a  Audi  of 

Whilfl  I  have  thus  been  endeavouring  to  explain  this  pidlure 
of  Zuccaro,  fome  other  obfervations  have  occurred,  with  regard 
to  cards  in  the  more  early  centuries,  which  with  the  indulgence 
of  the  Society  1  may  poflibly  lay  before  them  hereafter. 


XVII.  Obfer - 

[  »34  3 

(>  <  -  t  :  :  i.,  \  _ t  . 

XVII,  Obfervations  on  the  Antiquity  of  Card-playing  in 
England  by  the  Hon.  Dairies  Barrington  *  Infer ib eel 
to  the  Rev .  Mr.  Bowie. 


Read  February  23,  1786. 

SINCE  the  lad  paper  which  I  had  the  honour  to  lay  before 
the  Society,  giving  fome  account  of  a  picture  reprefen  ting 
lord  Burleigh  with  three  others  playing  at  cards  [h],  I  have 
found  fome  confirmation  that  thofe  exhibited  in  the  hand  of  one 
of  thefe  players,  relate  to  Pritnero  [b],  becaufe  the  Sydney  Pa¬ 
pers  mention  [c]  that  queen  Elizabeth  formed  a  party  at  this 
game  with  the  Lord  Treafurer,  Mr.  Secretary,  and  the  Lord 

I  am  fince  informed  likewife,  that  this  picture  was  purchafed 
by  Mr.  Bird  of  Hanover  Square. 

I  proceed  to  give  the  bed:  account  I  am  able  of  the  fil'd  in¬ 
troduction  of  this  padime  now  become  fo  general. 

The  earlied  mention  of  cards  that  I  have  yet  dumbled  upon 
is  in  Mr.  Audio’s  Hidory  of  the  Garter  [<f],  where  he  cites 
the  following  paffage  from  the  Wardrobe  Rolls,  in  the  fixth 
year  of  Edward  the  Fird. 

[<?]  See  the  preceding  article. 

[£]  This  ancient  game  is  fometimes  written  Primers., 

[c]  Sydney  Papers,  vol.  I.  p.  154. 

[d\  Vol.  II.  p.  307. 

“  Waltero 

Air,  Barrington  on  Card  P 'laying,  i 33 

*  w 

“  Waltero  Sturton  ad  opus  regis  ad  ludendum  ad  quatuor  re'gei 
viii  s.  v  d.”  \e\  from  which  entry  Mr.  Anftis  with  fome  pro¬ 
bability  conjectures,  that  playing  cards  were  not  unknown  at  the 
latter  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  ;  and  perhaps  what  I  (hall 
add  may  carry  with  it  fome  fmall  confirmation  of  what  he  thus 

Edward  the  Firft  (when  prince  of  Wales)  ferved  nearly  five 
years  in  Syria,  and  therefore,  whilft  military  operations  were 
iufpended,  muff  naturally  have  wi filed  fome  fedentary  amufe- 
ments.  Now  the  Afiatics  fcarcely  ever  change  their  cufloms ; 
and,  as  they  play  at  cards  (though  in  many  refpeCts  different 
from  ours  [/],)  it  is  not  improbable  that  Edward  might  have 
been  taught  the  game,  ad  quatuor  reges ,  whilft  he  continued  fo 
long  in  this  part  of  the  globe. 

If  however  this  article  in  the  Wardrobe  account  is  not  al¬ 
lowed  to  allude  to  playing  cards ,  the  next  writer  who  mentions 
the  more  early  introduction  of  them  is  P.  Meneftrier  [g],  who, 
from  fuch  another  article  in  the  privy  purfe  expences  of  the 
kings  of  France,  fays,  that  they  were  provided  for  Charles  the 
Sixth  by  his  limner,  after  that  king  was  deprived  of  his  fenfes 
in  1392.  The  entry  is  the  following,  44  Donne  a  Jacquemiu 
44  Gringonneur,  Feintre,  pour  trots  jeux  de  Cartes,  a  or  et  a  di- 
44  verfes  couleurs,  de  plufieurs  devifes,  pour  porter  vers  le  dit* 
44  Seigneur  Roi  pour  fon  abatement,  cinquante  fix  fols  Parkis.” 

[<?]  This  entry  feems  to  have  been  communicated  to  Mr.  Anftis  by  fome 
other  perfon. 

[A]  “  For  their  paftimes  within  doors  they  have  cards  differing  from  ours  in 
“  the  figures  and  number  of  funs.”  Pietro  della  Valle. 

Niehbur  (in  his  Travels)  alfo  mentions  the  ufe  of  Chinefe  cards,  p.  139,  and 
fays,  that  the  Arabians  call  this  amufement  Lab-cl-karncr.  We  have  chefs 
like  wife  from  the  Afiatics. 

D]  Bibliotheque  Inftru&ive  et  Curieufe. 


I  muft. 

ig6  Mr.  Barrington  on  Card  "Playing. 

I  muft  own,  that  I  have  fome  doubts  whether  this  entry 
really  relates  to  playing  cards ,  though  it  is  admitted  that  trois 
jeux  de  cartes  would  now  fignify  three  packs  of  cards.  The  word 
jeu  however  had  anciently  a  more  extenfive  import  than  at  pre- 
fent,  and  Cotgrave  in  his  Dictionary  applies  it  to  a  chejl  of  vio¬ 
lins,  jeu  de  violons.  I  therefore  rather  conceive  that  the  trois 
jeux  de  Cartes ,  in  this  article,  means  three  fets  of  illuminations 
upon  paper ;  carte  originally  fignifying  no  more  [£]. 

If  this  be  the  right  interpretation  of  the  terms,  we  fee  the 
reafon  why  Gringoneur,  limner  to  Charles  VI.,  was  employed, 
and  thefe  three  fets  of  illuminations  would  entertain  the  king 
during  his  infanity  by  their  variety,  as  three  fets  of  wooden 
prints  would  now  amufe  a  child  better  than  one;  whilft  on  the 
other  hand  one  pack  of  cards  would  have  been  fufficient  for  a 
mad  king,  who  probably  would  tear  them  in  pieces  upon  the 
£rft  run  of  bad  luck. 

How  this  fame  king  moreover  was  to  be  taught  or  could 
play  a  game  at  cards  whilft  he  was  out  of  his  fenfes  is  not 
very  apparent,  and  the  phyfician,  who  permitted  fuch  amufe- 
ment  to  his  majefty,  feems  not  to  have  confdered  the  ill  confe- 
quence  to  his  health  by  lofles  at  play,  which  fo  much  inflame 
the  paflions.  Some  ftrefs  likewife  may  be  laid  upon  this  entry 
not  being  followed  by  another  [/]  of  money  iflued  to  the  win¬ 
ners,  as  there  feems  to  be  little  doubt,  but  that  his  majefty  in 
this  ftate  of  mind  muft  have  been,  in  modern  terms,  a  pigeon  to 
his  hawks  of  courtiers. 

Another  obfervation  to  be  made  upon  this  entry  is,  that  the 
year  1392  cannot  be  juftly  fixed  upon  as  the  date  of  this  inven- 

f/;>]  Paper  alfo  in  the  fourteenth  century  was  a  modern  invention. 

[/]  Our  worthy  member  Mr.  Orde  hath  lately  favoured  me  with  the  peruf 
of  Henry  the  Seventh’s  private  expences,  by  which  it  appears  that  money  wi 
fiTued  at  three  fevers!  times  for  his  Ioffes  at  cards,' 


Mr.  Barrington  on  Card  Playing.  137 

tlon,  for  though  Charles  the  Sixth  loft  his  fenfes  at  that  time, 
yet  he  lived  thirty  years  afterward,  fo  that  it  will  not  be  fair  to 
iuppofe  thefe  cards  were  made  the  firft  year  of  his  phrenfy,  but 
to  take  the  middle  year  of  thefe  thirty  which  would  bring  it  to 
1407.  At  that  time,  indeed,  this  amufement  feems  to  have  be¬ 
come  more  general,  as  in  1426  [/£]  no  perfon  was  permitted  to 
have  in  their  houfe  “  tabliers,  efchiquiers,  quartes”  &c.  which 
laft  word  I  conclude  to  be  the  fame  with  cartes  or  cards  [/]. 

It  feems  moreover  to  afford  a  ftrong  prefumption  againft  Mr. 
Anftis’s  explanation  of  the  game  ad  quatuor  reges  (known  to 
our  Edward  the  Firft),  that  cards  are  not  alluded  to  by  fuch  an 
article  in  the  wardrobe  rolls,  becaufe  we  hear  nothing  about 
them,  either  in  Rymer’s  Fcedera,  or  our  ftatute  book,  till  to¬ 
wards  the  latter  end  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII  \m\. 

Th  is  fort  of  amufement,  however,  was  not  unknown  to  the 
court  at  leaft  of  Henry  VII.  for  in  the  year  1502,  when  the 
daughter  of  that  king  was  married  to  James  the  Fourth  of 
Scotland,  fhe  played  at  cards  foon  after  her  arrival  at  Edin¬ 
burgh  [«]. 

Cards  had  alfo  found  their  way  into  Spain  about  the  fame 
time;  for  Herrera  mentions  [0],  that  upon  the  conqueft  of 
Mexico  (which  happened  in  1519),  Montezuma  took  great 
pleafure  in  feeing  the  Spaniards  thus  amufing  themfelves. 


[£]  Monflrelet  in  anno — Meneflrier  is  alfo  quoted  for  a  fynod  held  at  Lan- 
gres,  by  which  the  clergy  are  forbid  the  ufe  of  cards  fo  early  as  1404. 

[/]  Ludus  chartaceus  quartarum  feu  chartarum.  Junius  in  Etymologico. 

[m]  Whilft  I  am  correcting  this  page  for  the  prefs,  Mr.  Nichols  (printer  to 
the  Society)  hath  referred  me  to  4  Edw.  IV.  Rot.  Pari.  Membr.  VI.  where 
pleyinge  cardes  are  enumerated  amongfl  feveral  other  articles,  which  are  not 
to  be  imported.  In  1540,  Henry  VIII.  grants  the  office  cuftodis  ludorum  in 
Calefia,  amongft  which  games  cards  are  enumerated.  Rymer  in  anno. 

They  are  firft  forbid  in  Scotland  by  an  aCt  only  of  James  the  Sixth. 

[«]  Appendix  to  the  third  volume  of  Leland’s  ColleCtanea,  p.  284. 

[5]  Dec.  2.  c.  8. 

Vol.  VIII.  T 

j*  ii 




138-  Mr,  Barrington  on  Card  Playing . 

And  here  it  may  not  be  improper  to  obferve,  that  if  the  Spa¬ 
niards  were  not  the  firfl  inventors  of  cards  (which  at  leafl  I 
conceive  them  to  have  been),  we  owe  to  them  undoubtedly 
the  game  of  ombre  (with  its  imitations  of  quadrille,  &c.), 
which  obtained  fo  long  throughout  Europe  till  the  introduction 
of  wkijk  [^]. 

The  very  name  of  this  game  is  Spanifh,  as  ombre  fignifies  a 
man  ;  and  when  we  now  fay  I  am  the  omber ,  the  meaning  is,  that 
I  am  the  man  who  defy  the  other  players,  and  will  win  the  flake. 
The  terms  for  the  principal  cards  are  alfo  Spanifh,  viz.  Spadill, 
Manill,  Bafto,  Punto,  Matadors,  &c.  [?]• 

Other  proofs,  of  playing  cards  being  a  Spanifh  invention,  arife 
from  the  figures  upon  them,  a  pack  of  which  I  beg  leave  to 
prefent  to  the  Society,  having  with  fome  difficulty  procured 
them  from  a  Spanifh  fhip. 

The  four  fuits  are  named  from  what  is  chiefly  reprefented 
upon  them,  viz.  fpades ,  from  efpada ,  a  fword  ;  hearts  are  called 
or  os  [r],  from  a  piece  of  money  being  on  each  card ;  clubs , 
bajlos ,  from  a  flick  or  club  ;  and  diamonds ,  copas ,  from  the  cups 
painted  on  them. 

The  Spanifh  packs  confifl  but  of  forty-eight,  having  no  ten9 
which  probably  hath  been  added  by  the  French,  or  perhaps  Ita-- 
lians  [j]. 


[/>]  This  word  indeed  is  mofl  commonly  written  vjhijl. 

\q~\  To  thefe  I  may  add  many  others — as  the  being  codill’d  from  codillo — - 
The  winning  the  pool  from  poila,  which  fignifies  the  flake — The  term  of  trumps 
from  the  Spanifh  triumfo — as  alfo  the  term  of  the  ace ,  which  pervades  mofl 
European  languages,  the  Spanifh  word  for  this  card  being  as. 

[>]  The  Venetians -Hill  ufe  the  Spanifh  cards,  retaining  the  Spanifh  terms, 
except  that  of  oros,  which  they  render  denari,  fignifying  equally  pieces  of  money. 

[j]  Our  learned  member  (Dr.  Douglas)  hath  been  fo  obliging  as  to  refer  me 
to  a  mifcellaneous  work  of  M.  Du  Four,  entitled  Longueruana ;  in  which  the 
writer  fays,  he  had  feen  fome  antient  Italian  cards  feven  or  eight  inches  long, 


Mr.  Barrington  on  Card  Playing.  13$ 

The  king  is  a  man  crowned  as  in  our  cards ;  but  the  next 
in  degree  is  a  perfon  on  horfeback  named  el  caballo ,  nor  have 
they  any  queen.  The  third  (or  knave  with  us)  is  termed  foto 
(or  the  footman),  being  inferior  to  the  horfeman. 

Another  capital  game  on  the  cards  f picquet J  we  feem  to  have 
adopted  from  Spain,  as  well  as  ombre,  it  having  been  thence 
introduced  into  France  about  140  years  ago.  The  French 
term  of  piquet ,  hath  no  lignin  cation  but  that  of  a  little  axe , 
and  therefore  is  not  taken  from  any  thing  which  is  remark* 
able  in  this  game  ;  wdiereas  the  Spanifh  name  of  cientos  (or 
a  hundred)  alludes  to  the  number  of  points,  which  win  the 
flake  [/]. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  Spaniards  having  given  fignificant  terms 
to  their  cards,  the  figures  of  which  they  ftill  retain,  as  well  as 
being  the  acknowledged  introducers  of  ombre ,  feem  to  give  them 
the  bell  pretenfions  of  being  the  original  inventors  of  this  amufe- 
ment.  If  they  had  borrowed  cards  from  the  French,  furely 
they  would  at  the  fame  time  have  adopted  their  names  and 

ill  which  the  pope  was  reprefented,  and  from  thence  ( though  a  Frenchman) 
afcribes  the  invention  of  cards  to  the  Italians.  This  is,  however,  a  mere  ipfe 
dixit ,  without  any  other  fafl  or  argument. 

Another  of  our  learned  members  (Dr.  Woide)  refers  me  to  a  German  pub¬ 
lication  by  Mr.  Breithoff,  in  which  he  cites  an  authority,  that  cards  were  ufed 
in  Germany  fo  early  as  A.  D.  1300,  having  been  brought  from  Arabia  or  India. 

Our  late  worthy  member  (Mr.  Tutet)  hath  alfo  been  fo  obliging  as  to  fhew 
me  fome  antient  cards  which  belonged  to  Dr.  Stukeley,  and  which  were  nearly 
of  an  equal  length  to  thofe  defcribed  by  Mr.  Du  Four.  The  pack,  however, 
was  far  from  complete,  and  therefore  little  could  be  inferred  from  them.  This 
was  alfo  the  cafe  with  the  pack  of  Italian  cards  mentioned  by  Mr.  Du  Four. 

[/]  See  Du  Chat’s  notes  on  that  chapter  of  Rabelais,  in  which  Pantagruel  is 
faid  to  have  played  at,  fo  many  games. 

Saintfoix  (in  his  Effays  on  the  Antiquities  of  Paris)  informs  us,  that  a 
dance  was  performed  on  the  French  theatre  in  1676,  taken  from  the  game 

T  2 


140  Mr ,  Barrington  on  Card  Playing, 

figures,  as  well  as  their  principal  games  from  that  nation  [«J, 
which  on  the  contrary  (in  ombre  and  piquet  at  leaft)  have  been 
introduced  from  Spain. 

Nor  do  other  reafons  feem  wanting  why  the  Spaniards  fhould 
have  excelled  in  card-playing  before  the  other  nations  of 

I  have  already  proved  by  a  citation  from  Herrera,  that  in 
1519  Montezuma  was  much  entertained  in  feeing  the  Spanifh 
foldiers  play  at  cards  when  they  were  firft  in  poflefiion  of  Mexico, 
which  fhews  that  this  amufement  muft  have  for  fome  time  pre¬ 
vious  been  rather  common  in  Old  Spain  [*].  Now  Charles  the 
Fifth  fucceeded  to  the  crown  of  that  kingdom  in  1518,  as  well 
as  to  the  new  conquefts  and  treafures  of  the  Weftern  India, 
whilft  his  other  molt  extenfive  dominions  made  his  monarchy 
nearly  univerfal.  France  at  the  fame  time  was  at  the  lowed: 
ebb,  their  king  having  been  taken  prifoner  at  the  battle  of  Pavia 
in  1524.  It  is  not  therefore  extraordinary,  that  the  country  in 
which  fo  great  riches  and  fuch  extenfive  territories  were  united, 
fhould  have  produced  the  greateft  number  of  games  and  game- 

It  fhould  feem  that  England  hath  no  pretence  to  enter  the 
lifts  with  Spain  or  France  for  the  invention  of  cards,  unlefs 
Edward  the  Firft  having  played  ad  quatuor  reges  fhould  be  fo 
confidered ;  and  I  have  already  fuggefted,  that  the  finding  no¬ 
thing  further  relative  to  this  paftime  till  1502  [y]  affords  a 

[«]  The  old  Spanifh  term  for  cards  is  Jiaipe,  which  Co varruvias  fufpefls  to  be 
of  Arabic  origin :  certainly  it  hath  not  the  mofl  diffant  affinity  to  the  French 

[y]  In  1584  a  book  was  publifhed  at  Salamanca,  entituled  Remedio  dejuga- 


[y]  When  James  the  Fourth  played  with  his  deftined  confort  at  Edin¬ 

Mr,  Barrington  on  Card  Playing .  141, 

flrong  prefumption  that  the  quatuor  reges  were  not  playing 
cards  [2]. 

During  the  reigns  of  Henry  VIIL-  and  Edward  the  Sixth  this 
amufement  feems  not  to  have  been  very  common  in  England, 
as  fcarcely  any  mention  of  it  occurs  either  in  Rymer’s  Foedera  or 
the  ftatute  book  [/*].  It  is  not  improbable,  however,  that  Philip 
the  Second,  with  his  fuite,  coming  from  the  court  of  Charles 
the  Fifth,  made  the  ufe  of  cards  much  more  general  than  it 
had  been,  of  which  fome  prefumptive  proofs  are  not  wanting. 

We  name  two  of  the  fuits  clubs  and  fpades ,  when  neither  of 
thofe  fuits  in  the  common  cards  anfvver  at  all  fuch  appellation. 
If  the  Spanifh  cards,  however,  are  examined  (which  I  have  the 
honour  of  prefenting  to  the  Society),  it  will  be  found  that  each 
card  hath  a  real  club  in  the  firft  of  thefe  fuits,  and  a  real  fword, 
efpada  (rendered  by  us  fpade ),  in  the  fecond. 

There  feems  to  be  little  doubt,  therefore,  but  that  the  cards 
ufed  during  the  reign  of  Philip  and  Mary,  and  probably  the 
more  early  part  of  queen  Elizabeth,  were  Spanifh  [3],  though 
they  were  afterwards  changed  for  the  French,  being  of  a  more 
fimple  figure,  and  more  eafily  imported.  It  appears  indeed  by 
a  proclamation  of  this  queen,  as  alfo  of  her  fucceffor  [c],  that 
we  did  not  then  make  many  cards  in  England,  though  the 
amufement  had  become  fo  general  in  the  reign  of  king  James, 
that  the  audience  at  the  play-houfes  ufed  thus  to  divert  them- 
felves  before  the  play  began  [*/]. 

[z]  The  figured  cards,  as  king,  queen,  and  knave,  were  foraetimes  called 
coat ,  and  not  court  cards  as  at  prefent.  The  knave  probably  was  the  prince  their 
fon,  as  Chaucer  twice  applies  the  term  knave  child,  to  the  fon  of  a  fovereign 
prince.  The  fame  may  be  obferved  with  regard  to  valet  in  French.  See  De  la 
Roynes  noblelle,  and  Du  Frefne,  in  voce  valettus. 

[#]  See  however  ante,  note  (/)., 

[£]  Philip  alfo  introduced  the  Spanifh  drefs  and  mufic,  at  leafl  there  is  a  foil- 
net  of  Sir  Philip  Sydney’s,  which  is  to  the  air  of  “  Se  tu  Senora  no  dueles  de 
mi,”  and  which  therefore  mull  have  been  a  tune  in  vogue. 

[r]  See  a  Colle&ion  of  Proclamations  in  the  library  of  the  Society,  vol.  Ill, 
p.  5.  and  vol.  IV.  p.  31. 

[^]  Mr.  Malone’s  Supplemental  Obfervations  on  Shakfpeare,  p.  31. 


142  'Mr.  Barrington  on  Card  Playing., 

But  I  have  been  furnifhed  by  our  worthy  and  learned  mem¬ 
ber  (Mr.  Aflle)  with  a  Bill  more  decifive  proof  that  cards  were 
originally  made  in  Spain,  which  I  fend  herewith  for  the  in- 
fpedtion  of  the  Society. 

It  is  an  impreflion  from  a  block  of  wood,  which  was  un¬ 
doubtedly  the  cover  of  a  pack  of  cards,  and  probably  was  made 
ufe  of  by  a  French  card- maker. 

The  infeription  is  the  following  : 

“  Cartas  fmnas  faiftes  par  |e  (fuppofed  contra&ion  for  Jean 
or  John)  Hauvola  y  (Edward  Warman),  the  lad  name  having 
been  inferted  in  a  new  piece  of  wood,  laid  into  the  original 


Mr.  Barrington  on  Card  Playing.  143 

The  fM  words  of  this  infcription,  viz.  cartas  finnas  (fuper- 
fine  cards)  are  Spanifh.  which  are  followed  by  two  of  French, 
(viz .  f nicies  par ,  or  made  by)  Jean  Hauvola,y  (y  is  generally 
Hied  in  Spaniih  tor  the  conjunction  and),  and  the  two  lafl 
words,  viz .  Edward  JVarman,  were  not  in  the  block  of  wood, 
when  firft  cut  into. 

The  whole  of  this  infcription, ,  being  rendered  into  Englifh,, 
runs  thus : 

“  Superfine  cards  made  by  John  Hauvola,  and  (Edward 
Warman),  the  laft  name  being  an  addition  in  the  room  of  John 
Hauvola’s  firft  partner. 

Now  I  conceive  that  this  advertifement  was  ufed  by  a  card- 
maker  reiident  in  France,  who  notified  the  wares  he  had  to  j 
fell  in  the  Spanifh  terms  of  cartas  finnas ,  or  fuperfine  cards, 
becaufe  thofe  which  had  been  made  in  Spain  at  that  time  were 
in  the  greateft  vogue. . 

The  two  words  which  follow  are  French,  ffaicles  par ,  or 
made  by)r  which  were  probably  in  that  language,  that  the 
French  reader  might  more  readily  underhand  the  advertifement, 
than  if  the  whole  was  in  Spanifh.  Thus  a  London  fhopkeepec 
would  write  on  his  fhop  in  Englifh  that  he  fold  vermicelli , , 
though  he  retains  the  Italian  term  of  vermicelli  (or  little  worms), 
for  the  ware  he  wants  to  difpofe  of. . 

But  this  is  not  the  whole  that  may  be  inferred  from  this  cu¬ 
rious  cover,  for  at  each  corner  are  the  figures  from  which  the 
four  fuits  of  cards  are  denominated  in  Spain,  viz.  cups ,  fiwords , , 
clubs ,  and  pieces  of  money,  .whilfl  at  the  top  are  the  arms  of  Caf- 
tiUfe  and  Leon. 

It  feems  fairly  therefore  to  be  inferred  from  the  iuperfcrip- 
tion  on  this  cover,  that  cards  could  not  be  then  difpofed  of  to 
advantage  in  France,  unlefs  there  was  fome  appearance  of  their 
2 .  having  , 

.  ?i 44  'Mr.  Barrington  on  Card  Playing. 

'having  been  originally  brought  from  Spain,  where  being  firft 
■invented  they  were  probably  made  in  greater  perfection. 

I  begin  to  be  fenfible,  that  what  I  have  thus  ventured  to  lay 
before  the  Society  on  the  firft  invention  of  cards  is  rather  be- 


come  of  an  unreafonable  length:  from  their  wonted  goodnefs  to 
me,  however,  I  will  trefpais  a  little  longer  upon  their  time,  by 
adding  fome  few  obfervations,  which  have  occurred  with  regard 
to  dome  of  the  games  which  formerly  had  obtained  the  greateh: 

Primero  [f]  (undoubtedly  a  Spanifh  game)  lee  ms  to  have 
been  chiefly  played  by  our  gentry  till  perhaps  as  late  as  the 
.Reiteration.  Many  other  games  however  are  mentioned  in 
Dodfley’s  Collection  of  Old  Plays,  as  “  Gleek,  Crimp,  Mount- 
Saint,  Noddy,  Knave  out  of  Doors,  Saint  Lodam,  Poll;  and  Pair, 
Wide  Ruff,  and  Game  of  Trumps.” 

To  Primero  the  game  of  Ombre  fucceeded,  and  was  probably 
introduced  by  Catharine  of  Portugal,  the  queen  of  Charles  the 
Second,  as  Waller  hath  a  poem, 

“  On  a  card  torn  at  Ombre  by  the  queen.” 

It  likewife  continued  to  be  in  vogue  for  fome  time  in  the  pre~ 
feat  century,  for  it  is  Belinda’s  game  in  the  Rape  of  the  hock , 
where  every  incident  in  the  whole  deal  is  fo  deferibed,  that 
when  ombre  is  forgotten  (and  it  is  almoft  fo  already),  it  may 
be  revived  with  pofterity  from  that  moil:  admirable  poem  [*]. 

I  remember  moreover  to  have  feen  three-cornered  tables  in 
houfes  which  had  old  furniture,  and  which  were  made  pur- 
pofely  for  this  game,  the  number  of  players  being  only  three. 

FalftafF  complains  that  he  never  had  any  luck  fince  he  forfwore  Primero . 

[e]  As  for  the  game  at  chefs  in  Vida’s  Latin  poems,  I  never  could  follow 
it,  after  line  220,  when  feveral  pawns  are  taken  on  each  fide  without  being  par- 
ticularifed.  The  Latin  however  cannot  be  too  much  admired  of  this  elegant 
poem,  nor  the  defeription  of  many  moves. 



Mr.  Barrington  on  Card  Playing. 


Quadrille  (a  fpecies  of  ombre)  obtained  a  vogue  upon  the  dif- 
ufe  of  the  latter,  which  it  maintained  till  Whifk  was  introduced, 
which  now  prevails  not  only  in  England,  but  in  mod:  of  the 
civilized  parts  of  Europe. 

If  it  may  not  be  poffibly  fuppofed  that  the  game  of  trumps 
(which  I  have  before  taken  notice  of,  as  alluded  to  in  one  of 
the  old  plays  contained  in  Dodfley’s  Collection)  is  Whilk,  I  ra¬ 
ther  conceive  that  the  firfl  mention  of  that  game  is  to  be  found 
in  Farquhar’s  Beaux  Stratagem,  which  was  written  in  the  very 
beginning  [/]  of  the  prefent  century.  It  was  then  played  with 
what  were  called  fwabbers  [g],  which  were  poffibly  fo  termed, 
becaufe  they,  who  had  certain  cards  in  their  hand,  were  en¬ 
titled  to  take  up  a  fhare  of  the  flake,  independent  of  the  gene¬ 
ral  event  of  the  game  \h~].  The  fortunate,  therefore,  clearing 
the  board  of  this  extraordinary  flake,  might  be  compared  by 
feamen  to  the  fwabbers  (or  cleaners  of  the  deck),  in  which 
fenfe  the  term  is  flill  ufed. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  wbifk  feems  never  to  have  been  played 
upon  principles  till  about  fifty  years  ago,  when  it  was  much 
fludied  by  a  fet  of  gentlemen  who  frequented  the  Crown  coffee - 
houfe  in  Bedford-Row  [/] :  before  that  time  it  was  chiefly  con¬ 
fined  to  the  fervants*  hall  with  all-fours  and  put . 


[/]  In  1664,  a  book  was  published,  entituled,  The  Compleat  Gamejler ,  which 
takes  no  notice  of  whijk ,  though  it  does  of  ombre  and  piquet. 

[<?]  “  The  clergyman  ufed  to  play  at  whifk  and  fivabbers Swift. 

\h\  Swabbers  therefore  much  referable  the  taking  up  part  of  the  Hake  for  the 
aces  at  quadrill,  and  are  properly  banifhed  from  a  game  of  fo  much  flail  as 
whifk,  becaufe  they  are  apt  to  divert  the  player’s  attention. 

[ij  I  have  this  information  from  a  gentleman  who  is  now  eighty-fix  years  of 
age.  The  firft  lord  Folkftone  was  another  of  this  fet. 

Vol.  VIII.  U 


1 46  Mr.  Barrington  on  Card  Playing* 

Perhapfc,  as  games  are  lubjeft  to  revolutions,  whifk  may  be 
as  much  forgot  in  the  next  century  as  Primero  is  at  prefent ; 
in  fuch  cafe,  what  I  have  thus  laid  before  the  Society  may  in- 
tereft  future  antiquaries.  If  it  fhould,  my  trouble  in  compiling 
this  diflertation  wiil  be  fully  anfwerecL 

They  laid  down  the  following  rules : 

To  play  from  the  ftrongeft  fuit,  to  ftudy  your  partner’s  hand  as  much  as 
your  own,  never  to  force  your  partner  unneceflarily,  and  to  attend  to  the-  fcoie* 

XVIII.  Ohfer- 


t  >47  3 

XVIII.  ObferAvations  on  Card-playing .  By  the  Rev .  Mr . 
Bowie.  #  Letter  to  the  Hon .  Dames  Barrington. 

Read  March  2,  1786. 

Dear  Sir, 

AS  you  did  me  the  honour  to  impart  to  me  your  fenti- 
ments  on' cards,  I  will  take  the  liberty  to  mention  to 
you  what  I  formerly  noted  down,  and  have  inveftigated  upon 
this  matter. 

The  firft  authority  for  the  general  ufe  of  thefe,  which  I  have 
difcovered,  is  B.  Platina ,  who  died  in  1481,  in  his  book  Dc 
tuenda  Valetudlne ,  printed  at  Baiil  1541,  with  Apicius  in  4to. 
He  has  a  fedlion  lib.  i.  De  joco  et  ludo.  His  direction  is — 
“  Ludus  fit,  tails,  teffera,  fcacho,  chartis  varlls  imaginibus  pi  bits. 

I  fhould  think  it  not  eafy  to  produce  earlier  authority  for  their 
ufe  :  and  that  Monfieur  Bullet  [<2]  may  be  relied  on  as  to  the 
time  of  their  invention  :  fc.  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Fifth 
of  France,  who  died  in  the  year  1380,  Sept.  16,  aged  forty- 
three.  I  do  not  find  aught  faid  about  them  in  Fauchet,  nor 
Pafquier,  from  whence  I  infer  they  are  not  very  antient.  As  Far 
as  1  have  fearched,  they  are  unnoticed  in  Chaucer,  though  he 
mentions  other  games : 

They  danceti  and  they  play  at  ches  and  tables.  C.  T.  1 1212. 
I  entirely  acquiefce  in  your  idea  of  their  being  Spanifh,  for 
reafons  I  (hall  produce,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  they  might 

[a]  Ihre.  v.  Kort. 

U  2 


148  Mr.  Bowle  on  Card-playing , 

have  been  introduced  among  us  at  the  time  prince  Arthur  mar¬ 
ried  Catherine  of  Aragon.  Not  only  the  terms  in  card-playing 
generally,  but  particular  games  are  unquedionably  fuch.  Qua- 
drllla ,  or  quadrille,  in  all  its  parts  is  fo.  So  alfo  is  the  once 
common,  now  difufed,  Primer  a.  This  game,  according  to  the 
Dictionary  of  Madrid,  is  played  by  dealing  four  cards  to  every 
one:  the  feven  is  worth  21  points,  the  fix  18,  the  ace  16,  the 
deuce  12,  the  trey  13,  the  four  14,  the  five  15,  and  the  figure 
10.  The  bed  chance,  and  which  wins  every  thing,  is  the  flufh, 
which  is  fair  cards  of  one  fort,  after  the  fifty  and  five,  which  is- 
compofed  precifely  of  feven,  fix  and  ace  of  one  fuit,  after  the 
Quinola  or  Primera,  which  are  four  cards  one  of  each  fort. 
If  there  are  two  which  have  a  flufh,  he  gains  it  who  holds  the 
larged  ;  and  the  fame  happens  with  him  that  has  the  primera, 
but  if  there  is  nothing  of  this,  he  wins  who  has  mod  points  in 
two  or  three  cards  of  one  fuit.  We  have  here  a  copious  account 
of  it. 

Notwithdanding  the  proclamation  made  the  eighteenth; 
year  of  his  reign,  as  mentioned  by  Hall,  againd  all  unlawful 
games,  according  to  the  datutes  made  in  this  behalf  (with 
which  doubtlefs  you  are  well  acquainted)  fo-  that  in  all  places, 
tables,  dice,  cardes,  and  boules,  were  taken  and  brent,  Shak- 
fpeare  fpeaks  of  Henry  VlIPs  playing  at  Primero  with  the  duke 
of  Suffolk,  A£t  V.  It  is  probable  he  had  fome  authority  for 
the  ufe  of  this  game  in  his  reign.  That  it  continued  in  ufe  in 
the  time  of  queen  Elizabeth  is  very  certain.  But  it  may  not  be 
afnifs  to  mention  what  the  facetious  Sir  John  Elarrington  noticed, 
“  On  the  games  that  have  been  in  requed  at  the  court}”  Epi¬ 
grams,  Ed.  1615,  40.  B.  ii. 

1  heard  one  make  a  pretty  obfervation 
How  games  have  in  the  court  turn’d  with  the  fafhion. 

The  fird  game  was  the  bed,  when  free  from  crime, 

The  courtly  gameders  all  were  in  their  Prime . 



Mr .  Bowle  on  Card-playing .  149 

The  fecond  game  was  Pof ,  untill  with  polling 
They  paid  fo  fad:,  ’twas  time  to  leave  their  boiling.. 

Then  thirdly  follow’d  heaving  of  the  mawr 
A  game  without  civility  or  law, 

An  odious  play,  and  yet  in  court  oft  feene, 

A  fawcy  knave  to  trump  both  king  and  queen, . 

Then  followed  Lodam . — 

Now  Nody  follow’d  next. 

The  lail  game  now  in  ufe  is  Bankerout , 

Which  will  be  plaid  at  flill,  I  iland  in  doubt, 

Untill  Lavolta  turne  the  wheele  of  time, 

And  make  it  come  about  againe  to  Prime. 

Thefe  Epigrams  were  afterwards  enlarged  into  four  books : 
the  ninety-ninth  of  the  third  is  The  Story  of  Marcus'  life  at 

Fond  Marcus  ever  at  Primero  playes. 

Long  winter  nights,  and  as  long  fummer  dayes : 

And  I  heard  once,  to  idle  talk  attending. 

The  dory  of  his  times  and  coines  mif-pending. 

At  fil'd,  he  thought  himfelfe  halfe  way  to  Heaven, 

If  in  his  hand  he  had  but  got  a  fev’n, 

His  fathers  death  fet  him  fo  high  on  dote, 

All  reds  went  up  upon  a  fev’n  and  coate. 

But  while  he  drawes  for  thefe  gray  coats  and  gownes, 
The  gameders  from  his  purfe  drew  all  his  crownes. 

And  he  ne’re  cead  to  venter  all  in  prime 
Till  of  his  age  quite  was  confum’d  the  prime. 

Then  he  more  warily  his  red  regards. 

And  fets  with  certainties  upon  the  cards, 

On  fixe  and  thirtie,  or  on  feven  and  nine. —  _ 

But  feld  with  this  he  either  gaines  or  faves ; 

For  either  Faujlus ’  prime  is  with  three  knaves, 


i 50  Mr.  Bowle  on  Car  delaying. 

Or  Marcus  never  can  encounter  right, 

Yet  drew  two  afes,  and  for  further  fpight. 

Had  colour  for  it  with  a  hopefull  draught. 

But  not  encounter’d  it  avad’d  him  naught. 

Well,  fith  encountring  he  fo  fair  doth  mife, 

He  fets  not  till  he  nine  and  fortie  is. 

And  thinking  now  his  reft  would  fure  be  doubled 
He  loft  it  by  the  hand. — 

At  laft  both  eldeft  hand  and  five  and  fifty. 

He  thinketh  now  or  never  (thrive  unthrifty) 

Now  for  the  greateft  reft  he  hath  the  pufh: 

But  CraJJ'us  flopt  a  club,  and  fo  was  fiufh. 

And  thus  what  with  the  flop,  and  with  the  packe. 

Poor  Marcus  and  his  reft  goes  ftill  to  wracke. 

What  Prime  was  it  is  not  very  eafy  to  fay  :  it  probably  bore 
fome  refemblance  to  Primero,  as  we  may  be  allowed  to  judge 
from  the  Pair  Royal  of  the  three  knaves  mentioned  above. 
Thefe  paffages  will  receive  much  elucidation  by  comparing 
them  with  the  account  afore  given,  and  by  a  furvey  of  the  feve- 
ral  terms,  which  are  unqueftionably  Spanifh.  Poji  is  derived 
from  /Ipojlar,  which  means,  to  place  in  the  hands  of  a  third 
perfoti  a  certain  fum  of  money,  or  an  equivalent,  for  the  win¬ 
ner.  El  reflo,  or  the  reft,  is  the  money  which  the  player  has 
before  him  on  the  table.  El  encuentre ,  or  encounter,  means  a 
pair,  as  two  kings  of  the  like.  El  flux,  or  the  fiufh,  varies  only 
with  us  in  the  pronunciation.  The  difule  of  the  two  laft  is  ac¬ 
cidental.  It  feems  doubtful  whether  our  firft  cards  had  the  tens: 
the  honours,  as  we  term  them,  feem  to  have  anfwered  that  num¬ 
ber.  As  Sir  John  ftiled  them  coate  cards,  we  may  prefume  they 
were  fo  called.  In  his  Metamorphofis  of  Ajax  he  has  this  paf- 
fage :  “  When  Brutus  had  difearded  the  kings  and  queens  out 
**  of  the  packe,  and  fhewed  himfelf  a  fvvorn  and  avowed  enemie 
7  “  to 

Mr.  Bowle  on  Card-playing.  1 5 1 

**  to  all  the  coate  cardes,  then  crept  in  many  new  formes  of  go- 
<i  vernment.”  H.  Howarde  in  his  “  Defenfative  againft  the  poi- 
ion  of  fuppofed  Prophefies,  Lond.  1583,”  has  this  obfervation. 
“  The  drifte  is  like  a  packe  at  Primero,  where  the  fmalleft 
“  carde  being  cutte  awrie,  or  comming  between  by  chance, . 
“  overthrowes  the  fortune  of  the  fraudulent,  and  conveyes  it  to 
u  their  adverlarie.” 

As  we  owe  this  game  to  Spain,  we  are  indebted  to  the  fame 
quarter  for  another,  yet  fometime  ufed,  and  that  is  the  Veyntun . 
Cervantes  in  his  pleading  Novel  of  Rinconete  y  Cortadillo,. 
makes  the  former  of  thefe  (harpers  acquaint  his  comrade  that 
he  had  got  his  livelihood  betwixt  Madrid  and  Sevil  by  this 
game — - jugando  a  la  veyntiuna,  and  advifes  him  to  play  with  him 
with  a  view  to  take  in  fome  carrier,  telling  him  that  if  fuch  an 
one  (hould  defire  to  make  a  third,  he  fhould  be  the  drft  to  leave 
his  money.  From  the  fame  fource  we  have  the  £>uinze  [£]. 

And  now,  Sir,  begging  your  pardon  for  trefpafling  fo  much  on 
your  time,  I  mod;  heartily  wifh  you  the  return  of  many  years* 
of  health,  and  every  gratification  of  your  wifhes,  and  remain 

Your  mod  obedient  fervant, 


[A],  Anotaciones  a  Quixote.  P.  2.  130.  28* 

[  J52  3 

I  '  .  ‘  ’  :  -  I1'  '  '  4> 

XVIII*.  aS* of  tic  obfervations  on  the  Invention  of  Cards  and 
their  Intro du£Uo?i  into  England.  By  Mr.  Gough. 

Read  April  6,  1775. 

«  J  ■  -  *  •  •  ■  *  ■-  ± ?  -  .  •  ,  l r  -  v 

DR.  STUKELEY  exhibited  to  the  Society  of  Antiquaries, 
Nov.  9,  1763,  drawings  of  a  compleat  pack  of  cards  co¬ 
pied  from  the  pafteboard  cover  of  an  old  book  made  up  of  feve- 
ral  layers  of  cards.  Tliefe  were  purchafed  at  the  fale  of  the 
Dodor’s  coins,  May  15,  1766,  by  the  late  Mr.  Tutet,  a  worthy 
and  learned  member  of  this  Society,  who  bound  them  up  in  his 
neat  and  careful  manner  in  two  volumes,  inferting  in  the  firfl: 
leaf  of  the  firft  volume  the  following  account  of  them. 

44  The  antient  cards  in  this  volume  with  others  (duplicates) 
<c  and  the  drawings  in  the  fecond  volume  were  purchafed  by 
44  me  out  of  the  Colledion  of  Dr.  Stukeley.  The  drawings 
44  w~ere  produced  by  the  Dodor,  November  9,  1763,  to  the  So- 
44  ciety  of  Antiquaries,  obferving  that  the  cards  had  been  given 
44  him  by  Thomas  Rawlinfon,  Efq.  being  two  pieces  of  the  co- 
44  ver  of  an  old  book,  fuppofed  to  be  Claudian,  printed  before 
44  1500,  and  that  there  was  a  leaf  or  two  of  Erafmus’  Adages 
44  palled  between  the  layers  of  the  cards  which  being  laid  ftra - 
44  turn  fuper  Jlratam ,  compofed  two  palleboards,  and  made  the 
44  cover  of  the  book.  The  D06I01*  took  the  pains  to  feparate 
44  the  cards,  out  of  which  1  have  chofen  a  complete  pack,  and 
44  the  better  to  preferve  fo  lingular  a  curiolity,  have  had  it 
44  bound  together  with  the  abovementioned  drawings  [<?]  and 

[a]  Which  are  exafl  copies  of  the  original  pack. 

44  fome 

Introduction  of  Cards  in  England.  i  cj 

•  •  • ,  ,  ,  • 

«  fome  French  cards.  It  is  obfervable  in  thefe  antient  cards 

<4  that  there  are  no  aces  nor  queens,  but  inftead  of  the  latter 
44  are  knights.  On  the  Antiquity  of  playing  cards  fee  Recber - 
44  ches  ht/loriques  fur  les  cartes  a  jouer  by  Bullet,  who  thinks 
44  they  were  not  invented  before  t lie  latter  end  of  the  XIV 
44  century;  fee  alfo  the  Idee  generate  d'une  Collection  complette 
44  d'EJlampes.  M.  C.  T.” 

Upon  Mr.  Tutet’s  death  I  purchafed  thefe  two  volumes  at 
his  fale,  and  having  fo  long  ago  as  April  1775  communicated 
fome  obfervations  on  the  fubjedt  to  this  Society,  who  were  then 
pleafed  to  order  them  to  be  inferted  in  their  Archaeologia,  I 
withheld  them  till  I  could  enlarge  my  obfervations  with  new 
lights,  or  till  fome  abler  hand  had  taken  up  the  fubjedh  It  has 
been  touched  on,  but  not  inveflmated  to  that  extent  which  it 
appears  capable  of,  in  three  Memoirs  preceding  this  j  in  one  of 
which  reference  is  made  to  Mr.  Tutet’s  cards,  and  they  are,  I 
know  not  by  what  accident,  reprefented  as  far  from  complete , 
and  therefore  little  could  be  inferred  from  them .  I  have  there¬ 
fore  been  induced  to  refume  this  fubjedl,  and  to  add  to  former 
remarks  thofe  of  foreign  writers  who  have  almofl  exhaufled  it. 
And  this  mult  ferve  as  an  apology  for  fo  large  a  detail  of  their 

The  original  cards  Dr.  Stukeley  deemed  much  more  antient 
than  the  French  account  of  their  invention  and  ufe  among  them. 
They  confided  of  four  different  fuits  as  the  modern  ones  do,  but 
had  neither  ace  nor  queen.  The  king,  knight ,  and  knave  made 
the  court  cards ;  on  every  duce  was  the  card-maker’s  arms,  two 
crofs  mallets,  with  which  he  fuppofes  they  famped  the  cards. 
Whereas  the  firft  French  cards  which  were  in  Charles  the 
Sixth’s  time  were  drawn  and  coloured  by  hand,  and  thence 
called  Tab  elite  or  Paged  re  pi  Cl  re. 

The  fuits  were  compofed  of  bells ,  hearts ,  leaves ,  and  acorns . 
Thefe  the  Dodtor  conceived  reprefented  the  four  feveral  orders 
Vol.  VIII.  X  of 

i  ^4  Mr.  Gough’s  Objervations  on  the 

of  men  among  us.  The  bells  are  fuch  as  were  ufually  tied  to 
hawks,  and  denoted  the  Nobility,  who  generally  rode  with  a' 
hawk  on  their  hand  as  a  mark  of  their  quality.  In  the  tape- 
flry  of  Bayeux  Harold  is  twice  reprefented  thus,  carrying  a 
copy  of  Edward  the  Confeffor’s  will  to  the  Norman  duke. 

By  hearts,  he  fays,  are  denoted  Eccleliaflics.  In  the  room  of 
thefe  the  Spanifh  cards  have  copas  or  chalices,  as  more  fymbo- 
lical  of  the  order.  The  firft  hint  of  hearts  feems  to  have  been 
taken  from  fo  me  fcriptural  expreffions  ;  “  a  heart  of  unbelief 
“  — with  the  heart  man  believeth,  &c.”  Methinks  this  is  full 
as  ingenious  as  the  derivation  from  chceur%  becaufe  priefls  are 
always  in  the  choir. 

The  leaves  allude  to  the  Gentry,.who  poflefs  lands,  manors, 
woods,  parks,  &c. 

The  acorns  fignify  the  Peafants,  woodmen,  forreft'ers,  hunters,, 
and  farmers. 

On  the  duce  of  acorns  behdes  the  cardmakers  arms  is  what 
the  Dodlor  calls  a  white  hart  couchant.  From*  this  circum* 
fiance  he  infers  the  boafled  antiquity  of  thefe  cards;  it  being  the 
known  badge  of  our  king  Richard  IE  On  the  back  of  the  curious 
piflure  of  this- prince  at  Wilton  (one  of  the  earliefl  paintings  in 
oil-colours  we  are  acquainted  with),  painted  by  Van  Eyk,  and* 
afterwards  engraved  by  Hollar,,  is  the  white  hart  couchant  in 
the  fame  attitude  as  on  this  card..  Our  cards  are  therefore  fo  far 
from  being  an  imitation  of  the  French,,  that  there  feems  reafon 
to  think  the  invention  our  own  and  of  much  older  date. 

The  knave  of  acorns  holds  a  crofs-bow  wherewith  they  ufed 
to  fhoot  deer.” 

Upon  this  paper  of  Dr.  Stukeley  I  beg  leave  to  make  fome 
obfervations.  * 

The  Do£lor  in  fuppofing  that  cards  made  in  the  reign  of 
Richard  IE  prove  the  **  invention  our  own  and  of  much  older 


Introduction  of  Cards  in  England, 


date”  than  that  in  France,  forgot  that  Charles  VI.  of  France, 
and  our  Richard  II.  were  contemporaries.  So  that  allowing 
cards  were  abfolutely  firft  invented  in  France  to  amufe  the 
French  king  after  he  had  fallen  into  a  melancholy  habit  (for 
his  diforder  amounted  to  nothing  more  than  incapacity  for  bufi- 
nefs  and  affairs  of  (late,  not  to  mifchievous  frenzy)  which  was 
not  till  about  1391  or  1392,  the  priority  among  us  (if  indeed 
£uch  priority  exifted)  could  not  have  been  above  twelve  years: 
for  Richard’s  reign  began  1377  and  ended  1399,  and  between 
the  invention  of  cards  in  France  and  the  depofal  of  Richard* 
there  was  time  enough  to  introduce  this  game  into  the  court 
of  a  diffipated  luxurious  young  monarch,  and  even  to  improve 
upon  the  manner  of  making  the  cards. 

Moft  unfortunately  for  his  conjecture  the  bead  on  the  duce 
of  acorns  appears  more  like  an  unicorn  than  a  hart.  I  have  how- 
over  caufed  it  to  be  here  copied.  But  admitting  it  to  be  an 
hart,  as  it  will  be  clearly  made  out  that  thefe  cards  are  Spanijh 
and  not  Englifi ,  it  muft  pafs  for  one  of  the  fir&  nature  that 
haunt  the  woods  of  oaks. 

Voi.  vin.p./is. 


1 56  Mr.  Gough’s  Obfervations  on  the. 

Had  cards  been  introduced  into  England  in  the  reign  of 
Richard  II.  it  is  to  be  prefumed  they  would  not  have  elcaped 
the  notice  of  Chaucer  who  lived  to  the  end  of  that  reign  and 
the  beginning  of  the  next.  Yet  in  his  Franklin’s  Tale*  L  1212, 
l'peaking  of  amufements,  he  only  fays, 

They  dancen,  and  they  play  at  ches  and  tables.. 

The  ufe  of  cards  among  us  as  early  as  Edward  I.  has  been 
inferred  from  a  Computus  6  Edward  I.  in  the  Tower  publifhed 
by  Mr.  Anftis  in  his  Black  Book  of  the  Garter,  p.  307,  in 
which  is  entered  a  payment,  “  Walfero  Sturton  ad  opus  regis 

ad  ludendum  ad  quatuor  reges This  game  Mr.  Anftis  con¬ 
jectures  might  be  cards,  wherein  are  kings  of  four  fuits.  He 
thinks  the  game  of  lome  antiquity  from  the  application  of  the 
word  knave  to  a  youth  placed  next  the  king  and  queen,  and 
being  as  it  were  their  fon,  in  which  fenfe  that  term  was  ufeck 
So  Chaucer  b ]  fays  the  king  of  Northumberland  begot  a  knave 
child;  and  t  ois  ufe  of  the  word  is  frequent  in  his  poems.  In 
France  alfo  this  card  is  called  Varlet ,  a  name  given  to  the  king’s 
fon.  Thus  Mr.  Anftis. 

The  writer  of  a  paper  preceding  this  is  of  opinion  that 
Edward  I.  learnt  this  game  in  the  Holy  Land  where  he  fpent 
near  five  years.  I  am  of  opinion  that  Crufaders  had  fomething 
elfe  to  do  in  the  Holy  Land  than  to  game.  Edward  had  no 
money  but  what  the  king  of  France  lent  him.  He  received  a 
dangerous  wound  from  an  affaftin  foon  after  he  arrived  there  ; 
his  army  daily  diminifhed  by  ficknefs  or  battles  without  hope 
of  reinforcement  from  any  quarter,  fo  that  he  was  reduced  to 

[f]  Man  of  Law’s  Tale  716.  Merchant’s  Tale  Si 8.  Sompner’s  Tale  514. 
Wife  of  Bath  1190.  Clerk  of  Oxenford  1474-6.  Pardoner  2183.  Nun’s 
Prologue  1063.  Spelman  of  Deeds,  p.  243,  <kc.  It  fhould  therefore  feem  a 
miftake  in  Bullet  (p.  137.)  when,  he  imagines  that  the  Engiifh  and  Germans 
borrowed  the  ufe  of  cards  after  the  term  valet  came  to  fignify  in  France  a  fer- 



Introduction  of  Cards  in  England.  i-y 

conclude  a  ten  years  truce  with  the  Sultan,  and  return  to  Eng¬ 
land  within  two  years  from  his  leaving  it  [V], 

Mr.  Le  Neve  brought  to  the  Society  1722  a  minute  of  cards 
being  made  before  1  Edward  IV.  for  then  a  perfon  had  his 
name  from  his  anceftor  being  a  Cardmaker.  Thus  Hugh 
Qardmaker  was  prior  of  S'.  John  Baptift  [d]  at  Brugenorth. 
(Rymer  T.  I.  1  Edw.  IV.  a£tor.  MSS.  N°  26.  p.  100,  et  de  offi¬ 
cio  pidoris  regis  conceflo  13  Edw.  IV.  Id.  I.  II.  N°  100,  and 
de  officio  pidoris  regis  Johanni  Serle  conceflo  Id.  I.  1  Hen. 
VII.  N°  53.  p.  109.)  But  not  to  mention  that  in  the  fir  ft  of 
thefe  inftances  the  office  of  cardmaker  might  as  probably  mean 
maker  of  cards  uled  in  dreffing  flax  or  wool,  and  in  the  latter 
the  pitfor  fpoken  of  might  be  employed  in  higher  offices  about 
the  court  than  painting  or  damping  cards,  the  dates  affigned 
to  both  thefe  do  not  come  up  to  the  antiquity  affigned  to  card¬ 
playing  in  England  in  the  record  cited  by  Mr.  Anfti's. 

Among  the  monies  iflued  from  the  Exchequer  1300,  28 
Edward  I.  in  the  accompt  of  that  year’s  expences  and  receipts, 
now  printing  by  this  Society,  are  thefe  entries  of  money  iflued 
to  his  fon  Edward  for  his  ufe  in  playing  at  different  games.. 
Among  thefe  cards  are  not  fpecified.  What  creag ’  was  does  not 

P.  157.  “  Johanni  camerario  domini  Edward!  Alii  regis  pro 

den’  per  eundem  lib’  predidto  domino  fuo  per  vices  ad  ludendum 
ad  diverfos  ludos  per  manus  proprias  ibidem  9  die  Feb.  10  s.” 

To  the  fame  prince,  March  10 — “  ad  ludendum  ad  creag ’  et 
alios  ludos  per  vices,  10  s.” 

[c]  Rapin,  Ilf.  488,  489. 

[V]  Ralph  le  Strange  who  died  in  the  time  of  Rich.  I.  (Dugd.  Ear.  I.  663.) 
founded  at  Bridgenorth,  beyond  the  bridge,  an  hofpital  for  a  prior  or  mailer, 
and  feverallay  brethren  to  the  honour  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  St.  Mary  and  St. 
John  Baptifh  Tann.  Mon.  451.  Dugd.  Mon.  II.  433.  Prynne  calls  him 
“  magi  If  er  hofpitalis  S.  Joannis  Evangelijia ”  among  his  protections-,  12  E.  I.. 

ibid.  . 

p-  >sa>- 

.Mr.  Gough’s  Obfervations  on  the 

P.  159.  In  March  to  the  fame  prince — “  ad  iudendum  per 

vices  ad  aleas  et  talos .” 

Edward  II.  was  then  entered  into  the  17th  year  of  his  age. 

If  paper  was  fo  indifpenfably  neceffary  for  the  compofition  of 
cards  as  fome  have  fuppofed,  I  am  afraid  England  would  not 
furnifh  any  in  the  fourteenth  century.  For  in  the  account  of 
Edward  the  Firft’s  expences  before  referred  to  we  find  among 
the  flores  given  out  for  the  ufe  of  Stirling  Caflle  one  dozen  of 
parchment  and  one  pound  of  ink  (unam  duodenam  pergameni 
et  1  lb.  atramenti),  but  no  paper.  There  are  alfo  frequent 
charges  of  parchment  for  writing  both  deeds  and  letters  on. 
The  art  of  paper-making  was  not  introduced  into  England  be¬ 
fore  the  reign  of  Henry  VII. 

If  in  order  to  prove  the  antiquity  of  cards  we  recur  to  the 
edidls  prohibiting  the  ufe  of  them,  we  find  the  firft  record  of 
this  kind  among  the  French  to  be  dated  January  22,  1397;  an 
ordonance  of  the  Prevot  de  Paris,  forbiding  the  manufadturing 
part  of  the  people  from  playing  at  tennis,  bowls,  dice,  cards 
and  quiiies  [*].  John  I.  king  of  Caftille,  in  an  edidl  dated  ten 
years  before  (1387),  forbad  dice  and  cards  in  his  dominions. 
The  oldeil  prohibitions  of  them  to  the  clergy  are  dated  1405,  in 
the  fynod  of  Langres.  St.  Bernard  preached  againft  them.  Suc¬ 
ceeding  prohibitions  became  more  frequent,  and  may  be  found  in 
Bullet’s  Recherches,  p.  18 — 2r.  As  a  prohibition  of  them  ap¬ 
pears  fixty  years  earlier  among  the  Spaniards,  this  may  be  efleem- 
ed  a  powerful  argument  for  their  originating  among  that  people. 

If  we  may  believe  Monf.  Saintfoix  [/],  cards  were  in¬ 
vented  in  France  under  Charles  V.  predeceflor  of  Charles  VI. 

[<?]  Bullet,  p.  18. 

[f]  Effais  fur  les  rues  de  Paris,  vol.  I.  p.  333.  Bullet  in  liis  “  Recherches 
hiftoriques  fur  le-s  cartes  a  jouer”  1757,  is  of  the  fame  opinion  :  but  it  has  been 
controverted  in  a  more  concife  manner  in  the  “  Etrennes  aux  joueurs  des 
Cartes”  of  the  Abbe  Rive,  who  attributes  the  invention  to  the  Spaniards,  and 
Ends  them  prohibited  in  the  Eatutes  of  a  new  order  called  “  The  Order  of  the 
Band,”  inftituted  by  Alphonfus  XI.  about  1332. 

7  being 

Introduction  of  Cards  in  England.  j  ay 

being  mentioned  in  the  famous  Chronicle  of  Petit  Jean  de 
Saintre,  who  was  page  to  Charles  V.  [g].  M.  Saintfoix  gives  the 
honour  of  the  invention  to  a  painter,  named  Jaquemin  Grin- 
gonneur,  who  is  mentioned  in  a  computus  of  Charles  the  Sixth’s 
treafurer,  as  receiving  fifty -fix  fols  parifis ,  pour  trois  jeux  de • 
cartes ,  d' or  et  a  diverfes  couleurs ,  de  plufieurs  devifes  pour  porter 
devers  le  dit  feigneur  roi  pendant  fon  ebatement .  But  till  it  can 
be  proved  that  Saintre  did  not  furvive  his  matter  Charles  V.  [£],. 
and  defcribe  the  manners  that  prevailed  under  his  fucceflor,  it 
mutt  appear  more  probable,  that  cards  were  invented  for  the 
amufement  of  a  melancholy  dittradted  prince,  than  for  that  of  a 
patron  of  letters  which  is  the  character  of  Charles  V. 

If  it  be  ft  ill  urged  that  cards  were  no  more  fit  to  amufe  a  me¬ 
lancholy  than  a  mad  king,  I  am  tempted  to  underftand  the  jeux 
de  cartes  a  or  et  a  divers  couleurs  de  plufeurs  devices  of  pafeboard 
images ,  painted  and  gilded  fomewhat  like  the  pageants  of  later 
times,  and  to  explain  “jeux”  playthings  inttead  of  pafimes  or 
games.  Perhaps  the  term  44  pour  porter  vers  le  dit  feigneui”  and 
the  different  devices  may  be  thought  to  favour  this  interpre¬ 
tation.  They  might  have  been  like  our  leather  or  paper  fcreens 
painted  with  various  figures,  or  like  the  pageants. 

M.  Bullet  contends  that  cards  could  not  have  preceded  the 
invention  of  paper  made  of  rags,  which  is  firtt  mentioned  as 
ufed  for  books  by  Peter  the  venerable  in  his  Treatife  again  id;  the 
Jews..  “  The  books,”  fays  he,  44  which  we  read  every  day  are 

fg]  When'  Charlfes  V.  advanced  Saintre  from  the  place  of  page  to  that  ot 
carver  [ecuyer  Uranchant )  the  efquire  who  had  the  care  of  the  pages,  held  him 
up  to  them  for  an  example  fo-  contrary  to  their  practice.  “  Et  vous,  fays  he, 
qui  etes  noyfeux,  joueux  de  carta,  de  des  &c.”  Chronique  &c»  c.  15, 

[£]  The  epitaph  on  him  at  the  end  of  his  Chronicle  is  dated  1458,  and  he  is 
ftyled'in  the  firft  chapter  a  page  to  John  king  of  France,  at  the  age  of  thirteen,, 
fo  that  if  he  was  page  in  the  laft  year  of  John  1364  he  would  be  one  hundred  his  death. 


s  66  Mr.  Gough's  Obfervatwns  on  the 

■made  of  the  Heins  of  fheep,  goats,  or  calves,  or  of  eaflern  plants 
(meaning  the  papyrus')  or  ex  r  a  fur  is  veterum  pannorum This 
we  Ihould  literally  tranfiate  lint:  but  it  may  be  applied  lefs 
flridfly  to  mafhed  or  pounded  rags. 

MafFei  found  no  paper  made  of  rags  in  Italy  older  than  1367. 
M.  de  Herouval  had  {hewn  fome  half  a  century  older  to  Dom 
Mabillon,  who  in  his  Work  44  De  Re  Diplomatica”’  had  met 
with  none  prior  to  the  end  of  the  13th  century.  P.  Montfaucon 
in  a  Memoire  on  the  Papyrus  (Mem.  de  PAcad.  des  Infc.  tom. 
ix.  327.  120.)  had  never  feen  a  book  or  fingle  leaf  of  paper  of 
file  modern  materials  that  could  claim  an  antiquity  prior  to  the 
reign  of  St.  Louis.  M.  Bullet  exprefles  his  furprize  that  none 
or  thefe  antiquaries  fhould  have  been  acquainted  with  the  MS. 
mentioned  by  Cardinal  Beftarion  in  a  letter  to  Alexis  Lafcaris 
after  the  council  of  Florence  which  was  concluded  in  1439,  in 
which  he  mentions  a  MS.  of  Sf.  Bafil,  written  three  hundred 
years  before  that  date  on  paper .  The  words  are  44  in  papyro 
but  it  may  feem  as  extraordinary  that  M.  Bullet  (hould  take  it 
for  granted  that  this  relates  to  paper  made  of  rags,  and  not  of  the 
Egyptian  plant.  M.  Bullet  adds,  that  he  himfelf  had  feen  in  a 
cabinet  at  Befancon  a  deed  written  on  paper  fo  early  as  1302. 

That  paper  was  known  in  France  in  the  reigns  of  Charles  V. 
VI.  and  VII.  will  appear  from  this  circumflance,  that  in  the 
catalogue  of  their  refpe&ive  libraries  the  books  written  thereon 
are  particularly  fpecified,  which,  fays  M.  Bullet,  is  a  certain 
proof  of  its  fcarcity.  In  anfwer  to  this  it  might  be  obferved, 
that  whoever  looks  into  the  heft  modern  catalogues  of  MSS. 
will  find  the  material  on  which  the  MS.  is  written  particularly 
fpecified,  partly  for  diftindlion  fake,  and  partly  to  exprefs  the 
age  of  the  MS.  But  we  will  admit  the  argument  drawn  from 
this  diftin&ion  in  the  prefent  cafe,  and  proceed  to  examine 
thole  which  he  employs  againft  the  invention  of  cards  to  amufe 


Introduction  of  Cards  in  England.  »6i 

Charles  VI.  in  his  madnefs :  that  they  are  defcribed  as  only 
made  for  a  particular  purpofe  at  that  particular  time,  confe- 
quently  not  then  firjl  invented ;  that  the  drefs  of  the  queens  on 
thefe  cards  is  very  different  from  that  of  Charles  Vlth’s  queen 
Ifabei  to  which  contemporary  painters  would  have  ftridtly  ad¬ 
hered  ;  that  Froiffart  and  the  Journal  of  Charles  VI.  make  no 
mention  of  cards  among  the  methods  made  ufe  of  for  the  king’s 
recovery  j  and  that  they  were  forbidden  in  Spain  five  years 

As  to  the  firft  of  thefe  arguments,  the  words  of  the  account 
carry  with  them  no  proof  that  thefe  trois  jeux  de  cartes  were  not 
then  firft  invented,  becaufe  Gringonneur  made  them  in  a  certain 
year  or  on  a  particular  occalion  to  amufe  the  king. 

2dly,  Neither  Froiffart  nor  the  Journalift  mention  any  me¬ 
thod  of  cure  adopted  by  the  king’s  phyfician  or  keeper  but  diet 
and  exercife. 

^dly,  If  not  firft  invented,  cards  might  have  been  firft  intro¬ 
duced  on  fuch  an  occafion  in  France. 

Let  us  next  fee  how  Bullet  fupports  his  own  opinion  in  fa¬ 
vour  of  their  earlier  date,  and  fixing  it  to  the  fifteen  years  be¬ 
tween  the  prohibition  of  long  pointed  (hoes  by  Charles  V.  and 
his  death,  becaufe  thefe  fhoes  are  not  worn  by  the  kings  and 
knaves  on  the  cards ;  the  mantle  faced  with  ermine  which  the 
kings  wear  is  that  which  Charles  V.  always  wore,  and  which 
was  laid  afide  by  Charles  VI.  as  the  plumes  of  feathers  in  the 
hats  of  knights  and  others  were  introduced  in  his  reign, 
confequently  do  not  appear  on  cards  invented  in  the  pre¬ 
ceding.  A  game  of  fo  military  a  turn  as  that  of  cards  would 
naturally  fuggeft  itfelf  in  time  of  war ;  fuch  was  the  clofe  of 
the  reign  of  Charles  V.  a  prince  who  loved  fciences  and  books, 
and  Ihow,  and  in  whofe  time  theatrical  exhibitions  firft  fprung 

Vol.  VIII.  Y  up 

1 62 

Mr.  Gough’s  Obfcrvations  on  the 

up  in  France.  It  was  eafy  for  cards  to  take  their  rife  in  fuch 

He  infers  their  French  origin  from  the  fleur-de-lis  on  the 
crowns  and  fceptres  of  the  kings,  from  the  name  of  Charle¬ 
magne  among  the  four  kings,  from  the  names  of  the  knaves 
Qgier ,  Lancelot ,  Heftor,  le  Hire  [/].  A  further  proof  of  the  time 
of  their  invention  having  been  a  time  of  war  is  drawn  from  the 
Heart  reprefenting  Courage  ;  the  Pique  (fpade)  the  offenhve 
weapon  or  pike,  the  Diamond  the  defenhve  weapon  or  fhield, 
and  the  Trefoil  (club)  the  plenty  of  forage.  The  four  colours 
reprefent  the  four  Quadrilles  or  Companies  formed  in  fquare  at 
the  Carroufels.  The  kings  are  four  heroes  of  antiquity,  David, 
Alexander,  Csefar,  and  Charlemagne.  The  queens  or  ladies  of 
diftindtion  are  always  introduced  on  thefe  occafions  with  the 
kings  and  knights. 

There  is  no  end  to  the  etymologies  offered  for  the  names  of 
the  queens,  Rachel ,  Pallas ,  Judith ,  and  Argine.  With  P.  Daniel 
Rachel  is  Agnes  Sorely  Pallas  Joan  d’ Arc,  Judith,  the  confort 
of  Louis  le  Debonnaire  of  that  name,  or  Ifabel  of  Charles  VI. 
and  Argina,  an  anagram  for  Regina ,  Mary  of  Anjou  confort  of 
Charles  VII.  It  might  be  alked  how  thefe  names  came  to  be. 
borrowed  from  princeffes  pofterior  to  the  farft  invention  of 
cards,  or  whether  they  ever  had  any  older  names ;  but  this  is 
departing  too  much  from  the  fubjedl.  M.  Bullet  draws  them 
all  from  the  Breton,  and  explains  Judii  as  it  is  fpelt  on  the 
oldeft  cards  twice  queen  (Jud  queen,  Dye  twice),  and  Argine 
the  fair  (Ar  the,  and  Gin  fair),  referring  it  to  Anne  of  Bretagne 

[/]  M.  Bullet  affirms  Heffcr  is  the  Trojan  prince,  from  whom  the  French 
claim  defeent.  Lancelot  is  one  of  Arthur’s  heroes,  Ogier  one  of  Charlemagne’s 
peers,  and  de  la  Hire  the  famous  Stephen  de  Vignoles,  furnamed  la  Hire ,  who 
contributed  fo  much  by  his  valour  to  eftablilh  Charles  VII.  on  the  throne. 




Introduction  of  Cards  hi  England.  163 

queen  of  France,  and  confort  of  two  kings,  Charles  VIII.  and 
Louis  XII.  Pallas  the  Goddefs  of  War,  and  Rachel  of  Beauty. 

In  P.  Daniel’s  eyes  even  the  kings  are  emblematic,  David  of  . 
Charles  VII.  whofe  hiftory  affords  a  parallel  with  his. 

The  French  cards  appear  to  have  had  the  fame  figures  as  our 
modern  ones.  The  Carreaux  or  Diamonds ;  Cceurs  or  Hearts ; 
Trefes  or  Clubs;  and  Piques  or  Spades.  The  fir fb  of  thefe  dif¬ 
fer  both  in  form  and  meaning  from  the  Bells  on  Dr.  Stukeley’s 
cards.  The  author  of  a  dilfertation  on  the  Game  of  Piquet 
afcribed  to  P.  Daniel,  and  printed  in  the  “  Memoires  pour  J’hif- 
toire  des  fciences  et  des  beaux  arts  1 720,”  proving  that  game  to 
contain  military  and  political  inflrudlion,  fuppofes  the  Carreaux 
to  reprefent  arrow-heads  ufually  fhot  from  crofs-bows,  as  the 
Piques  do  Lances  ;  both  alluding  to  magazines  of  arms. 

The  French  cards  in  Mr.  Tutet’s  fecond  volume  are  a  few 
painted  cards  or  honours  [/£]  of  the  feveral  fuits  fufficient  to 
fhew  the  progreffive  alteration  of  modern  cards  to  which  they 
bear  no  refemblance.  The  kings  are  named  cezar,  david, 
argine.  The  knaves,  hogier,  angoulesme,  lahire,  - - 

Cards  as  well  as  other  games  had  their  origin  in  times  of 
chivalry.  The  Kings,  Queens,  Knights,  Knaves,  all  carry 
marks  of  that  period.  Chefs  has  the  fame  relation  among  the 
Afiatics,  as  beautifully  fet  forth  in  Vida’s  poem,  in  which  an 
equal  Ikill  in  language  and  play  are  united.  To  this  allude 
Primps  or  Triumphs  in  cards. 

[£]  What  we  now  call  Honours  or  Court  cards  are  by  Sir  John  Harrington 
ftyled  Coste  cards.  In  his  Metamorphofis  of  Ajax  he  fays  “  When  Brutus  had 
dilcarded  the  kings  and  queens  out  of  the  packe  and  Ihewed  himfelf  a  fvvorn 
avowed  enemie  to  all  the  Coate  cards,  then  crept  in  many  new  formes  of  go¬ 
vernment.”  I  conceive  the  name  originally  implied  no  more  than  figures  of 
men  and  women  in  particular  drefTes. 

Y  z 

“  The 


Mr .  Gough’s  Obfervatwns  on  the 

“  The  firft  cards  were  painted  [/],  and  on  that  account  very 
dear.  They  were  foon  after  cut  in  wood  and  illuminated,  which 
made  them  cheaper  and  more  common.  We  have  ieen  them  fo 
early  as  1397  in  the  hands  of  the  Parifian  workmen.  They  are 
perpetually  mentioned  in  fucceeding  Romances.  Villon  in  his 
burlefque  piece-*4  Grand  Teftament”  leaves  to  Perrinet, 

Trois  detz  plombez  de  bonne  carre 
Et  ung  beau  joly  jeu  de  cartes. 

We  read  in  Cretin, 

Pour  les  ecots  n’y  montent:  fi  font  rage 
Aux  dez  foncer  et  cartes  lanfquenets  [/»].. 

In  the  Legend  of  Faifeu, 

Ung  jour  advint  qu’ils  jouerent  aux  cartes. 

In  a  Sotife  or  fatirical  reprefentation  under  Louis  XII. 

Allons,  des  cartes  a  foifon, 

Vin  clerc,  et  toute  gourmandife.” 
u  They  palled  from  France  into  Spain  through  Bifcay.  The 
Spanilh  name  for  cards  is  Naipes ,  a  Bifcay  an  word  for  fiat ,  as 
charta  fignifies  when  applied  to  lead  charta  plumbea  [«],  The 
Spaniards  altered  the  figures  and  left  out  the  queens.  Such  was 
their  pafiion  for  this  game  that  Pafchafius  Julius,  who  travelled 
over  that  kingdom  in  the  16th  century,  fays  he  frequently  wrent 

[/]  B.  Platina,  who  died  1481,  in  his  book  “  De  tuenda  Valetudine,  Bafil. 
1541,”  40,  fe&ion  “  de  joco  et  ludo,”  fays,  “  ludus  fit  talis,  telfera,  fcacho, 
chartis  variis  imaginibus  piftis.” 

[ m ]  The  game  of  Lanfquenet  took  its  name  from  the  Lanfquenets  or  light 
German  troops  employed  by  the  kings  of  France  in  the  15th  century.  Bullet, 

P.  152- 

[«]  I  rather  apprehend  this  to  mean  a  Jheet  of  lead,  as  we  fay  a  Jheet  of  paper: 
and  that  this  name  was  given  them  from  the  material  and  fubllance ;  thofe  of 
the  articles  ufed  in  other  games  being  very  different. 


Introduction  of  Cards  in  England.  165* 

many  leagues  without  finding  bread  or  wine,  or  any  of  the  ne- 
ceffaries  of  life,  but  that  there  was  no  village  or  hamlet  how¬ 
ever  mean  and  wretched  wherein  cards  were  not  to  be  fold  [0].” 
This  might  ferve  as  an  argument  againft  Mr.  Bullet’s  pofitive 
aflertion  in  the  beginning  of  his  ellay,  that  Herodotus  muft  be 
miftaken  in  faying,  that  games  of  chance  were  invented  by  the 
Lydians  in  a  time  of  fevere  famine,  which  they  could  not 
poffibly  relieve  or  amufe.  I  am  well  allured  that  fuch  is  the 
rage  for  gaming,  in  China*  that  after  a  man’s  whole  property  is 
flaked  and  loll:,. his  perfon  is  furrendered  as  a  laft  refource  to  the 

“  The  Italians  next  adopted  the  ufe  of  cards,  and  the  Spaniflv 
name  for  them  calling  . them  Naibes ,  which  Bollandus  and  the 
new  editors  of  Du  Cange’s  GlofiTary  miflake  for  dice-boxes  [/>].” 

Du  Cange  cites  from  the  decrees  of  the  council  held  at  Wor- 
cefter  1 240,  a  prohibition  to  the  clergy,  “  nec  ludant  ad  a!eas> 
“  vel  taxillos ,  nec  fuf  meant  ludos  fieri  de  Rege  et  Regina,”  by 
which  laft  he  underftands  cards.  It  follows  <(  nec  arietes  levari, 

44  nec  palaeftras  publicas  fieri.”  M.  Bullet,  p.  138,  explains  it 
of  fome  exercife,  fuch  as  running  at  the  ring  or  the  quintain. 
Without  pretending  to  determine  what  it  was,  I  cannot  but 
apprehend  it  was  not  of  the  kind  we  are  here  treating  of. 
Du  Cange  himfelf  had  his  doubts  of  the  ufe  of  cards  fo  early,  . 
becaufe  not  among  the  games  forbidden  1369  by  Charles  of 
France  [y]. 

The  curious  in  etymology  may  fee  in  M.  Bullet,  p.  142 — - 
163,  the  names  and  forms  of  the  feverai  games  of  cards  ufed  in 

[0]  Tamen  nunquam  caftellum  aut  vicum  ullum  adeo  abje&um  et  obfcurunv 
tranlire  potui  in  quo  non  cartulce  veneunt.  Bullet,  p.  131- — 135. 

[/>]  Bullet,  p.  136. 

[q\  Du  Cange  et  Charpentier  voc.  Ludi  de  rege  et  regina.  It  rather  Teems ' 
to  refer  to  the  king  and  queen  of  Twelfth-day  derived  from  the  Roman  Satur¬ 

y  3 

France*  . 

*i 66  Mr.  Gough’s  Obfervations  on  the 

France.  I  wifh  I  could  furnifh  as  good  a  definition  of  thofe 
among  my  countrymen. 

I  fear  I  have  detained  this  Society  already  too  long  with  ex- 
trafls  from  other  writers.  But  as  this  queftion  has  received 
the  greateft  light  from  Abbe  Rive,  I  (hall  trefpafs  a  little  longer 
on  their  patience  while  I  Rate  his  arguments,  and  I  do  this  the 
rather  as  his  impartiality  leads  him  to  transfer  the  claim  of  the 
invention  from  his  countrymen  to  Spain. 

They  were  invented,  he  fays,  in  that  kingdom  by  one  Nicolao 
Pepin  [r],  whofe  initials  N.  P.  gave  rife  to  the  name  of  Naipes  [j], 
which  the  Italians  corrupted  into  Naibi  [/].  It  is  remarkable 
that  Luigi  Pulci  in  his  Morgante  Maggiore,  1.  vii.  ftanz.  67. 
underftood  it  of  cards  in  contradiftin&ion  to  dice : 

Gridava  il  Gigante, 

Tu  fei  qui.  Re  di  naibi  o  di  fcacchi, 

Col  meo  battaglio  convien  ch’io  t’amacchi. 

And  fo  the  biographer  of  St.  Bernard  diftinguifhes  when  he 
fays  that  holy  man  by  his  preaching  prevailed  on  the  Siennefe 
gamefters  to  burn  “  naibes ,  taxillos,  tefferas,  et  inftrumenta 
“  infuper  lignea  \ii\  fuper  quae  avare  irreligiofi  ludi  fiebant.’* 
(A£ta  Sandlor.  Bolland.  v.  281.)  If  therefore  Morelli  [*]  treats 
naibes  as  a  childifh  game,  it  only  (hews  that  they  were  not  re¬ 
ceived  in  Italy  with  the  fame  eagernefs  at  their  fir  ft  appearance 
as  two  centuries  afterwards,  when  they  have  no  place  in  the 

1  ’ 

[r]  Decuanara  de  la  lengua  Caftellana.  Madr.  1734.  IV.  646.  col.  1. 

[j]  Covarruvias  derives  Naipa  from  the  Arabic. 

[f]  It  occurs  firft  in  the  Chronicle  of  John  Morelli  of  the  year  1393,  printed 
at  Florence  1728,  and  prior  to  the  life  of  S*  Bernard  of  Sienna  fifty  years. 

[k]  Will  thefe  injlrumenta  lignea  take  in  the  arietes  of  the  Worcefler  canons  ? 
They  feem  to  be  the  fame  with  the  Equi  lignei  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  the  em¬ 
peror  Juflinian.  Cod.  de  Aleatoribus.  “  Non  licet  ludere  his  qui  vocantur 
Equi  lignei  vel  quavis  alia  aleae  fpecie.”  On  this  fee  Balfamon  and  Bullet,  p.  1 1.  n. 

[jtJ  In  his  Chronicle  before  referred  to. 


Introduction  of  Cards  in  England,  167* 

catalogue  of  children’s  plays  given  by  Bartholomeo  Arnigio  in 
his  “  Diece  Veglie,  &c.  Trevifo,  1602,”  40. 

But  this  game  had  fcarcely  been  invented  in  Spain  when  it 
was  cried  down  by  the  ftatutes  of  an  order  of  knighthood 
called  the  order  of  the  Band ,  eftablifhed  in  that  kingdom  by 
Alphonfo  XI.  king  of  Caftile  about  1332,  but  long  fince  extindh 
Thefe  ftatutes  are  preferved  only  in  the  Epiftles  of  Dom.  Ant. 
de  Guevara,  bifhop  of  Mondonedo,  preacher  and  hiftoriogra- 
pher  to  the  emperor  Charles  V.  and  not  in  all  the  editions  or 
tranflations  of  thefe,  but  firft  in  the  French  tranflation  by 
Dr.  Guttery,  printed  1558  and  1 573,  and  in  two  other  inter- 
mediate  editions. 

It  is  true  indeed  that  no  mention  of  cards  occurs  in  the  ori-  * 
ginal  copies  of  thefe  ftatutes  printed  in  Guevara’s  Epiftles  at 
Valladolid  1539,  and  Antwerp  1578,  nor  in  the  Italian  tranfla¬ 
tion  of  the  letters  by  Catzelu,  Veil.  1558;  but  in  the  French 
tranflation  by  Guttery  1558,  1573,  anc^  two  other  intermediate 
editions,  it  is  inferted. 

The  Spaniards  fubftitute  to  Hearts ,  Copas  or  Chalices  as 
emblems  of  ecclefiaftics,  to  which  it  fhould  feem  they  referred 
the  French  figure.  For  Piques  they  have  Efpadas  or  Swords 
(whence  our  Spades')  reprefenting  the  foldiery,  which  are  Dr. 
Stukeley’s  Acorns  reprefenting  Peafants.  For  Diamonds  they 
have  Dinerosy  a  fort  of  coin,  like  them  emblematizing  merchants 
and  commerce.  Thefe  are  Dr.  Stukeley’s  Hawk-hells  characte¬ 
rizing  the  Nobility.  The  Spanish  Bafos  or  Clubs  reprefent 
Peafants  equally  fet  forth  by  this  figure  and  that  of  Trefles  or 

On  the  Spanifh  cards  the  Kings,  Queens,  and  Knaves  are 
flyled  Kings,  Queens,  and  Knaves  of  Copas,  Spa-das,  Dineros, 
and  Baftos.  The  Kings  are  all  mounted  on  horfeback,  and  the 
Knave  of  Copas  is  armed  with  a  fword  and  lance.  The  Ace  of 

Y  4  Dineros 


Mr.  Gough’s  Obfervations  on  the 

Dineros  contains  the  arms  of  Spain  held  by  an  eagle,  and  in¬ 
fer  ibed  with  the  King’s  name,  as  on  mine  Carolus  III.  Rex  HiJ- 
paniarum ;  the  Deuce  has  the  arms  of  Caftile  and  Leon  and 
of  Arragon. 

The  Suits  in  our  common  cards  anfvver  to  the  appellations 
of  Clubs  and  Spades  by  an  imitation  of  the  Spanifh  ones,  whofe. 
appellations  we  have  tranflated  in  one  cafe  and  corrupted  in  the 
other  j  and  though  vve  do  not  retain  the  actual  figure  of  a  club 
or  fvvord  on  each  card,  we  keep  the  figure  of  the  pips  which  go 
by  that  name  in  Spanifh. 

The  curious  cover  of  a  pack  of  cards  exhibited  p.  142,  con¬ 
tains  a  motley  infeription  of  Spanifh  and  French  intermixed, 
and  I  conceive  is  to  be  read 
Cartas  finnas 
failles  . par 
Tfehan  Volay. 

The  infertion  of  Edward  Warman's  name  in  fo  very  different 
a  type  is  a  proof  that  he  was  the  vender  of  fuch  cards  in  a  far 
later  period.  Upon  inquiry  I  am  informed  by  my  friend  Mr. 
Herbert,  that  a  perfon  of  the  name  of  Warman  kept  a  flationer’s 
fhop,  fomewhere  in  Bifhopfgate-ftreet  or  near  Norton  Falgate, 
about  fifty  years  ago,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  he  fold  thefe 
cards,  and  caufed  this  infertion  to  be  made  in  the  block.  Mr. 
Herbert  could  not  recoiled  his  Chriftian  name.  If  I  am  not 
miftaken  this  extraordinary  block  once  belonged  to  Mr.  Ames, 
who  has  however  taken  no  notice  of  it  or  its  fubjed  in  his 
Hiftory  of  Printing. 

But,  leaving  the  arguments  of  thefe  French  antiquaries  in  fa¬ 
vour  of  the  French  or  Spanifh  origin  of  cards,  let  us  return  to 
the  time  when  they  adually  appeared  among  us.  From  a  re¬ 
cord  of  the  time  of  Edward  IV.  1465,  already  produced,  at  is 
evident  that  they  were  in  ufe  in  the  middle  of  the  15th  cen¬ 

Introduction  of  Cards  in  England.  ^169 

tury,  and  the  importation  of  them  into  England  prohibited  [jy].' 
This  is  about  fifty  years  after  their  probable  invention,  and  we 
may  allow  a  fhorter  fpace  for  them  to  acquire  fafhion  and  gene- 
^al  ufe.  in  fifty  years  more  they  refumed  their  empire. 

If  we  fuppofe  Shakfpeare  at  all  adhered  to  coflume  and  to  the 
manners  of -the  times,  he  would  be  guilty  of  a  grofs  anachro- 
nifm  in  making  Henry  VIII.  play  at  a  game  introduced  by 
Philip  or  his  fuite  into  England  in  the  reign  of  his  daughter, 
at  leaf!  thirty  years  after  the  date  of  this  fpeech.  In  his  18th 
year  a  proclamation  was  iflued  againft  all  unlawful  games  ac¬ 
cording  to  the  ftatutes  made  in  their  behalf,  and  commiffions 
awarded  into  every  fhire  for  the  execution  of  the  fame,  fo  that 
in  all  places  tables,  dice,  cards,  and  bowls,  were  taken  and 
burnt  [2].  Having  been  ufed  fo  near  home  as  Calais,  where 
Henry  VIII.  in  his  thirty-fecond  year  1540,  appointed  an  offi¬ 
cer  to  regulate  them  among  other  games  [V |,  they  were  ealily 
brought  over,  if  indeed  they  were  not  here  before,  as  Shakfpeare 
corredlly  introduces  them.  But  Mr.  Barrington  has  fhewn  they 
were  in  England  in  the  very  beginning  of  this  century  for 
Henry  the  Seventh’s  daughter  Margaret  played  at  the  cardes 
with  fome  other  company  \b\  Sir  John  Falflaff  is  introduced 
in  the  Merry  Wives  of  Windfor  without  regard  to  time  merely 
as  a  bully. 

r  >•  +  >  .■  '  ;  t  j.*- 

[j'}  They  were  prohibited  in  France  1426,  and  to  the  clergy  of  that  kingdom 
1404.  See  before,  p.  137.  This  was  a  fecond  prohibition;  for  we  have  feen 
a  former  thirty  years  earlier.  See  p.  158. 

[2]  Hall’s  Chronicle  fub  anno. 

[«]  Rymer,  Feed.  XIV.  707.  The  king  ordains  and  conflitutes  Gilbert  Clerc 
and  Nicholas  Dainporte  keeper  of  the  playes  of  Hand  oute  and  Keltcs ,  without 
the  Lantern  gate  as  at  dyce,  tables,  and  cardes  on  the  market  place  of  the  laid 
-  town  of  Calais. 

\_b~\  Her  intended  hufband,  as  faid  (p.  140)  at  Newbotle  caftlc.  Mifcell.  Ad¬ 
ditions  to  Leland’s  Colledt.  III.  285. 

Vol.  VIII.  Y  5  1  John 

1 70 

Mr,  Gough’s  Obfervations  on- the 

John  Fox  [c]  tells  of  a  fermon  of  bifhop  Latimer’s,  preached 
at  St.  Edward’s  church,  Cambridge,  the.  Sunday  before  (Thrift - 
mas  i  52*7-8,  44  concerning  his  playing  at  cards,”  in  which  he 
dealt  our  an  ex  portion  of  the  precepts -of  Ghriflianity*  44  Now 
ye  have  heard  what  is  meant  by  this  ffrff  card,  and  how  you 
ought  to  play  with  it,  I  purpofe  again  to  deal  unto  you  another 
card  aknodr  of  the  fame  lute  for  they  be  of  fo  nigb  affinity  that 
one  cannot  be  well  played  without  the  other*  &c.”‘  44  It  feerns,” 
fays  Fuller  [r/],  44  he  fuited  his  fermon  rather  to  the  time  than  the 
text ,  which  was  the  Baptift’s  queftion  taour  Lord,  Who  art  thou , 
John  i.  19,  taking  thereby  occafion  to  conform  his  difcourfe  to  the 
playing  at  cards,  making  the  heart  triumph.  This  blunt  preach¬ 
ing  was  in  thofe  dark  days  admirably  effectual,  which  would  be 
juftly  ridiculous  in  our  age.  1  remember, _ adds  Fuller,  in 'my 
-time  a  country  minifter  preached  at  St.  Mary’s,  from  Rom.  xii. 
3.  As  God  hath  dealt  to  every  man  the  meafure  of  faith.  In  a 
fond  imitation  ok  L  atimer’s  fermon  he  profecuted  the  metaphor 
of  dealing ,  that  men  thould  play  above  boards  i.  e.  avoid  all  dif- 
fembling,  not  pocket  cards,  but  improve  their  gifts  and  graces, 
follow Juit^ cc.  All  which  produced  nothing  but  laughter*  in 
the  audience.’' 

TJiat  cards  were  common  in  the  reign  of  James  I.  we  have 
fumcient  proof  in®- their  being  ufed  by  the  fpedtators,  while 
waiting  for  the  play  from  Gull’s  Hornbook  printed  1609,  and 
from  the  knaves  of  J'pades  and  hearts  ferving  as  titles  to  a  colleq** 
tion  of  original  poems  1611,  1612. 

Whether  Primero  was  fucceeded  by  a  game  called  Prime 
mentioned  by  Sir  John  Harrington  in  his  epigrams  or  what 
that  game  was  is  not  eafy  to  fay.  It  is  fpoken  of  as  not  fo  per- 
mftous  to  the  purfes  of  the  players  as  the  game  of  Pojl ,  which 

[V]  III.  847. 

[<f}  Hill,  of  Cambridge,  p.  103. 



Intfoduclion  ifi  Cards  in  England.  *i~i 

lucceeded  it.  This  Mr.  Bowie  [e]  derives  from  the  Spanilh 
Apofi  ar ,  which  means  to  place  in  the  hands  of  a  third  perfon  a 
certain  fum  of  money  for  an  equivalent  for  the  winner. 

Perhaps  it  may  be  deemed  too  bold  a  conjecture  that  the 
44  Duartes  or  Ludus  quartarum  live  cartarum,”  by  which  Junius 
explains  cards[f\,  may  be  derived  from  quart a,  which  Du  Cange 
lays  is  ufed  fimply  for  a  fourth  part  of  any  thing,  and  fo  may 
be  referred  to  the  quatuor  reges :  but  as  Du  Cange  exprefly  fays, 
quarta  and  carta  are  lynonymous,  I  lay  no  llrefs  on  this,  but 
leave  it  to  the  critics.  At  the  fame  time  I  cannot  help  prefum- 
ing  that  material  of  which  cards  were  made  which  was  carta 
or  paper  gave  name  to  the  game. 

Though  I  profefs  to  lay  no  llrefs  on  the  authority  of  Pietro 
della  Valle,  I  have  authority  in  my  own  pofleflion  for  faying 
that  the  Chinefe  ufe  cards  marked  and  forted  in  fuits  like  thofe 
of  Europe,  not  only  from  a  Chinefe  painting  where  their  ladies 
are  reprefented  playing  at  a  game  with  {Something  much  thicker 
in  fubftance  [g]  than  cards,  but  lhaped  and  numbered  like 
them.  One  of  thefe  has  on  it  fix  ace9  another  fix  as  on  the 
cards  called  Domino  cards  among  us.  But  1  have  alfo  a  pack 
-of  Chinefe  cards  made  of  the  fame  materials  as  European,  and 
charged  with  various  devices  to  no  great  or  regular  numbers. 
The  whole  pack  con  fills  only  of  thirty  cards,  and  of  thefe  nine 
have  human  faces,  one  whole  length  figures,  and  one  two 
faces  one  under  the  other.  The  whole  length  figure  has  on  it 

[e]  Letter  to  Mr.  Barrington,  p.  150. 

f/']  Etym.  v.  Cards.. 

[g]  The  fubilance  is  white.  Qua?  re,  if  thofe  cards  are  the  wooden  cards  men¬ 
tioned  by  Oibeck,  Voyage  to  China,  IT.  247.  Le  Comte,  p.  299,  fpeaks  of 
the  Chinefe  hazarding  their  eftates,  houfes,  children,  and  wives  on  a  card. 

Had  the  learned  Dr.  Hyde  completed  his  third  part  of  the  Eaftern  games, 
which  was  to  have  treated  on  card-plaving,  we  fliould  have  received  the  fulleft 
information  on  this  fubjeft. 

Y  6 

a  red 

#172  Mr.  Gough’s  Obfervations  on  the 

a  red  (lamp  with  charafters,  and  there  are  two  fuel!  {lamps  oti 
one  of  the  faces. 

The  Italians  have  a  game  called  la  Menchiata ,  invented  at 
Sienna  by  Michael  Angelo  to  teach  children  arithmetic.  But  it 
did  not  become  generally  fafhionable  till  the  time  of  Innocent  X. 
whofe  portrait  is  the  Pope  of  thefe  cards.  The  pack  confifts  of 
ninety-feven  cards,  fifty-fix  in  the  four  fuits,  and  forty  fingle  or 
picture  cards.  Befides  the  fourteen  cards  compofing  each  of  the 
four  fuits,  they  have  twenty-two  more  figured  or  painted  ones 
numbered,  and  fubferibed  Le  Bateleur ,  a  man  {landing  at  a 
bench  with  weights,  &c.  ha  Papejfe ,  TP Emperatris,  UEmpreur , 
Le  Pape ,  L'  Amoreux ,  Fa  wedding  with  a  figure  flying  down.] 
he  Chariot  [a  king  drawn  by  two  horfes  under  a  canopy.]  Juf- 
tice  [a  woman  with  wings  and  a  fword.]  L'  hr  mite,  ha  Roue 
de  Fortune  [a  wheel  like  Ixion’s  with  a  man  and  a  beafl  tied  to 
it,  and  a  crowned  winged  figure  fitting  on  the  top.]  Force  [a 
woman  tearing  open  a  lion’s  mouth.]  Le  Pendre  [a  man  hang¬ 
ing  by  one  foot.]  N°  XIII  is  Death  mowing  down  men.  Lem- 
pcrance  [a  winged  woman  emptying  one  cup  into  another.]  Le 
Liable  [a  winged  feeptred  Devil  on  a  pedeftal  to  which  are 
chained  two  others.]  ha  Ma  if  on  Dieu  [a  tower  tumbling  down, 
one  man  falling  out  of  the  windows,  another  afleep  in  it  ;  mo¬ 
ney  {flowering  on  both.]  Stoille  [a  naked  woman  pouring  wa¬ 
ter  into  a  river,  another  urn  by  her  and  over  her  head  feven 
flats.]  La  Lune  [the  moon  with  two  dogs  barking  at  her : 
below  water  with  a  kind  of  crab  or  lobfler,  exprefling  perhaps  her 
influence  over  the  fea.]  he  Solil  [the  fun,  and  below  two  naked 
men  handing  by  a  walk]  he  Jugement  [a  woman,  old  man, 
and  a  third  figure  rifing  out  of  the  grave,  an  angel  in'the  clouds 
blowing  a  trumpet,  to  which  is  affixed  a  red  banner  with  a  white 
crofs.j  he  Monde  [a  naked  woman  in  a  kind  of  glory,  at  the 
corners  of  which  are  the  fymbols  of  the  four  Evangelifls.] 


Introduction  of  Cards  in  England.  *137 

Another  card  without  a  number  inferibed  Le  Fo/>  having  a 
man  in  a  party-coloured  jacket  carrying  a  wallet  on  a  flick,  a 
flaffin  his  right  hand,  and  a  cat  leaping  up  againft  his  left  leg, 
concluded  the  fet  which  I  faw,  and  which  confifts  of  feventy- 
eight  cards.  Antonio  Vacheri  occurs  as  the  maker’s  name  on 
the  Duce  of  Denies  and  of  Copas:  the  fuits  being  diftinguifhed 
by  the  fame  figures  as  the  Spanifh.  The  method  of  playing 
this  game  may  be  found  in  the  Voyage  d’un  Francois  en  Italie 
1765,  j766.  Venife  1769,  tom.  V.  p.  157.  Thefe  I  luppofe  to 
be  the  Cards  mentioned  in  the  “  Longueruana.” 

For  the  fame  innocent  purpofe  of  amufing  or  inftru&ing  chil¬ 
dren,  various  fubje&s  have  been  introduced  on  cards  among  us. 
Birds  and  beafts,  the  conftellations,  virtues  and  vices,  arithmeti¬ 
cal  queftions,  heraldic  devices,  &c.  [h]  to  inftill  natural  hiftory, 
aflronomy,  morality,  arithmetic,  heraldry,  &c.  &c.  in  the  moft 
pleafing  and  imperceptible  manner.  In  all  thefe  the  figures  of 
the  court  cards  are  retained  at  whole  or  half  length.  But  I  have 
feen  a  pack  with  emblematic  figures  illuftrated  by  fentences, 
whereon  thefe  figures  are  exprefled  by  their  names,  and  the 
number  of  the  pips  by  Roman  numerals.  The  perfons  on  thefe 
cards  are  habited  in  the  drefs  of  the  la  ft  century,  and  there  is  a 
mixture  of  grofs  humour  with  found  morality. 

Mr.  Meerman  [/],  who  appears  to  have  confidered  this  fubjeft 
very  accurately,  allows  that  cards  were  in  ufe  before  1367,  but 
will  by  no  means  agree  that  they  were  formed  from  engravings 
of  any  kind,  being  then  only  regular  pieces  of  painted  paper . 
The  common  cards  remain  fo  :  they  are  not  painted  at  all,  the' 
red  or  black  marks  on  them  refpedively  being  laid  on  with  a 
brufh.  The  outlines  of  the  court  cards  are  formed  from  wooden 

[h]  Jofeph  Banks,  Efq.  fhewed  the  Society  1723-4,  an  old  pack  of  cards  with 
the  hiftory  of  the  Spanifh  Invafion.  {Min.) 

[/]  Orig.  Typog.  c.  ix.  p.223.  See  alfo  the  Poftfcript  to  the  fecond  edi¬ 
tion  of  the  Origin  of  Printing,  1776,  by  Bowyer  and  Nichols,  p.  177. 

Y  7  fampst 

*138  Mr.  Gough’s  Obfervations  on  Cards . 

flumps ,  by  an  operation  different  from  that  of  the  printing  prefs* 
and  they  are  afterwards  coloured. 

Mr.  Meerman  founds  his  opinion  on  the  paffage  before  quoted 
of  the  payment  to  Gringonneur  the  painter,  and  obferves,  that, 
had  the  art  of  ftamping.  cards  been  known  in  the  14th  century, 
the  French  in  particular  would  have  applied  it  to  other  figures, 
and  even  whole  books ;  for  as  foon  as  that  art  was  invented  it 
was  applied  to  cards. 

The  author  of  the  i6  Idee  generate  d’une  collection  des 
eftampes”  [£]  traces  the  origin  of  cutting  in  wood  to  1423,  to 
the  artifts  employed  in  making  playing  cards,  who  proceeded 
from  little  pictures  of  faints  at  the  head  of  legends  of  the  fize  of 
the  old  playing  cards,  and  illuminated  in  the  fame  manner,  to 
fmall  pieces  of  hiftory  for  the  inftru&ion  of  youth,  and  for  the 
purpofes  of  devotion. 

He  finds  a  concurrent  opinion  among  authors  on  this  fub- 
je£t,  that  the  invention  of  cards  is  due  to  the  Germans.  In 
the  language  of  this  people  the  hearts  are  called  red ,  the 
diamonds  bells,  the  clubs  acorns ,  and  the  fpades  green ^  and 
among  their  court  cards  were  no  ladies ,  who  are  all  of  French 
invention.  But  this  writer  brings  not  a  fingle  proof  of  the 
prior  antiquity  of  cards  to  that  already  affigned.  Not  one  of 
Ins  German  authorities  is  dated  earlier  than  the  15th  cen¬ 
tury.  The  moulds  ft  ill  ufed  in  Germany  are  like  wood  cuts, 
and  very  different  from  the  French  [/J.  Before  the  invention 
of  printing  we  find  the  term  flampide  applied  by  the  Venetians 
to  cards  [«]. 

[*]  p-  237—249- 

[/]  Sec  the  Art  of  Card-making  by  Hamel  du  Monceau  in  the  defcription  of 
aits  and  trades  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences  of  Paris. 

[»j]  Carte  e  figure  flampide  che  Ji  f anno  in  Venezia ,  and  le  carte  de  zugar  e 
figure  dipinte  flampide  fatte  fuor  di  Venezia.  Petition  of  the  Card-makers  to  the 
Senate  of  Venice  1441.  Lettere.Pittoriche,  v.  321. 


XIX.  Obfer- 


[  ‘65  ] 

XIX.  Obfervations  on  our  antient  Churches .  By  the 
Rev .  Mr.  Ledwich,  F.A.S.  In  a  Letter  to  the  Rev .  - 
Mr.  Norris,  Secretary . 

1  .  •  *  -• '  ' '  r  .  .  s  * 

Read  March  23,  1786. 

Ti-iere  is  great  reafon  to  apologize  for  offering  obferva¬ 
tions  on  our  ecclefiaftical  archite&ure,  which  has  already 
been  fo  ably  difcuffed  by  many  eminent  members  of  this  So¬ 
ciety.  But  as  a  minuter  attention  to  it,  than  was  confident  with 
their  more  general  plans,  has  fiiggefted  ideas  different  from 
thofe  advanced,  and  prefented  new  views  of  the  fubjedf,  I  an\. 
emboldened,  through  your  obliging  intervention,  to  fubmit 
them  to  the  candour  and  judgement  of  this  learned  and  refpedt-  - 
able  body. 

The  fculptural  decorations  of  our  antient  churches,  and  the- 
various  fhapes  of  our  arches,  to  which  I  fhall  principally  con¬ 
fine  myfelf,  have  been  but  {lightly  touched  on  by  thofe  who 
have  written  on  our  religious  Rrudures :  but  ferioufly  to  invef- 
tigate  their  origin,  though  a  very  interefting  defideratum,  no 
attempt  has  hitherto  been  made.  The  following  pages  may,  - 
perhaps,  fupply  fome  hints  on  this  head,  and  merit  fome  notice, 
untill  future  dilcoveries  fubflitute  fomething  more  folid  and  fa- 

The  eafy  intercourfe  eftablifhed  through  every  part  of  the 
Roman  empire  introduced  the  knowledge  of  Chriftianity  and  its 
teachers  at  an  early  period  into  Britain,  The  Gofpel  feems  to 

Y  8.  have 

u66  Mr.  LedWich’s  Obfervations  on  antlent  Churches. 

have  made  confiderable  progrefs  among  the  natives,  who  were 
reprefented  by  three  bifhops  in  the  council  of  Arles,  A.  D.  314. 
The  Roman  foldiery,  a  very  numerous  body,  were  not  To  ready 
to  embrace  the  faith  :  there  are  no?  monuments  of  their  belief 
in  Chriff,  but  many  of  their  attachment  to  the  deities  of  Rome. 
The  pompous  account  given  by  Tacitus  of  his  fatheGin-law 
Agricoin,  and  of  his  endeavours  to  polifh  the  Britons  by  encou¬ 
raging  them  to  build  houfes,  temples,  and  fora,  are  rather  the 
fond  effuiions  of  affeClion  than  matters  of  faCt ;  not  a  trace  of 
fiich.  edifices  exifting  [V],  or  of  the  columns  that  adorned  them. 
So  that  a  celebrated  [£]  hiftorian  feems  to  have  good  grounds 
for  afferting,  that  the  moft  the  Romans  communicated  to  us 
was  a  thin  varnifh  of  Italian  manners.  The  architecture  there¬ 
fore  of  the  Britons  feems  to  have  been  of  the  fimpleft  wooden 
materials;  and  this  Bede,  Ufher,  and  Spelman,  teftify.  It  isdn 
vain  then  to  look- for  thofeTculptural  ornaments,  which  more 
peculiarly  belong  to  Tone  edifices. 

VvTen  the  Anglo-Saxons  arrived  "in  England,  they  adored 
Gdin,  Thor,  and  the  other  northern  gods.  Thbfe  deities  under 
whofe  guidance  and  protection  they  had  been  victorious,  they 
would  not  eafily  relinquifh.  For  two  hundred  years  they  con- 
-tinued  Pagans.  That  they  built  temples,  which  were  after 
converted  to  Chriftian  churches,  has  been  afferted  by  learned 
men.  The  paffages  in  Bede  and  other  writers,  which  feem  to 
countenance  this  opinion,  will  be  found,  on  a  critical  examina¬ 
tion,  v  to  come  very  fhort  of  the  neceflary  evidence,  without  a 
large  portion  of -ingenuity  and  conjeCture.  But  as  there  is  no 
-heathen  Saxon  temple  extant  or  on  record,  whofe  architecture 
and  ornaments  are  accurately  defcribed,  there  is  no  need  of  en¬ 
tering  minutely  on  this  fubjeCl.  If  we  believe  the  united  tefti- 

[«]  As  is  remarked  by  Mr.  Ellcx ;  Archaeologia,  vol.  IV.  p.  79. 

;p]  Mr.  Gibbon’s  Roman  Hiftorv,  chap.  58. 


Mr .  Ledwich’s  Obferv-iticns  on  ant  tent  Churches .  i6y- 

rnony  of  our  hiftorians,  the  Saxons  pointed  their  utmoft  ven¬ 
geance  againft  Chriftianity,  and  its  facred  (Iru&ures.  In  their 
own  country,  they  worfhiped  their  gods  in  (lone-circles,  or 
amid  the  gloom  of  ponderous  trilithons;  and  there  are  abundant 
proofs  of  their  doing  the  fame  here.  Antecedent  to  the  coming 
of  Auguftine  in  597,  the  Wellh  and  Irifh  clergy  converted  ! 
many  of  the  Saxon  racei  but  the  native  buildings  of  thefe  mi(V 
fionaries  were  . as  mean  as  the  Britifh* 

As  very,  judicious  and  well-informed  member  of  this  Society,  , 
Mr.  Effex,  fays,  on  the  authority  of  Bede,  that  the  Saxons,  at 
the  time  of  their  converfion,  did  not  underhand  mafonry,.  as 
they  were  obliged  to  fend  for  foreigners  to  build  churches  and 
monafteries  after  the  Roman  manner.  Let  their  igrrorance  of 
mafonry  be  what  it  may,  it  is  not  proved  by  the  circumftance 
adduced.  The  paffage  alluded  to  in  Bede,  ,and  others  to  the 
fame  purpofe,  have  been  mifunderflood. 

The  Britons,  befides  their  wattled,  and.  wooden  churches,  had 
latterly  fome  poor  (lone-fabrics,  like  thofe  of  St.  Martin  and  St. 
Pancras  at  Canterbury :  but  they  were  not  conhrudled  in  the 
fl vie  of  thofe  churches  that  acknowledged  the  doflrines  and 
fovereignty  of  the  Roman  Pontiff.  They  had  no  crypts  under 
them  for  reliques :  they  were  not  fupported  by  arches  and  co.- 
lumns :  thefe  archer  and  columns  were  not  adorned  with  the  - 
images  of  faints  and  legendary  (lories :  their  (hape  was  not  cruci¬ 
form  :  they  had  no  oratories  in  the.  ailes,  nor  were  they  glazed. 
This  was  the  Roman  (ly le,  as  precifely  delineated  by  Bede  [c], 
Eddius,  and  Richard,  Prior  of  Hexham,  and  contradiftinguifhed 
from  the  Britilh. 

From  the  arrival  of  the  papal  midionaries  in  the  ifland  it. .was  to  exalt  every  thing  Roman,  and  decry  what  was 

[f]  Bed.  Hift.  Abb.  Wirem.  pag.  295.  &  alibi.  Edd.  apud  XV  Scriptor,  _ 
pAg.  62.  Ric,  Prior.  Hagulft.  pag.  290,  291. 



1 68  Mr.  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches . 

native.  The  Britons  with  great  firmnefs  preferved  their  hierar- 
,  chy  and  faith,  and  refolutely  withilood  the  adoption  of  maffes, 
Nations,  litanies,  tinging,  reliques,  pilgrimages,  and  numherlefs 
other  fuperftitions  and  innovations  of  popery.  The  Anglo- 
Saxon  church,  founded  by  a  Roman  [V],  and  devoted  to  that  fee, 
could  not  give  a  more  convincing  proof  of  her  lincerity  than  by 
embracing  thofe  favourite  ceremonies,  and  with  them  that  mode 
of  building  with  which  they  were  intimately  connected.  Ac¬ 
cordingly,  thofe,  who  were  moft  aCtive  in  forwarding  this  ftyle, 
had  either  their  education  at  Rome,  or  were  remarkably  at¬ 
tached  to  that  capital.  Thus  Ninian,  who  ereCted  the  Hone 
church  at  Whithern,  was  regularly  inftruCted  at  Rome  in  her 
myfteries  and  tenets  [<?].  Bifcop,  founder  of  the  church  of 
Weremouth  after  the  Roman  manner,  was  urged  to  the  under¬ 
taking  from  his  love  to  the  blelTed  Apoftle,  St.  Peter  [y*] ;  and 
Naiton,  feduced  from  his  hereditary  religion  by  the  abbat 
Ceolfrid,  folicits  this  abbat  to  fend  him  architects  to  conftruCt  a 
church  after  the  Roman  fafhion  [g]  :  not  to  mention  Wilfrid 
who  ereCted  the  church  of  Hexham,  and  others  recorded  by 

This  elucidation  clearly  points  out  the  difference  between  the 
Britifh  and  Roman  architecture  in  the  7th  century,  and  (hews 
what  the  eccleliaftical  hiflorian  more  particularly  means  by  the 
rRoman  manner.  5Tis  to  foreigners  we  are  indebted  for  the 
rudiments  of  this  elegant  art,  and  for  thofe  fculptures,  which  fo 

f V]  It  is  probable  he  was  a  Roman,  as  he  was  taken  from  the  monaftery  of 
St.  Andrew  at  Rome.  Creffy’s  Church  Hiflory. 

[<?]  Qui  erat  Romse  regulariter  fidem  et  myfteria  veritatis  edo&us.  Bed. 
I.  iii.  c.  4. 

[y]  Ecclefiam  juxta  Romanorum,  quern  Temper  amabat  morem.  Et  tantum 
in  operando  Itudii  prre  amove  Beati  Petri.  Bed.  Hift.  Abb.  Wirem.  p.  295. 

[^]  Bed.  I.  v.  c.  ai. 



Mr.  Ledwicm’s  Objervations  on  antient  Churches .  169 

profufely  adorn  our  capitals  and  arches.  It  is  equally  certain, 
that  what  are  called  the  Saxon  ornaments  and  the  Saxon  dyle 
have  not  the  mod  didant  relation  to  that  people,  as  inventors, 
but  as  they  were  ufed  in  ages  wherein  their  conqueds  and  power 
were  very  conspicuous. 

The  Roman  dyle,  which  includes,  as  is  apparent  from  the 
preceding  account  of  it,  every  charafleridic  trait  of  the  Saxon, 
was  the  mode  of  ecclefiaftical  architect  u  re  prevalent  in  the  7th 
century.  The  fame  dyle  we  may  reafonably  fuppofe  exided  in 
the  church  of  Tours,  built  A.  D.  4.60  [£].  One  hundred  and 
twenty  columns  therein  were  not  without  carving ;  nor  walls 
one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  length  without  mouldings  or 
ornaments.  Of  what  fort  thefe  ornaments  were  the  writer  does 
not  inform  us.  Eddius  mentions,  in  general  terms,  that  the 
capitals  of  the  columns  and  the  arch  of  the  chancel  of  the 
Hexham  fabric  were  decorated  “  hidoriis — imaginibus — et  va- 
riis  cselaturarum  figuris.”  The  fird  probably  mean  hidorical 
representations  from  the  bible  and  legends :  the  fecond  faints 
and  holy  men,  and  the  lad  a  variety  of  Sculptures  in  relief. 
Thefe  works  were  executed  by  artids  brought  from  Rome, 
Italy  and  France  [/]:  what  reafon  then  can  there  be  for  calling 
them  Saxon?  Many  learned  antiquaries  have  lately  reiinqudhed 
this  appellation,  and  call  them  Roman ;  but  they  have  not  ex¬ 
plained  what  they  underhand  by  a  Roman  work.  It  is  not 
enough  that  the  arch  is  femicircular,  and  the  form  and  pro¬ 
portion  of  the  column  regular ;  the  feuilliage  fhould  be  alfo 
Roman  to  intitle  it  to  this  didin&ion.  The  former  by  chance 
may  be  right,  but  the  latter  is  not  lefs  chara&eriftic.  Where  do 

[£]  Gregor.  Turon.  Hift.  Franc.  1.  ii.  c.  14. 

[t]  De  Roma  quoque,  et  Italia  et  Francia,  et  de  aliis  terris  ubieunque  inye* 
nire  poterat,  caementarios,  &c.  fecum  retinucrat.  Ric.  Hagulft.  1.  i.  c.  5. 

Vol.  VIII.  Z 

i^o  Mr .  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches, 

we  fee  the  Ovolo,  Talon,  Cyma,  Torus,  and  other  regular  archi¬ 
tectonic  mouldings  and  ornaments  in  Saxon  works  ?  Or  where 
an  intire  order  of  the  column?  For  except  the  fhaft,  the  other 
parts  are  omitted  or  indiftinCtly  marked.  The  Saxon  may  pof- 
libly  be  a  corruption  of  the  Roman  ftyle,  but  there  are  ftrong 
inducements  to  think  it  had  a  very  different  origin. 

In  the  Medico-Laurentian  library  at  Florence  is  a  Syriac  MS* 
of  the  Evangelifts,  written  A.  D.  586  [£],  full  of  pictures  and 
miniatures,  exhibited  in  twenty-fix  leaves.  The  fecond  ffiews 
the  Virgin  Mary  with  Jefus  in  her  arms,  under  a  ciborium  fup- 
ported  by  four  pillars,  which  are  dreffed  with  chevrons,  lo¬ 
zenges,  and  eggs  [/].  The  other  plates  give  every  charaCteriftic 
ornament  of  the  Saxon  ffyle ;  as  nebules,  lozenges,  quatrefoils, 
chevrons,  flowers,  fruit,  birds,  and  a  rich  variety  of  fculpture* 
So  early  an  inftance  as  to  date,  fo  authentic  and  in  point,  has 
not,  I  believe,  been  produced :  what  has  been  obferved  of  the 
church  of  Tours,  and  that  of  Hexham,  being  rather  probable 
conjecture.  Here  we  have  a  curious  and  inconteftible  faCt  full 
in  view :  the  only  difficulty  is  the  accounting  for  fo  Angular  an 

That  we  Ihould  difcover  the  Saxon  ornaments  (for  I  muff  ufe 
the  term  to  be  intelligible)  in  the  Eaft,  is  a  phenomenon  little 
to  be  expeCted.  Let  us  confider,  that  the  Tabernacle,'  made  by 
the  Ifraelites  in  the  Wildernefs,  was  to  reprefent  at  once  an 
oriental  temple  and  palace  [*»].  As  defcribed  in  Exodus,  it  was 
*a  great  pavilion  or  tent,  and  in  it  was  the  Ark.  The  latter  was 
concealed  from  fight  by  a  veil  fufpended  from  four  pillars  of 
precious  wood  :  their  capitals  and  bafes  of  precious  metals,  and 

[£]  Codex  Evangeliorum  antiquiffimus,  &c.  Bibliotli.  Med,  Laur.  tom.  k. 

pag.  44. 

[/]  See  plate  XIII. 

[w]  Goguet  fur  l’origme  des  loix*  Tom,  ii.  p.  251,  252. 


Mr.  Ledwich*s  Obfercations  on  antient  Churches .  i  ■;  j 

the  fliafts  overlaid  with  the  fame.  Within  this  the  deity  was 
fuppofed  to  refide. 

Chriftiaiis,  in  the  early  ages  of  the  church,  imitated  many 
ceremonies  and  practices  of  the  Jews ;  and,  among  others,  they 
formed  fmall  portable  tabernacles,  conftru&ed  on  the  model  of 
the  firft.  Sozomen  [w]  tells  us,  that  Conftantine,  about  the 
beginning  of  the  4th  century,  carried  with  him  in  his  cam¬ 
paigns  a  tabernacle  in  the  fliape  of  a  church,  that  neither  he  nor 
his  army  might,  in  the  wildernefs,  be  without  a  temple  for 
holy  ufes.  I  fay,  Conftantine  and  the  Chriftians  might  have 
adopted  this  idea  from  the  Jews :  but  it  fell  in  alfo  very  exactly 
with  the  Pagan  ufages,  and  might  have  been  retained  not  to 
fcandalize  new  converts.  The  carrying  gods  in  portable  tem¬ 
ples  was  common  among  the  Egyptians  [#],  Cappadocians, 
Greeks,  and  Romans;  and  fuch  were  the  ftlver  fhrines  fpoken 
of  by  St.  Luke  in  the  A6ts.  Scripture  and  Sozomen  call  thefe 
tabernacles.  Seen re ;  but  Chryfoftom,  who  was  contemporary 
with  Sozomen,  Ciboria.  In  his  42d  homily  on  the  A<fts,  he 
afks  in  what  form  they  made  thofe  filver  fhrines,  and  anfwers, 
they  were  perhaps  like  the  fmall  Ciboria  [0]. 

The  Ciborium  [^»]  was  the  (hell  containing  the  feeds  of  the 
Colocafia  or  Egyptian  bean :  its  furface  was  flat  and  hemifphe- 
rical,  from  which  to  the  bottom  it  declined  into  a  cone  :  it  was 
uled  as  a  drinking  cup  [y],  and  refembled  our  chalices  or  gob¬ 
lets.  This  inverted  and  fufpended  by  its  footftalk  was  fimilar 

[tw]  Kan  <nttivyv  fyMXvicnxv  Pixjc<r[ASvvv.  L.  i.  c.  8. 

[«]  Ao?  j'oocvov.  Euftath.  in  Iliad,  i.  Strab.  L  4.  Athenaei  Deip.  I.  11.  Sc 
Cafaubon.  in  loco.  Dio.  1.  40.  Val.  Max.  Herodian.  La&ant.  See. 

[0]  It tu;  u;  KiCojpia  paxpa. 

[p]  Salmaf.  Plin.  Exerc.  p.  1316,  who  fhews  Rhodiginus  is  much  miftaken 
in  the  account  of  the  Ciboriufn. 

[</]  Poculi  vicem  et  ufum  praebebat.  Salmaf.  ubi  fupra 

Z  2 


ij2  Mr.  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches. 

to  the  canopy  that  covered  thofe  ftirines ;  and  in  the  beginning 
of  the  5th  century,  as  appears  from  Chryfoftom,  was  thus  un- 
derftood,  and  at  length  expreffed  the  pillars,  curtains,  canopy* 
and  the  whole  fhrine  or  tabernacle  [r]. 

Before  Chriftianity  was  fully  eflablifhed,  and  for  fome  ages 
after,  the  practice  of  making  Ciboria  to  ferve  as  domeftic  cha¬ 
pels,  from  the  example  of  Conftantine  and  the  general  tindture 
■of  Paganifm  ftill  remaining,  muft  have  been  univerfal.  We 
have  traced  it  through  the  4th,  5th,  and  the  Syriac  MS.  evinces 
what  it  was  in  the  6th  century.  In  the  fury  of  religious  zeal, 
Conftantine  demolifhed  the  monuments  of  antient  architedhire 
and  fculpture.  The  porches  of  the  temples,  fays  Eufebius  [j]* 
were  laid  open ;  their  doors  taken  down  and  their  roofs  torn  off* 
In  one  place  Apollo  Pythius  lay  expofed  to  view ;  in  another 
Sminthius ;  in  the  circus  the  Delphic  tripods ;  and  in  the  palace 
the  Heliconian  mufes.  A  new  ftyle  of  building  and  ornament 
commenced.  It  was  a  corrupt  imitation  of  Eaftern  [/],  Grecian* 
and  Roman  models.  The  fir  ft  experiments  feem  to  have  been 
made  on  tabernacles  and  ciboria.  Catching  the  flame  of  reli¬ 
gion  from  their  prince,  and  to  complete  their  triumph  over 
idolatry,  Chriftians  would  naturally  rejedt  thofe  ornaments  that 
decorated  heathen  temples,  and  employ  whatever  they  could 
colledt  of  the  Jewifh  and  Eaftern  feuillage.  The  Syriac  MS. 
prefents  us  with  pillars,  fpiral,  fluted,  and  covered  with  a  lo¬ 
zenge  net-work ;  different  frettes ;  chevrons;  chalices  ;  flowers 
and  angels1  heads ;  ornaments  certainly  prior  to  the  date  of  that 
work.  They  were  after  transferred  to  ftone-buildings,  and  feem 
to  be  the  true  origin  of  thofe  called  Saxon. 

[r]  Li  Pitture  d’ErcoIano,  tom.  ii.  p.  21 1. 

[i]  Vit.  Conflant.  J.  i.  c.  8. 

[/]  Wren  has  well  obferved  in  his  Parefrtalia,  that  Orders  were  Hebraean, 
Phoenician,  &c.  The  account  of  the  jewifh  tabernacle  is  a  proof. 


Mr,  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches,  173 

The  veneration  in  which  the  ciborium  was  held,  and  the 
myftic  virtue  of  its  figure  [#],  were  boundlefs.  The  Virgin 
Mary,  Jefus,  and  the  Apoftles  and  holy  men,  are  reprefented 
within  thofe  of  the  Syriac  MS.  but  thefe  were  foon  fupplanted 
by  the  reliques  of  Saints  and  the  euchariftic  elements.  Ciam- 
pini  [w]  tells  us,  the  Lateran  Ciborium  is  made  of  Parian  mar¬ 
ble,  fupported  by  four  columns  of  Egyptian  marble  with  gilt 
epiftyles  of  the  Corinthian  order.  Within  a  gilt  iron  grating  in 
this  are  preferved,  with  lingular  veneration,  the  heads  of  the 
ApofUes  Peter  and  Paul. 

We  may  eafily  imagine  what  fuperftitious  refpeCt  was  paid 
to  the  minuteft  part  of  the  Ciborium  from  a  declaration  of  St. 
Jerome  in  the  4th  century,  who  pronounces  in  the  mofl  decifive 
manner  [.*],  that  the  facred  chalices,  the  holy  vails,  and  what¬ 
ever  elfe  belonged  to  our  Lordrs  paffion.,  were  not  to  be  efteemed 
as  common  or  unmeaning  things,  btrt  from  their  connection 
with  the  body  and  blood  of  Chrift  were  intitled  to  the  fame 
implicit  and  fovereign  refpeCt  as  the  very  body  and  blood  itfelf. 
Hence  the  utmoft  profufion  was  not  thought  too  great  for 
adorning  thefe  Ciboria.  Pope  Leo  III.  according  to  Anaftafius, 
made  fome  of  filver,  covered  with  gold  :  the  four  pillars  were 
of  great  height,  of  porphyry  and  white  marble,  finely  carved 
and  enriched  with  innumerable  green  and  purple  gems.  The 
inverted  Ciborium  [jy]  was  the  crowning  of  the  Greek  churches, 

[k]  Defcribit  prolixe  Ciborium  Germanus,  et  didtis  propheticis  ita  conqua- 
drare  opinatur,  ut  fine  illor  quo  modo  Deus  operetu-r  per  altaris  facraficium 
falutem  hominum  in  medio  terrae,  non  probe  intelligi  affirmet.  Goar.  Eucholog. 
p.  15. 

[iv]  Ciborium  ex  Pario  marmore  quatuor  columnis,  he.  De  fac.  aedife, 
p.  15. 

[#]  Epift.  88.  ad  TheophiJ. 

M  K<u  s  Mvonfas.  Phot.  Okk  rt  new*  Silentiar.  Defcrip.  xd,  Soph. 


174  Mr.  Ledwich’s  Observations  on  antient  Churches. 

called  Cupolas,  and  the  covering  of  their  graves  [«].  Gregory 
of  Tours,  coeval  with  the  Syriac  MS.  in  many  parts  of  his 
works  [tf],  mentions  the  cuflom  of  the  Franks  to  hang  tapeftry 
round  the  tombs  of  the  deceafed,  the  top  terminating  in  &  pon- 
ticulus  or  arch,  in  reference  to  the  Ciborium.  The  fame  ideas 
were  attended  to  by  architedls,  as  we  find  by  Gervais’s  [ ac¬ 
count  of  the  re-building  of  Canterbury. 

Such  then  is  the  evidence  of  the  origin  of  the  Saxon  feuillage 
which  I  have  the  honour  of  fubmitting  to  this  learned  Society. 
It  is  a  fubjedt  admitting,  very  probably,  much  more  copious 
elucidation  than  is  within  the  fphere  of  my  prefent  informa¬ 
tion  :  a  few  hints  are  all  I  prefume  to  offer. 

The  ofcillation  of  human  imbecillity,  ever  producing  the 
wildefl  and  mod  inexplicable  appearances  in  the  moral  world, 
in  the  courfe  of  a  few  centuries  gave  a  fignal  inftance  of  its  ca¬ 
pricious  power.  What  Chriftians  of  the  4th  and  5th  centuries 
beheld  with  horror  and  deteftation,  Chriflians  of  the  9th,  10th, 
and  nth  centuries  embraced  as  objedts  meriting  the  higheff  re- 
fpedl  and  confidence.  A  new  fly le  of  architedlural  ornament 
fucceeded,  hitherto  either  totally  unobferved  or  but  (lightly  no¬ 
ticed,  though  by  no  means  an  incurious  fubjedt. 

The  mod  perfedl  inftance  of  this  ftyle  are  the  capitals  in  the 
French  church  at  Canterbury.  The  ingenious  Editor  of  the 
Antiquarian  Repertory  [c],  from  whom  they  are  copied  [d],  feems 

ffc]  Mvr,pa,,  v  Toupov,  v\  xiGzpiv.  Meurf.  GlolT. 

[«]  De  glor.  ConfefT.  c.  20,  21.  30.  Et  de  Mirac.  1.  i.  c.  72*  Tlic  “  fepul- 
clirum  fub  analogio”  of  this  writer,  and  the  “  Tumba  in  modum  domunculi” 
of  Bede,  were  types  of  the  Ciborium.  Mallet,  who  alludes  to  the  cuflom  of  the 
Franks,  fuppofes  it  of  Scandanavian  origin,  but  it  is  clearly  derived  from  their 
acquaintance  with  Chriflian  praflices.  Northern  Antiq.  vol.  I.  p.  343. 

[4]  Clavem  pro  toto  pono  Ciborio — Fadlum  eft  itaque  Ciborium  inter  qua-- 
tuor  pihrios  principales,  &c.  Gerv.  Dorob.  p.  1298. 

[c]  1.  p.  57.  [d]  See  plate  XIV. 



/'€/?r/?/  r;/////r//  // 

Mr.  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches.  175 

to  coincide  with  Mr.  Goftling’s  opinion,  that  this  chapel  was  ei¬ 
ther  conftru&ed  by  Grymbald  in  the  reign  of  Alfred,  or  by  fome 
other  in  that  age ;  and  his  arguments  are  founded  on  the  fimi- 
Jarity  between  the  Canterbury  ornaments,  and  thofe  in  Grym- 
bald’s  crypt  at  Oxford.  There  is  a  refemblance  in  the  fize  of 
the  capitals,  and  at  firft  glance  the  grotefques  feem  the  fame  ; 
but  a  clofer  examination  will  difcover  them  to  be  of  different 
ages.  At  Canterbury,  they  are  well-drawn,  diftindt  and  expref* 
five :  at  Oxford  they  are  confufed  and  unmeaning ;  and  in  the 
frizes  on  the  north  and  fouth  fronts  of  Adderbury  church, 
Oxfordfhire,  we  may  trace  a  degradation  of  this  ftyle  in  the 
whimfical  mixture  of  Cyclopfes,  Janufes,  warriors,  and  Egyptian 
hieroglyphical  figures :  the  two  former  are  from  Roman  origi¬ 
nals  ;  the  latter  betrays  the  wayward  fancy  of  our  rude  an- 

The  irruption  and  fettlement  of  the  Saracens  in  the  fouth, 
the  fierce  and  bloody  conflidls  of  barbarous  and  Pagan  nations  in 
the  north,  and  the  univerfal  corruption  of  religion,  exhibit  a  dif- 
mal  pidlure  of  the  flate  of  Europe  in  the  8th  and  fucceeding 
ages.  Charlemagne  did  every  thing  becoming  a  great  prince  to 
civilize  the  favage  manners  of  the  age,  to  refiore  Chriftianity, 
and  revive  letters.  His  Capitulars  are  full  of  decrees  for  found¬ 
ing  and  re-building  churches  ;  and  in  Montfaucon  [<?]  he  is  re- 
prefented  holding  one:  it  has  a  round  tower,  and  a  fpire  rifing 
from  it  [/].  This  is  allufive  to  his  celebrated  church  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle.  Hofpinian  [g~]  alfo  remarks  the  aflonifhing  number 
of  magnificent  religious  edifices  conftrudted  in  his  reign.  The 
Canterbury  crypt  feems  of  an  earlier  date. 

jy]  Les  Monumens  de  la  Monarchic.  Franc.  p»  276. 

[/]  There  are  two  round  towers  at  Grymbald’s  crypto 

El  De  Templis,  p.  36,  37. 

.  '  (  "  If 

176  Mr .  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches . 

If  Ofbern’s  authority  is  of  any  weight,  the  undercroft  at  Can¬ 
terbury  was  founded  antecedent  to  the  year  742  ;  for  that  wri¬ 
ter  [A]  informs  us,  that  archbifhop  Cuthbert  eredled  St,  John’s 
chapel  in  the  eaftern  part  of  the  greater  church  or  cathedral. 
Archdeacon  Battely,  as  1  collect  from  Mr.  Godding,  afcribed  it 
to  the  believing  Romans.  The  learned  antiquary  need  not  be 
told,  that  crypts  formed  the  fubftrufture  of  every  great  church  : 
he  will  alfo  think  it  more  than  probable,  that  the  metropolitical 
church  of  Canterbury  was  not  without  them  for  near  three 
hundred  years,  that  is,  from  the  age  of  Auguftine  to  that  of 
Grymbald  ;  and  more  efpecially  fo,  when  it  is  univerfally  al¬ 
lowed,  the  undercroft,  amid  all  the  conflagrations  and  repairs  it 
underwent,  remained  unalterably  the  fame.  There  are  not  do¬ 
cuments  fufficient  precifely  to  determine  its  age  :  let  that  be 
what  it  may,  I  fhall  take  the  liberty  of  confidering  its  capitals, 
and  next  endeavour  to  account  for  the  prevalence  of  Egyptian 
hieroglyphical  figures  on  them  and  fimilar  works. 

N°  1.  Is  the  Aelurus,  or  Cat,  one  of  the  animals  [/]  gene¬ 
rally  adored  in  Egypt,  becaufe  it  was  believed  to  fupply  a  cure 
againlt  the  bite  of  afps,  and  other  venomous  creatures.  Yet  it 
is  not  likely  the  feline  race  would  have  been  fo  honoured,  even 
in  this  fuperflitious  country,  was  it  not  fymbolical  of  their  great 
deity  Ills  [£].  ' 

N°  2.  Is  obvioufly  another  Egyptian  grotefque  *  it  is  a  hawk 
killing  a  ferpent.  Diodorus  Siculus,  Strabo,  and  ^Dlian  inform  us, 
this  bird  was  worlhiped  in  Egypt  for  freeing  the  country  from 
fnakes,  fcorpions  and  other  reptiles  ;  and  Plutarch  records,  that 

[&]  Apud  Wharton.  Anglia  Sac.  vol  I.  p.  75. 

[/]  Strab.  1.  17.  Diod.  Sic.  1.  1.  Montfaucon,  tom.  2.  p.  310. 

[£]  Felis  ob  varietatem,  &c.  Ifidem  indicabat.  Pignor.  Mem.  If.  p.  31. 

«  hawk 



Mr,  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antknt  Churches ,  lyy 

a  hawk  fighting  with  a  ferpent  was  reprefented  {landing  on 
the  ftatue  of  Typhon  [/] :  the  archetype  probably  of  our  fculp* 

N°  3.  is  an  ideal  quadruped,  fuch  as  the  Egyptian  Gryphon  \ni] 
is  defcribed;  with  the  beak,  talons,  and  wings  of  an  eagle,  and 
the  body  of  a  lion.  It  is  here  killing  fome  noxious  bird  or  fer- 
pent.  The  gryphon  was  facred  to  Ofiris  [#]„ 

N°  4,  5,  6,  7.  The  fourth  feems  to  be  a  Gladiator,  or  crimi¬ 
nal  engaged  with  a  lion :  the  fifth  a  horfeman  with  a  cap  and 
trowfe ;  the  fixth  a  fheep,  to  which  the  Egyptian  Soiites  and 
Thebans  paid  divine  honours;  and  the  fcventh  an  equeftrian 
figure,  common  on  Roman  coins, 

N°  S.  is  a  pure  Egyptian  figure,  a  double»headed  Anubis  be- 
finding  a  double-headed  crocodile.  In  Boifiard*s  and  other  col« 
legions,  Anubis  {landing  on  a  crocodile  is  frequent  ;  nor  is  a 
double-headed  Anubis  lefs  fo.  We  have  feen  the  Aelurus,  the 
hawk,  and  the  gryphon,  referred  to  the  great  Egyptian  gods,  Ifis 
mid  Ofiris  •  the  fame  may  be  faid  of  Anubis,  who  was  the  infe* 
parable  [0]  companion  of  Ifis, 

N°  Q»  A  man  fitting  on  the  head  of  another  holds  in  one 
hand  a  fifh,  mid  in  the  other  a  cup,  The  fiih  named  Oxyrin* 
chug  was  generated  from  the  blood  of  Ofiris,  and  was  facred  in 
Egypt.  According  to  Hyginus  it  alluded  to  fome  fable  concern¬ 
ing  Ifis, 

4  jo 

[/J  JefotJ  0%*  &e  If  et  Qfus  p  371.  He  tells  us  Ofiris  was  do« 

p lifted  as  a  hawk;,  ibid, 

Plutarch.  Symn,  j.  4,  .qujpft,  Volf,  de  Idol,  J,  Hi.  c.  1QO, 

[»]  Pignor.  p.  15. 

[0]  Fuifc  indtvidqus  Ifidi*  comes,  Pignor,  p,  32,  who  produces  an  antient 
jufcripdon,  wherein  Ifis,  Seraph,  Anubis,  and  Harpec  rates,  ar$  called  ©j# 

(TVVVa ice* 

Vol.  VI II,  A  a 

,N°  10. 

iy8  Mr.  Led  wren’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches. 

N°  io.  a  double-headed  monfter.  Tertullian  [/>]  feems  to 
defcribe  fuch  forms ;  and  fimilar  ones  may  be  feen  in  Mont- 
faucon.  4  .  . 

N°  ii.  is  a  bird  deftroying  a  crocodile  ;  for  they  are  of  two 
fpecies  [y]  :  or  perhaps  fome  ferpent  of  the  lizard  kind. 

N°  12.  is  a  fatyr  retting  on  two  deer.  The  “  aures  fatyro- 
rum  acutae,”  and  the  “  capripede9  Panes”  of  the  Roman  poets 
are  well  known. 

N°  13.  are  two  birds  on  a  Roman  mafque. 

N°  14.  is  a  grotefque,  with  the  head  and  comb  of  a  cock; 
the  body  and  arms  human;  the  fhoulders  winged,  with  the  feet 
and  tail  of  a  fatyr  :  it  is  playing  on  a  violin  with  a  bow,  and  be¬ 
hind  is  a  fcalene  triangle.  Oppofite  is  another  grotefque  blow¬ 
ing  a  trumpet,  with  the  head  and  horns  of  a  goat,  the  lower 
extremities  human.  That  thefe  are  Egyptian  hieroglyphical 
figures  we  may  appeal  to  Porphyry  [r],  to  Tertullian,  Min. 
Felix,  Pignorius,  Montfaucon,  and  Chiffiet.  Whatever  occult 
meaning  may  be  concealed  under  thefe  grotefques,  there  is  one 
very  obvious,  and  agreeable  to  the  genius  of  the  Egyptian  fuper- 
ftition.  Its  profeflors  in  every  age  were  as  negligent  of  decency 
in  their  [j]  facred  rites  as  in  their  public  conduct.  It  was  a 
fatal  omen  of  the  decline  of  the  Roman  empire  for  its  princes  to 
be  fo  devoted  to  this  foreign  religion.  Suetonius  mentions  it 
as  an  inftance  of  Otho’s  effeminacy,  that  he  celebrated  the  myf- 
teries  of  Ifis  clad  in  the  linen  veftments  of  her  priefts.  In 
Petronius,  Egyptian  youths  attend  feafts,  and  pour  fnow  water 
on  the  hands  of  the  company.  They  excelled  no  lefs  in  mufic 
than  in  the  other  elegant  means  of  corrupting  manners. 

[/>.]  Canino  capite  et  leonino,  et  de  bove  et  ariete.  Ad  Nat.  1.  i.  c.  14. 

[q~\  Salmaf.  Plin.  Exerc.  p.  454. 

[r]  Porphyr.  De  Abftinent.  1.  iv.  §  9. 

[5]  Jamque  expe&atur  in  hortis, 

Aut.  apud  Ifiacas  potius  facraria  len».  Jut.  VI.  487,  488. 



1 79 

Mr.  Ledwich’s  Obfcrvations  on  ant'teni  Churches. 

Cantica  qui  Nili,  qui  Gaditana  fufurrat.  Mart. 

Verus  brought  many  mufical  performers  to  Rome  from  Syria 
and  Alexandria.  According  to  Kircher,  the  triangle  denoted 
Orus,  the  fon  of  Ills  and  Ohris :  or  it  was  a  figure  which  the 
Egyptians  obferved  their  favourite  Ibis  often  to  make  [>]. 

Sir  John  Hawkins  [«]  gives  us  the  Giuftiniani  Apollo  playing 
on  a  violin  with  a  bow  :  the  body  of  the  inftrument  is  fome- 
what  rounder  than  ours.  This  ftatue,  dodtor  Burney  [*]  in¬ 
forms  us,  has  been  proved  by  Winkelmann  and  Mengs  to  be 
modern:  he  thinks  the  violin  and  bow,  which  appear  on  an  an¬ 
tique  ewer  and  bafon  dug  up  at  SoifTons,  the  oldeft  hitherto  dis¬ 
covered.  Le  Beuf,  he  adds,  fuppofes  them  to  be  as  antient  as 
the  year  752.  To  the  fentiments  of  thefe  eminent  fcholars  and 
antiquaries  I  fhould  moft  readily  fubfcribe,  and  particularly  lb, 
as  they  would  nearly  afcertain  the  date  of  the  undercroft,  could 
I  reconcile  them  with  Venantius  Fortunatus.  This  writer  flou- 
rifhed  about  the  middle  of  the  f  xth  century,  and  mentions  the 
Chrotta  Brit  anna ,  or  Britifh  Crwtb.  From  the  drawing  of  this 
inftrument  in  the  third  volume  of  the  Archaeologia,  it  is  plain 
it  was  of  the  fidicinal  kind;  and  the  tranfition  from  this  to  the 
violin  eafy  :  yet  I  Ihould  think  it  an  excefs  of  patriotifm  to  af- 
cribe  the  invention  of  this  elegant  inftrument  to  the  Britons. 
They  muft  rather  have  corrupted  the  violin  into  the  crwth  from 
a  Greek  or  Roman  original. 

Enough  has  been  laid  of  thefe  capitals  to  found  a  conjecture 
that  this  crypt  was  an  Ifeum  [y],  or  Roman  chapel  facred  to 

[f]  IcroAXfupov  rgiyuv.  Plutarch,  de  Hid.  et  Olir.  p.  6,u. 
f «]  Hiftory  of  Mufic,  vol.  I.  p.  246, 

[*]  Rid,  p.  515. 

[b]  A  limilar  inflance,  and  in  point,  are  the  vaults  at  Hexham,  wherein  are 
many  fragments  of  Roman  infcriptions,  grotefque  figures,  which  are  true  figil- 
laria  or  figilliola,  and  much  carved  ftonc  work.  Hexham  and  Canterbury  were 
Roman  ftations.  Hutchinfon’s  Excurfion  to  the  Lakes,  p.  303 — 307. 

A  a  2  Ifis ; 

j  8a  Mr,  Ledwich’s  Qb/ervations  on  antient  Churches, 

Ifis;  or  that  it  was  an  early  imitation  of  Roman  models.  Gro¬ 
tefques  are  derived  from  the  excentricity  of  Egyptian  fuperfti- 
rion,  which  affe&ed  [2]  firiking  and  monftrous  forms  rather 
than  thofe  that  were  comely  and  beautiful;  and  the  more  to  in- 
fpire  religious  dread  and  horror,  thefe  grotefques  were  moftly 
confined  to  crypts,  and  hence  they  got  their  appellation  [#]. 

The  northern  nations  from  vicinity  or  intercourfe  [^]  had 
been  long  converfant  with  the  fuperftition  of  Rome,  and  like  her 
were  addidled  to  magic  and  fpells.  So  exactly  did  their  ideas 
afiimilate  on  thefe  heads,  that  Wormius  [c]  declares  one  egg 
does  not  more  ciofely  refemble  another  than  the  Egyptian  and 
Danifh  hieroglyphics.  Boetius  found  numberlefs  hieroglyphics 
in  Scotland,  which  tradition  afcribed  to  the  Danifh  times  :  of 
thefe  he  thus  fpeaks  in  Holinfhed’s  tranfiation ;  46  That  the 
44  Scots  at  firfi;  ufed  the  rules  and  manners  of  the  Egyptians  (V], 
44  from  whence  they  came  ;  and  in  all  their  private  affairs  they 
44  did  not  write  with  common  letters,  as  other  nations  did,  but 
44  rather  with  cyphers  and  figures  of  creatures,  made  in  man- 
•e  ner  of  letters,  as  their  epitaphs  on  their  tombs  and  fepulchres 
44  remaining  amongft  us  do  hitherto  declare.  Neverthelefs  this 
44  hiercgiyphical  manner  of  writing,  in  our  times,  is  perifhed 
44  and  loft.”  Mr.  Pennant  met  with  thefe  grotefques  in  his 

[2]  Quorum  ftudium  in  id  magis  incumbebat,  ut  pi&uras  miras  exprime- 
rent,  quam  ut  vgnuflatem  affe&arent.  Pignor.  p.  7.  Vitruv.  1.  vii.  c.  5.  et 
Not.  in  loco.  Li  Future  d’Ercolano,  tom.  iii.  p.  296.  n.  2.  and  p.  312. 

[VJ  Italis  d i*5tas  grottejeas  credo,  quod  in  terra  obrutis  veterum  tedificiorum 
fornicibus,  quas  grottas ,  quail  cryptas  vocant,  primum  invenerint.  Pignor. 

[/'J  Ten  years  before  the  Incarnation  Drufus  conquered  and  colonized  the 
country  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  Tacit.  1.  iv.  c.  12.  Camden  and  Still ingfleet. 

[f]  Vix  ovum  ovo  hmilius  deprehendes.  Fall.  Dan.  p.  45,  46.  Moi*. 
Dan.  92. 

[</]  The  popular  fiction  of  Gathelus  and  Scota  was  very  convenient  for  ex¬ 
plaining  thefe  Scottifh  hieroglyphics. 


Mr.  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  anUent  Churches .  *8x ' 

Tour  in  Scotland :  he  a/ks  whence  could  artifts  acquire  their 
ideas  of  centaurs  and  animals  proper  to  the  torrid  zone  ? 

In  the  year  1655,  the  tomb  of  Childeric  I.  was  difeovered  at 
Tournai,  and  in  it  the  head  of  an  ox  with  a  fun  in  his  forehead, 
all  of  gold  ;  and  left  the  figure  fhould  be  miftaken  [Y],  there 
were  about  three  hundred  golden  apes ,  or  bees,  to  fhew  that 
Childeric’s  tutelary  deity  was  the  Egyptian  Apis.  •  Montfau- 
con  [/]  fays,  there  were  many  oval  coins  found  at  the  fame 
time,  with  the  fcaraba?us  and  frog  on  them;  and  then  afks,  were 
thefe  derived  to  the  Franks  from  the  Egyptians  ?  did  the  former 
alfo  worffiip  them?  Had  thefe  ingenious  writers  applied  but  a  » 
fmall  portion  of  their  erudition  to  this  fubjeCt,  they  would  foon 
have  detected  the  obfeurity  which  overffiadows  the  introduction 
and  ufe  of  thefe  hieroglyphics,  and  thereby  fuperfeded  the  ne- 
ceftity  of  the  following  obfervations. 

The  Egyptian  fuperftition  had,  by  its  various  adumbrations  > 
and  explications  [<§*],  fo  confounded  the  antient  fyftem  of  Gre¬ 
cian  and  Roman  theology  as  to  make  it  a  perfect  chaos.  This 
with  the  open  profligacy  of  its  votaries  made  the  Romans  in  the 
696th  year  of  the  city,  ejeCf  it.  It  ftole  in  again,  and  was  again 
expelled.  So  true  is  it  what  Macrobius  writes,  that  with  diffi¬ 
culty  thofe  deities  were  eftablifhed  at  Rome.  At  length  they 
were  permitted  without  the  walls,  but  generally  defpifed  to  the 
reign  of  Nero  ;  when  Lucan  fays. 

Nos  in  templa  tua  Romana  recipimus  Ifin, 

Semideofque  canes. 

[V]  Et  ne  quis  Apirn  efle  nefeiret,  adje&oe  fuerant  apes  aurea?  plufquam  tre  ¬ 
cento?,  ut  ex  harum  nomine  illius  intelligeretur.  Huet.  Dem.  Evang.  p.  147* 
edit.  8vo. 

L/]  Monum.  de  la  Monarch.  Fran.  p.  10.  15. 

[^]  Mofheim  ad  Cudworth,  c.  iv.  et  Bruker,  Hill.  Philof.  tom.  i.  p.  246, 
are  ample  on  this  fubjett. 

The  c 

182  JVfr.  Led  wich’s  Obfervations  oh  antient  Churches, 

The  fingular  refpedt  (hewn  to  Egyptian  idolatry,  and  its  adop¬ 
tion  about  this  time,  may,  I  think,  with  certainty  be  developed 
from  an  anecdote  of  Nero,  preferved  by  Suetonius.  An  un¬ 
known  plebeian  prefented  the  emperor  with  a  little  female 
image,  as  a  prote&refs  againft  confpiracies.  In  a  (hort  time  after, 
having  difcovered  fome  fecret  machinations,  he  afcribed  the  dis¬ 
covery  to  this  image,  worfhiped  it  as  a  fovereigti  deity,  and 
facrificed  to  it  thrice  a  day.  Adrian  had  a  like  image  (luck  with 
old  iron  letters,  which  he  adored  with  his  other  chamber-divi¬ 

The  fuccelfors  of  Auguftus  lived  in  perpetual  fear  of  aflaffi- 
nations  and  infurre&ions :  the  nobility  were  debauched  ;  the 
commons  wretchedly  poor,  and  the  foldiery  feditious  and  undif- 
ciplined.  Dreadful  apprehenfions  conftantly  haunted  the  dis¬ 
turbed  imagination  of  the  reigning  prince ;  without  vigour  or 
firmnefs  to  take  a  judicious  or  deciiive  ftep  to  avert  danger,  he 
became  a  prey  to  the  weaknefs  of  his  paffions ;  and  fought  in¬ 
formation,  aid,  and  prote&ion,  from  amulets  and  fpells.  It  was 
here  the  Egyptian  charlatannerie  powerfully  recommended  it- 
felf  to  the  vain  hopes  and  fears  of  a  debauched  people  by  the 
fuperior  virtue  of  its  talifmans.  The  (kill  of  the  orientals  in 
aftrology  was  confefifed,  and  their  fpells  and  charms  efteemed  of 
the  mod  indifputable  efficacy  and  power.  The  deities,  whofe 
figures  thofe  amulets  bore,  were  not  lefs  cried  up.  Artemidorus, 
a  contemporary,  is  full  on  this  head.  If,  fays  he,  you  dream  of 
Ifis,  Anubis,  and  Harpocrates,  or  of  their  flatues  or  myfteries, 
it  portends  confufions,  dangers,  threatenings  and  misfortunes ; 
from  which  however  beyond  your  hopes  they  will  preferve  you  : 
for  thefe  gods  have  ever  been  Saviours  [A],  keeping  their  vota¬ 
ries  unhurt  in  the  extremeft  difficulties. 

[A]  A «  yap  irwhpif,  Oneiroc.  1.  ii.  c.  44* 


Mr .  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches .  183 

In  confequence  of  this  prepofledion  and  confidence  in  the 
Egyptian  fuperftition  their  amulets  multiplied  to  infinity :  from 
the  higheft  to  the  lowed  every  one  procured  and  carried  them. 
All  imitated  the  prince. 

Componitur  orbis 
Regis  ad  exemplum. 

Now,  fays  Pliny,  in  the  reign  of  Trajan,  they  begin  to  wear 
Harpocrates  and  the  Egyptian  gods  on  their  fingers.  Commodus 
fhaved  his  head,  and  bore  Anubis  in  his  arms,  when  he  celebrated 
the  rites  of  Ifis.  Under  Adrian  many  of  thofe  Egyptian  temples 
were  erected.  Severus  repaired  the  Ileum  and  Serapeum.  Cara- 
calla  condru&ed  a  large  fane  to  Ifis  ;  as  Antoninus  Pius  did 
to  Serapis.  In  a  word,  Otho,  Domitian,  Trajan,  Marcus  Aure¬ 
lius,  Philip  and  Tetricus  were  intirely  devoted  to  the  Egyptian^ 
religion,  as  their  coins  and  the  writers  of  the  Hidoriae  Auguftae 
tedify.  Every  part  of  Europe,  Afia,  and  Africa  was  confequently 
deeply  infe&ed  with  it. 

In  the  fecond  century,  Bafilides  and  other  herefiarchs  of  the 
oriental  fchool,  taking  advantage  of  the  reigning  fuperditions, 
and  to  increafe  the  number  of  their  followers  [/]  interwove 
many  heathen  notions  and  practices  into  their  fydem  of  Chridi- 
anity  :  they  formed  innumerable  amulets,  engraven  with  Egyp¬ 
tian  hieroglyphics,  mondrous  letters  and  the  names  of  ^Eons. 
Thefe  were  to  fecure  the  podedors  longevity,  opulence,  health, 
and  fuccefs.  Thefe  heretics,  according  to  St.  Jerome,  didemi- 
nated  their  pedilent  notions  over  France  and  Spain,  where  they 
more  particularly  folicited  and  obtained  the  patronage  of  the  fair 
fex.  The  tedimony  of  this  father  is  drengthened  in  the  high- 
ed  degree  by  the  multiplicity  of  abraxas  found  in  thofe  king¬ 
doms,  exhibited  by  Chiflet  and  Montfaucon,  and  by  the  works 

***,•'•  4  •v  -V  *  ,  ..  •  ■  .  \ 

[/]  Bruker,  tom.  Ii.  paflim.  Mofheim’s  Ecc.  Hifiory. 


:i&4  Mr,  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches, 

of  Irenaeus,  bifhop  of  Lyons,  who  wrote  againft  them.  It  is 
further  evident  from  Lindenbrog’s  code  of  barbarian  laws,  that 
the  Franks  and  Romans  occupied  in  common  the  country  of 
Gaul,  as  the  other  tribes  and  Romans  did  Spain  and  the  reft  of 
the  empire:  the  former  [£]  accommodated  their  civil  inftitu- 
tions  as  well  as  their  religious  opinions  to  thofe  of  the  latter, 
j“»  ian,  Conftantius,  and  even  the  Chriftian  emperor  Conftantine 
bore  Egyptian  fymbols  on  their  coins ;  nor  need  we  wonder  at 
a  barbarian  prince,  as  Childeric,  ambitioufly  imitating  fuch  ex¬ 
amples.  This  reafoning  feems  conclufive  ;  and  at  the  fame  time 
gives  the  folution  of  the  appearance  of  the  Egyptian  Apis  and 
Scarabaeus  in  the  tomb  of  a  French  king,  and  of  hieroglyphics  on 
antient  northern  monuments. 

In  like  manner,  numberlefs  mu  ft  have  been  the  temples  and 
crypts  facred  to  Egyptian  deities  difperfed  over  Europe  j  whofe 
feuillage  was  the  fame  as  that  in  the  undercroft  at  Canterbury, 
Some  of  them  with  all  their  hieroglyphical  ornaments  were  cou« 
verted  to  Chriftian  churches,  as  [/]  that  of  St,  Andrew  in  Bar¬ 
bara  in  Rome  appears  at  this  day.  Some  were  conftru&ed  on 
the  iite  of  fuch  temples,  as  the  church  of  St.  Germain  was  on 
that  of  the  fane  of  Ifis  [w].  The  furious  though  pious  zeal  of 
believers,  and  the  rage  of  accommodating  every  thing  to  the  fa* 
Ihionable  ftyle  have  deprived  us  of  many  of  thefe  antient  xnonu* 
meats :  enough  remain  to  eftablifh  the  idea  advanced  in  thefe 

The  decay  of  learning  and  the  corruption  of  religion  reduced 
Chriftianity  almoft  to  femi-paganifm.  From  St.  Audeou’s  life 

[£]  Montefcpieu  1’efprit  des  loix,  Camden  dc  Offic.  Marefchal,  Baxter. 
Cibir.  Antiq.  Rom.  voce,  Aurum, 

[/]  Ciampini  de  Sac.  AEdif.  tom.  i.  p.  it). 

[w]  Le  lieu  qui  parut  le  plus  pmpre  fut  celui  ou  felon  ^opinion  commune 
retloient  encore  Jes  aliens  veftiges  du  temple  d'Jfis.  Brouillart  BiiL  de  I’Abhe 
de  St.  Germain,  p.  4.  This  was  A.  D.  5.56. 


Mr.  Ledwich’s  Observations  on  antient  Churches.  185 

of  St.  Eloi,  bifhop  of  Noyon,  we  find,  that  the  antient  heathen 
deities  were  commonly  worlhiped  in  France  in  the  feventh  cen¬ 
tury  ;  and  in  fucceeding  ages  the  Capitulars,  Councils  and  Rhe- 
gino  demonfirate  with  what  difficulty  idolatry  was  reprefled, 
though  neither  fubdued  or  eradicated ;  for  it  received  new  vi¬ 
gour,  and  the  eaRern  fuperftition  particularly  freffi  Rrength, 
from  the  congenial  myftic  theology  of  the  Arabians.  It  is  not 
unreafonable  then  to  fuppofe,  that  the  fondnefs  for  hierogly¬ 
phics  and  grotefques  had  not  abated  in  the  ninth  century,  when 
Grymbald  founded  his  crypt  at  Oxford ;  though  ffiortly  after 
the  Danes  introduced  a  new  Ryle,  compofed  of  antient  gro¬ 
tefques,  Greek  and  Roman  mythologic  figures,  and  whimfies 
of  their  own,  as  at  Adderbury  church. 

The  mold  elegant  figure  there  is  on  the  fouth  front;  it  is  a  Rar 
or  rather  mullet  of  five  points,  a  true  Egyptian  magical  figure, 
the  fame  as  feen  on  a  Canopus  in  Montfauqon  [«].  I  fhall  not 
trouble  this  learned  Society  with  any  remarks  on  the  fculptures 
to  be  met  with  on  churches,  croffes  and  fepulchrai  Rones  of  this 
period,  but  beg  leave  to  lay  before  them  a  new  fpecimen  of  the 
Daniffi  Ryle  from  this  kingdom. 

Samuel  Hayes,  Efq.  one  of  the  reprefentatives  for  the  town  of 
Wicklow,  whofe  knowledge  of  antiquities  and  whofe  taRe  for 
the  polite  arts  are  juRly  admired,  was  fortunate  in  fearching.  the 
ruins  of  Glendaloch,  about  fix  miles  from  his  feat,  to  difcover  a 
fmall  Rone- roofed  crypt,  which  for  centuries  had  been  buried 
amid  the  rubbilh  of  a  contiguous  fallen  church,  unnoticed  and 
unexplored,  though  evidently  the  moR  antient  remains  at  this 
celebrated  place.  The  entrance  into  this  chapel  (almoR  filled 
with  the  tomb  of  St.  Key  win)  is  through  a  weR  door,  whofe 
arch  with  the  capitals  and  bafes  of  its  pillars  is  ornamented  with 
various  figures.  There  are  no  traces  of  Saxon  feuillagb : 'rid 

[«]  Tom.  ii.  p.  366. 

B  b 

Vol.  VIII. 


1 8 6  Mr.  Ledwich’s  Ohjnvatkm  on  antient  Churches . 

Chriftian  fymbols,  or  allnilon  to  facrecl  or  legendary  dory  :  the 
fculptures  are  exprefiive  of  the  mod  lavage  and  uncultivated 
date  of  iQci'ety.  Had  there  been  a  mixture  of  dy  les,  fomething 
might  be  allowed  for  the  caprices  of  the  carver:  but  as  this  is 
not  the  cafe,  it  may  not  be  thought  presumptuous  to  call  it  an 
indance  of  the  early  Daniil*  dyle.  See  PI.  XV.  fig.  6. 

In  88o,  Alfred  obliged  Guthrum  to  embrace  Chridianity: 
but  this  forced  convert  on  had  little  influence  on  his  fubjects  or 
fuccedors,  for  in  925,  Sitric,  the  Danifh  prince  of  Northumber¬ 
land  had  Edgitha,  fider  of  Atheldan,  bedowed  on  him  in  mar¬ 
riage  on  his  renouncing  Paganifm;  and  a  crofs  appears  on  his 
coin  in  Camden.  J 11  984,  according  to  Sir  James  Ware,  the 
Irifh  Danes  received  the  faith  ;  but  it  was  earlier,  as  marks  of 
Chridianity  are  feen  on  a  coin  of  Anlaff,  A.  D.  930.  So  that 
it  is  extremely  probable  the  Englidi  and  Irifh  Danes  embraced 
the  Gofpel  about  the  fame  time.  Thefe  fads  enable  us  to  afcer- 
tain  the  date  of  our  fculptures,  which  feems  to  be  about  the 
middle  of  the  tenth  century  :  for  it  has  [0]  elfewhere  been  proved 
by  the  concurrent  tedimony  of  foreign  and  domedic  writers, 
that  few  veftiges  of  mafonry  appeared  in  this  ifle  prior  to  the 
Danifh  invafion.  The  fculptures  themfelves  confirm  the  truth 
of  thefe  obfervations.  See  plate  XVI, 

N°  1.  A  ravenous  quadruped  here  devours  a  human  head  : 
the  head  is  a  living  one  ;  the  hair,  whifkers,  and  beard  give  it 
a  lavage  appearance. 

N°  2.  Exhibits  a  youthful  head  and  a  wolf ;  the  long  hair  of 
the  former  elegantly  entwined  with  the  tail  of  the  latter.  The 
hair  thus  thrown  back  from  the  forehead  was  the  genuine  Irifh 
Culan,  Cooleen,or  Glibb.  Wolves,  untill  the  year  1710,  were  not 
extirpated  ;  the  mountains  of  Glendaloch  mud  have  abounded 

[0]  Colledanea  de  reb.  Hib.  N°  6.  # 


VoL.  VUL.ri.KV.p  .186. 


/‘//s/s//  u>sZ/ 


'  ••  .  ■  r 

.  ' 

r|  n 




•  •  ] 


:  '"?i 













"•  ‘  •  - 

,  --7 




Mr.  Ledwich’s  Obfervatiotu  on  antient  Churches .  187 

with  them.  There  was  a  lingular  propriety  in  joining  the  tail 
of  this  animal  with  the  glibb  of  the  young  man,  to  indicate  the 
fondnefs  of  the  one  for  the  purfuit  of  the  other. 

N°  3.  is  a  wolf  in  a  rage,  with  his  tail  in  his  mouth.  The 
ferocity  of  this  animal,  and  his  delight  in  human  blood  are  the 
chief  themes  of  Scaldic  poetry.  Their  great  deity,  Odin  [/>], 
was  conftantly  attended  by  two,  named  Geri  and  Freki,  to  whom 
he  diftributed  meat  from  his  table. 

N°  4.  are  two  ravens  picking  a  fkull.  The  raven  Was  more 
peculiarly  facred  to  Odin;  he  is  called  the  king  of  ravens  [7]. 
The  three  daughters  of  Lodbrog  worked  a  Reafan  on  the  ftan- 
dard  of  Hinguar  and  Hubba  with  many  magical  incantations, 
which  was  to  be  invincible.  This  enfign,  common  among  the 
northern  people,  was  fuppofed  to  give  omens  of  victory  or  defeat ; 
if  the  bird  on  it  gayly  fluttered  in  the  wind,. it  prefaced  fuccefs  \ 
but  if  it  hung  down  motionlefs  it  portended  misfortunes.  It  is 
plain  from  many  Abraxas  in  Chiflet,  and  many  palfages  adduced 
in  Cuper’s  Harpocrates,  that  the  raven  was  an  Egyptian  hiero¬ 
glyphic,  and  had  a  predictive  virtue.  St.  Ambrofe  (for  the  notes 

[/<]  Cibum  menfae  fuse  impofitum  Odinus  duobus  lupis  diftribuit,  qui  vo- 
cantur  Geri  et  Freki.  Itaque  cum  lupi  cadaveribus  impenfe  deleftentur,  nihil 
ufitatius  Scaldis  antiquis.  Bartholin,  de  contempt,  mott.  p.  424. 

[7]  Corvus  Odino  peculiariter  facratus  erat,  ut  et  Dnts  Corvorum  nomina- 
retur.  Barth,  fup.  p.  429.  475.  A  Scaldic  poem  in  Wormius  mentions  the 
daughter  of  the  Danes  at  Vedrafiord  or  Waterford,  probably  about  the  time  of 
Alfred.  It  is  full  of  the  fierce  and  bloody  ideas  of  thofe  northerns. 

Gaudebat  pugna  laetus 
Accipiter,  ob  gladiorum  ludum. 

Non  fecit  aquilam  aut  aprum, 

Qui  Irlandiam  gubernavit. 

Conventus  fiebat  ferri  et  clypei. 

Marftanus  rex  jejunis. 

Fiebat  in  Vedrae  linu 
Prseda  data  corvis. 

Bb  2 


1 88  Mr.  Ledwjch’s  Qhfervationi  on  antient  Churches . 

on  St.  Paul’s  Epidle  to  the  Romans  [r]  are  afcrlbed  to  him) 
mentions  the  raven  as  adored  in  Egypt,  and  that  the  Pagans  in 
his  time  celebrated  Coracina  facray  thefe  raven  feafts,  which 
I  believe  are  noticed  b-v  no  other. writer,  may  poffibly  enable  us 
to  account  for  the  chefls  of  birds  bones  found  in  Chrift  Church, 
Twynham,  and  which  might  have  been  facrahced  on  thefe  occa- 
fions  by  the  Romans,  or  our  fucceeding  northern  conquerors.. 

N°  5.  5.  5.  Thefe  figures  are  runic  knots,  compofed  of  the 
fegments  of  circles,  their  arcs  and  chords  interfering  each  other. 
There  is  fcarce  a  carved  flone,  crofs,  or  other  remnant  of  anti- 
quit}'  during  the  time  of  the  Danifh  power,  but  exhibit  a  knot 
of  fome  kind:  in  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  it  appears  on 
the  ring  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  prince Ethelwulf  [r],  Wormius  gives 
but  little  information  or  fatisfadion  on  this  head;  but  Keyiler 
fupplies  his  defers.  From  him  we  learn  that  there  were  (even 
kinds  of  runes  [/],  adapted  to  promote  every  human  adion  and 
wifh.  They  were  vidarious,  applied  to  fountains  and  trees,  cor¬ 
dial,  drinking,  and  medicinal  runes,  according  to  the  ceremonies 
obferved  in  writing  them-;  in  the  materials  on  which  they  were 
written;  in  the  place  where  they  were  expofed,  and  in  the  man¬ 
ner  in  which  the  lines  were  drawn,  whether  in  the  form  of  a 
circle,  of  a  ferpent,  or  triangle,  &c.  fays  Mallet.  Hickes,  in- 
his  Thefaurus,  tells  us  of  a  (liver  fhield  found  in  the  Idle  of  Ely; 
the  convex  fide  had  many  knots  and  gyrations,  which  he  pro¬ 
nounces  magical :  on  the  concave  was  a  runic  infcription,  pray¬ 
ing  defence  and  protedion  to  the  wearer.  The  cyphers  dotted 
on  the  bread,  and  between  the  thumb  and  forefinger  of  our 
common  people,  are  the  runee  cerevijtari &  of  Keyzler.  The 

[r]  Cave  fays  they  were  written  by  Hilarius,  A.  D.  354.  Hid.  Liter,  p.  119. 
Cuperi  Harpocrates,  p.  70.  [j]  Archaeologia,  vol.  VII.  p.  409. 

[/]  Antiq.  Septent.  p.  465.  .Sunt  enim  Runae  vi&oriales,  fontanae,  cerevi- 
fiarise,  auxiliatrices,  cordiales,  arbore®  :  the  feventli  he  calls  Logo  Runae. 


Mr,  Ledwich’s  Qbfervations  on  antient  Churches .  r8p 

figures  on  the  Egyptian  Canopus,  on  the  frize  at  Adderbury,  the' 
fcutum  Davidis  [z/]  and  our  leg  men  ts  of  circles  were  magic  knots: 
of  triangular  and  oval  (hields,  which  were  to  Secure  the  wearer 
from  harm.  So  late  as  the  year  rcoq,  William  Faques  [#],  an 
Englilh  printer,  took  the  fcutum  Davidis  as  a  fpeli  againft  fire 
and  accidents.  Even  in  the  next  century,  fpells  had  not  loft  their 
credit  in  the  north  of  England,  as  Nicolfon  in  Camden  records-. 
As  religion  advanced  among  our  Danifh  anceftors,  they  relin¬ 
quished  their  former  lavage  fculptures,  and  introduced  Chriftian 
Symbols ;  not  all  at  once,  but  by  a  gradation  eafily  to  be  traced. 
Thus  on  the  Eaft  fide  of  the  font  at  St.  Brides  [jyjin  Cumberland* 
where  the  baptifm  of  our  Lord  is  reprefented,  we  find  a  runic 
knot  and  grotefque  figures.  The  bead  ornament  on  the  tail  of 
the  animal,  and  the  head  or  mafque  here  feem  to  be  in  the  fame 
ftyle  as  the  Oxford  and  Canterbury  crypts.  The  font  at  Bar¬ 
nard  Cafile,  given  by  the  fame  author,  has  likewife  magic  cy¬ 
phers.  A  coin  or  amulet  in  Camden’s  Weftmoreland  (hews- 
the  god  Thor  on  one  fide,  and  on  the  other  a  Chriftian  crofs. 
Infiances  every  where  occur.. 

A  few  observations  on  the  Gothic  fiyle,  or  that  mode  of  build¬ 
ing  with  pointed  arches,  (hall  conclude  this  paper.  The  mold 
learned  writers  have  differed  very  materially  in  their  notions 
concerning  the  origin  of  this  ftyle..  Sir  Henry  Wotton,  Speak¬ 
ing  of  Gothic  arches  [z],.  fays,  44  thofe  arches  which  our  arti- 
44  zans  call  of  the  third  or  fourth  point,  becaufe  they  always 
44  concur  in  an  acute  angle,  and  do  Spring  from  the  divifion  of 
4*  the  diameter  into  three,  four,  or  more  parts  at  pleafure,  1  fay 
44  as  to  thefe,  both  for  the  natural  imbecillity  of  the  (harp  angle 

[«]  Fabric.  Cod.  Pfeudepig.  tom.  ii.  p.  1007. 

[*]  Ames’s  Typog.  Antiq.  by  Herbert,  I.  p.  309.. 

[y]  Hutchinfon’s  Excurfion  to  the  Lakes,  p.  224.. 

[3]  Remains,  p.  32. 

u  it  Self, 

i^o  Mr,  Ledwich’s  Obfervatwns  on  antient  Churches . 

**  itfelf,  and  likewife  for  their  very  uncomelinefs,  ought  to  be 
V  exiled  from  judicious  eyes,  and  left  to  their  firft  inventors, 
“  the  Goths  and  Lumbards,  amongft  other  reliques  of  that  bar- 
6i  barous  age.”  The  idea  of  this  mode  of  architecture  being 
derived  from  the  North  became  univerfal  in  Europe,  and  was 
carried  to  great  excefs.  The  Goths,  fays  an  intelligent  writer  [*], 
a  rough  unpolilhed  people,  of  huge  ftature  and  dreadful  looks, 
carried  into  milder  climates  their  monftrous  tafte  of  heavv  ar- 

t  _  • 

chiteCture.  A  ftrange  unphilofophical  fancy  !  as  if  the  iize  or 
looks  of  men  gave  a  bias  to  their  mental  exertions  ! 

Sir  Chriftopher  Wren  firft  diflented  from  the  general  opinion, 
and  afcribed  thefe  works  to  the  Saracens,  from  whom  they  were 
adopted  by  the  weftern  Croifiees.  His  hypothefis  is  ingenious 
and  learned,  and  has  found  admirers  and  followers  in  bifliop 
Warburton,  Mr.  Warton,  and  others.  Time  has  revealed  its 
errors;  no  fuch  Saracenic  works  exift  in  Spain  or  Sicily,  or  in 
any  other  place  to  which  the  Arabian  power  extended. 

But  in  no  refpeCt  were  the  Goths  the  founders  of  an  order  of 
architecture.  For  granting  that,  according  to  Philoftorgius  [b~\ 
and  Sozomen,  the  Goths  embraced  the  faith  about  the  year  266, 
and  to  have  built  churches  under  the  direction  of  Chriftians 
whom  they  captivated,  we  may  be  afliired  from  the  (fate  of  civi¬ 
lity  and  the  arts  among  them,  they  were  not  better  than  cabins, 
or  extemporaneous  huts.  Durable  buildings  were  not  to  be 
looked  for  among  a  people,  at  this  period,  in  perpetual  motion 
and  of  unfettled  refidence. 

Or  fuppofe  with  the  author  [c]  of  “  The  Ornaments  of  churches 
confidered,”  that  on  the  weftern  world  being  reduced  to  pofitive 
fubjeCtion  in  the  fixth  century  the  Gothic  princes  applied  to 



[a]  Mr.  Riou’s  Grecian  Orders  of  Architecture. 
[b  \  Philoftorg.  1.  ii.  c.  C.  Soz.  1.  ii.  c.  6. 

j>]  kage  83- 

Mr.  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  antient  Churches .  191 

the  cultivation  of  the  mechanical  and  liberal  arts,  and  that  this 
was  the  aera  of  Gothic  architecture,  we  (hall  fee,  that  a  conclu- 
fion  quite  oppofite  to  what  he  deduces  arifes  fairly  from  his  au¬ 
thority.  I  vecolleCt  but  one  or  two  paffages  in  Cafliodorus,  and 
they  make  againft  him.  Directions  are  given  about  the  repairs 
of  the  royal  palace  [</].  The  architect  is  ordered  to  preferve 
the  antient  part  of  the  building  in  its  priftine  beauty,  and  to 
make  the  new  [e]  imitate  the  old.  The  better  to  enable  him  to 
perform  this,  he  is  delired  frequently  to  read  Euclid’s  [/]  Geo¬ 
metry,  and  to  have  Archimedes  and  Metrobius  as  his  conftant 
companions:  every  thing  was  to  be  fo  executed,  that  the  works 
fhould  be  unlike  thofe  of  antiquity  only  in  their  newnefs  [g]. 

Here  is  the  moft  decilive  proof,  that  in  the  Gothic  age,  A.  D. 
514,  and  under  a  Gothic  prince,  Theodoric,  the  Greek  and  Ro¬ 
man  ftyles,  and  their  moft  correCb  modules  wrere  admired,  and 
nothing  held  in  eftimation  but  the  antique:  an  evidence  fuffi- 
cient  for  ever  to  overthrow  every  hypothecs  on  this  head. 

“  But,  fays  the  fame  author,  the  Italians  call  the  Gothic 
mode,  architettura  Tedefca,  or  Celtic  architecture,  and  it  feems 
to  be  the  fame  in  lome  reipeCts  with  the  barbarous  form  in 
temples  of  which  Plato  and  Strabo  fpeak.”  Did  this  reference 
lead  to  a  dilcovery  of  this  ftyle  in  thofe  antients,  we  (hould  have 
been  much  indebted  to  his  erudition :  but  unfortunately  this  is 
not  the  cafe.  Not  to  inftft  on  his  miftake  of  making  Tedefca 

[*/]  Caffiod.  Var.  p.  217,  218. 

I/]  Ut  antiqua  in  nitorem  priftinum  contineas,  et  nova  limili  antiquitate 
producas.  Caffiod.  fupra. 

f/]  “  The  moft  general  forms  of  architeSure  may  be  comprehended  under 
the  triangle,  the  fquare  and  the  circle  ;  and  the  feveral  parts  which  conftitute  a 
complete  order  are  of  a  iimilar  conftru&ion  with  thofe  geometrical  figures.” 
Kirby’s  Perfpe&ive  of  Architefture. 

[g]  Ut  ab  opere  veterum  fola  diftet  novitas  fabricarum. 



192  Mr.  Ledwich’s  Ohf creations  on  ant  tent  Churches. 

or  Teutonic  the  fame  as  Celtic,  an  error  expofed  by  the  learned 
and  ingenious  tranflator  of  Mallet’s  Northern  Antiquities,  let  us 
fee  what  Plato  advances. 

In  his  Dialogue,  named  Critias,  he  defcribes  the  climate,  foil, 
and  produce  of  the  Ille  of  Atlantis,  and  the  temple  of  Neptune 
in  it.  A  profufion  of  gold,  filver  and  orichalc  was  difplayed 
on  its  columns  and  pavement.  The  length,  breadth  and  height 
of  tlie  temple  were  regular  [A],  but  It  had  fomething  barbarous  in 
its  afpeft.  Thefe  laffc  words  he  fixes  on  to  prove  the  exiftence 
of  the  Gothic  flyle  in  the  Atlantic  Hie,  which  confequently  he 
muffc  fuppofe  to  be  the  Atlantis  or  Sweden,  of  the  vifionary 
Rudbeck,  when  in  reality  Plato  meant  no  more  by  barbarous 
afpeft,  but  that  the  difpofition  of  the  temple  was  not  exaCt 
in  refpeCt  of  the  heavens,  or  of  its  parts,  as  is  explained  by 
Vitruvius.  Strabo  gives  no  more  countenance  to  our  author 
than  Plato  and  Caffiodorus. 

It  would  be  great  prefumption  to  propofe  conjectures  on  the 
origin  of  this  fly le,  when  men  of  the  moll  diftinguilhed  abili¬ 
ties  have  failed  in  giving  that  fatisfadlion  which  might  be  ex¬ 
pected  from  them.  The  matter  does  not  feem  to  depend  on 
ingenuity,  but  rather  on  an  acquaintance  with  the  productions 
of  antient  art.  There  are  enough  of  the  latter  to  evince,  that 
the  pointed  arch  was  known  and  ufed  many  centuries  before 
the  Gothic  power  was  efiablifhed,  or  the  romantic  expeditions 

to  the  Holy  Land  commenced. 


About  the  year  of  Chrift  132,  Antinous,  the  favourite  of  the 
emperor  Adrian,  was  drowned  in  the  Nile.  This  prince,  to  per¬ 
petuate  his  memory,  founded  a  city  in  Egypt,  and  called  it  after 
Iris  name.  Pere  Bernat  made  drawings  of  its  ruins,  which  are 
in  the  third  Tome  of  Montfaucon’s  Antiquities.  Among  them 

[H  EtJoj  Jt  tj  f3tx,p£npix.ov 


Mr,  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  sniient  Churches,  193 

is  the  pointed  arch,  not  perfectly  Gothic,  but  that  called  con- 
RraRed.  Another  conRraRed  arch  appears  in  the  Syriac  MS. 
fo  that  in  thefe  inftances.  Sir  Henry  Wotton  and  others  who 
afcribed  them  to  the  Goths  and  Lombards  are  miftaken.  Iii 


Horfley  are  Roman  fepulchral  Rones  with  pointed  arches.  One 
example,  and  there  muft  have  been  many  now  fallen  a  prey  to 
the  ravages  of  time,  would  have  been  fufficient  to  have  proved 
their  exigence  and  ufe,  and  the  probability  of  their  ferving  as 
models,  after  a  lapfe  of  years,  for  a  new  Ryle,  and  this  new  Ryle 
feems  to  have  begun  about  A.  D.  1000. 

The  arches  of  churches  on  the  coins  of  Berengarius,  king  of 
Italy,  and  Lewis  the  Pious;  and  thofe  in  the  Menologium 
Graecum,  Urbini  1727*  Riew  the  Rrait  arch  was  [*]  in  ufe  in 
the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries.  On  a  coin  of  Edward  the  Con- 
fefior,  in  Camden,  is  a  pointed  arch ;  the  church  there  is  fup- 
poftd  to  be  that  of  Bury  St.  Edmund  repaired  by  him.  As  all 
our  antient  hiflorians  refent  his  attachment  to  the  Normans 
among  whom  he  was  educated,  it  is  likely  he  faw  this  new 
arch  on  the  Continent,  and  introduced  it  into  his  works :  it 
muR  therefore  be  earlier  there  than  the  date  of  its  adoption  here, 
and  may  be  of  the  age  before  afligned  for  its  revival.  Some 
architedtural  novelty  feems  to  have  made  its  appearance  at  this 
period,  as  may  be  collected  from  the  words  of  Glaber  Rudolph  [£], 
a  Benedi&ine  monk  and  cotemporary,  and  churches,  no  doubt, 
took  the  form  of  this  faRiionable  innovation.  A  drawing  of  the 
fanbtuary  at  WeRminRer  in  the  firft  volume  of  the  Archaeo- 
logia,  fuppofed  to  be  conRrubted  by  Edward  the  Confeflor, 
has  pointed  arches ;  and  authentic  evidence  corroborates  what 

[1]  The  fame  may  be  faid  of  the  {trait  arches  in  round  towers,  in  Ireland. 

[£]  irrfra  millefimum  tertio  jam  fere  imminente  anno  contigit,  in  univerfo 
pene  terrarum  orbe,  prascipue  tamen  in  Italia  et  Galliis  innovari  eccleliarum 
balilicas.  III.  c.  4.  Apud  du  Chefne,  Hift.  Francor.  Scriptores,  IV.  p.  27,  28. 

Vol.  VIII.  C  c  lias 

194  -Mr.  Ledwich’s  Obfervations  on  cintient  Churches . 

has  been  obferved  on  this  coin,  as  well  as  the  notice  in  Rudolph, 
The  church  of  Kirkdale,  mentioned  by  Mr.  Brooke,  has  alfo  the 
pointed  arch,  and  is  of  the  age  of  the  Confeflbr.  And  I  fub- 
mit  it  with  great  deference  to  the  judgement  of  the  Society, 
whether  the  novum  gems  adificandi  of  William  of  Malmelbury, 
applied  to  the  architecture  of  the  Conqueror’s  reign,  does  not 
imply  fomething  more  than  extent  and  magnificence ;  and  whe¬ 
ther,  to  complete  the  idea  of  a  new  Ryle,  we  ought  not  to  take 
in  the  pointed  arch  and  Gothic  ornaments  ? 

I  am,  &c, 



XX.  A 

I  *9$  3 

XX.  A  circumftantial  Detail  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln, 
A.  D.  1217,  1  Henry  III.  By  the  Rev .  Samuel 
Pegge.  In  a  Letter  to  the  Rev.  William  Norris* 
Secretary  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries . 

Head  May  1 1_,  1786. 


IT  is  impofiible  that  morfels  or  particular  portions  ofhiftory 
ihould  be  related  in  general  hiftories  fo  minutely  as  one 
could  with.  Enough  may  be  therein  faidto  gratify  the  curiosity 
of  the  readers  of  a  national  hiflory,  of  France  or  England  fup- 
pofe,  and  I  may  add  of  foreigners,  who  will  be  fatisfied  with 
knowing  the  event  of  a  battle,  and  the  confequences  of  it  ;  but 
a  native  of  the  place  of  a&ion,  well  acquainted  with  the  feene, 
fomeway  connected  with  it,  or  perhaps  at  this  day  refiding 
upon  it,  experts,  and  is  even  defirous  of  being  informed  of  all 
the  circumftances,  though  perhaps  but  fmall  and  infignificant 
in  themfelves,  relative  to  the  tranfadion,  fo  far  as  at  this  dift- 
ance  of  time  they  can  be  recovered. 

It  was  upon  this  principle,  Sir,  that  A.  D.  1771,  if  you  pleale 
to  recoiled:,  I  prefented  the  Society  with  a  narrative  of  the  battle 
of  Cheflerfield,  com.  Derb.  in  the  reign  of  king  Henry  III. 
and  whereas  there  have  been  two  confiderable  adions  at  Lin¬ 
coln,  one  A.  D.  1142,  in  king  Stephen’s  time,  when  that  king 

[<*]■  Printed  in  Archaeologia,  vol.  H.  p.  276 . 

C  c  2  was 


jg6  Mr,  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Buttle  of  Lincoln. 

was  taken  prifoner,  and  whereof  we  are  poffeffed  of  a  very  fatis- 
fa  dory  account  by  the  elegant  and  judicious  pen  of  George, 
lord  Lyttelton  \_b~\ ;  the  other,  A.  D.  1217,  on  the  accefiion  of 
king  Henry  III.  of  which,  though  equally  important  with  the 
former,  and  more  decifive,  we  have  as  yet  no  diftindf  and  diffu- 
five  narration  ;  my  defign  at  prefent  is,  to  compile  from  our 
antient  hiflorians  an  enlarged  and  fpecifical  detail  of  what 
palTed  at  Lincoln  on  this  latter  and  very  memorable  occafion  ; 
fuch,  as  I  trull,  may  prove  not  only  acceptable  to  you,  whofe 
candour  and  friendlhip  I  have  fo  long  experienced,  but  to  every 
lover  of  our  Englilh  antiquities. 

The  caftle  of  Lincoln  [c]  was  at  this  time  in  the  king’s  hand; 
and  Lewis,  the  dauphine,  being  Hill  in  England,  Gilbert  de 
Gant,  earl  of  Lincoln  [*/],  and  one  of  the  moll  ftrenuous  of  his 
partifans,  was  very  delirous,  in  conjunction  with  his  aflociates, 
of  recovering  it,  as  a  place  of  confequence,  for  that  prince. 
They  therefore  belieged  it,  but  could  not  fucceed,  though  pof- 
felfed  of  the  city,  and  both  the  citizens  and  canons  of  the  church 
were  entirely  difpofed,  as  well  they  might,  confidering  the  great 
power  and  intereft  earl  Gilbert  had  in  thofe  parts,  to  befriend 
and  affifl  them  all  they  could. 

The  earl  of  Perche ,  upon  this,  the  dauphine’s  general  and 
governour  jyj,  a  young  nobleman  of  great  courage  and  affifted 
by  a  marlhal  of  France  [y*],  arrived  at  Lincoln,  and  brought 
with  him,  as  willing  to  co-operate  with  the  aflailants  and  rein¬ 
ed]  Hiitory  of  Henry  II.  vol.  I.  p.  329.  edit.  8vo. 

[V]  We  have  it  largely  defcribed  by  Mr.  King,  Archaeologia,  VI.  p.  261', 
and  Sir  H.  C.  Englefield.  Ib.  p.  376. 

JV]  So  made  by  Lewis  the  Dauphine.  Mat.  Par.  p.  285.  Dugd.  Bar.  I.  401. 
Vincent  on  Brooke,  315. 

[>]  Lewis  was  then  but  fourteen  years  old.  Dugd.  Bar.  I.  p.  42. 

[y]  The  Annotator  on  Rapin,  p.  247,  calls  the  earl  of  Perche  a  marjhal  of 
France  \  but  this  was  a  different  perfon.  M.  Paris,  p.  295.  297.  Chron.  Mailros, 

p.  194. 


Mr,  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln.  197 

force  them,  a  body  of  troops  confifting  of  no  lefs  than  fix  hundred 
knights,  and  twenty  thoufand  foot  [g]. 

Walter  Hemingford  and  Henry  Knighton  (who,  by  the  way, 
tranlcribes  Walter,)  pretend,  that  ‘  the  earls  of  Chefter,  Albe- 
4  marie  and  Warwick  [A],  befieged  Mount-Sorel  [for  the  king] 

*  feven  weeks  [/],  but  the  barons  coming  upon  them,  they  re- 
c  linquifhed  the  fiege,  and  withdrew  to  Nottingham,  where 
‘  having  collected  more  forces,  they  proceeded  thence  to  Lin- 
4  coin,  and  joining  the  royalifts  that  were  there  before,  ajj'aulted' 
6  the  caftle  with  their  warlike  engines.  Nicholaa,  widow  of 

*  Gerard  Camvile  [£],  defended  it  gallantly,  but  the  earls  at  lad 
t  carried  the  place,  flaying  fome  of  the  barons,,  taking  others 

*  captive,  plundering  the  city,  and  carrying  the  citizens  away 

*  as  prifoners  of  war.  The  foldiers  made  a  {table  at  this  time 
4  of  the  cathedral,  filling  it  with  horfes  and  other  cattle,  and 

*  thereby  profaning  the  houfe  of  the  Lord.  The  earls  then » 

*  went  with  their  captives  to  Mount-Sorel ,  and  had  that  fortrefs  - 
<  furrendered  to  them  [/].’  But  now,  Sir,  thefe  authors  have 
abfolutely  a  wrong  conception  of  the  matter,  fince  Mathew 
Paris ,  who  was  living  at  the  very  time  of  the  action  \m j,  and 
with  whom  the  late  writers  abovementioned  cannot  poffibly 
{land  in  competition  in  regard  to  credit  and  authority,  has  in¬ 
formed  us,  that  the  lady  Nicholaa ,  who,’ on  account  of  the  noble 
defence  fhe  here  made,  may  not  improperly  be  compared  with 

*  ”  F'  '  '  *  1 

[d  M.  Paris,  p.  293, 

[£]  Rather  perhaps  William,  earl  Ferrars;  for  fee  M.  Paris,  p.  292.  295. 

[z]  It  was  after  Eafter.  M.  Paris,  p.  293. 

[£]  Annal.  Dunftap.  p.  80.  Ladies  in  thefe  times  often  exerted  themfelves 
in  the  martial  line.  Chron.  Norm.  p.  987.  Ord.  Vitalis,  p.  920,  and  fee 
Warton,  Hill,  of  Englifh  Poetry.  I.  p.  253. 

[/]  Walt.  Hemingford,  p.  558.  H.  Knighton,  col.  2423. 

[m]  Mathew  became  a  monk  of  St.  Albans  this  very  year.  Tanner,  Biblioth. 


\  1 9  B  Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln* 

the  famous  countefs  of  Derby  [»],  lady  Arundel  of  Warder  [0], 
and  lady  Banks  [^>],  in  later  times,  held  the  citadel  for  the  king. 
In  whofe  party  the  earls  Chefter,  Albemarle,  and  Warwick 
were,  and  that  the  barons  and  the  French  were,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  beftegers  [f\.  Monf.  Rapin  alfo  appears  to  have  had 
a  juft  and. clear  idea  of  the  bufinefs,  and  the  method  I  fhall  pur- 
fue  in  the  fequel  will  be,  firft,  to  give  you  his  general  reprefen- 
tation  of  this  conflict;  and  then  to  add  fome  further  illuftrations 
on  the  fubjed,  which  in  a  memoir  of  this  nature  ought  not  to 
be  omitted. 

Monf.  Rapin  writes  thus.  ‘  The  caftle  of  Lincoln  was  of  fo 
‘  great  importance,  that  the  Regent  (the  earl  of  Pembroke) 
‘  could  not  refolve  to  lofe  it,  without  ufing  his  utmoft  endea- 
‘  vours  to  relieve  it.  Whilft  the  French  were  battering  the  caf* 
‘  tie  with  all  poflible  vigour,  and  the  befieged  making  as  brave 
‘  a  defence,  he  aflembled  all  his  forces  with  a  refolution  to 
‘  run  all  hazards  to  fave  that  place.  He  ufed  fuch  expedition, 
‘  that  he  advanced  as  far  as  Newark ,  within  twelve  miles  (now 
4  feventeen  or  eighteen)  of  Lincoln ,  before  the  beftegers  were 
‘  determined  whether  to  expert  him,  or  to  march  and  give 
‘  him  battle.  They  had  all  along  hoped  to  take  the  caftle  be- 
‘  fore  he  could  draw  his  army  together.  Surprized  at  the  fud- 
‘  den  approach  of  the  enemy,  the  French  general  called  a  couit- 
‘  cil  of  war,  to  confult  what  was  to  be  done  on  this  occafion. 

Some  were  for  meeting  the  enemy,  becaufe  if  a  victory  for- 
4  tunately  enfued,  the  caftle  would  immediately  furrender ; 

‘  adding,  that  by  going  out  of  the  city,  they  might  ufe  their 
cavalry,  in  which  confifted  their  chiefeft  ftrength,  whereas 

[«]  Seacome’s  Hill,  of  the  Houfe  of  Stanley,  p.  86  feq. 

[o]  Mercurius  Rufticus,  p.  41. 

[/>]  Ibid.  p.  98. 

M.  Paris,  p.  294.  Dugd.  Bar.  I.  p.  43. 

‘  they 

Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln.  igg 

5‘they  would  be  of  no  fervice,  if  it  was  refolved  to  meet  the 
4  enemy  within  the  walls.  This  advice  was  fafeft  ;  but  others 
‘  were  of  a  contrary  opinion.  They  affirmed,  as  the  caftle  was 

*  reduced  to  extremities,  it  was  better  to  keep  within  the  city 
4  and  continue  the  fiege;  that  it  was  eafy  to  defend  the  walls* 
4  till' the  caftle  furrendered  ;  after  which  the  earl  of  Pembroke 
4  would  only  think  of  retreating,  or  however,  might  always  be 
4  fought.  This  advice  prevailed  ;  all  things  were  prepared  for 
6  the  defence  of  the  city,  whilft  the  fiege  of  the  caftle  was  coil- 
4  tinned.  Mean  time,  \ht  Englifh  army  approaching  without 

*  oppofitron,  the  regent  caufed  a  body  of  chofen  troops  [r],  com- 

4  manded  by  Faulk  de  Brent  [j],  to  enter  the  caftle  at  a  pofteru  1 
4  gate  [/],  which  opened  into  the  fields  [2/].  It  is  ftrange  the 

*  befiegers  fhould  never  think  of  that  inconvenience.  Faulk  was 
4  no  fooner  entered,  but,  purfuant  to  the  meafures  taken  with 
4  the  regent,  he  fallied  out  upon  the  beftegers,  whilft  the  king’s 
4  army  ftormed  one  of  the  gates  of  the  city  [w], 

4  The  earl  o iPerche  perceiving  himfelf  thus  attacked  from: 

4  two  different  quarters,  exerted  his  utmoft  in  his  defence.1  But 
4  his  troops  not '  having  room  to  fight*  and  betides,  being  de- 
4  prived  of  the  afliftance  of  his  horfe,  were  quickly  put  in  con- 

*  fufion,  On  the  other  fide,  the  royal  army,  encouraged  by  the 
4  prefence  of  the  regent,  and  the  indulgences  liberally  beftowed 

4  by  (Gualo)  the  legate  upon  all  that  fhould  be  {lain  in  the  bat-  ■ 
4  tie,  continued  in  a  furious  manner  to  ftorm  the  gate.  This 

[r]  They  were  Faulk’s  own  brigade,  with  the- crofs"  bowmen  fuperadded, 

S.  P. 

[j]  This  man,  a  foldier  of  fortune,  had  been  a  Heady  friend  to  king  John. 
We  have  a  large  account  of  him  in  Dugd.'Bar.  I.  p.  743  feq;  and  in  Chauncy’s 
Antiq.  of  Herts,  p.  279.  S.  P. 

[2]  Of  which  the  befieged  had  fent  the  earl  of  Pembroke  notice.  S.  P„  • 

[«]  See  Mr.  King’s  Description,  p.  262,  for  this  Poftern. 

[w]  The  North  Gate  called  Newport  Gate. 

4  hffault  t 


Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln. 

*  aflault  was  fo  vigorous,  that,  notwithftanding  the  oppofitioa 

*  of  the  French ,  the  king’s  troops  at  length  entered  the  city, 

*  whilft  Faulk  de  Brent  prefled  the  enemy  on  the  other  l’ide ;  the 
<  earl  of  Perche  perceiving  all  was  loft,  refolved  not  to  furvive 

*  the  ftiame  of  his  defeat.  He  was  {lain  upbraiding  the  Fnglifj 
6  of  his  party,  for  betraying  him  by  their  counfels  [x~\.  After 

*  the  death  of  the  general,  a  dreadful  (laughter  was  made  of  the 
6  French  troops,  who  almoft  all  periflied  on  this  occafion.  The 

*  city  of  j Lincoln,  which  had  all  along  fided  with  the  haronsy 
6  was  abandoned  to  a  general  plunder,  where  the  foldiers  found 

*  an  ineftimable  booty,  and  therefore  called  it  Lincoln  Fair  [jy].* 

Thus  goes  the  concife  narrative  of  Monf.  Rapin,  and  un¬ 
doubtedly  is  as  much  as  the  general  hiftory  of  a  country  can 
reafonably  admit  of :  the  circumftances  and  incidents,  which  I 
wifh  to  add,  here  2dly  follow  :  > 

This  was  a  blow  of  the  utmoft  importance,  in  regard  to 
Lewis  and  his  pretenfions,  fince  after  thus  lofing  the  flower  of 
his  troops,  at  the  city,  and  great  numbers  of  his  party  being 
afterwards  killed  in  their  return  to  London,  as  will  be  men¬ 
tioned  below,  he  never  could  face  his  rival,  young  Henry,  again 
in  the  field,  but  was  compelled  in  prudence  after  fome  other 
lofles  and  difappointments  to  leave  the  kingdom,  this  very, 
year  [%].  , 

The  king’s  party,  in  their  progrefs  to  Lincoln,  rendevouzed 
at  Newark  on  Monday  in  Whitfun-week  [a],  with  white  crofles 
on  their  breafts  [£].  They  ftayed  there  three  days,  confefli&g 
themfelves  and  receiving  the  facrament ;  and  there  Gualo,  the 

[*]  See  Math.  Paris’s  reprefentation  of  this  incident  belovr. 

[j]  Rapin,  I.  p.  298. 

.[%]  End  of  Sept,  or  beginning  of  Oft. 

[<7]  M.  Paris,  p.  295. 

[£]  Annal.  Dunftap.  p.  80. 



Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln. 

pope’s  legate  abovenamed  excommunicated  the  adherents  of 
Lewis ,  the  barons,  and  the  whole  city  of  Lincoln,  pronouncing 
withal  a  plenary  indulgence  and  a  promife  of  life  eternal  to  all 
the  king’s  friends  who  fhould  perfonally  engage  in  the  conteft. 
And  as  the  king’s  army  was  fewer  in  number  than  that  of 
Lewis,  one  of  our  Chronicles  reprefents  his  vi&ory  as  a  miracle 
procured  by  this  well-timed  proceeding  of  the  legate  [c].  From 
Newark  the  royal  army,  confiding  of  four  hundred  knights, 
near  upon  two  hundred  and  fifty  crofs-bow  men,  and  a  large 
body  of  efquires  and  horfemen,  who  upon  occafion  could  a£t  the 
parts  of  knights,  marched  to  Stow ,  about  ten  miles  from  Lin¬ 
coln,  and  there  halted  all  night.  From  Stow  they  decamped 
next  morning  in  feven  bodies,  the  crofs-bow  men  preceding  at 
about  a  mile’s  diftance,  and  the  baggage,  as  alfo  the  provifions, 
following  behind,  where  no  enemy  was  to  be  apprehended. 

Faulk  de  Brent  with  his  corps  and  crofs-bows  galled  the 
enemy  for  fome  time  from  the  walls  of  the  caftle  after  he  had 
entered  it,  before  he  fallied  out,  and  actually  unhorfed  many, 
both  barons  and  knights.  In  the  onfet,  however,  after  he  had 
ilfued  out  of  the  gate  of  the  caftle,  he  was  taken  prifoner,  but 
was  happily  refcued  by  the  valour  of  his  knights  and  bowmen. 

The  royalifts,  as  was  obferved,  had  every  man  a  white  crofs 
on  his  breaft  [V],  and  the  battle  was  fought  19  May,  on'Satur- 
day  in  Whitfun-week,  beginning  at  two  o’clock  [e],  and  end¬ 
ing  at  nine;  fd  expeditious,  fays  my  author,  were  the  merchants 
in  tranfa&ing  their  bufinefs  at  this  fair  [jf]. 

The  barons  and  their  party  were  worfted,  and  moft  of  them 
made  prifoners,  before  that  irrefiftible  attack  was  lliade  upon  the 

[c]  Chron.  Mailros,  p.  195. 

\d]  V.  fupra,  p.  7. 

[*]  As  foon  in  the  day  as  well  could  be,  confidering  that  the  whole  array  with 
the  baggage  had  moved  from  Stow  that  morning. 

[/]  Annal.  Burton,  p.  271.  M.  Paris,  p.  297. 

Vol.  VIII.  D  d 



Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  a/*  Lincoln. 

earl  of  Perche  and  the  French,  who,  it  feems,  were  lodged  apart; 
and  what  aggravated  the  nailery  of  thefe  foreigners  was,  that, 
when  they  began  to  fly,  it  was  with  the  utmofl  difficulty  they 
could  get  out  of  the  South  gate,  the  fpring  which  affifted  in 
(hutting  the  gate  [g],  being  placed  on  the  infide  of  the  gate  to 
puffi  it  to,  and  to  affifl:  in  barring  it,  lb  that  every  horfeman  was 
forced  to  difmount  to  open  the  gate,  which  clofed  immediately 
upon  him.  And  afterwards,  mod  of  the  foot  that  got  out  of 
the  city  were  killed  before  they  reached  London  [£]'. 

It  is  laid,  there  was  only  one  perfon  miffing  on  the  king’s 
part,  a  knight  of  William  earl  Ferrars  [/] ;  but  other  authors 
relate,  that  Reginald  Croke ,  or  Coolie  [£*],  a  knight  in  the  retinue 
of  Faulk  de  Brent  and  a  perfon  of  diftinguilhed  valour,  was 
killed  in  the  battle,  and  buried  honourably  in  the  abbey  of 
Cokefden  [/].  The  earl  of  Perche  fought  to  the  laft;  declaring 
with  an  horrible  oath,  that  he  would  not  fur  render  to  any  Eng- 
lijhma'n ,  traytors  as  they  all  were  to  their  king  [///],  and  at  the 
inftant  an  obfcure  perfon  thrufi:  a  fpear  through  the  vizor  of  his 
helmet  into  his  brain ;  and  he  was  buried,  as  a  perfon  excom¬ 
municate,  in  the  orchard  of  the  hofpital  without  the  city  [«1, 
probably  that  which  was  founded  for  lepers  by  Remigius  firft 

fig-]  Flagellum  portae  auftralis  ex  tranfverfo  fuerat  fabricatum — quotiefcunque 
aliquis  adveniens — oportebat  eum  ab  equo  defcendere  et  portam  aperire,  quo 
exeunte  porta  ftatim  recludebatur,  jlagello  prius  pofito  ex  tranfverfo.  Mat.  Paris, 
p.  296.  The  term  flagellum  is  not  explained  in  Du  Cange’s  Gloflary,  but  in 
the  fupplement  by  Charpentier  it  is  called  “  Virga  ferrea  claudcndis  portis  apta 
and  an  example  given  “  ferrura  nova  cum  cramponibus  ad  bendas  flagella  di£tae 
portae  appofita  cum  clavi.”  Comput.  MS.  S.  Vulfr.  Abbavil.  an0  1450. 

[£]  M.  Paris,  p.  296,  297.  ‘ 

[i]  Annal.  Burton,  p.  271. 

[£J  M.  Paris  and  Tho.  Rudburn.  Leland,  in  bis  Abftra&s  of  Rudburn,  has 

[/]  Forte  Crokefden,  i.  e.  Croxden,  co.  Staff. 

[ot]  M.  Paris,  p.  296. 

[«]  Leland,  Collect.  II,  p.  423. 


Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln.  203 

bifhop  of  Lincoln  [<?].  A  certain  efquire  [£)  on  the  barons’  fide 
was  alfo  (lain  in  the  a£tion ;  it  was  not  known  who  he  was,  but 
he  being  alfo  anathematized  was  interred  at  a  four-lane  end 
without  the  city ;  and  thefe  three,  or  four  at  moft,  were  all  the 
perfons  of  any  note  that  were  miffing  after  this  memorable  day  ; 
yet  Hemingford  has  the  confidence  to  afiert,  that  fome  of  the 
barons  were  {lain. 

As  to  the  farcafm  thrown  out  by  the  haughty  French  count 
againft  his  vi&ors,  it  applies  only  to  the  FngUjh  of  his  own 
party  ;  and  impreffied  with  fo  bad  and  contemptuous  an  opinion 
of  them  as  to  regard  them  as  fo  many  traytors,  why  did  he  fide 
with  and  abet  them?  ’Tis  true,  fome  of  the  nobles  and  knights 
in  the  king’s  bands  had  but  lately  returned  to  their  allegiance, 
but  they  were  neverthelefs  very  {launch  in  their  duty  to  their 
fove reign  now,  as  they  had  amply  demonftrated  by  rifquing 
their  lives  in  his  quarrel :  others,  however,  had  never  fwerved 
from  the  line  of  fidelity.  Certainly,  it  had  been  far  more  no¬ 
ble  in  the  .count,  if,  in  the  defperate  fituation  he  was,  he  had 
enquired  for  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  or  the  earl  of  Chefter,  and 
delivered  his  fword  to  one  of  them;  imitating  therein  the  ex¬ 
ample  of  our  king  Stephen ,  a  man  of  equal  valour  with  himfelf, 
who,  reduced  to  the  fame  unfortunate  circumftance,  called  out 
for  the  earl  of  Glocefter,  the  general  of  the  adverfe  army,  that 
he  might  furrender  himfelf  to  him. 

I  return.  The  prifoners  of  rank  and  figure  were,  Saer  earl  of 
Winchejler ,  Henry  de  Bourn  [f]  earl  of  Hereford,  Gilbert  de 
Gant  earl  of  Lincoln,  commanders ;  and  of  the  other  barons, 
Robert  Fitzwalter,  Richard  de  Munfichet,  William  de  Mam- 

[0]  Girald.  in  Wharton,  A.  S.  p.  415.  Tan.  N.  M.  p.  256. 

[/>]  Serviens. 


L]  Bonn ,  i.  e.  Bohun,  Leland,  Coll.  II.  p.  422. 

D  d  2  btf  ey 

204  Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln. 

brey  [r],  William  de  Beauchamp,  William  Maudut  [j],  Oliver 
de  Harcourt,  Roger  de  Creffi,  William  de  Colville,  William  de 
Ros,  Robert  de  Ropefle,  Ralph  Cheinduit,  &c.  [/].  There  were 
alfo  taken  four  hundred  knights,  befides  their  attendants  [u 
horfe  and  foot,  who  could  not  eafily  be  numbered.  Many  more 
prifoners  might  have  been  made,  had  the  royalifts  been  difpofed 
to  labour  that  point;  indeed,  fcarce  one  perfon  could  have 
elcaped  [w],  had  not  the  adverfary  connived. 

It  appears  from  this  detail,  that  the  engagement,  though  fo 
momentous  and  decifive,  was  not  at  all  bloody,  except  in  regard 
to  the  French,  who  in  fa£t  fuffered  a  terrible  (laughter,  the 
greateft  part  of  them  being  (lain  [#]  ;  and  therefore  when  the 
remnant  of  the  Dauphine’s  knights,  to  the  amount  of  two  hun¬ 
dred,  prefented  themfelves  to  him  at  London,  and  brought  him 
tidings  of  the  defeat,  he  reproached  them  with  cowardice,  re¬ 
marking  with  an  acrimonious  fneer,  that  by  their  flight  they 
had  occafioned  the  lofs  of  their  fellow-foldiers,  fince  had  they 
done  their  duty  as  men  profeffing  arms,  perhaps  both  he  and  his 
friends  might  have  efcaped  this  difafter. 

But  though  fo  little  Englifh  blood  was  fhed  on  either  fide  in 
the  engagement,  the  event  proved  extremely  fatal  to  the  city  of 
Lincoln,  which  was  pillaged  to  the  laft  farthing.  ‘  Capta  igi- 
*  tur  Lincolnia  cum  cajlro  fpoliata  eft  ufque  ad  ultimum  qua? 

[;*]  Mowbray.  The  name  is  often  written,  Munbrai ,  and  Mumbrau 

[j]  Mauduit ,  Mandut.  Leland,  Coll.  II.  p.  423.  male. 

[f]  M.  Paris,  p.  296.  Leland,  p.  422.  feq. 

[k]  Servicntesy  which  Sir  Hen.  Chauncy,  p.  324,  following  Selden,  Tit.  of 
Hon.  p.  831,  renders  Ef quires ;  but,  as  the  retinue  conlifted  of  both  horfe  and 
foot,  it  is  better  to  exprefs  it  by  a  more  general  word  in  this  place. 

[zu]  M.  Paris,  p.  296. 

[.v]  Some  of  them,  however,  were  taken  prifoners;  for  Lewis  afterwards' 
complained,  that  they  had  been  compelled  to  pay  a  heavy  ranfom.  M.  Paris, 
p.  3*7.  M»  Weftm.  p.  282. 

c*  6  drantem* 

Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln.  205, 

6  drantem,  ecclefiis  totius  urbis  ad  eundem  modum  muitatis  [jyV 
They  are  Leland’s  words,  but  what  he  means  by  cum  cajiro  I 
cannot  divine,  as  the  caftle  was  in  the  king’s  hand  before  the 
battle,  and  M.  Paris,  whom  he  is  here  abridging,  never  names  it 
on  the  occafion  [z]:. 

The  churches,  wherein  no  doubt  many  valuable  effects  had 
been  lodged  as  places  of  fafetv,  were  all  plundered';  and  the 
cathedral,  amongft  the  reft,  was  not  fpared  ;  for  the  legate  had 
given  orders  that  the  canons  [aj  fhould  be  treated  as  perfons 
excommunicate,  as  enemies  to  the  church  of  Rome  and  king 
Henry  its  vaffal.  *  One  may  gueis,  fays  the  Annotator  on 
4  Rapin,  at  the  great  riches  of  the  cathedral  which  was  pillaged-, 
4  when  Geoffrey  de  Deping  [£],  the  precentor,,  complained  that 
4  he  had  loft  eleven  thoufand  marks  for  his  own  fhare  [c].s 
Geoffrey,  it  is  faid,  was  inconfolable  for  his  Ibfs..  Hemingford 
told  us  above,  that  the  foldiery  made  a  fable  at  thn  time  of  the 
cathedral ,  filing  it  with  horfes  and  beafls  ;  and  this  I  think  may 
be  true,  though  his  paragraph  be  fo  pregnant  with  miftakes  in 
other  refpedts,  as  Walter  de  Wittlefey  feemingly  confirms  it. 
The  words  of  this  author  are  exceedingly  remarkable,  and  af¬ 
ford  us  feveral  curious  particulars  relative  to  our  fubjeft,  could 
we  but  rely  upon  them.  But  whether  the  fafls  Wittlefey  nar¬ 
rates  be  authentic,  or  not,  it  is  incumbent  on  me  to  report 
tRem.  He  fays,  Lewis  and  his  party  made  ufe  of  the  cathe¬ 
dral  as  a  garrifon  or  place  of  arms  ;  that  the  earl  of  P  ere  be 

[j]  Leland,  Coll.  If',  p.  423.  M.  Paris,  p.  297. 

[2]  Perhaps,  the  falfe  notion  of  Hemingford  and  Knighton  ran  at  this  time 
in  his  head. 

[a]  The  bifhop  alfo  Hugh  de  Wells  was  a  delinquent,  but  was  abroad  at  this 

\b  |  Draplnges,  M.  Paris ;  Depringes ,  Lclaiid,  both  wrong.  Vide  JBr.  Willis, 
Survey,  11.  p.  83. 

]/]  Leland,  Coll.  L  c,. 


20  6  Mr,  Peg  ge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln. 

placed  Lewis  therein  during  the  battle,  and  that  the  earl  of 
Chefer  took  him  prifoner  in  it :  and  further,  that  he  4  caufed 
s  him  to  fwear  upon  the  Gofpel  and  the  reliques  of  the  laints 
*  then  placed  on  the  high  altar,  that  he  would  never  lay  any. 
4  claim  to  the  kingdom  of  England,  but  fpedily  haften  out  of 
4  the  realm  with  all  his  followers;  and  that  when  he  fhould  be 
4  king  of  France,  he  would  reftore  Normandy  to  the  crown  of 
4  England.  Which  being  done,  he  fent  for  young  Henry ,  who 
6  during  that  interval  lay  privately  in  a  cow-houfe  belonging  to 
6  Bardney  Abbey  [d']  (near  Lincoln  towards  the  weft  [Vj),  and, 

‘  fetting  him  on  the  altar,  delivered  him  feizin  of  this  king- 
4  dom  as  his  inheritance  by  a  white  wand,  inftead  of  a  fcep- 
6  tre  f/1,  doing  his  homage  to  him,  as  did  all  the  reft:  of  the 
6  nobility  then  prefent ;  for  which  fignal  fervice,  the  king  gave 
4  him  the  body  of  Gilbert  de  Gant ,  his  enemy,  with  all  his  pof- 
‘  feffions :  which  Gilbert  was  a  great  baron,  and  founder  of 
4  Vaudey  abbey  in  Kefteven  [g].’  This  earl  of  Chefer ,  in  re¬ 
gard  to  a  taunt  of  the  earl  of  Perche ,  who  had  called  him  a 
dwarf,  fwore  to  him,  that  4  before  to-morrow  evening,  I  will 
4  feem  to  thee  to  be  (Longer,  and  greater,  and  taller,  than  that 
4  fteeple  [£!,’  pointing  to  the  fteeple  of  the  cathedral  j  which 
was  very  emphatical,  as  there  was  a  fpire  then  equal  in  height 
to  the  prefent  tower  which  it  hood  upon,  and  perhaps  the 
higheft  in  England  [/].  Some  of  thefe  circumftances  related  by 

\d'\  Perhaps  the  Dairy  mentioned  by  Leland,  Itin.  VII.  p.  40. 

[<?]  Rather,  tovjards  the  eajh 

[/]  Qu^rej  whether  the  fcepter  was  not  loft  with  the  crown  by  king  John. 
Rapin,  p.  296. 

LI  Walt.  Wittlefey  in  Dugd.  Baron.  I.  p.  42.  The  abbey,  however,  was 
not  founded  by  this  perfon,  but  by  his  uncle.  Tanner,  Notit.  p.  256.  So  that 
he  can  only  be  called  Founder  in  a  lax  fenfe. 

[&]  Ibidem. 

[;]  Willis,  Survey  of  Cath.  II.  p.  64. 


Wittlefey , 


Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln. 

20  7 

W  ittlefey ,  I  am  of  opinion  cannot  pofiibly  be  true ;  certainly, 
had  the  Dauphine  been  taken  priloner,  an  incident  fo  very 
interefting  would  have  been  mentioned  by  M.  Paris,  and  the 
earlier  authors,  as  well  as  by  this  Wittlefey  and  John  Rous  [/£]; 
and  a  vaft  ranfom  been  paid  for  him,  of  which  yet  we  hear 
nothing.  In  fhort,  we  have  no  reafon  to  believe,  that  either 
Lewis  [/],  or  young  king  Henry ,  were  then  at  Lincoln,' and  if 
not,  all  thefe  fine  ftories,  whoever  forged  them,  mud:  of  neceflity 
vanifh  into  air.  The  cathedral,  however,  was  probably  at  this 
time  profaned,  and  a  re-confecration  confequently  would  be  re- 
quifite,  and  yet  I  have  not  met  with  any  memorial  of  fuch  a 

The  city  was  ravaged,  and,  according  to  Hemingford,  many 
of  the  inhabitants  carried  away.  The  fpoil  taken  was  truly  im- 
menfe  [w]  j  and,  what  added  to  the  misfortune,  feveral  women 
were  unhappily  drowned:  thefe  females,  to  avoid  the  infults  of 
the  victorious  foldiery,  and  to  fave  their  effeCts,  had  recourfe  to 
the  boats  with  their  children,  maid  fervants,  and  all  their  valua¬ 
bles,  but  overloading  the  boats,  and  not  knowing  well  how  to 
manage  and  conduct  them,  many  of  the  veffels  were  caft  away. 
A  great  part  of  the  plate,  however,  was  afterwards  recovered  [«]. 

That  great  and  wife  and  good  man,  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  did 
not  flay  to  eat  or  refrefh  himfeif  after  the  battle,  but  returned 
to  the  king  and  the  legate  to  inform  them  of  his  fuccefs  [V]. 
The  prifoners,  who,  you  would  obferve,  Sir,  were  numerous,  were 

[£]  Joh.  RofTus,  p.  197. 

[/]  M.  Paris  obferves,  p.  297,  that  molt  of  the  foot,  after  they  fled  from 
Lincoln,  were  flain  before  they  reached  Lewis ;  and  it  appears,  from  the  fame 
paflage,  that  Lewis  was  then  at  London.  See  note  0. 

[zw]  M.  Paris,  p.  296.  feq. 

[»]  M.  Paris,  p.  297. 

[0]  Ibidem.  The  young  king  was  probably  left  at  Newark,  ox  Stow,  it  itr 
plain  he  was  not  at  Lincoln,  as  Wittlefey  pretends. 


ab 8  Mr.  Pegge’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Lincoln. 

ordered  to  be  ftrifUy  kept,  but  all  were  fet  at  liberty  by  the 
treaty  of  1 1  September  following,  and  Gilbert  de  Gant  among 
the  reft,  but  deprived  of  his  earldom. 

This  event  gave  birth  to  a  new  $ra,  in  thefe  parts  at  leaft, 
ftnce  in  an  old  regifter  an  inftrument  is  thus  dated,  *■  Haec  autem 
4  conventio  fa&a  fuit  die  Margaretae  proximo  pofl  magnam  baro~ 
6  num  captionem  apud  Lincoln  '  that  is,  ‘  This  convention  was 
4  made  on  St.  Margaret’s  day  (20  July)  next  after  the  great  cap- 
‘  ture  of  the  barons  at  Lincoln  [/>].* 

To  add  a  word,  for  a  conclufton,  on  that  martial  lady,  the 
lady  Nicholaa  de  Hara,  reli6t  of  Gerard  lord  Camvile.  She  was 
conftituted  ffieriffefs  of  Lincolnfhire,  18  John,  Philip  de  Marc 
being  appointed  her  afiiftant.  Site  held  the  fame  office  1  Hen.  III. 
when  Geffrey  de  Cerland  became  her  fubftitute.  2  Henry  IIL 
ffie  was  both  ffieriffefs,  and  governefs  of  the  city  and  caftle  of 
Lincoln ;  and  for  her  fupport  in  keeping  the  caftles  had  the 
lordffiip  of  Munden,  in  Hertford  (hire,  aftigned  to  her,  this  being 
then  in  the  king’s  hand  by  the  death  of  Girard  de  Furnivall;  and 
Faulk  de  Brent  was  the  perfon  who  was  to  aid  her  in  the  defence 
thereof.  She  died  15  Hen.  III.  [y], 

I  am,  Sir, 

your  moft  obedient 
humble  fervant, 


M  From  the  information  of  my  late  friend,  John  Bradley,  Efq.  of  Lincoln. 

£?]  Dugd,  Baron.  I.  p.  628. 

XXI.  Sows 

E  209  1 

XXI.  Some  Account  of  the  Brimham  Rocks  in  York- 
{hire.  In  a  letter  to  the  Rev .  Mr .  Norris,  Secre - 
tary.  By  Hayman  Rooke,  £/y. 

Read  May  25,  1786. 

S  I  R, 

HE  fuccefs  I  met  with  in  difcovering  the  Druidical  mo-  ^ 

A  numents  in  Derbyshire  (which  I  had  the  honour  to  lay 
before  the  Society  [V]),  induced  me  to  make  an  excurlion  into 
Yorklhire,  to  examine  fome  curious  groups  of  rocks,  feven  miles 
from  Ripley,  on  the  road  to  Pateley  Bridge,  called  Brimham 
rocks.  They  are  indeed  a  moft  wonderful  affemblage,  fcattered 
about  the  moor  in  groupes,  which  all  together  occupy  a  fpace  of 
above  forty  acres.  The  extraordinary  poiition  of  thefe  rocks  in  a 
variety  of  direftions  muft  have  been  occafioned  by  fome  violent 
convulfion  of  nature  ;  but  at  the  fame  time  it  is  evident,  that  art 
has  not  been  wanting  to  make  their  fituations  Rill  more  W04- 

The  ancients  of  very  remote  antiquity  have  fliewed  a  regard 
to  fragments  of  rocks.  The  learned  Mr.  Bryant  tells  us,  “  that 
**  the  Egyptians  looked  upon  thefe  with  a  degree  of  veneration, 

“  and  fome  of  them  they  kept  as  they  found  them  with  per- 
“  haps  only  an  hieroglyphic,  others  they  fhaped  with  tools,  and 
“  formed  into  various  devices  [/£] Again  he  fays,  “  it  was 
“  ufual  with  .much  labour  to  place  one  vaft  ftone  upon  another 

[a]  See  vol.  VII.  p.  175. 

[//]  Analyiis  of  Ant,  Mythology,  vol.  III.  p.  53, 

Vol.  VIII.  *  E  e 

“  for 


Major  Rooke  on  the 

“  for  a  religious  memorial :  the  hones,  thus  placed,  they  often- 
“  times  poized  fo  equally  that  they  were  affected  with  the  lead: 
“  external  force,  nay  a  breath  of  wind  would  fometimes  make 
“  them  vibrate.  We  have  many  itiftances  of  this  nature  in  our 
“  own  country;  and  they  are  to  be  found  in  other  parts  of  the 
“  world,  and  whenever  they  occur  we  may  efteem  them  of  the 
“  higheft  antiquity  [c].” 

On  this  moor  we  find  rocks  placed  one  upon  another ;  others 
that  rock ;  and  fome  have  evidently  the  mark  of  the  tool,  but 
whether  thefe  are  the  works  of  the  Druids  or  of  a  more  remote 
age,  I  muft  leave  to  the  learned  Society  to  determine  ;  but,  if  I 
might  venture  to  form  a  conjecture  on  thefe  very  ancient  cuf-. 
toms,  may  we  not  fuppofe,  that,  as  the  Britons  had  early  com¬ 
munications  with  the  Egyptians  and  Phoenicians,  their  arts,  and 
particularly  their  religious  ceremonies,  would  be  handed  down 
to  the  time  of  our  Druids,  who  would  probably  be,  from  poli¬ 
tical  motives,  not  inclined  to  communicate  their  knowledge  to 
the  ignorant  Britons,  whom  they  were  fuppofed  to  have  go¬ 
verned  with  abfolute  authority,  and  by  their  augury  and  divi¬ 
nations  brought  them  to  fubmit  patiently  to  their  decrees,  and 
to  undertake  the  moft  arduous  enterprize.  In  the  more  civi¬ 
lized  ages  of  Chriftianity,  the  heads  of  the  Romifh  church  have 
thought  it  neceRary  to  keep  the  common  people  in  ignorance ; 
why  then  may  we  not  fuppofe  that  the  Druids  had  fome  know¬ 
ledge  of  arts  and  fciences,  which  from  the  fame  motive  they  kept 
to  themfelves.  Their  not  committing  their  myfleries  of  their 
order  and  difcipline  to  writing  is,  I  think,  a  circumftance  in  fa¬ 
vour  of  the  above  fuppofition.  But  to  return  to  Brimham  rocks. 

In  PI.  XVI.  N°  i.  (a)  appears  to  have  been  a  rock  idol:  the 
marks  of  the  tool  are  vifrble  in  many  places,  particularly  on  the 

[c]  Analyfis  of  Ant.  Mythol.  vol.  III.  p.  532. 



Vol.  VIII.  PL  XVI.  p.  2,0 . 


Brimham  Rocks  In  Yorkfhire. 

21  I 

bafe,  where  the  fide  (b)  has  been  cut  fquare;  contiguous  to  it, 
is  a  rocking  (lone  (c),  which  moves  with  great  eafe. 

N°  2.  is  another  view  of  the  fame  rocking  {lone  (c),  which  is 
in  length  eight  feet,  in  breadth  three  feet. 

N°  3-  is  a  rocking  flone,  the  bottom  of  which  evidently  ap¬ 
pears  to  have  been  cut  away  to  form  two  knobs,  on  which  it 
reds,  and  moves  with  great  eafe.  It’s  length  is  eighteen  feet, 
width  four  feet,  height  fix  feet. 

N°  4.  is  a  large  mafs  of  rock,  which  dodlor  Borlafe  calls  a  Tol- 
men.  A  paffage  goes  quite  through  it,  big  enough  for  a  man  to 
pafs;  at  each  entrance  there  appears  to  have  been  a  rock  bafon 
three  feet  diameter,  now  almofi  worn  level,  but  the  circles  are 
dill  very  vifible ;  at  the  foot  of  the  paffage  is  a  little  kind  of 
platform  (a),  which  plainly  appears  to  have  been  worked  with  a 
tool ;  adjoining  to  thisTolmen  is  a  rocking  done  (b),  in  length 
fix  feet  three  inches,  breadth  four  feet  eight  inches. 

N°  5.  is  an  extraordinary  groupe  of  rocks,  in  which  there  feems 
to  be  a  kind  of  uniformity  preferved.  On  the  top  are  three  rock¬ 
ing  bones;  the  middle  one  (a)  reds  upon  a  kind  of  pedebal,  and 
is  fuppofed  to  be  about  one  hundred  tuns  weight ;  on  each  fide 
at  (b)  and  (c)  is  a  fmall  one  :  on  examining  the  done  (b)  it  ap¬ 
peared  to  have  been  biaped  to  a  fmall  knob  at  the  bottom  to  give 
it  motion,  though  my  guide,  who  was  leventy  years  old,  born 
on  the  moors,  and  well  acquainted  with  thefe  rocks,  allured 
me  that  done  had  never  been  known  to  rock :  however,  upon 
my  making  a  trial  round  it,  when  I  came  to  the  middle  of  one 
fide,  I  found  it  moved  with  great  eafe.  The  abonidiing  increafe 
of  the  motion  with  the  little  force  I  gave  it  made  me  very  ap- 
prehenfive  the  equilibrium  might  be  dedroyed  j  but  on  examin¬ 
ing  it,  I  found  it  was  fo  nicely  balanced,  that  there  was  no 
danger  of  its  falling.  The  condru&ion  of  this  equipoized  done 
mud  have  been  by  artids  well  {killed  in  the  powers  of  mecha- 

E  e  2  '  "nics. 


Major  Rooke  on  the 

nics.  It  is  indeed  the  moft  extraordinary  rocking  Rone  I  ever 
met  with,  and  it  is  fomewhat  as  extraordinary,  that  it  never 
fhould  have  been  difcovered  before,  and  that  it  fhould  now  move 
fo  eafily,  after  fo  many  ages  of  reft. 

N°  6.  is  a  north  view  of  a  very  lingular  rock  in  a  wonderful 
pofition.  It  mull  undoubtedly  have  been  a  rock  idol,  or  a  ftone 
confecrated  to  fome  principal  deity.  It  is  forty-fix  feet  in  circum¬ 
ference,  and  feems  to  have  been  feparated  from  the  adjoining 
rock.  The  pedeftal  it  refts  upon  is  at  the  top  only  one  foot  by 
two  feet  feven  inches.  The  marks  of  the  tool  are  vilible  in  many 
places,  particularly  on  the  bafe  (a)  of  the  pedeftal,  which  has 
been  fhaped  into  a  polygon  tending  towards  a  hexagon,  but  part 
of  the  fides  has  been  defaced  by  time.  The  hazardous  under¬ 
taking  of  fhaping  this  rock  and  pedeftal  is,  I  think,  another 
proof  of  the  Druids  having  had  fome  knowledge  of  mechanifm. 
We  are  well  affured  that  the  ancients  lhaped  rocks  into  various 
forms,  for  fome  myftical  purpofe.  Dodtor  Borlafe  tells  us, 
that  the  rocks  in  Cornwall  have,  in  fome  inftances,  been 
“  cleared  of  their  wildeft  excrefcences  by  art,  in  others  evi- 
“  dently  fhaped  and  fitted  by  tools,  and  this  could  not  be  done 
“  without  fome  aim  or  defign,  and  no  defign  fo  likely  as  that 
“  fome  by  {hewing  themfelves  to  greater  advantage  (being  fe- 
“  parated  from  the  adjoining  rocks),  might  by  their  vaftnefs 
“  more  eafily  procure  the  adoration  of  the  beholder,  that  others 
by  being  fhaped  in  a  particular  manner  might  be  more  fignifi- 
“  cant  fymbols  of  that  deity,  or  attribute  which  they  were  de- 
“  figned  to  reprefent  [</].” 

N°  7.  reprefents  an  eaft  view  of  a  very  fingular  kind  of  mo¬ 
nument,  which  I  believe  has  never  been  taken  notice  of  by  any 
antiquary.  1  think  I  may  call  it  an  oracular  Jlone ,  though  it 

[d]  Antiquities  of  Cornwall,  p.  1 72, 



Brimhatn  Rocks  in  Yorkfhire.  21 3 

goes  by  the  name  of  the  Great  Cannon .  It  reds  upon  a  bed  of 
rock,  where  a  road  plainly  appears  to  have  been  made  leading 
to  the  hole  (a),  which  at  the  entrance  is  three  feet  wide,  fix  feet 
deep,  and  about  three  feet  fix  inches  high.  Within  this  aperture 
on  the  right  hand  is  a  round  hole,  marked  (b),  two  feet  diame¬ 
ter,  perforated  quite  through  the  rock,  fixteen  feet,  and  running 
from  fouth  to  north.  In  the  abovementioned  aperture,  a  man 
might  lay  concealed,  and  predict  future  events  to  thofe  that 
came  to  confult  the  oracle,  and  is  heard  diflinCtly  on  the  north 
fide  of  the  rock,  where  the  hole  is  not  vifible.  This  might  make 
the  credulous  Britons  think  the  predictions  proceeded  folely  from 
the  rock  deity.  The  voice  on  the  outfide  is  as  diftinCtly  conveyed 
to  the  perfon  in  the  aperture,  as  was  feveral  times  tried.  The 
circumference  of  this  rock  is  ninety-fix  feet. 

There  is  reafon  to  fuppofe,  that  people  in  the  dark  ages  of 
Druidifm  imagined  that  the  rock  idols  had  a  power  of  articula¬ 
tion.  “  There  is  a  remarkable  fxory  in  Giraldus  Cambrenfis 
“  which  {hows  that  the  common  people  in  his  days  attributed 
“  the  power  both  of  fpeaking  and  protecting  to  thefe  l'acred 
“  rocks.  There  was  a  large  flat  ftone  ten  feet  lotig*  fix  wide, 
and  one  foot  thick,  which  in  his  time  ferved  as  a  bridge  over 
the  river  Alun,  at  St.  David’s,  in  Pembrokefhire.  It  was 
<s  called  in  Britifh  Leek  Lavar ,  that  is,  the  fpeaking  fone ,  and 
u  the  vulgar  tradition  was,  that  when  a  dead  body  was,  on  a 
“  time,  carrying  over,  this  ftone  fpoke,  and  with  the  ftruggle 
**  of  the  voice  cracked  in  the  middle,  and  the  chink,  from 
“  which  the  voice  iffued,  was  then  to  be  feen.  In  this  fimple 
“  ftory  the  remains  of  that  part  of  the  Druid  fuperflition,  of 
<4  which  we  are  treating,  are  clearly  to  be  perceived  [/']/ ’ 

[e\  Itinerar.  Cambr.  lib.  ii.  c.  i. 

[/]  Borlafe’s  Antiquities  of  Cornwall,  p.  170, 


2  r  4  Major  Rooke  on  the 

Another  ancient  monument  of  this  kind  of  Druidical  fuper- 
flition  is  now  to  be  feen  in  Weftminfter ;  I  mean  the  ftone 
under  the  coronation  chair,  which  was  called  by  the  ancient 
Irifh  Hag-fail ,  or  the  fatal  Jlone ,  on  which  “  the  kings  of  Ireland 
“  ufed  to  be  inaugurated  in  the  times  of  Heathenifm  on  the 
<£  hill  of  Tarah,  which,  being  inclofed  in  a  wooden  chair,  wTas 
Ci  thought  to  emit  a  found  under  the  rightful  candidate  (a  thing 
“  eafily  managed  by  the  Druids),  but  to  be  mute  under  a  man 
“  of  none  or  bad  title,  that  is,  one  who  was  not  for  the  turn  of 
<c  thofe  priefts.  The  Druidical  oracle  is  in  verfe,  and  in  thefe 
“  original  words : 

Cioniodh  feuit  fuos  an  fine, 

Man  ba  breag  an  Faifdine, 

Mas  a  bhfuighid  an  Lia-fail, 

Dlighid  flaitheas  do  gha  bhail. 

Ci  The  Lowland  Scots  have  rhym’d  it  thus : 

Except  old  Laws  do  feign, 

And  wizards  wits  be  blind, 

The  Scots  in  place  muff  reign, 

Where  they  this  ftone  fhall  find  [g].” 

Hence  it  appears  that  the  Druids  had  oracles,  that  they  attri¬ 
buted  the  power  of  fpeaking  to  their  facred  rocks.  I  therefore 
think  I  may  venture  to  fay,  with  fome  degree  of  probability, 
that  thefe  perforated  rocks  are  Druidical  oracles.  There  are  others 
on  this  moor;  one  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  S.  W .  of  the  above- 
mentioned  ffone,  which  the  country  people  call  the  Little  Cau¬ 
tion,  the  hole  is  one  foot  diameter,  and  goes  quite  through  the 
rock  eighteen  feet. 

About  eighty  yards  S.  W.  of  the  oracular  (lone,  or  great  can¬ 
non,  is  a  large  tumulus  of  earth  and  ftones  one  hundred  and  fifty 

[<§■]  Toland,  vol.  I.  103. 



Brimham  Rocks  In  Vorkfhire.  215 

feet  in  circumference  :  on  the  weft  fide  there  feems  to  have  been 
a  little  pitch  and  vallum,  which  probably  inclofed  the  tumulus, 
and  may  have  been  deftroyed  for  the  repair  of  walls  and  roads, 
a  thing  which  too  frequently  happens  to  thefe  ancient  monu¬ 
ments.  About  a  quarter  of  a  mile  farther  to  the  weft  is  a  Druid 
circle,  with  a  vallum  of  earth  and  ftones,  thirty  feet  diameter. 
It  is  exactly  of  the  fame  conftrudtion  as  thofe  on  Stanton  Moor, 
in  the  Peak  of  Derbyfhire  [/j].  There  are  likewife  feveral  fmall 
tumuli.  Thirteen  of  them  are  ranged  in  a  kind  of  circle,  the 
largeft  not  above  eighteen  feet  diameter.  They  are  formed  of 
earth  and  large  ftones.  Two  of  thefe  I  opened;  towards  the  bot¬ 
tom,  the  effects  of  fire  appeared  on  the  ftones,  and  afhes  were  fcat- 
tered  about,  but  there  were  no  urns  to  be  found. 

Here  are  feveral  rocks  that  have  paffages  cut  through  therm 
N°  8.  is  a  S.  VV.  view  of  a  rock  with  an  aperture  three  feet  and 
a  half  wide,  in  which  is  a  rock  bafon  three  feet  diameter. 

N°  9.  PI.  XVII.  is  an  eaft  view  of  a  rock,  where  art  feems  to 
have  been  aiding  in  the  fingularity  of  its  pofition  ;  a  rock  bafon 
appears  at  (a),  and  from  the  lips  or  channels  on  the  fides  (for  the 
water  to  run  off),  we  may  conclude  there  are  more  on  the  top  ; 
but  that  could  not  be  examined  from  its  elevated  fituation. 

Ne  10.  is  a  weft  view  of  a  rock,  called  by  the  country  people 
Noonflone ,  from  its  calling  a  fhadow  on  a  cottage  at  12  o’clock. 
O11  Midfummer  Eve  fires  are  lighted  on  the  fide  (a).  Its  fituation 
is  appofite  for  this  purpofe,  being  on  the  edge  of  a  hill  com¬ 
manding  an  extenfive  view.  This  cuftom  is  of  the  moil  remote 
antiquity.  The  learned  and  ingenious  Mr.  Brand  fays,  “  the  ori- 
“  gin  of  this  fire,  ftill  retained  by  fo  many  nations,  and  which 
66  lofes  itfelf  in  antiquity,  is  very  fimple.  It  was  a  feu  de  joie 
u  kindled  the  very  moment  the  year  began ;  for  the  firft  of  all 

[£]  Archaeologia,.  vol.  VI.  p.  114. 

■  64  years. 


Major  Rooke  on  the 

44  years,  and  the  moft  antient  that  we  know  of,  began  at  the 
44  month  of  June;  thence  the  very  name  of  this  month,  Junior, 
44  the  youngejl  which  is  renewed ;  while  that  of  the  preceding 
44  one  is  Mag ,  major ,  the  antient ;  thus  the  one  was  the  month 
44  of  the  young  people,  the  other  that  of  the  old  [/].** 

Toland  tells  us  44  that  the  Celtic  nations  kindled  fires  on  Mid- 
44  fummer  Eve,  which  are  ftill  continued  by  the  Roman  Catho- 
44  lies  of  Ireland  making  them  in  all  their  grounds,  and  carry- 
44  ing  flaming  brands  about  their  cornfields.  This  they  do  like- 
44  wife  all  over  France,  and  in  fome  of  the  Scottilh  ifles.  Thefe 
44  Midfummer  fires  and  facrifices  were  to  obtain  a  blefling  on 
44  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  now  becoming  ready  for  gathering ; 
4C  as  thofe  of  the  firft  of  May,  that  they  might  profperoufly 
44  grow ;  and  thofe  of  the  laft  of  Odober  were  a  thankfgiving 
64  for  finifhing  their  harvefi:  [£].” 

Flence  we  find,  that  this  very  ancient  cuftom  of  lighting  fires 
at  particular  feafons  is  handed  down  to  the  prefent  time.  44  The 
44  Druids  had  alfo  their  holy  fires,  to  which  the  people  were 
44  obliged  to  come  and  carry  off  fome  portion  (for  which  they 
44  doubtlefs  payed  according  to  their  abilities)  to  kindle  the  fire 
44  in  their  own  houfes  [/].” 

From  what  has  been  faid  on  this  ancient  cuftom,  I  think  we 
have  reafon  to  conclude,  that  thefe  extraordinary  rocks  in  this 
diftrid,  particularly  where  art  appears  to  have  had  a  hand  in  the 
formation,  are  monuments  of  the  Druids. 

N°  ii.  is  a  north  view  of  a  furprifing  afiemblage  of  rocks, 
which  cannot  but  attrad  the  admiration  of  every  one  that  fee 
them.  This  feems  to  have  been  a  chofen  fpot  for  their  religious 
ceremonies:  here  we  find  rock  idols,  altars,  circular  holes  evi- 

[*]  Obfervations  on  Popular  Antiquities,  chap,  xxvii.  p.  297. 

[£]  Toland,  vol.  I.  p.  73. 

[/]  Borlafe,  Antiquities  of  Cornwall,  p.  147. 


Brimham  Rocks  in  Yorkffilre. 


dcntly  cut  in  the  fides  of  rocks,  and  paflages  between  rocks,  for 
fome  facred  myfierious  purpofe.  The  rocks  piled  one  upon 
another  at  (a)  are  in  a  very  extraordinary  pofition  :  (b)  is  a  very 
fingular  figure  cut  in  the  folid  rock  in  high  relief;  this  poffibly 
might  have  been  emblematical  of  fome  principal  deity,  to  whom 
thefe  confecrated  Bones  were  dedicated  ;  (c)  is  a  kind  of  crom¬ 
lech  or  altar,  where  probably  facrifices  w’ere  offered  up  to  the 
principal  Bone  deity.  The  fliort  pillars  that  fupport  the  crom¬ 
lech  have  been  formed  with  a  tool ;  the  Bone  (d)  has  a  circular 
hole  cut  in  its  fide,  and  feems  to  have  been  fhaped  by  art. 
About  a  quarter  of  a  mile  S.  W.  of  thefe  rocks  at  (e)  are  feen 
three  rock  idols. 

However  fanciful  conjeflures  may  appear  to  be  on  monu¬ 
ments  of  remote  antiquity,  yet  when  we  come  to  compare  the 
accounts  of  learned  authors  on  this  fubjeft  with  the  fcattered 
remains  that  are  now  left,  there  certainly  will  be  fome  founda¬ 
tion  for  thofe  conje&ures, 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  moff  obedient  fervant, 


F  f 

Vol.  VIII. 


[  2*8  ] 

XXII.  Doubts  and  conjeSlures  concerning  the  reafon 
commonly  ajjigned  for  inferting  or  omitting  the  words 

Ecclefia  and  Prelbyter  in  Domefday  Book.  By  the 
Rev.  Samuel  Denne.  In  a  Letter  to  the  Rev .  Mr. 
Norris,  Secretary. 

Read  June  i,  1786. 

Dear  Sir, 

NOTION  feems  generally  to  have  prevailed,  that  where 

jn l  neither  Ecclejia  nor  Prejbyter  is  entered  in  a  claufe  of 
Domefday  Book,  it  may  be  inferred  that  at  the  time  the  furvey 
was  made  there  was  not  a  church  in  any  of  the  diftrifls  to 
which  the  claufes  refer.  The  late  bifhop  Lyttelton  and  do£tor 
Nafh  have  countenanced  this  idea  [tf],  and  the  ftlence  of  this 
venerable  record  is  conlidered  by  Mr.  Pegge  as  a  formidable  an- 
fwer  to  the  reafons  advanced  by  Mr.  Brooke  to  (hew,  that  the 
church  of  Aldbrough  in  Yorkfhire  was  a  Saxon  building  [/?]. 

To  controvert  an  opinion  that  has  the  fainSlion  of  three  fuch 
eminent  antiquaries  mufl  be  deemed  ventrous  in  one  who  is 
placed  in  a  very  inferior  clafs ;  and  I  fhould  have  been  difcou- 
raged  from  the  attempt,  had  I  not  thought  it  likely,  that  this 
may  be  an  hypothefis  rather  taken  for  granted,  than  founded 
upon  an  accurate  enquiry  into  its  validity  5  and  I  ought  to  ob- 

[a]  Dr.  Nath’s  Cohesions  for  the  Hiflory  of  Worcefterfhire,  v.  I.  129,  and 
V.  II.  Append,  p.  15. 

[b~\  Archaeologia,  v.  VII.  art.  ix.  and  v.  VI.  art.  in. 


Mr,  Denne  on  the  words  Eccleda  and  Prefbyter.  219 

ferve  Mr.  Pegge’s  having  only  prefumed  that  all  the  churches 
then  in  England  were  recited  in  Domefday. 

Some  doubts  which  I  have  entertained  refpe&ing  this  quel- 
tion  are  tranfmitted  to  you  in  this  paper,  which  I  (hall  be  ob¬ 
liged  to  you  to  communicate  to  the  Society  when  mod:  conve¬ 
nient.  Our  worthy  old  member,  whiid  expreffing  a  difference 
in  opinion  from  Mr.  Brooke,  befpoke,  and  was  favoured  with, 
the  candid  attention  of  that  ingenious  gentleman;  and  I  am  per- 
fuaded  that  Mr.  Pegge  will  not  difcommend  my  endeavours  to 
afcertain  a  matter  on  antiquity,  in  which  we  do  not  concur. 
Should  the  hints  1  have  to  offer  induce  him  to  give  the  fubject  a 
further  invedigation,  one  of  the  views  I  have  in  propofing  them 
will  certainly  be  gratified. 

Bifhop  Stillingfleet  has  remarked  that  few  churches  are  faid 
to  appear  in  Domefday  book  j y]  ;  and  if  an  ediimate  may  be 
formed  from  the  want  of  churches  in  feveral  didri&s  defcribed 
in  the  extracts  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  examining,  I  am 
apt  to  believe  that  the  whole  number  recorded  will  fall  confider- 
ably  under  what  there  are  grounds  for  concluding  they  mud: 
have  amounted  to  about  the  Conqued. 

Not  one  of  the  entries  in  Domefday  concerning  Burceder 
and  the  four  adjacent  parifhes  printed  in  bidiop  Kennet’s  Paro¬ 
chial  Antiquities  (p.  65  and  66)  mention  either  church  or  pried, 
and  of  the  nineteen  inferted  in  Du  gd  ale’s  Hidory  of  St.  Paul's 
Cathedral,  (Append,  p.  191,  &c.)  Prejbyter  is  to  be  found  in 
onlv  Sandon  and  Nadoke. 


Ecclefia  is  the  word  ufed  in  the  Survey  of  Kent,  and  though 
it  very  often  occurs,  there  are  many  places  where  it  does  not, 
and  fome  of  them  fituated  not  far  from  London.  It  is  not  to 
be  met  with  in  the  following  parifhes  of  which  Mr.  Haded  has 

[c]  Ecclefiaftical  Cads,  v.  I.  p.  91. 

F  f  2 



Mr.  Denne  on  the  words 

given  an  account  in  the  fir  ft  volume  of  his  hiftory.  Lewifham, 
Lee,  Charlton,  Woolwich,  Beckenham,  Bromley,  Weft  Wick¬ 
ham,  ICefton,  Chelsfield,  Eltham,  Foots  Cray,  North  Cray,  Rokef- 
3ey,  PI  muffed,  Erith,  Swanfcombe,  Longfield,  Afh,  Darenth, 
Farningham,  Lullingftone,  Shorham,  Otford,  Sevenoake,  Wef- 
terham,  Cowling.  In  the  fecond  volume  no  church  is  men¬ 
tioned  to  be  at  Aylesford,  a  large  manor  in  the  king’s  demefne, 
or  at  Boxley,  another  large  diftrid  contiguous  to  Pinnenden 
Heath,  where  all  public  meetings  for  the  bufinefs  of  the  county 
have  been  held  from  the  conqueft  and  probably  before.  Nor  do 
any  occur  at  Eaft  Banning,  Weft  Banning,  OfFatn,  Weft  Peck- 
ham,  Tefton,  Hunton,  Hollingbourne,  Lenham,  Bromfield,  Ot- 
terden,  Newington,  Tunftall,  Luddenham,  Stone,  Leveland,  or 

A  map  of  the  county  will  (hew  what  fpacious  trads  muft 
have  been  without  a  church  upon  the  notion  hitherto  conceived. 
I>omefday  Book  itfelf  likewife  evinces  that  feveral  of  thefe  dif- 
trids  had  many  inhabitants,  and  from  the  value  fet  upon  the. 
lairds  it  fhould  feem  that  they  were  well  cultivated.  1  will  in- 
fiance  in  Otford,  eftimated  at  upwards  of  eighty-two  pounds  a- 
year  [F],  and  I  name  Otford,  becaufe  that  manor,  to  which 
Sevenoake  was  always  an  appendage,  had  been  pofleffed  by  the 
archbifhop  of  Canterbury  for  three  centuries.  Is  it  then  at  all¬ 
probable,  that  the  prelates  of  that  fee  fhould  buffer  their  numer¬ 
ous  tenants  and  dependants  to  be  without  a  place  of  public  wor- 
fhip?  And  it  fhould  be  added,  that  at  the  time  of  making  the 
furvey,  Lanfranc  had  been  archbifhop  fourteen  or  fifteen  years. 

According  to  Mr.  Brydges’s  tranflation  of  his  Extrads  from 
the  Domefday  of  Northampton fhire,  the  deficiency  of  churches 
muft  have  been  much  greater  in  that  county  than  in  Kent, 

[d]  Robert  Latin  held  Boxley  to  farm  of  Odo  bilhop  of  Bayeux,  and  paid 
55 1.  a  year  for  it. 


Ecclefia  and  Prefbyter  in  Domefday  Book.  221 

The  firft  volume  of  his  hi  (lory  contains  accounts  of  ten  of  the 
hundreds.  In  thefe  are  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  parochial 
didridts,  in  which  are  entries  from  Domefday  Book,  and  I  think 
not  more  than  thirty-feven  of  them  mention  a  pried.  Still 
more  iticonliderable,  upon  this  fuppofition,  were  the  churches 
in  Dorfetfhire;  for  though  it  now  contains  two  hundred  anti 
fifty  parifhes,  yet,  on  a  curfory  perufal  of  its  Domefday  furvey 
prefixed  to  Mr.  Hutchins’s  Hiftory,  I  have  traced  only  ten 
churches  [e].  This  paucity  in  the  above  cited  counties  will 
fu rely  warrant  a  fufpicion  that  the  returns  under  this  article 
could  not  be  exadt,  and  may  not  the  inaccuracy  be  attributed  ei¬ 
ther  to  an  overfight,  or  a  defigned  omifiioir  in  the  perfons  ap¬ 
pointed  to  make  the  inquifition,  or  to  a  want  of  corredtnefs  in 
their  fcribes? 

Weight  will  be  added  to  this  fuggeflion  from  my  being  able- 
to  point  out  fome  places,  one  in  Kent  and  the  reld  in  Northamp- 
tondiire,  in  which  it  may  be  proved,  I  apprehend  by  unexcep¬ 
tionable  evidence,  that  there  were  churches  about  the  time  of 
the  furvey,  though  Domefday  leaves  us  in  the  dark  as  to  this 
particular.  Faverfham  is  the  church  in  Kent  to  which  1  allude, 
which,  as  is  clear  from  Thorne’s  Chronicle  [/],  the  fir  ft  William* 
gave  in  lopo  to  the  abbey  of  St.  Augudin,  with  all  the  tenths 
and  produdls  accruing  from  that  manor.  There  is  alfo  in 
Sprott’s  Fragments  as  publifhed  by  Hearne,  (p.  133),  a  refer¬ 
ence  to  a  bull  of  Urban  III.  dated  in  1085,  which  redrains  the 
monks  of  that  abbey  from  granting  to  any  fecular  the  church  of 

[rj  Viz.  Bridetone  (now  Long  Burton)  —  Brideport — Witcerce  (now  Whit¬ 
church  Canonicorum) — Warham — S.  Marie  de  Gelingham — Dorceftre  (Dor- 

chefler) — Bere  (Bere  Regis) — Winfrode  (Winfrith  Newburgh) — Pitretone - 

Calvedone,  Tit.  xviii.  p.  9.  It  is  faid  “  Eccl’ia  S’ti  Wandregilili  ten’  unam  cccFam 
“  de  Rege  in  Warham.”  Does  not  this  imply  there  being  at  that  time  more- 
than  one  church  in  Warham  ;  but  I  believe  no  other  is  mentioned. 

[/J  X  Script,  col.  1780  and  2091. 



Mr,  Denne  on  the  words 

Faverfham,  and  four  other  churches  there  named.  And  If  Mr* 
Brydges’s  tranfcripts  may  be  depended  on,  Domefday  is  filent  as 
to  feveral  churches,  which  are  faid  by  him  to  have  been  appro¬ 
priated  or  given  to  religious  houfes  very  early  after  the  conquef. , 
viz.  Charwelton  [g],  Eydon  Newbottle  [A],  Grafton  [/],  Hard- 
ingftone  [/£],  Moulton  [/],  Byfield  [;;?],  and  Merfton  St.  Lau¬ 
rence  [»].  The  two  laft  were  given  to  the  abbey  of  St.  Ebrulf 
at  Utica  in  Normandy,  and  the  grants  confirmed  by  the  Con¬ 
queror  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  his  reign,  A.  D.  1081.  between 
which  year  and  the  time  of  making  the  furvey,  it  is  barely  pro¬ 
bable  that  thefe  churches  fhould  have  been  deftroyed. 

From  accounts  imperfect  and  obfcure  it  is  not  practicable  to 
fix  exactly  the  number  of  churches  at  that  time  in  England. 
Several  of  our  hiftorians  have  mentioned,  and  with  but  little 
variation,  the  bountiful  aims  given  to  every  church  by  William 
Rufus  in  purfuance  of  the  will  of  his  father.  According  to 
Ingulphus,  the  king  diftributed  ten  marks  to  each  of  the  greater 
churches,  five  to  the  lefler,  and  five  (hillings  to  every  country 
church  [o'].  Were  the  fum  total  of  this  donation  upon  record,, 


Drl  Brydges’s  Nortliamptanfhire,  I.  p.  39. 

[h]  Ibid.  p.  188. 

[/]  Ibid.  p.  3c  1. 

[k]  Ibid.  p.  359. 

[_/]  Ibid.  p.  419. 

[w]  Ibid.  p.  109. 

[tf]  Ibid.  p.  182. 

[0]  The  paffage  in  Ingulphus  (p.  106,  fub  anno  10S7)  as  quoted  by  lord 
Lyttelton  in  his  Hiftory  of  Henry  II.  vol.  I.  p.  412.  8°  edit,  is  as  follows: 
“  Diftribuitque  juxta  voluntatem  patris  fui  majoribus  ecclehis  totius  Anglia: 
“  x  marcas,  minoribus  v  fingulis  vero  villanis  ecclcfiis  v  folidos.” 

Simeon  Dunelmenfis’s  account  is  “  Thefauros  fui  patris,  ut  ipfe  juflerat,  per 
An'gliam  divilit,  fcilicet  quibufdam  principalibus  ecclefis,  quibujdam  vi  marcas 
auri,  quibujdam  minus ,  ecclehi  s  etiam  in  civitatibus  vel  vilhs,  per  lingulas  dena- 


Ecclefia  and  Prefbyter  in  Domefday  Book.  223 

the  number  of  churches  might  be  very  nearly  afcertained 
from  it.  Mr.  Innett  fays  they  are  reckoned  to  be  about  four 
thoufand  [p\.  They  are  fet,  as  I  underhand,  in  Mr.  Selden’s 
Titles  of  Honour,  at  four  thoufand  five  hundred  and  eleven,  but 
upon  what  grounds  I  am  not  apprized  :  and  in  Spelman’s  Glof- 
l'ary  (v.  Foedum)  it  is  advanced  upon  the  authority  of  Sprott’s 
Chronicle,  that,  by  the  Domefday  furvey,  there  were  found  to 
be  forty-five  thoufand  parifti  churches.  The  figures  ufed  by 
Sir  Henry  Spelman  nearly  correfpond  with  the  numeral  letters 
in  the  paflage  of  the  monkilh  writer  which  he  has  quoted  [?], 
but  the  number  is  fo  high  as  to  exceed  credibility  ;  and  indeed 
the  words  quotque  ccclejiarum  dignitates  et  de  fumma  ecclefiarum 
could  never  mean  parifti  churches,  they  mu  ft  denote  the  polfef- 
fions  of  the  fuperior  orders  of  ecclefiaftics,  fecular  and  regular; 
or  as  the  Saxon  Chronicle  publifhed  by  bifhop  Gibfon  exprefles 
it,  “  permifit  delcribi  quantum  terrarum  ejus  archiepifcopi,  et 
“  diocefani  epifcopi,  ac  ejus  abbates,  ejufque  comites  [r].” 

The  fourfold  diftin&ion  of  churches  fpecified  in  the  third 
law  of  Canute,  A.  D.  1033  [j],  inclines  one  to  imagine  that  in 
his  time  all  thefe  facred  edifices  might  together  amount  to  a 
large  number;  and  it  is  manifeft,  that  in  the  reign  of  Edward 
the  Confefl’or,  there  mu  ft  have  been  a  very  great  increafe  of 
what  were  ftridtly  denominated  parifti  churches,  it  being  afierted 
in  one  of  the  laws  afcribed  to  that  king,,  that  in  many  places 

rios  lx.”  X  Script,  col.  214.  Diceto,  ibid.  c.  488.  Bromton,  Chron.  ibid, 
c.  983.  and  Hoveden  Ann.  p.  264,  feem  to  have  copied  from  Simeon  of  Dur 


[/>]  Hiftory  of  the  Englifh  Church,  vol.  I.  p.  279. 

[7]  “  Hie  (Willelmus)  fecit-totam  Angliam  defcribi,  quantum  terras  qui*. 
“  baronum  poflfedit — quotque  ecclejiarum  dignitates. — Et  repertum  fuit  primo 
“  fumma  ecclefiarum  xlv  m  xi.”  Tho.  Sprot.  Chron.  edit.  Hearne,  p.  114. 

[r]  P.  186. 

[rj  Wilkins,  Ccncil.  Mag.  Britan,  vol.  I.  p.  300. 



224  Mr.  Denne  on  the  words 

there  were  three  or  four  churches  where  in  former  times  there 
was  but  one  [/].  And  if,  as  is  commonly  reported,  thirty-fix 
churches  were  deftroyed  by  the  Conqueror  in  order  to  enlarge 
the  new  fore  (Is  in  Hampshire,  this  is  an  argument  they  could 
not  be  fo  few  as  the  number  entered  in  Domefday  is  furmized 
to  imply. 

Biihop  Stillingfleet  mentions  his  having  found,  by  the  confir¬ 
mation  of  Simon  biihop  of  Worcefter,  one  church  ere&ed  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  the  Firft,  where  before  had  been  only  a  chapel ; 
and  he  doubts  not  that  many  other  parochial  churches  were 
built  and  endowed  in  the  fame  manner  although  the  records  of 
them  are  loft  [«],.  The  cone! u lion  which  I  draw  from  not 
meeting  with  more  deeds  of  this  kind  after  the  conqueft  is, 
that,  comparatively  fpeaking,  there  were  but  few  parilh  churches 
which  had  not  been  fettled  in  the  times  of  the  Saxons:  and  it  is 
obfervable  that  though  the  bifhop  had  difeovered  only  one  adl 
of  confirmation,  there  are  at  prefent  in  the  two  deanries  of 
the  diocefe  of  Worcefter  to  which  he  refers  forty  more  parifh 
churches  that  what  are  entered  in  Domefday  jT]. 

Chapter  xxm  of  the  T.extus  Roffenfis  corroborates  my  infer¬ 
ence.  This  valuable  MS.  is  generally  allowed  to  have  been 
compiled  by  bifhop  Ernulf  between  the  years  1115  and  1124, 
and  the  chapter  which  I  have  quoted  contains  an  account  of  the 
money  that  was  to  be  paid  toRochefter  cathedral  for  the  chrifm  by 
every  parifh  church  and  chapel  in  the  diocefe  [w].  But  of  thirty- 
three  churches  in  that  diocefe,  which,  as  before  ftated,  do  not 
occur  in  the  Domefday  book,  all  except  three,  are  rated  in  the 

[/]  Wilkins,  Concil.  Mag.  Britan,  vol.  I.  p.  31 1. 

[«]  Ecclef.  Cafes,  vol.  I.  Pref.  p.  12. 

[v~]  According  to  the  biihop,  in  the  deanry  of  Warwick  10,  of  Kington  15 
churches  are  noticed  in  Domefday.  According  to  Efton’  Liber  valor,  there  are 
now  in  the  former  diocefe  29,  and  in  the  latter  36. 

[w]  The  chrifm  money  was  granted  by  Ernulf  to  the.  monks  of  his  priory  of 
St,  Andrew.  Regiftrum  Roff. 



Ecclefia  and  Prefbyter  in  Domefday  Book. 

Textus  as  fubject  to  the  fum  payable  for  a  parifh  church,  which 
was  nine  pence,  fix  pence  only  being  due  from  a  chapel.  Now 
it  appears  rather  ftrange,  that  fo  many  churches  fhould  have 
been  made  parochial  within  about  forty  years,  and  that  no  ads 
concerning  their  eftablifliment  fhould  be  remaining  in  the  regif- 
ters  of  the  diocefe  of  Rochefler  :  and  confidering  the  limited  ex¬ 
tent  of  its  jurifdidion,  the  inftruments  are,  I  believe,  as  copious, 
and  as  well  preferved  as  thofe  in  the  archives  of  any  other  dio¬ 
cefe  in  England. 

In  fome  diflrids  in  Worceflerfhire  w’here  Domefday  is  filent 
refpeding  either  church  or  priefl,  bifhop  Lyttelton  found  by 
other  MSS.  that  there  really  was  a  church,  and  he  fuppofes  the 
omiffion  to  have  proceeded  from  the  places  then  having  only 
a  chapel  dependent  upon  the  mother  church  [*J.  Prefuming 
however  ecclejia  and  prejbyter  to  have  been  ufed  by  the  com¬ 
pilers  of  this  furvey  as  fynonymous  terms,  there  are,  I  appre¬ 
hend,  claufes  where  a  prieft  is  entered  both  for  the  parifh  church, 
and  for  what  might  have  been  a  fubordinate  chapel,  the  lands  in 
which  the  chapel  was  fituated  having  been  held  under  the  lord 
of  the  chief  manor.  Of  this  kind  was  Clifton  which  contained 
the  manors  of  Clifton,  Home,  and  Sapy  Pitchard.  But  in  Clif¬ 
ton  were  fix  villans,  four  borderers,  and  four  herdfmen,  who 
among  them  all,  together  with  the  prief  had  fix  carucates ;  and 
in  Sapy  Pitchard  was  a  prief  and  nine  vilians,  and  four  bor¬ 
derers  with  eleven  carucates  [y],  Mr.  Pegge  coincides  in  this 
opinion  with  the  bifhop ;  for  he  thinks,  that  the  fabric  in  Kirk- 
dale  could  not  be  expelled  to  appear  in  Domefday  Book,  as  it 
was  only  a  chapel  of  eafe  [2]. 

[*]  Dr.  Nafli’s  Collections,  vol.  I.  p.  474.  vol.  II.  p.  593.  and  Appendix, 

p.  1 1. 

[ y ]  Ibid.  vol.  I.  p.  245. 

[%]  Archaeologia,  vol.  VII.  p.  87. 

Vol.  VIII.  '  G  g 



Mr.  Denne  on  the  words 

Except  in  Martin’s  Hiftory  of  Thetford,  capella  has  not,  as 
far  as  I  can  recollect,  occurred  to  me  in  any  tranfcript  from 
Domefday  Book,  but  I  have  met  with  ecclejiola  which  may  be 
thought  a  word  of  the  fame  fignification.  Thus  in  the  descrip¬ 
tion  of  Dartford  are  entered  the  church  of  the  manor  and  three 
ecclejtolae  [a].  The  abbey  of  Hortune  in  Dorfetfhire  is  faid  to 
have  had  an  ecclejiola  in  Winborne  [£],  and  Abbots  Waltham  or 
White  Waltham  in  Berks  is  fo  denominated  jV].  We  alfo  in 
feme  claufes  of  Domefday  read  of  the  half  and  the  third  of  a 
church  jT],  Do  not  thefe  expreffions  rather  imply,  that  it  was 
not  the  kind  of  edifice,  whether  a  great  church,  or  a  little 
church,  a  parifh  church  or  a  chapel,  but  fome  of  their  appurte¬ 
nances  that  the  commiffioners  principally  regarded  [*]. 

If,  at  the  time  of  the  Survey,  a  church  had  been  appendant  to  a 
manor  [  f],  there  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  but  it  would  be  recorded; 
and  perhaps  this  was  all  that  was  meant  in  moft  claufes  by  the 

[<?]  Mr.  Hafted’s  Kent,  vol.  I.  p.  210. 

[£]  Mr.  Hutchins’s  Dorfetfhire,  Domefday,  p.  9.  Ecclejiola  does  not  occur 
in  the  Gloflary  of  Spelman,  or  of  Dufrefne. 

[c]  Deland’s  Itin.  vol.  V.  p.  122.  Ethelwold  is  faid  to  have  built  lapideam 
ecclejiolam  in  Thornenli  loco.  Leland’s  Itin.  vol.  VII.  p.  ii.  p.  68.  Ex  vita 
Sti.  Botolphi. 

[of]  See  Authorities,  p.  234. 

[e]  Will  not  this  oblervation  be  applicable  in  a  degree  to  caftles,  I  mean  to 
the  fabrics  of  them?  In  the  Annals  of  Waverly  (Webb’s  Memoir,  p.  5,)  it  is 
obferved  that  an  enquiry  was  to  be  made  “  quid  una  queeque  urbs,  caftellum, 
“  vicus  &c.  reddit  per  ann.”  Caftles  are,  however,  leldom  recited,  and  that 
rather  incidentally.  Thofe  at  Canterbury  and  Rochefter  feem  to  have  been 
only  mentioned,  becaufe  for  the  former  the  king  had  given  twenty- one  bur- 
geftes  to  the  arclibifhop  and  the  abbot  of  St.  Auguftine,  and  becaufe  the  bifhop 
of  Rochefter  held  lands  in  Ayl'esford  in  exchange  for  the  ground  upon  which 
the  latter  caftle  was  built.  It  is  alfo  recited  in  the  Domeiday  of  Dorfetfhire 
wh<&  the  king  gave  for  a  hide  of  land  of  the  manor  of  Chingftone,  on  which  he 
built  Warham  Caftle.  Tit.  19. 

[/]  See  Authorities  at  p.  234. 


Ecclefia  and  Prefbyter  in  Domefday  Book,  227 

return  ibi  ecclefia :  or  if  the  church  was  not  fo  clofely  annexed, 
and  the  pried  only  held  lands  that  were  dependant  upon  the 
manor,  this  circumdance  would  certainly  not  pafs  unnoticed  [g]  ; 
an  accurate  furvey  of  all  the  lands  in  England,  the  quantity  held 
by  every  perfon,  the  tenure  and  the  value  of  the  lands,  and  the 
rate  at  which  they  had  been  afleded  to  the  crown  being  the 
chief  objects  of  inquifition.  Accordingly  we  find  in  many 
claufes  the  number  of  acres  which  the  church  or  pried  held  is 
fpecified,  as  is  alfo  the  yearly  value  of  them  [A].  Some  indances 
fhall  be  fubjoined,  and  thofe  in  Effex  and  Norfolk  are  the  dronger 
in  point,  becaufe  they  are  from  the  leder  Domefday  Book,  which 
contains  the  original  returns  from  thofe  counties ;  whereas  the 
officers  of  the  Exchequer  are  faid  to  have  compiled  the  greater 
book  with  more  brevity,  leaving  out  fome,  and  abridging  other 
articles  of  the  furvey  [/]. 

Kirkdale,  at  the  time  of  the  furvey  not  being  properly  a 
church,  i.  e.  a  redlory  endowed  with  tithes,  will,  as  Mr.  Pegge 
conceives,  account  for  the  filence  of  Domefday  concerning  it. 
But  is  it  quite  clear,  that  the  commidioners  were  diredted  to  en¬ 
quire  after  the  tithes  accruing  to  the  parochial  clergy  ?  This  is 
not  an  article  mentioned  in  the  title  to  the  copy  of  the  Inquifi¬ 
tion  for  part  of  Cambridgeffiire  and  the  Ide  of  Ely,  printed  in 
Mr.  Webb’s  Memoir  on  Domefday  Book,  p.  9;  nor  is  it  noticed 
in  any  of  the  records  and  hidories  to  which  he  has  referred. 
As  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Conqueror  to  reduce  the  lands  as 
well  of  the  clergy  and  religious,  as  of  the  laity  to  the  common 
tenure  of  military  fervice,  he  would  of  courfe  enjoin  a  return  of 
this  part  of  the  endowment  of  the  parochial  clergy  ;  but,  as  I 
apprehend,  this  fervice  did  not  reach,  and  was  not  defigned  to 

[_§•]  See  Authorities  at  p.  235. 

[£]  See  ditto,  p.  235. 

[/]  Lord  Lyttleton’s  Hiftory  of  Henry  IT.  vol.  III.  p.  239.  S°.  edit. 

G  g  2 



Mr.  Denne  on  the  words 

extend  to  their  tithes  and  oblations.  It  is  certain,  that  we  fel- 
dom  find  any  entries  of  thefe  articles  of  their  revenue,  nor  do  I 
remember  to  have  met  with  an  inftance  of  their  being  eftimated, 
at  leaft  feparately  [FJ. 

The  church  of  Aldbrough  not  now  prefenting,  as  Mr.  Pegge 
fuppofes,  any  refemblance  of  Saxon  archite&ure,  is  offered  by 
him  as  a  fecond  formidable  objection  againft  its  having  been, 
ere&ed  before  the  Norman  conqueft.  This  objedtion  feems  to 
admit  that  the  filence  of  Domefday  Book  would  not  be  judged 
decifrve  by  him,  had  the  ffruflure  itfelf  difcovered  traces  of  a 
former  age ;  a  conceffion  which  bifhop  Lyttelton  would  not 
have  made.  For  though  he  had  obferved  what  are  ufually 
termed  charadteriftics  of  the  Saxon  ftyle  in  the  churches  of  feve- 
ral  parifhes,  not  mentioned  in  Domefday  to  have  a  prieft  in 
them,  yet  from  their  wanting  this  criterion  he  would  not  ven¬ 
ture  to  affirm  they  were  Saxon  edifices  [/]. 

But  if,  as  already  hinted,  it  was  the  landed  property  of  the 
clergy  that  was  the  objedf  principally  in  view,  we  need  not  be 
furprized  that  thofe  churches  and  their  incumbents  ffiould  be 
omitted  which  did  not  poffefs  any  quantity  of  glebe.  Or  if, 
as  a  matter  of  private  obfervation,  churches  without  any  land 
annexed  to  them  might  be  often  minuted  in  the  return,  others 
might  be  frequently  left  out  as  being  thought  of  no  confequence 
in  the  enquiry.  Where  a  church  is  recorded,  this  will  be  ad¬ 
mitted  to  be  fufficient  evidence  of  there  having  then  been  one ; 
but  when  prejbyter  only  occurs,  I  much  queftion  whether  the 

(7’]  Decima ,  I  have  a  notion,  may  not  occur  above  once  in  the  Domefday  of 
Dorfetfhire,  and  that  in  the  firft  paragraph  of  Tit.  24.  which  is  as  follows. : 
4‘  Briftuard  p’b’r  ten’  aeccl’am  de  Dorceftre  7  Bere,  7  decimas  ibi  p’tin’  1.  hida 
“  7  xx  ac’  t’rce  valent  iiii.  lib.”  Whether  the  tithes  of  thefe  churches  are 
reckoned  in  this  valuation  is  rather  doubtful. 

[7]  Dr.  Nath’s  Worcefterfhire,  ubi  fup. 


Ecclefia  and  Preibyter  in  Domefday  Book.  229 

fame  inference  can  be  always  juftly  drawn  ;  becaufe  the  lands 
of  both  beneficed  and  unbeneficed  clerks  were  open  to  this  in- 
quifition  :  and  it  may  be  /hewn  in  fundry  paragraphs  that  clergy¬ 
men  held  houfes  and  lands  in  their  own  right,  and  not  in  that 
of  their  preferments  [/»].  And  after  making  the  neceflary  de¬ 
ductions  for  fuch  as  were  unbeneficed,  the  churches  recited  in 
JDomefday  will  fall  /fill  more  under  the  number  1  conclude  them 
to  have  really  been  during  the  eleventh  century. 

Some  have  imagined,  that  almoft  all  the  churches  built  be¬ 
fore  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Confeflbr  were  entirely  deflroyed 
by  the  Danes  in  their  frequent  incurfions,  and  the  more  credit 
may  have  been  given  to  this  notion,  from  its  being  prefumed 
that  there  were  few  churches  in  that  age  but  what  were  con- 
ffruCfed  with  wood.  A  paflage  in  M*.  Somner’s  Antiquities  of 
Canterbury  [»],  fpread  and  ftrengthened  this  opinion,  as  it  alfo 
depreciated  the  /kill  of  the  Saxons  in  architecture,  by  fuggeft- 
ing,  that  the  building  upon  arches  was  unknown  to  them.  Both 
thefe  conjectures  are  now  generally  agreed  co  be  groundlefs ;  and 
many  /tone  remains  of  Saxon  churches,  fome  of  them  large  and 
firm,  have  been  clearly  indicated,  and  the  refearches  of  future 
antiquaries  will  I  doubt  not  difcover  many  more. 

With  regard  to  the  damages  which  country  churches  might 
fuffer  from  the  devaftation  of  the  Danes,  they  have  probably  been 
magnified.  In  the  expedition  of  Swane  againft  the  Southern 
Mercians,  A.  D.  1013,  his  order  to  his  troops  was,  that  they 
fhould  deftroy  whatever  they  found  in  the  fields,  burn  the  vil¬ 
lages,  and  plunder  the  churches ;  an  unequivocal  proof  of  its  not 
being  the  deliberate  intention  of  this  lavage  prince  to  demoli/h 
the  country  churches  [o].  And  one  of  the  laws  of  his  fon 

\_m\  Some  are  cited  in  p.  237. 

[«]  Edit,  by  Battely,  p.  86.  163. 

[«]  Sim.  Dunelm.  X  Script,  col.  169.  Hoveden,  p.  248. 



230  Mr.  Denne  on  ike  words 

Canute  implies,  that  though  they  might  be  ruinous,  as  many 
of  them  doubtlefs  were,  they  were  not  irreparable,  it  being 
declared  to  be  the  duty  of  all  the  people  to  repair  their 
churches  [pi. 

But  where  the  fury  of  the  Danes  raged  fo  far  as  to  fet 
churches  on  fire,  which  it  certainly  did  at  Ch rift  Church,  Can¬ 
terbury,  and  at  Minftre  Abbey  in  the  Me  of  Thanet,  {tone,  as 
Mr.  Goftling  has  remarked^  was  incombuftible ;  and  upon  this 
circumftance  he  founds  a  conjecture  by  no  means  improbable, 
that  there  are  walls  now  {landing  which  efcaped  the  flames,  and 
were  made  ufe  of  by  archbilhop  Lanfranc  in  repairing  Canter¬ 
bury  cathedral  \q\.  Mr.  Lewis  has  made  the  fame  obfervatioti 
refpeCting  the  old  abbey  church  at  Minftre,  that  was  burnt  by 
Swane.  “  The  ftone  work,  he  fays,  of  the  two  chapels  of  St. 
“  Mary  and  St.  Peter  was  prefer ved,  and  not  burnt  with  the 
“  roof.  And  the  former  of  thefe  has  been  confiderably  enlarged 
«  and  made  the  parilh  church.  The  pillars  are  thick  and  fhort, 
“  and  the  arches  all  circular,  and  a  low  roof  was  upon  them 
“  according  to  the  plainnefs  and  fimplicity  of  thofe  times  [r].” 
The  very  many  churches  which  were  unqueftionably  built  in 
the  time  of  Edward  the  Confelfor,  could  however  hardly  have 
become  dilapidated  when  the  Domefday  furvey  was  taken. 

Aldbrough  church  built  by  Ulf  mult  be  ranked  in  this  clafs, 
it  being  admitted  that  he  lived  in  that  reign,  and  I  do  not  per¬ 
ceive  any  objection  made  by  Mr.  Pegge  to  the  authenticity  of 
the  Saxon  infcription.  Befides,  notwithftanding  the  alterations 
which  the  fabric  has  undergone,  it  is  not  without  a  veftige  of  a 
Saxon  edifice.  The  pillars  are  of  a  form  correfponding  with 
that  ufed  by  the  Saxons,  and  though  we  meet  with  fimilar  ones 

[pi  Johnfon’s  Colle&ion  of  Ecclefiaftical  Laws  mxviii.  29. 

[: q ]  Walk  in  and  about  Canterbury,  p.  73.  he. 

[r]  Lewis’s  Hiltory  of  the  Ifle  of  Thanet,  p.  92. 


Ecclefia  Prefbyter  in  Domefday  Book.  23  s 

in  cathedrals  and  cables  railed  by  the  curly  Normans,  I  am 
not  for  appropriating  thofe  in  Aldbrough  church  to  a  Norman, 
in  preference  to  a  Saxon  architect,  upon  no  better  authority  than 
the  filence  of  Domelday  Book  ;  from  which,  as  being  an  argu¬ 
ment  entirely  negative,  no  direct  conclulion  can  be  drawn. 
Cathedrals  and  cables  are  mentioned,  becaufe  I  have  my  doubts 
whether  pillars  like  thofe  reprefented  in  the  plate  of  Aldbrough 
church  publifhed  with  Mr.  Brooke’s  paper,  can  be  found  in 
any  country  church  that  can  be  lhewn  to  have  been  wholly 
built  after  the  Conqueb.  Indeed  between  that  aera  and  the  death 
of  the  firb  William,  it  feems  highly  probable  that  very  few 
churches  of  that  kind  were  ereCted.  In  the  Domefday  tran- 
fcripts  I  have  perufed  I  find  but  one  noticed,  which  was  at  Ber- 
mondfey  in  Surrey,  and  this  on  account  of  its  rarity  might  ex- 
cite  the  attention  of  the  commiffioners  [j]. 

According  to  the  Domefday  of  Kent,  Darenth,  as  above  re¬ 
marked,  had  not  then  a  church  within  its  manerial  dibriCt  [/], 
and  unfortunately  it  is  out  of  my  power  to  prove  either  by  a 
Saxon  infcription  on  bone,  or  by  any  written  evidence,  that  one 
was  really  conbru&ed  there  before  the  Conqueb.  I  cannot, 
however,  avoid  a  bials  to  that  opinion,  when  allured  by  compe¬ 
tent  judges,  that  my  church  bill  exhibits  brong  refemblances  of 
the  architecture  of  an  earlier  period.  In  the  lower  part  of  the 
chancel  are  pillars,  round,  maffive  and  fliort  with  hatched  capi¬ 
tals  ;  and  the  upper  part,  to  which  there  is  an  afcent  by  three 
iteps,  bears  more  briking  marks  of  antiquity.  The  area  of  it 


[j]  Ecclefia  de  novo  conflrtifta.  Dr.  Nadi’s  Worcefterdiire,  vol.  I.  p.  503. 
Probably  the  church  began  A.  1092  by  Aylwin  Child  a  citizen  of  London, 
for  the  convent  of  Cluniacs  lie  intended  to  fettle  at  that  place.  Tanner,  Notit. 
Monad,  p.  535. 

[/]  Duke  Eadulf,  A.  940,  gave  Darenth  to  Chrift  Church  Canterbury,  and 
it  was  held  by  archbidiop  Lanfranc  at  the  time  of  tlxe  Domefday  furvey. 

2.32  Mr.  Denne  on  the  'words 

is  only  twelve  feet  in  length,  and  in  breadth  thirteen  feet  and 
two  inches.  It  has  a  vaulted  hone  roof  twelve  feet  high  to  the 
crown  of  the  arches ;  at  the  eah  end  are  three  very  fmall  and 
narrow  lancet  windows,  and  there  is  one  window  of  that  fort  in 
the  north  wall.  I  have  not  heard  of  a  chancel  of  a  like  con- 
hru&ion  in  any  parifli  church  in  this  county,  but  am  informed 
by  Mr.  Gough  that  the  chancel  of  Compton  church  near  Godel- 
xning  in  Surrey  is  conhru&ed  in  the  fame  manner. 

There  is  alfo  a  font,  which,  from  its  appearance,  was  proba¬ 
bly  coeval  with  the  firfl  church  erebted  here,  and  it  is  nearly  of 
the  fame  dimenfions  [ u ]  with  that  deferibed  by  Mr.  Warton  in 
his  fpecimen  of  a  parochial  Hiftory  of  Oxfordfliire  (p.  16,)  and 
which  fome  have  fuppofed  to  be  the  font  ufed  at  the  baptifm  of 
Edward  the  Confeffor.  But  the  font  at  Darenth  is  more  embel¬ 
lished,  having  on  it  reprefentations  of  men  and  beafts,  and  em¬ 
blematical  figures  in  high  relief,  rudely  carved,  though  the 
columns  and  arches  of  the  eight  compartments  in  which  the 
ornaments  are  placed  are  executed  with  a  degree  of  elegance. 
Thefe  curious  memorials  of  antiquity,  the  upper  chancel  and  the 
font,  are  in  good  preservation,  and  accurate  delineations  of  them 
have  been  taken,  and  engravings  made  at  the  expence  of  my 
worthy  friend  and  neighbour  Mr.  Thorpe ;  which,  together 
with  plates  of  feveral  other  ecclefiaftical  reliques  Bill  extant  in 
the  diocefe  of  Rochefler,  he  propofes  to  infert  in  a  fupplement 
to  his  Regiftrum  Roffenfe  that  is  in  the  prefs. 

Whilft  endeavouring  to  fliew  that  Domefday  Book,  however 
accurate  it  may  be  in  other  articles,  cannot  be  decifively  appealed 
-to  for  the  non-exiflence  of  parifli  churches  in  the  age  in  which 
it  was  compiled,  I  am  apprehenfive  I  may  have  too  freely  tref- 

[«]  The  interior  diameter  of  the  bafon  is  29  inches,  its  rim  3  inches,  and  the 
depth  of  it  17.  By  Mr.  Warton’s  account  the  interior  diameter  of  the  Iflip 
font  is  30  inches,  and  the  depth  of  it  20. 


Ecclefia  and  Prelbyter  in  Domefday  Book.  233 

pafTecI  upon  the  indulgence  of  the  refpe&able  aflembly  to  whofc 
judgment  this  letter  is  to  be  fubmitted.  The  length  of  my 
paper  has,  however,  proceeded  from  an  unwillingnefs  to  have  it 
thought,  that  without  enquiry  and  without  deliberation  I  had 
taken  the  liberty  to  diffent  from  a  common  opinion  fupported 
by  very  able  advocates ;  and  I  trull  that  the  fubjeCt  difcuffed 
will  not  appear  to  be  quite  unimportant. 

The  whole  of  Domefday  furvey  being  now  publifhed  (an 
event  which  was  for  many  years  the  earned  wifh  of  the  So¬ 
ciety),  it  mud  of  courfe  be  more  generally  confulted.  The 
necedity  therefore  is  increafed  for  having,  if  polfible,  all  the 
terms  ufed  in  it  fatisfa&orily  explained,  and  for  rectifying  any 
erroneous  notions  which  may  have  been  adopted  relative  to  its 
various  contents.  It  mud  likewife  be  admitted,  that  many  a 
fruitlefs  fearch  will  be  avoided,  fhould  it  be  afcertained  what 
information  is  likely  to  be  procured,  and  what  is  not  to  be  ex¬ 
pected  from  the  perufal  of  this  curious  record. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 
your  faithful 

and  obliged  fervant, 

H  h 

Vol.  VIII, 



Mr.  Denne  on  the  words 

Authorities  from  Domefday  Book  referred  to  in  this  Paper. 

Page  226. 

Norfolk — In  Tetford — Abbas  de  Eli  in  ecclas  et  1  domu  libe  et  n 
manfuras  in  confuetudine,  in  una  e  domus.  Et  Epc  xx  domos  lib’  et 
1  moP'et  dim'  eccl'am.  Martin’s  Hift.  of  Thetford,  p.  27. 

—  ■  ■ —  Blungeham.  Sub  fe  1  media  de  x  ac’  val’  xx  d.  Ib.  Appends 

р.  22.  dim '  e ocVia  xv  ad  vaP  xv  d.  Ib.  p.  23. — Hilderfton  tcia  pars 
eccte.  Ib.  p.  10. 

Northlangole  (Langley.)  In  ead’  pbr  integer  et  n  dimid’  tenent 

с.  acr’  libe  terre  et  jacent  in  ecctia  Ste  Andree.  Ibid.  p.  16. 

Kent — Ore — dimid’  mccta.  Mr.  Halted ’s  Hift.  v.  II.  p.  730. 

P.  226.  227. 

Norfolk — Elmeham  (now  Elmham)  1  eccta  eft  manerio  de  lx  acr’  et  1 
car’  et  val’  v  fol.  et  mi  ft.  Martin’s  Hift..  Append,  p.  8. 

—  - Blungeham — fub  fe  1  media. 

Hildolfeftuam  (Hilderfton)  1  ecclia  in  manerio  de  xxvi  ae’  et  val’ 
xx  d. — et  tcia  pars  ecctie  in  berevvita  de  n  acr’  et  dimid’  et  val* 
mi  d.  Ib.  d.  10. 


- - Beccheham  (E.  Beckham)  1  media  de  11  acr’  et  dimid’  et  e 

addita  buita  ad  Blikelinges.  Ib.  p.  21. 

- - Helincham  (Elingham)  1  ecclefia  xx  acr’. — The  rectory  ma¬ 
nor  always  belonged  to  the  reftors,  for  in  the  Conqueror’s  furvey  it 
appears  that  there  were  then  divers  lands  and  fervices  belonging  to 
the  church.  Blomefield’s  Hiftory  of  Norfolk,  p.  321.  330. 

Kent — Middletune  (now  Milton)  medas  et  decimas  huj’  ma  ten’  Abb’ 
S.  Auguftini  et  40.  fol.  de  4.  fulins  regis  exeunt  ei°,  i.  e.  the  abbat 
of  St.  Auguftine  holds  the  churches  and  tithes  of  this  manor,  and  40 
Ihillings  of  the  king’s  4  lulings  are  payable  to  him.  Hafted’s  Hift. 
v.  II.  p.  619.  Mem.  The  names  of  the  churches  are  not  mentioned, 
nor  are  the  number  of  them  fpecihed. 


Ecclefia  and  Prefbyter  hi  Domsfllay  Book. 

Kent — Tarentefort  (now  Dartford).  Rex  Willelmus  ten’  Tarente- 
fort.  iEcclam  huj’  m*  ten’  eps  de  Roufceflre,  et  vab  do  fob 
extra  hanc  funt  adhuc  ibi  3  aecclefiolse.  The  bifhap  of  Rocnef- 
ter  holds  the  church  of  this  manor,  and  it  is  worth  60  (hillings. 
Hafled’s  Hift.  v.  I.  p,  203.  At  p.  229  Mr.  Halted  has  given  an  ac¬ 
count  of  the  manor  of  Dartford  redtory.  Mem.  There  is  now  a 
manor  called  the  Bifhop’s  Liberty,  which  belongs  to  the  fee  of  Ro- 
chefter,  whofe  prelates  are  impropriators  and  patrons  of  the  vica¬ 

Page  227. 

■> —  Ceteham  (now  Chatham).  In  dnio  funt  3  car’  et  33  villi  cti 
4.  bord’  hnt’  10.  car’.  Ibi  teccta  et  15.  fervi  et  1  molin’ de  32. 
denar’  et  20  ac’  pti  et  pifcarias  6  de  12  den’.  Halted.  II.  p.  65. 

* — ■ —  Gelingclia  (Gillingham).  In  dnio  funt  2  car’  et  42  villi  cti  16. 
bold’  hnt’  15  car’.  Ibi  mccla  et  3  fervi  et  3  pifcarite  de  42  fol. 
et  9  den’  et  1  molin’  de  16  folid’  et  8  den’  et  14  ac’  pti.  P.  80. 

- -  Edingtune  (Addington).  In  dnio  funt  2  car’  et  6  villi  cti  9 

bord’  hnt  1  car’  ibi  rnccta  et  2  molin’  de  11  folid’  et  2  den’  et  12 
ac’  pti.  Ibid.  p.  226. 

Mem»  In  the  Domefday  of  Kent  the  entries  are  almolt  conltantly  as 
above  cited,  i.  e.  after  recording  the  land  in  demefne,  the  number  of 
carucates  are  mentioned  which  were  held  by  the  villeins  and  borderers; 
then  follow  the  church  and  number  of  fervants,  and  the  mills  and 
filheries  (if  there  were  any)  and  the  quantity  of  pafture  land.  It  Ihould 
feem  from  this  arrangement  of  the  articles,  that  the  church  was  noticed 
becaufe  deemed  a  parcel  of  the  manor,  but  that  the  glebe  land  annexed 
to  the  church  was  too  inconfiderable  to  be  joined  with  the  carucates  in 
the  tenure  of  the  villeins  and  borderers,  as  will  appear  to  be  the  rule 
obferved  in  the  underwritten  counties. 

Worcefterlhire — Ripple — In  demefne  4  carucates,  and  2  priefts  having 
a  hide  and  half  with  2  car’  and  40  vill’  and  T.o  bordar’  with  36 
carucates.  Dr.  Nafh’s  Coll.  v.  I.  p.  294, 

Id  h  2 

Wo  reef- 

Mr.  Denne  on  the  words 

Worcefterfhire — Tetbury.  There  is  a  priefl  with  i  carucate  and  it  is 
worth  five  fhillings.  Ibid.  p.  417. 

— - - - Wolverley.  There  is  a  priefl  with  1  carucate,  and 

one  having  one  hide.  Ibid.  p.  47c. 

* — - - -  Doverdale.  In  demefne  were  2  carucates,  and  a 

church  and  a  priefl,  and  a  fmith,  and  4  villans,  and  4  bordars  with 
4  carucates.  P.  292. 

- - —  — -  Fladbury — The  bifhop  held  9  carucates  and  a  priefl 

having  half  a  hide,  23  vilT  and  17  bordars  with  19  carucates* * 

P.  445. 

- Hartkbury  —  24  vilP  and  3  bordars  and  a  priefl, 

among  them  all  they  have  (inter  omnes  habent)  21  carucates. 
P.  568. 

Northamptonfhire — Catefby.  In  demefne  were  2  carucates  and  2  fer- 
vants,  1  maiden,  17  villanes  with  a  priefl  and  4  cottagers  held  6 
carucates.  Brydges’s  Hiflory,  I.  p.  32. 

— - - -  Towcefler.  In  demefne  1  hide  and  3  carucates  and 

5  fervants,  3  maidens  .;  21  villanes  with  a  priefl  and  4  cottagers  had 

6  carucates.  Ibid.  p.  273. 

* - - -  Brington.  The  arable  land  was  2  carucates  in  the 

hands  of  6  focmen  and  a  priefl  who  held  half  a  hide  of  the  faid 
land.  Ibid.  p.  472. 

Dorfetfhire. — Bollo  pbr  lit  ascclam  de  Winfrode  cii  una  virg’  me  it  e 
dim’  car’  val’  x  fol’.  Hutchins’s  Hifl.  Domefd.  Tit.  xxm. 

— - - Bollo  pbr  mcclam  de  Pitretone  et  de  Calvedone  et  de  Flote; 

his  adjacent  1  hid’  et  dimid’  redd’  lvii  fol’  et  vi  denar’. 

Effex. — Sandone — ibi  Prefbyter  cum  34  vilP  hab’  xm  carucat’. 

-  Nafloke — ten’  unus  Prefbiter  dimid’  hidam — fed  liundredus  fert 

teflimonium  quod  eft  S.  Pauli,  Dugdale’s  St.  Paul’s,  Append, 
p.  1 9 1.  he. 

Norfolk — Briffingham — Ecclef.  xi  ac’  val’  11  fol’.  Blomefield’s  Hifl. 

v*  I*  P*  33* 

- - - Frenfe.  In  Norwich  Domefday  it  is  faid,  that  the  reflor 

-then  had  a  houfe  and  20  acres  of  land  not  taxed.  Ib.  p.  98. 


Ecclefia  d^Prefbyter  In  Domefday  Book.  237 

Norfolk — Dicclefbure  (Dickleburgh)  tenuit  Temper  fanctus  Edmundus 
pro  manerio,  et  duobus  carucatis  terrte — modo  tenent  duo  Prefbyteri 
de  Abbate  ecclef.  xxx  a.  v.  in  s. 

- - Herderfeta — 1  ecctia  de  lx  ac’  et  val’  5  fob  et  alia  ecclefia 

viii  ac’  val.  viii  d.  Ibid.  v.  III.  p.  15. 

—  - Thetford..  St.  Helen’s  was  a  parifli  church  in  the  time  of 

the  Confeffor,  and  at  the  making  of  Domefday  was  endowed  with 
a  carucate  or  plow  land — one  villan,  and  one  plow,  and  was  part  of 
the  hundred  of  Methwold.  Martin’s  Hifi.  p.  89. 

- Crefinegllm  (Great  Crefingham)  in  eccl'a  xx  ac’  v.  xx  d. 

P.  11. 

- - —  Suaffelda  (Swafield)  in  ead’  xxvm  ac’  ad  ecctiam. 

—  - Tornedis  (Thornage)  1  ecciia  xxxri  ac’  val’  xxxnd.  P.  9. 

Mem.  The  Domefday  furvey  for  YVorcefterfhire  and  Northampton- 
fhire  has  fometimes  noticed  the  number  of  acres  annexed  to  a  church,  as 
alfo  the  yearly  value  of  them ;  but  in  the  extracts  from  the  Norfolk  fur¬ 
vey  publifhed  in  the  appendix  to  Martin’s  Hificry  of  Thetford  thefe 
circumftances  are  feldom  omitted. 

Page  229. 

Dorfetfhire  —  Hinetone  Rex  ten’.  —  De  hac  ead’  terr’  tenuit  quidam 
pbr  1  hid’  in  Tainlande  et  poterat  ire  q’  volat  m°  e  in  dnio — De 
ipfa  ead’  terr’  ten’  ais  pbr  manens  in  Tarente  una  hida  et  val’  xxx 
fob  Hutchins’s  Hift.  Domefd.  K°xxvm. 

»■  -  -  Rainbaldus  pbr  ten’  de  Rege  Polcham.  Ipfe  tenuit  T.  E. 

R.  et  geldb’  pro  x  hid’  &c.  Walter  Diacon’  ten’  de  Rege  Cernel 
et  Bernard’  de  eo,  Goduin  lib’  no’  tenuit  et  geldebat  pro  in  hid’. 
N°  xxiin. 

. - -  Terre  Tainor’  Regis — Bello  pbr  ten’  Mapeldre.  Ipfe  te- 

nnit  cu  aliis  vn  libis  ho’  tenuit  T.  E.  R.  et  geldebat  pro  v  hid’  et¬ 
ui  v’  tras  val’  1111  t. 

Bollo  ten’  Cicherelle — Saulf  ten’  T.  E.  R.  et  geld’  pro  in  hid’  et 
dimid’  v’  trae  val’  lx  folid.  N°  lvi. 

Norfolk — Bruga  (Bridgeham)  huic  manerio  1.  acr’  1.  pbr  et  val’  11.  fob 
et  non  poterat  vendere  terram — Blomefield,  I.  0*295. 

North  amp»* 

t  c  j  iZi  t  -£ 

238  Mr.  Denke  on  the  words  Ecclefia  tfWPrefbyter, 

North  amptonfliire — Boughton.  Godwin  the  prieft  held  of  the  crown  one 
virgate  and  a  half  in  Burchetone,  and  had  there  half  a  virgate  valued 
at  v  {hillings.  Bridges’s  Hilt.  I.  p.  410. 

* - ~~ -  Northampton.  Augfgur  the  king’s  chaplain  had  one 

houfe  of  which  the  king  ought  to  have  the  foke.  Ibid.  p.  440. 
Godwin  the  prieft  had  one  houfe  rented  at  xn  d.  P.  441. 

- - Kings  Sutton.  Befides  lands  in  the  tenure  of  the 

crown,  Godwin  the  prieft  and  Uhvin  held  in  Sutton  of  the  king,  3 
virgates  &c.  Ib.  p.  178. 

Mem.  In  the  extracts  laft  cited  from  the  Domefday  of  Dorfetfhire 
it  appears  to  be  implied  that  it  was  not  in  their  clerical  capacity  that 
the  perfons  named  held  their  lands — becaufe  of  one  it  is  mentioned 
that  he  could  difpole  of  the  lands,  for  fo  I  have  feen  the  words  ire  e' 
quo  vellet  interpreted — of  another,  that  he  held  the  lands  jointly  with 
other  free  thanes — of  a  third,  that  a  free  man  held  the  lands  under 
him — and  alfo  from  its  being  noticed  of  mold  of  the  lands  that  they 
had  been  taxed  in  the  time  of  Edward  the  Confeffor. 

Kent. — Newetone  (Newington). 

Albertus  capellan’  ten’  de  Rege  Newetone.  Sidgar  tenuit  de  regina 
Eddid’ et  te.  et  mo’  fe  defd’  p.  vn  folins  et  dimid’.  Mr.  Hafted’s 
Ilift.  v.  II.  p.  549. 


[  239  ] 

XXIII.  Ob  format  ions  on  the  0  right  of  Printing .  By 
Ralph  Willett,  Efq.  F \  A .  R.  S .  In  a  Letter  to 
Owen  Salulbury  Brereton,  Efq . 

Read  May  26,  1785. 

Dear  Sir, 

THE  obfervations  which  you  defire  me  to  make  concern¬ 
ing  the  46  Speculum  Salutis”  in  my  pofiefiion,  will  be 
few,  unlefs  I  am  permitted  to  enter  a  little  more  largely  into  the 
fubjedt  of  early  printing. 

Few  fubjedts  in  literature  have  offered  more  difputants  than 
that  which  hath  endeavoured  to  afcertain  the  origin  of  printing; 
Harlem, .  Mentz,  and  Strafburg,  have  claimed  the  invention  ; 
the  two  firft  cities,  in  particular,  have  exercifed  the  pens  of 
many  learned  men.  The  difpute  is  hardly  fettled  yet;  but,  if  I 
may  be  allowed  to  throw  in  my  mite,  I  will  ftate,  as  (hortly  as 
poffible,  the  reafons  which  determine  my  opinion  in  favour  of 
Mentz.  I  muff  defire  your  indulgence  in  mentioning  fomething 
refpedting  the  origin  of  engraving  likewife  ;  a  fubjedt  involved 
in  as  much  obfcunty  as  that  of  printing. 

If  we  credit  Naude,  and  feveral  other  writers,  the  paper  ufed 
by  Fuff  hath  always  the  mark  of  a  heifer’s  head  or  horns:  if 
this  point  fhould  be  allowed  as  a  criterion  to  diffinguilh  his 
performances,  the  Speculum  muff  be  the  work  of  Fuff;  for 
that  mark  occurs  on  almoff  every  leaf  in  it ;  but  this  mark  may 
4  not 

240  Mr.  Willett’s  Observations  on  early  Printing. 

not  be  deemed  infallible,  when  I  come,  hereafter,  to  offer  home 
evidence  that  Teems  to  invalidate  it. 

In  the  Spieghel,  the  book  contended  for  by  Harlem,  and 
urged  by  Junius  in  lupport  or  .that  claim,  the  fame  prints  are 
made  ufe  of,  and-the  fame  Latin  titles  under  them  are  retained 
as  in  the  Latin  Speculum;  but  the  text  is  in  Flemifli  and  in 
profe,  whereas  in  the  other  it  is  in  verfe  and  in  Latin,  and  of  a 
piece  with  the  Latin  titles  under  the  prints. 

Mr.  Eofchede,  according  to  Heineken,  hath  difeovered,  by  a 
careful  inveftigation,  that  the  letters  ufed  in  the  Spieghel  are 
formed  with  moveable  metal  types,  and  the  ink- is  much  blacker 
than  that  in  the  Speculum.  Surely  thefe  are  indications  that  the 
Spieghel  is  a  later  work,  utilefs  we  could  luppofe  that  the  move- 
able  metal  types  preceded  tlio'fe  on  wooden  blocks. 

A  prefumption  may  be  offered,  which,  though  a- negative  one, 
hath  fome  weight.  No  other  edition  by  Coffer,  or  any  printer 
in  Harlem,  is  known  before  the  year  1500,  except  one  in  1485, 

de  proprietatibus  rerum,  libri  18  whereas  we  have  many, 
in -a  regular  fucceffion,  by  Full. 

Can  it  be  fuppofed  that  a  difeovery  of  fo  much  importance 
would  not  have  been  profecuted  by  Cofter,  and  others,  at  Har¬ 
lem,  if  the  art  had  taken  its  rife  in  that  city? 

Another  prefumption  may  be  offered  in  favour  of  the  German 
claim,  by  obfervitig  that  all  the  fir  ft  printers  in  the  various  parts 
of  Europe  were  Germans  ;  and  that  the  art  feems  to  have  been 
difperfed  every  where  by  them,  not  a  (ingle  Flemifh  artiffc  ap¬ 
pearing  to  have  praftifed  it  in  any  place  much  before  the  year 

Hiflory  alfo  informs  us,  that  Charles  the  Seventh,  king  of 
France,  fo  early  as  the  year  1458,  directed  the  officers  of  his 
mint  to  recommend  a  proper  perfon  to  him  who  might  be  fent 
privately  to  Mentz,  to  enquire  into  an  art  that  then  made  fo 
5  much 

Mr.  Willett’s  Obfervations  on  early  Printing.  24.1 

much  noife,  and  was  praCtifed  by  Guttenberg  in  that  city,  with 
a  view  to  learn  it,  if  poflible,  and  introduce  it  into  France  : 
Jenfon  was  the  perfon  fo  recommended  and  employed.  Is  it 
likely  that  Jenfon  Ihould  be  lent  to  Mentz ,  and  not  to  Harlem , 
in  that  early  period,  if  the  German  claim  had  not  been  incon- 
teflibly  allowed  ? 

As  you  hill  feem  to  doubt  it,  I  am  in  hopes  to  reconcile  you 
to  the  account  that  Du  Bure  gives  of  the  early  Bible  mentioned 
by  him,  when  you  have  confidered  the  new  evidence  that  I  have 
to  offer  about  it:  in  the  farft  place,  it  fhould  be  obferved,  that 
the  early  writers  on  this  fubjeCt  always  refer  to  an  edition  of 
the  Bible  prior  to  that  in  1462,  and  place  it  between  1450  and 


Although  this  edition  had  been  commonly  fuppofed  to  exilt, 
no  difeovery  had  been  made  of  any  copy  of  it  until  one  was 
found  in  the  Mazarine  library  ;  fince  which,  the  fame  gentle¬ 
man,  Mr.  De  Bure,  hath  mentioned  another  in  the  Duke  de 
Valiere’s  fale. 

An  authority  fuperior  to  that  of  De  Bure  hath  added  great 
weight  to  thefe  two  copies;  for  that  mod  accurate  of  all  writers 
on  thefe  matters,  Mr.  Heineken,  hath  informed  us,  that  there  is 
another  copy  in  the  library  of  the  academy  at  Leipfck;  and  he 
places  this  edition  between  1450  and  1452. 

The  ancient  writers,  in  fpeaking  of  this  Bible,  fay  exprefsly 
of  the  characters,  that  they  are  feriptura  grandiori :  now,  thefe 
copies  agree  in  this  article,  for  De  Bure,  who  examined  the  two 
mentioned  by  him,  fays,  that  the  characters  are  of  a  fize  be¬ 
tween  thole  ufed  for  the  Speculum,  and  th'ofe  for  the  Pfalter ; 
which  cannot  be  faid  of  thofe  ufed  for  the  Bible  in  J  462. 

In  the  Bible  of  1462  there  is  a  Colophon  that  clearly  ex¬ 
plains  the  manner  in  which  the  work  had  been  performed :  this 
would  defeat  the  intention  of  Fuff  to  praCtife  the  cheat  aferibed 
Vol.  VIII.  I  i  to 

242  Mr,  W illett’s  ObfervaUons  on  early  Printing- 

to  him  of  felling  it  for  a  manufcript  ;  befides,  there  were  many 
other  books  printed  by  Full'  and  others,  with  Colophons  of  the 
lame  import,  feveral  years  before  1466,  when  you  and  others- 
fuppofe  he  travelled  into  France  on  that  errand,  with  the  Bible 
of  1462. 

Full  mull  have  died  very  foon  after  the  period  you  affign  for 
this  journey  ;  for  no  edition  by  him  is  known  later  than  that 
very  year,  1466.  Tully’s  Offices  is  the  lad:  we  know  of  printed 
by  him.  Schoeffer,  in  the  year  following,  1 467,  printed  Thomas 
Aquinas  Secunda  Secundae;  and  in  1468  Juris  Imper.  Juftiniani,, 
tiling  his  own  name  only  to  both  the  editions,  without  joining 
that  of  Full  as  he  ufed  to  do.  It  hath,  indeed,  been  generally 
fuppofed  that  he  died  about  this  time;  and  in  1471  Schoeffer 
gave  a  book  to  a  monaftery,  in  order  to  obtain  the  prayers  of  it 
for  the  foul  of  Fuft. 

If  we  allow  the  account,  that  Charles  the  Seventh  fent  Jenfon 
fo  early  as  1458  to  Mentz,  how  could  Full  have  pratftifed  the 
fraud,  aferibed  to  him,  of  felling  the  Bible  for  a  manufcript  fo 
Jong  after  as  1466  in  the  fame  kingdom?  I  therefore  fubmit  to 
your  candid  review  of  this  matter,  whether  it  is  not  more  natu¬ 
ral  to  fuppofe,  that  Fuff  carried  an  earlier  edition  of  the  Bible 
than  that  of  1462  into  France,  and  pra&ifed  the  fraud  aferibed 
to  him  at  a  period  when  the  art  was  unknown,  viz.  between. 
1450  and  1455,  father  than  to  fix  this  journey  into  France 
with  the  Bible  of  1462  at  fo  late  a  period  as  1466,  when  fo 
many  books  by  Fuft  and  others  had  proclaimed  the  art  to  the 
world,  and  made  the  fraud  impracticable. 

Befides,  the  art  was  probably  no  longer  a  fecret  fo  early  as 
1455,  at  leaft  at  Mentz;  for  the  deed,  by  which  Guttenberg  was 
compelled  by  law  to  pay  Fuft  fo  much  money,  as  obliged  the 
former  to  fly  from  Mentz,  bears  date  in  1455  ;  this  adjudication 


Mr,  Willett's  Obfervatiom  on  early  Printing,  243 

Lath  been  always  fuppofed  to  have  been  obtained  on  account  of 
the  expences  incurred  by  printing  this  full  Bible. 

Inveffigation  will  probably  produce  new  lights  in  thofe  mat¬ 
ters,  and  remove  difficulties  that  puzzle  us  now.  It  is  one  va¬ 
luable  ftep  to  knowledge  when  we  are  able  to  refute  errors. 
Ramus  and  others,  for  a  long  time,  fuppofed  that  Tully’s  Offices 
in  1465,  was  the  firff  printed  book  ;  and  Malenkrot,  long  after, 
averted  the  fame  thing  of  Durand’s  Rationale,  in  1459.  We  now 
know  of  two  earlier  books  ;  for,  befides  the  Codex  Pfalinorura 
in  1457,  Mr.  Heineken  hath  given  us  lately  a  moll  valuable  in¬ 
formation  in  this  enquiry  ;  for  he  tells  us,  in  his  curious  book, 
Idee  d’une  collection  d’Eftampes,  p.  261,  that  Mr.  Schelthorn, 
of  Memmingen,  had  difeovered  fome  letters  of  indulgence  from 
Pope  Nicholas  the  Fifth,  printed,  and  that  with  a  date,  fo  early 
as  1454  by  Full  and  Schaeffer. 

But,  if  we  cannot  decide  poiitively  in  favour  of  Fuff,  there 
feems  to  be  little  doubt  that  the  moft  valuable  part  of  the  art, 
and  the  greateft  improvement  in  it,  is  German  ;  for  it  is  gene¬ 
rally  allowed  that  the  invention  of  the  moveable  metal  types  is 
due  to  Schoeffer. 

The  only  real  rival  to  Fuff  is  Guttenberg.  It  had  always 
been  faid,  that  he  worked  with  Fuff  in  the  very  beginning  of  the 
art;  but  it  hath  not  appeared,  till  lately,  that  he  affiffed  him 
with  any  thing  but  his  purfe.  A  book  now  in  lord  Pembroke’s 
library  hath  put  it  out  of  doubt,  that  he  printed  on  the  ffrength 
of  his  own  abilities,  and  independent  of  any  affiftance  from  Fuff. 
The  book  is,  the  Dialogues  of  St.  Gregory,  in  Latin,;  Praffens 
dioc  opus  factum  eff  per  Joann.  Guttenberg,  apud  Argentinum, 
anno  millefimo  cccclviii.  This  book  is  therefore  prior  to  any 
by  Fuff,  except  the  Pfalter  in  1457,  an<^  t^ie  Letters  of  Indul¬ 
gence,  lately  difeovered,  in  1454.  Will  you  allow  me  to  fay, 
/that  I  think  you  treat  too  harfhly  the  Greek  characters  ufed  by 

J i  2  Fuff 

244  Mr.  Willett’s  Qbfervatiom  on  early  Printing . 

Full:  in  his  Titlly’s  Offices?  They  are  certainly  very  barbarous; 
but  fo  are  the  very  early  ones  ufed  for  the  Latin.  If  they  did 
not  fi rfh  ffiow  the  practicability  of  printing  in  that  character, 
they  are,  at  lead,  coeval  with  thofe  we  find  in  the  LaClantius  of 
the  fame  year  printed  in  Italy. 

We  ffiould  not  be  furprized,  that  fuch  miftakes  and  fo  much 
uncertainty  fliould  occur  in  treating  this  queftion  at  fuch  a  re¬ 
mote  period  from  the  invention  of  printing,  when  we  find  the 
great  Harry  Stevens,  who  lived  and  flouriffied  fo  near  the  period 
of  it,  guilty  of  fuch  a  grofs  one,  as  that  of  afcribing  the  inven¬ 
tion  of  the  Greek  type  to  Aldus,  whofe  firft  book  in  that  cha- 
racier,  as  he  hitnfelf  allows,  was  printed  only  in  1494. 

Belides  the  titles  to  the  paradoxes  in  Tully’s  Offices  in  1465, 
the  LaClantius,  printed  in  the  monaflery  of  Subiaco  1465  like- 
wife,  hath  the  Greek  characters  in  the  quotations  beautifully 
printed;  the  Aulus  Gellius,  printed  in  1469  by  Sweynheim  and 
Pannartz  at  Rome,  the  Greek  characters  in  which  are  very 
beautiful ;  we  have  an  intire  book,  the  Greek  Grammar  by 
Lafcaris  in  1476  at  Milan  ;  a  Greek  Pfalter  printed  at  Venice 
in  i486,  by  Alexander  of  Crete,  the  Batrachomyomachia  of 
Homer,  at  Venice,  in  the  fame  year,  by  Laonicus  of  Crete;  the 
very  great  and  entire  work  of  Homer  at  Florence  in  1488  ; 
liberates  at  Milan  in  1493  ;  are  all  of  them  fufficient  confuta¬ 
tions  of  this  bold  aflertion. 

But,  to  return  to  the  Speculum,  as  far  as  it  illuflrates  the  ori¬ 
gin  of  engraving;  it  is  generally  allowed  that  it  was  printed 
about  the  year  1445  5  there  are  many  prints  in  it,  which,  though 
very  rude,  carry  back  the  invention  fifteen  years  earlier  than  the 
fuppofed  invention  by  Mafo  Finiguerra  at  Florence  ;  perhaps 
thofe  in  the  Ars  Moriendi  are  hill  earlier., 

If  I  may  be  permitted  to  purfue  this  fubjeCt  a  little  further,  in 
Support  of  the  German  claim  to  the  priority  in  the  art  of  en¬ 

Mr.  Willett’s  Obfervations  on  early  Printing.  24.5 

graving,  I  would  obferve,  that  our  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Rogers, 
liath  a  print  in  his  valuable  collection,  with  a  date  fo  early  as? 
1465.  I  have  two  others  myfelf,  the  one  with  a  date  of  1466, 
the  other  1468.  Thele  three  prints,  without  the  name  of  any 
matter,  though  evidently  of  German  work,  are  engraved  in  fuch 
a  mafterly  manner,  as  plainly  to  prove  that  the  art  had,  at  that 
time,  made  a  confiderable  progrefs ;  and  the  aera  of  them  may* 
fafely  be  fixed  at  a  confiderahle  diftance  from  the  invention  of 
it;  they  are  certainly  earlier  than. any  by  Martin  Schoen,  or  the 
two  Ifraeis  of  Machenem 


It  may  be  obferved  further,  in  confutation  of  the  Italian  claim, 
that  the  fir  ft  maps,  engraved  in  that  or  any  other  country,  w*ere 
done  by  a  German ,*  I  mean  Ptolomey's  Colmography,  printed 
at  Rome  in  1478,  by  Buckinck,  to  which  are  added  twenty - 
feven  maps,  neatly  engraved.  In  the  dedication  to  Pope  Sextus, 
the  Fourth,  he  fays,  that  the  attempt  to  print  this  book  had  been 
firft  made  by  Sweynheim,  and  that  he  had  been  three  years* 
in  trying  to  accomplifh  it,  but  died  before  he  could  effeCt  it* 
Sweynheim  died  in  1473;  fo  this,  attempt  muft  have  com¬ 
menced  in  1470  (not,  as  Heineken  lays,  .by  miftake,  in  1472)^ 
Buckinck  refumed  and  fhiifhed  it  in  1478.,  Sweynheim  and 
Buckinck  rvere  both  of  them  Germans.  Now,  if  Mafo  Fini- 
guerra  had  invented  the  art  of  engraving  fo  early  as  1460,  and, 
Pollaoilolo  had  pra&ifed  it  commonly  fo  foon  afterwards  in* 
Italy,  neither  Sweynheim  or  Buckinck  could  have  experienced 
fo  much  difficulty  in  perfecting  the  plates  as  they  complain  of  *- 
for  the  application  of  the  art  from  engraving  of  historical  fub- 
jeCts,  to  that  of  engraving  maps  was  obvious ;  or,  at  lead,  would 
have  leffened  many  of  the  difficulties  that  occurred  to  Sweyn-, 
heim  and  Buckinck  on  that,,  occafion. 

1  am  very  forry,  in  a  letter  intended  to  throw  light  on  the 
fubjeCt,  to  mention  a  remark  that  feems  to  introduce  doubt  oil 


.2246  Mr.  Willett’s  Obfervatiom  on  early  Printing . 

the  moft  eftablifhed  points  of  it;  no  one  point  is  more  generally 
allowed,  than  that  the  mark  of  the  Heifer’s  head,  afcribed  to 
the  paper  of  Fuff,  evidently  afcertained  his  performances  ;  per¬ 
haps  this  conclufion  may  not  be  thought  fo  certain,  when  I 
mention  a  manufcript  obfervation  of  the  late  Mr.  Mariette. 

In  a  valuable  collection  of  old  prints  that  I  bought  at  his  fale, 
he  fays,  that  he  had  obferved  the  fame  mark  on  the  paper  ufed 
for  many  of  the  early  prints.  It  is  with  regret  that  I  muft  con¬ 
firm  his  teftimony  ;  I  have  carefully  examined  not  only  thofe 
bought  at  his  fale,  but  many  others  belonging  to  me  before  I 
made  that  purchafe  ;  the  refult  is,  that  the  fame  mark  occurs  in 
very  many  of  them  by  M.  Schoen  and  the  two  Ifraels.  Mr« 
Ames  hath  alfo  obferved  the  fame  mark,  the  Heifer’s  head  and 
horns,  on  the  paper  of  a  book  printed  at  St.  Albans  fo  late  as 
1481,  and  now  in  the  library  of  the  Middle  Temple  ;  the  book 
is  in  Latin,  and  confifts  of  eighty  pages,  on  moral  fubjeCts. 
i  Clement  alfo  mentions  a  J uflin  printed  at  Venice  in  1479*  with 
the  fame  mark  on  the  paper. 

I  wifh  the  public  may  be  fatisfied  with  the  reafon  Mariette 
gives  to  preferve  the  authority  commonly  given  to  this  mark, 
viz.  that  this  paper  was  all  manufactured  by  Fuff,  who,  belides 
tiling  it  himfelf,  he  fuppofes  to  have  fupplied  other  artifls  with 
it ;  this  I  think  would  rather  weaken  the  authority  he  meant 
to  preferve. 

Mr.  Mariette  hath  alfo  fuppofed,  that  the  old  prints,  marked 
Francis  Van  Bockh.olt,  are  much  earlier  than  any  by  Martin 
Schoen  and  the  two  Ifraels,  and  even  that  this  Maher  may  be  the 
very  firft  engraver.  I  cannot  agree  with  his  opinion,  though  not 
for  the  reafon  that  Heineken  gives,  viz.  the  letters  being  Italic  and 
not  Gothic,  as  ufed  by  Schoen  and  the  two  Ifraels ;  and  roundly 
affirms  that  thofe  characters  (which  he  fhould  have  called  the 
Roman),  were  not  employed  in  Germany  in  the  fifteenth  cen¬ 
tury  ; 


Mr,  Willett’s  Obfervatiom  on  early  Printing,  247 

fury;  whereas  Albert  Durer  evidently  employed  them  in  his 
earliefl  prints.  But  I  ground  my  opinion  on  another  reafon,  I 
think  of  more  weight,  the  fuperior  ttile  of  engraving  obfervable 
in  thofe  of  Bockholt’s;  unlefs  we  could  fuppofe  that  the  art, 
inftead  of  advancing,  declined  in  the  hands  of  Schoen  and  the. 
Kraels.  Bockholt,  howrever,  had  certainly  great  merit,  and 
though  not  the  matter,  might  be  the  fcholar  of  Martin  Schoen. 

Allow  me  to  mention  a  curious  obfervation  that  I  had  entered 
in  my  notes  concerning  the  city  of  Vienna.  Mr.  Heineken  hath 
been  very  particular  in  his  account  of  the  Pfalter  of  1457  kept 
in  the  Imperial  library  ;  we  both  agree  that  the  initial  letters  are 
evidently  engraved,  and  that  fo  beautifully  performed,  as  to  jus¬ 
tify  an  opinion,  that  the  art  had  already  made  a  conttderable  pro- 
grefs.  This  carries  back  the  invention  eight  years  earlier  than 
the  print  of  our  friend,  Mr.  Rogers,  and  three  years  earlier  than 
the  fuppofed  invention  at  Florence.  Vide  Mr.  Heineken’s  book, 
in  which  the  letter  B  is  exactly  copied;  it  is  adorned  with  fo¬ 
liage,  flowers,  and  two  animals,  a  dog  and  a  bird,  evidently 

Will  you  permit  me  to  correft  a  miflake  of  our  worthy  friend, 
Mr.  Rogers,  wdio  calls  the  Speculum,  Le  Bible  des  pauvres? 
That  fecondary  title  belongs  to  the  Hiftoria  Veteris  et  Novi  Tef- 

It  may  not  be  worth  mentioning,  that  I  have  alfo  a  very  fine 
copy  of  the  Catholicon  ;  but  it  certainly  deferves  notice  in  fay¬ 
ing,  that  another  fine  book  by  Fuft,  in  1460,  hath  lately  made  its 
appearance  in  the  Duke  de  Valiere’s  fale.  It  is  printed  by  him  in 
the  fame  year  with  the  Catholicon ;  the  title  is  Conftitutiones 
dementis  Papas  V.  The  Catholicon  is  a  great  work;  and  in  ex¬ 
hibiting  this  new  proof  of  his  induftry,  we  carry  on  the  feries 
of  his  publications,  and  evince  his  indefatigable  application  to 


248  ilfr.  Willett’s  Obf creations  on  early  Printing. 

ills  art ;  two  fuch  books,  in  one  year,  would  credit  the  bed:  printer 
in  modern  times. 

It  is  unpleafant,  and  I  am  afraid  invidious,  to  notice  the  errors 
of  other  writers  on  this  fubject  :  but,  in  a  matter  that  afife&s  not 
only  the  reputation  of  Caxton,  but  that  of  Englifh  engraving,  I 
hope,  I  may  he  allowed  to  correct  a  mi  flake  in  a  writer  who  very 
•rarely  commits  any,  I  mean  Mr.  Walpole  ;  efpecially  as  he  hath 
^raided  Heineken,  and  by  that  means  propagated  the  error  among 
foreigners.  As  Mr.  Aftle’s  curious  book  will  be  as  well  known 
on  the  Continent,  as  it  is  defervedly  in  England,  it  may  be  the 
-means  of  correcting  it  there  by  obferving  it  here.  Mr.  Walpole, 
-and,  from  him,  Heineken  fays,  that  the  firft  book  printed  in  Eng- 
-lan.d,  in  which  any  prints  occur,  is  the  Golden  Legend,  by  Caxton 
in  1483.  Now,  I  have  two  books  of  Caxton’s  myfelf,  that  evince 
an  earlier  date  to  the  art  of  engraving  in  England,  namely,  the 
Game  of  Chefs,  and  the  Mirrour  of  the  World. 

The  latter  is  printed  in  1480;  it  is  not  fo  eafy  to  afcertain 
the  date  of  the  former;  but,  if  we  allow  that  the  firft  edition 
was  printed  in  1474,  Caxton  fays,  in  his  preface  to  this  fecond 
•edition,  in  which  we  find  the  prints,  that  he  was  induced  to  re¬ 
print  it  by  the  immediate  and  rapid  fale  of  the  firft  edition  :  this 
.  fecon.d  edition  may  therefore  be  ftill  earlier  than  the  Mirrour  of 
the  World ;  however,  both  thefe  books  contain  a  great  many 
prints  from  wooden  blocks. 

It  may  not  be  amifs  to  remark,  on  this  occafion,  an  error  of 
Mr.  Palmer’s  about  this  fecond  edition,  as  it  will  furnifh  a  ufe- 
ful  caution  in  afcertaining  of  dates.  Mifled  by  a  cypher  of 
Caxton’s  name,  in  which  the  date  of  74  occurs,  and  which  he 
..found  annexed  to  a  copy  of  this  fecond  edition  in  lord  Pem¬ 
broke’s  library,  he  falfely  calls  it  the  firft  edition,  although 
Caxton  himfelf,  in  his  preface  to  this  very  edition,  gives  the  ac¬ 
count  aboveraentroned  ;  the  date  and  cypher  are  however  curi¬ 

Mr,  Willett’s  Obfervations  on  early  Printing,  249 

ous,  as  it  may,  perhaps,  eftabiifh  a  date  to  the  firfh  edition,  to 
which  it  may  have  belonged,  or  to  fome  other  book  of  Caxton’s 
earlier  than  the  “  DyCtes  and  Sayings  of  the  Philofophers”  hi 
1477,  which  hath  commonly  been  thought  to  be  his  firft  book 
with  a  date,  printed  in  England. 

We  fhould  not,  therefore,  be  too  hafly  in  deciding  on  fuch 
uncertain  authorities.  In  my  own  copy  of  the  “  Mirrour  of  the 
World,”  the  fame  miftake  hath  happened;  for,  at  the  end  of  the 
book,  but  on  a  leaf  detached  from  the  text,  the  fame  cypher 
with  the  date  of  74  is  introduced,  although  Caxton  fays  ex- 
prefsly,  in  his  preface  to  it,  that  he  printed  it  in  1480. 

Ignorance,  and  fometimes  defign,  may  transfer  thefe  marks 
from  one  book  to  another,  as  they  are  almofl  always  on  a  de¬ 
tached  leaf,  and  are  to  be  found  in  feveral  editions  of  Caxton’s 

If  this  cypher  fhould  be  confidered  only  as  a  vignette  of 
Caxton’s,  it  will  at  leaf!  furnifh  a  reafonable  proof,  that  he  refers 
his  own  pradlifing  the  art  to  that  year,  and  that  he  conftantly 
fupported  that  claim,  by  uling  this  vignette  to  feveral  of  his  pub¬ 
lications  afterwards. 

It  may  not  be  amifs  to  take  a  view  of  the  publications  by 
Full  as  far  as  we  are  acquainted  with  them;  they  are  more 
numerous  than  it  is  generally  fuppofed  ;  and  if  not  of  weight 
enough  to  overthrow  the  Harlem  pretenfion,  are  fufficient  to 
fhow  this  great  man’s  induftry,  and  that  the  art  did  not  fleep 
in  his  hands,  as  it  muft  have  done  in  Coffer’s,  and  the  other 
claimants  from  Harlem;  who,  except  that  one  book  in  1485, 
have  given  us  nothing,  at  leaf!  that  hath  reached  us,  until  the 
year  1500.  In  the  lift  of  thefe  publications  by  Fu ft,  I  Ihall 
mention  a  Bible  in  the  German  language,  now  in  my  pofleffion, 
printed  in  the  year  1462.  There  is  another  German  Bible,  with¬ 
out  a  date,  but  probably  by  Fuft,  as  the  characters  are  exactly 
Vol.  VIII.  K  k  like 

250  Mr.  Willett’s  Obfervations  on  early  Printing . 

like  thofe  in  mine.  This  latter  belongs  to  the  King,  and  may  be 
a  little  later  than  mine,  as  it  hath  an  index,  which  mine  wants, 
and  never  could  have  had.  I  therefore  imagine  it  may  be  about 
three  years  later  than  mine.  I  do  not  mention  the  books  printed 
on  wooden  blocks,  though  probably  fome  of  them,  the  Latin 

Speculum  at  leaf!:,  were  done  by  Full:. 

The  lift  is  as  followeth : 

The  Bible,  about  the  year  *45° 

Letters  of  Indulgence  from  Pope  Nicholas  the  Fifth  1454 

Pfalmorum  Codex  14 57 

Durand’s  Rationale  Divin.  Officiorum  1459 

Pfalmorum  Codex  1459 

Catholicon  1460 

Conftitutiones  Clementis  V.  1460 

The  Latin  Bible  1462 

The  German  Bible  1462 

Another  edition  of  the  German  Bible,  probably  about  1465 
Tully’s  Offices  •  1465 

Liber  fextus  Decretalium  Bonifacii  VIII.  1465 

Tully’s  Offices  (if  not  the  fame  as  that  of  1465)  14 66 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  moft  obedient  fervant, 


XXIV.  Jbt 

[  *5*  3 

XXIV.  An  Account  of  the  Caves  of  Cannara,  Ambola, 
and  Elephants,  in  the  Eaft  Indies ;  in  a  Letter  from 
Hector  Macneil,  Efq .  then  at  Bombay,  to  a  Friend 
in  England,  dated  1783.  Communicated  by  the  Rev . 
Mr.  Gregory,  F.A.  S. 

Read  June  29,  1786. 

HE  caves  of  Salfet  and  Elephanta  have  of  late  attracted 

JL  the  notice  of  the  virtuofi  at  this  place,  and  are  now  the 
general  topic  of  converfation. 

As  nothing  has  hitherto  appeared  on  this  fubjed,  except  a 
fhort  and  imperfect  defcription  of  the  cave  at  Elephanta,  I  lhall 
attempt  to  give  you  fome  idea  of  what  filled  me  with  aflonifh- 
ment  during  a  late  excurfion  to  Salfet,  undertaken  chiefly  with  a 
defign  to  explore  thofe  ancient  monuments  of  genius  and  fuper- 

The  ifland  of  Salfet  lies  in  the  fame  latitude  with  Bombay, 
and  is  feparated  from  it  only  by  a  narrow  arm  of  the  fea  at  the 
N.  W.  extremity  of  the  ifland.  It  is  confiderably  larger  than 
Bombay,  and  excells  it  as  much  in  beauty  as  it  does  in  all  kinds 
of  animal  and  vegetable  produdions,  which  are  found  here  in 
great  abundance  and  perfedion.  The  principal  town  is  Tar- 
inah,  at  which  place  the  ifland  may  be  laid  to  join  the  Conti¬ 
nent,  being  feparated  only  by  a  fmall  inlet  of  the  fea,  which  at 
low  water  admits  of  your  palling  over  on  foot  without  any  in- 

Kk  2 



252  Mr.  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

convenience.  Tarmah  formerly  belonged  to  the  Portuguefe,  who- 
built  the  prefent  fort,,  a  place  of  confiderahJe  drength,  and  lately 
in  the  hands  of  the  Mahrattas,  from  whom  vve  took  it  at  the 
commencement  of  the  war  with  that  nation,  but  not  without 
fome  lofs,  as  four  hundred  grenadiers  were  killed  in  the  attack 
before  it  capitulated. 

Accompanied  by  fome  gentlemen  of  the  place,  I  fet  out  from 
Ta  rmah  early  in  the  morning  for  the  caves  of  Cannara  ;  a  fpot 
as  lingular  for  the  produdlion  of  art,  as  for  the  lonely  romantic 
fcenes  of  nature  that  furround  it.  To  this  place,  which  is  at 
the  N.  W.  part  of  the  ifland,  the  governor  and  mod  of  the 
gentlemen  of  Bombay  go  annually,  on  a  party  of  pleafure,  to 
hunt  the  wild  boar,  and  royal  tiger,  both  of  which  are  found 
here  in  great  plenty,  the  woods  and  thick  jungles  [rz]  affording 
excellent  fhelter  for  beads  of  prey.  For  near  three  miles  round 
the  caves,  the  country,  from  its  not  having  hitherto  been  cleared, 
is  a  continued  wildernefs,  beautifully  diverlified  with  hill  and 
dale,  rocks  and  murmuring  rills.  The  variety  likewife  of  tree 
and  Ihrub  is  peculiarly  {hiking,  and  furnilhes  a  noble  fource  of 
entertainment  to  the  lover  of  nature.  The  mango-tree,,  one  of 
the  richell  and  moft  grateful  in  India,  grows  here  in  fuch  plenty, 
that  you  meet  with  it  every  twenty  or  thirty  yards.  The  fo¬ 
liage  of  this  tree  is  thick  and  umbrageous,  and  of  the  deeped 
green,  and  when  the  fruit,  which  is  of  the  fined  golden  colour,, 
is  in  feafon,  you  may  eafily  conceive  what  a  charming  objedl  is 
prefented  to  the  eye  in  a  country  where  the  heat  renders  fruits^ 
and  lhade  fo  delirable,.  In  our  journey  on  foot  (for  the  narrow- 
nefs  and  ruggednefs  of  the  road  obliged  us  to  leave  our  Palan¬ 
quins  above  two  miles  from  the  caves)  I  had  an  opportunity 
for  an  inftant  of  feeing  and  hearing  the  Mangoe-bird,  fo  remark¬ 
able  for  the  vivid  tints  of  its  plumage,  particularly  that  which 

[a]  A  kind  of  fmall  Bamboo. 

refembles  - 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephantav 

refembles  the  colour  of  the  fruit,  from  which  it  takes  its  name*. 
The  notes  of  this  beautiful  bird,  though  Ample,  were  plaintive 
and  melodious*  One  of  the  gentlemen,  with  the  true  fpirit  of  a 
fportfman,  foon  put  an  end  to  my  pleaiure  by  firing  at  it,  but 
without  efiefl ;  a  clrcumftance  I  could  not  but  regret,  as  we 
never  afterwards  had  an  opportunity  of  feeing  another.  Pro¬ 
ceeding  up  a  gentle,  though  rugged  afcent,  we  about  noon  ar¬ 
rived  at  the  caves,  or  in  other  words,,  at  the  bale  of  a  fieep  hill, 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  circumference,  compofed.  of  a  folicl 
rnafs  of  rock,  out  of  which  all  the  caves  are  formed.  From  the 
bafe  to  the  top  of  this  rock  cannot  be  lefs  than  one  hundred 
yards  perpendicular  height ;  you  afcend  a  confiderable  part  of 
the  way  by  different  flights  of  fieps  cut  out  of  the  rock,  which 
like  wife  lead  to  a  variety  of  caves,  that  like  fo  many  fiories  and 
rooms  of  a  large  houfe  occupy  the  different  parts  of  the  moun¬ 
tain,  till  you  arrive  at  the  fummit,  which  commands  a  charm¬ 
ing  profpedt  of  the  adjacent  country. 

On  my  firft  approach  to  this  Angular  and  afionifhing  fcene,  I 
was  filled  with  new  wonder  at  every  flep ;  palaces, flatues,  giants, 
monflers,  and  deities  feemed  as  if  darting  from  the  bowels  of  the 
earth  to  open  day.  From  the  appellation  of  cave ,  I  was  previ- 
oufly  led  to  conceive  that  I  fhould  be  obliged  to  explore  my  way 
through  dark  and  fubterraneous  paflages  cut  in  the  rock ;  judge 
then  my  furprife  when,  inftead  of  thefe,  I  found  myfelf  in  & 
kind  of  fireet,  where,  on  one  hand,  a  range  of  lofty  domes  orna¬ 
mented  with  porticos,  pillars,  arches,  and  human  figures  burfl: 
upon  the  eye  at  one  view,  and  prefented  a  fcene  more  like  en¬ 
chantment  than  reality..  It  would  be  an  endlefs  talk  to  me,  and 
I  am  afraid  a  tirefome  one  to  you,  were  I  to  defcribe  the  dif¬ 
ferent  caves  through  which  we  pafled,  and  which  almofl:  en¬ 
tirely  furround  the  mountain.  I  fhall  therefore  confine  my- 
fclf  to  a  defcription  of  the  grand  cave  or  temple,  which  indeed! 


254  Mr.  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

furpafles  all  the  others,  as  much  in  extent  as  in  beauty  and 

The  entrance  to  this  wonderful  excavation  is  by  two  princely 
gateways,  highly  ornamented  with  a  variety  of  figures  now  al- 
moft  quite  effaced  by  the  hand  of  time.  The  firft  of  thefe  leads 
to  an  open  court,  of  about  twenty  feet  fquare,  with  two  pillars, 
on  which  are  reprefented,  in  baffo  relievo,  a  lion  and  a  tiger. 
To  the  right  are  two  urns,  executed  in  a  very  neat  manner,  and 
perfe&ly  frefh.  At  the  oppofite  end  of  this  court  is  an  apart¬ 
ment  cut  out  of  the  rock,  in  which  are  five  human  figures  in 
alto  relievo,  two  of  which  are  much  larger  than  the  life,  with  a 
number  of  frnall  figures,  like  angels,  hovering  over  them  ;  a  va¬ 
riety  of  other  figures,  in  the  attitude  of  devotion,  furround  the 
pedeffal  on  which  the  two  large  ones  already  mentioned  ftand. 
The  other  gate  leads  to  what  in  this  country  is  called  a  veranda 
or  feranda,  which  is  a  kind  of  piazza,  or  landing  place,  before 
you  enter  the  hall  or  inner  apartments.  This  generally  fur- 
rounds  the  whole  houfe  ;  and,  from  its  being  open  at  the  fides, 
affords  the  cooleff,  and  confequently  the  moft  pleafant  place  to 
lit  or  to  walk  in  during  the  heats  of  the  day.  Thefe  verandas 
are  both  above  and  below,  according  to  the  conftrudtion  of  the 
houfe.  The  one  we  have  juft  now  mentioned  extended  no  far¬ 
ther  than  the  breadth  of  the  cave,  or  great  hall,  and  might  be 
about  twenty-eight  feet  in  length,  and  fifteen  in  breadth.  You 
enter  it  by  two  pillars  ornamented  with  a  vaft  number  of  female 
figures  nearly  effaced.  Two  large  windows  perforate  the  outer 
wall  of  this  veranda,  which,  with  the  entrance,  give  light  and 
chearfulnefs  to  the  whole.  At  each  end,  in  a  kind  of  nich, 
{land  two  immenfe  male  figures  in  alto  relievo,  nearly  of  the 
fame  dimenfions,  and  in  fimilar  attitudes  and  drefs.  The  height 
of  thefe  gigantic  ftatues,  as  nearly  as  I  could  judge  by  the  mea- 
iurement  of  a  long  pole,  was  about  twenty-two  or  twenty-three 

Can  tiara,  Ambola,  and  Elephant  a,  2  5  5- 

feet,  and  (except  the  Shoulders  which  appeared  to  me  rather  too 
broad)  the  whole  figure  is  very  well  proportioned.  The  little 
finger  meafiired  exa&ly  fifteen  inches ;  the  length  of  the  foot 
from  the  heel  thirty-five  inches,  the  extended  hand  from  the 
wrift  thirty-feven  inches,  the  leg  from  the  foot  four  feet  three 
inches  and  a  half,  the  thigh  five  feet,  and  from  the  pedeftal  to 
the  upper  part  of  the  kneepan  five  feet  nine  inches.  The  atti¬ 
tude  of  thefe  figures  is  ereft :  the  right  arm  extended  nearly 
parallel  to  the  fide;  tire  hand  open,  with  the  palm  uppermofi; ; 
the  left  arm  raifed  in  an  eafy  elegant  pofition  to  the  top  of  the 
fhoulder,  where  the  hand  holds  the  end  of  a  garment  which 
defcends  from  the  left  bread:  almoft  to  the  feet  in  loofe  folds, 
whence  it  feems  to  be  brought  round  the  back  to  the  left 
fhoulder,  where  it  is  fecured  as  already  defcribed.  The  counte¬ 
nances  of  both  thefe  figures  are  placid  and  grave,  and  except  the 
nofe,  which  is  handfome,  approaching  fomething  to  the  Cafres, 
particularly  in  the  under  lip,  which,  like  that  of  all  the  other 
figures,  is  thick  and  prominent ;  the  eye  downcaft,  the  forehead 
low,  the  face  broad,  and  the  whole  colour  refembling  much 
more  the  Englifh  than  the  Gentoo.  The  heads  of  both  were 
ornamented  with  an  infinite  number  of  fmall  curls,  but  whether 
intended  as  a  reprefentation  of  natural  hair,  or  as  a  crown  or 
cap,  1  could  not  positively  determine  :  the  ears  were  large,  in 
which  were  ear-rings  of  a  monftrous  fize,  pendent  to  and  ap¬ 
parently  refiing  on  the  Shoulders.  Round  the  head  of  each  a- 
variety  of  fmall  figures,  in  an  incumbent  pofture,  hold  fomething 
in  their  hands  refembling  flowers  and  feftoons,  many  of  wThich 
are  elegantly  executed. 

On  each  fide  of  the  door  leading  to  the  great  hall  (which, 
like  the  others,  faces  the  eaft)  two  groups  of  male  and  female 
figures  principally  occupy  the  oppofite  fide  of  the  veranda  which 
fronts  you  on  your  fir  ft  entrance.  Thefe  groups  confift  each  of 


25 1>  Mr.  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

two  males  and  two  females,  which,  from  their  attitudes,  and 
the  different  inftruments  in  their  hands,  I  ffiould  fuppofe  to  be 
dancers.  The  firft  group  on  the  left,  or  S.  W.  end  of  the  ve¬ 
randa,  reprefents  a  female,  holding  fomething  which  I  could  not 
make  out,  in  her  right  hand  above  her  fhoulder  ;  her  left  arm 
extended  round  the  back  of  the  male,  whofe  right  elbow  refts 
on  the  curve  of  the  woman’s  arm.  The  man  holds  in  his  right 
hand  an  inftrument  fimilar  to  that  held  by  the  woman,  and  railed 
in  the  lame  manner  above  the  fhoulder.  To  the  left  of  the 
man  another  woman  holds  in  her  right  hand,  pendent  to  her 
fide,  fomething  refembling  a  bell  or  cymbal,  her  left  arm  like 
the  other,  round  the  back  of  the  man  on  her  left,  who  is  nearly 
in  the  fame  pofition  with  the  other.  .  The  drefs  of  the  female 

confifts  of  a  kind  of  cap,  fiat  to  the  head,  with  very  large  ear¬ 

rings  refiing  on  the  fhoulder.  They  are  naked  to  the  middle, 
round  which  is  a  cloth  or  garment  tied,  which  defcends  behind 
about  the  middle  of  the  thigh-,  the  ends  of  the  garment  tied 
fold  over  the  parts  of  generation  ;  the  legs  remain  bare;  the 
ankles  and  wrifts  ornamented  with  large  rings  or  bangles  fingle 
and  double,  the  only  part  of  drefs  that  is  fimilar  to  the  prefent 

fafhion  of  the  inhabitants  of  India.  The  breads  of  thefe,  like 

all  the  other  female  figures  are  remarkably  large  and  globular, 
the  belly  prominent,  and  the  lower  part  of  the  waift  unnaturally 
final L  The  men  are  likewife  naked  to  the  hips,  with  a  gar¬ 
ment  or  cloth  fimilar  to  that  of  the  females  tied  in  a  knot  at 
the  left  hip,  the  ends  of  which  hang  near  half  down  the  thigh, 
the  parts  of  generation  feemingly  expofed,  but  from  the  ravages 
of  time  I  could  not  be  pofitive.  The  heads  of  each  are  highly 
ornamented  with  a  kind  of  bonnet  or  cap,  on  the  right  fide  of 
which  an  additional  ornament  is  affixed  refembling  a  bunch  of 
flowers.  The  fecond  group  confifts  of  the  fame  number  of 
figures  male  and  female,  and  in  much  the  fame  attitude  and 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  20 

drefs,  with  this  difference,  that  from  the  places  being  reverfed, 
the  left  arm  of  the  man  embraces  the  woman  with  the  hand 
retting  on  her  left  fhoulder;  the  portion  of  the  man’s  legs  like- 
wife  differs  in  this  refpeCt,  that,  inftead  of  the  left  foot  being 
turned  out  in  a  horizontal  dire&ion,  both  feet  remain  parallel 
to  each  other.  The  countenances  of  the  figures  in  thefe  groups 
cannot  now  be  dittinguifhed  fo  as  to  form  a  juft  idea  of  their 
expreflion.  From  the  attitudes,  however,  which  are  evidently 
amorous,  and  fome  remaining  traces  of  feature,  we  are  authorifed 
to  fuppofe  they  were  animated  and  expreflive  of  joy,  though 
indeed  all  the  other  figures  in  the  veranda  feem  to  contradict  the 
fuppofition.  Immediately  above  the  two  groups  juft  defcribed, 
another  row  of  figures,  extending  nearly  the  whole  length  of 
the  veranda,  fit  crofs-legged  in  the  attitude  of  devotion,  with 
the  hand,  like  many  of  the  figures  in  the  other  caves,  in  a  par¬ 
ticular  pofition,  which  I  afterwards  difcovered  was  the  aCt  of 
counting  the  beads  of  a  rofary. 

On  the  left  of  the  large  figure  at  the  N.  YV.  end  of  the  ve¬ 
randa  ftands,  in  a  nich,  a  fmall  female  figure  in  a  penfive,  me¬ 
lancholy  attitude ;  the  head  inclined  to  the  left  fhoulder ;  the 
eye  downcaft ;  the  right  hand  holding  the  inftrument  already 
mentioned,  the  left  hanging  in  a  negligent  manner  by  her  fide. 
Near  to  her  on  the  left,  in  another  nich,  ftands  a  male  figure 
bending  a  little  forward  in  the  attitude  of  advice  or  perfuafion  ; 
the  head  ornamented  with  a  kind  of  crown  terminating  in  a 
point ;  his  right  hand  extended,  the  forefinger  and  thumb  hold¬ 
ing  a  firing  of  beads ;  the  left  hand,  like  moft  of  the  other 
figures,  holds  the  folds  of  a  garment  over  the  left  fhoulder.  On 
the  right  of  the  large  figure,  in  a  nich,  ftands  a  male  figure,  his 
right  hand  open  and  pendant  to  his  fide,  his  body  inclined  a  lit¬ 
tle  to  the  left,  and  his  countenance  highly  expreftive  of  forrow. 
At  the  other  end  of  the  veranda,  immediately  oppofite,  ftands  a 

Vo l.  VIII.  L  1  male 

258  Mr,  Mac neil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

male  figure,  almoft  fimilar  in  attitude  and  appearance.  There 
are  a  number  of  other  figures  in  this  veranda,  but  fo  defaced 
by  time  that  I  could  make  nothing  of  them.  From  what  has 
already  been  defcribed,  you  may  however  form  fome  idea  of 
the  uncommon  labour  bellowed  on  thefe  pieces  of  fculpture 
cut  out  in  alto  relievo  from  a  rock  of  the  hardefl  nature,  many 
of  which  figures,  at  this  difiant  period,  appear  as  frefh  and  en¬ 
tire  as  if  jufl  from  the  hands  of  the  artifl.  But  the  mofl  extra¬ 
ordinary  inftance  of  human  labour  and  art  remains  yet  to  be 
defcribed,  namely,  the  cave  or  grand  hall  of  this  beautiful  ex¬ 

The  entrance  to  this  magnificent  apartment  is  at  a  fpacious 
door  cut  through  the  wall  that  forms  the  inner  fide  of  the  ve¬ 
randa  already  mentioned.  Over  this  door,  and  above  the  top  of 
the  veranda,  at  the  height  I  fhould  fuppofe  of  near  thirty  feet 
from  the  ground,  are  five  large  windows  or  doors  cut  out  fo  as 
nearly  to  illuminate  the  whole  cave.  The  center  window  of 
thefe  five  is  an  arch  or  complete  femicircle,  the  extream  height 
of  which  I  think  cannot  be  lefs  than  nine  or  ten  feet..  The  other 
four  are  of  the  ufual  parallelogramic  form,  carried  down  as 
low  as  the  floor  of  the  upper  veranda,  or  in  other  words  the  top 
of  the  lower  one.  On  entering  the  great  hall  there  is  a  pafiage 
of  about  four  feet,  that  goes  quite  round  between  the  walls  and 
the  colonade  of  pillars,  which,  to  the  number  of  thirty-four, 
ornament  this  fpacious  chamber,  and  fupport  the  incumbent 
weight  of  the  mountain.  The  firft  four  extend  from  right  to 
left  in  a  ftraight  line,  the  two  firft  of  which  are  regular  octa¬ 
gons,  without  bafe,  or  capital;  the  other  two  have  (even  equal 
fides  with  the  eighth  projecting  half  the  diameter  of  the  pillar. 
On  the  left  fide  of  the  hall  are  eleven  piilars  different  from  any 
known  order,  the  pedeftals  and  capitals  ornamented  with  a  va¬ 
riety  of  final  1  figures  in  baflo  relievo,  reprefenting  principally 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  259 

1  .  ■  .  .  r  .  . 

elephants  with  men  and  women  riding  on  their  backs,  very  well 

executed,  but  much  decayed ;  the  eighth  pillar  has  a  tree,  with 
an  open  book  at  the  root.  On  the  right  of  the  hall  there  are 
only  fix  pillars  with  capitals  and  bafes;  they  are  likewife  highly 
ornamented,  but  the  figures  almoft  inti  rely  effaced  ;  the  firff  pil¬ 
lar,  however,  furnifihes  us  with  the  reprefentation  of  a  tiger,  a 
horfe,  and  two  men,  executed  in  fo  mafterly  a  manner,  that  we 
cannot  help  afcribing  particular  excellence  to  the  reft.  The 
tiger  is  couchant,  and  juft  ready  to  feize  on  his  prey;  but  the 
terror  and  attitude  of  the  horfe  is  equal  to  any  thing  of  the 
kind  I  ever  faw ;  one  of  the  men  feems  as  if  rufhing  in  between 
the  horfe  and  danger,  his  countenance  and  attitude  highly  ex- 
preflive  of  fortitude.  The  other  pillars,  thirteen  in  number,  are 
plain  odlagons,  and  furround  the  circular  extremity  of  the  hall, 
where  a  large  folid  mafs  of  ftone,  in  form  of  a  pagoda,  or  mau- 
foleum,  ftands  immediately  in  the  center.  All  round  this  pa¬ 
goda,  like  thofe  now  found  in  the  country,  are  holes  cut  to  con¬ 
tain  lamps  ufed  during  particular  ceremonies.  The  length  of 
the  hall,  from  each  end  of  the  colonade,  is  above  fixty  feet,  and 
about  twenty  in  breadth;  the  full  dimen, fions  of  the  whole,  in¬ 
cluding  the  pafiage  beforementioned,  muft  therefore  be  fixty- 
eight  by  twenty-eight.  The  height,  from  the  ground  to  the 
higheft  part  of  the  roof  (which  is  arched  in  a  moft  mafterly 
ftyle),  cannot  be  lefs  than  forty  feet.  Quite  round  the  walls, 
where  the  roof  commences,  there  are  places  cut  out  of  the  rock 
as  if  to  fupport  the  ends  of  beams  or  rafters ;  and  from  the  regu¬ 
lar  marks  all  over  the  roof,  it  is  pretty  evident  it  was  formerly 
covered  with  wood,  perhaps  curioully  carved  like  the  pagodas 
every  where  found  in  India.  Immediately  under  thefe  are  two 
rows  of  fquare  holes  that  likewife  extend  quite  round,  exactly 
parallel  to  each  other,  in  which  the  ends  of  pieces  of  timber  ftill 

L  1  2 


26o  Mr.  Macneil’s .Account  of  the  Caves  of 

It  is  impoftible  to  fpeak  decifively  on  thefe  appearances.  From 
what  has  been  juft  mentioned,  it  is  clear  that  fome  wooden 
work  muft  have  projected  from  the  walls  all  round  the  apart¬ 
ment;  and  this  fuppofition  is  ftill  ftrengthened  by  the  formation 
of  the  whole  excavation..  From  the  large  femicircular  window 
or  door  in  front  being  exa&ly  in  a  line  with  the  holes,  it  is  na¬ 
tural  to  conclude  that  there  muft  have  been  a  communication 
between  this  place  and  the  upper  veranda;  nor  can  I  help 
thinking  that  a  communication  likewife  took  place  between  the 
under  and  upper  ftories,  though  not  the  fmalleft  traces  of  it  are 
any  where  to  be  found.  To  fuppofe  that  the  upper  part  of  this 
hall  was  floored  would,  I  think,  be  a  bad  compliment  to  thofe 
who  have  furnilhed  us  with  fuch  inftances  of  tafte  and  genius, 
as  it  muft  have  intirely  deftroyed  the  grandeur  of  the  whole, 
and  wrapt  the  under  part,  with  all  its  beauties,  in  utter  darknefs. 
I  am  therefore  rather  inclined  to  think,  that  a  wooden  gallery 
extended  quite  round,  and  that  the  communication  between  the 
under  and  upper  ftories  muft  have  been  by  a  wooden  ftair-cafe 
either  from  without  or  from  fome  part  of  the  hall.  Be  this  as 
it  may,  the  grand  cave  of  Cannara  muft  ever  be  conftdered  by 
the  man  of  tafte  as  an  object  of  beauty  and  fublimity,  and  by  the 
antiquary  and  philofopher  as  one  of  the  moft  valuable  monu¬ 
ments  of  antiquity. 

Having  partly  quenched  my  thirft  of  curioftty  at  this  in- 
exhauftible  fountain,  and  examined  the  three  adjoining  caves 
(which  are  likewife  curious  relics  of  genius  and  devotion);  we 
repaired  to  the  other  parts  of  the  mountain,  through  an  aftonilh- 
ing  number  of  excavations  of  various  forms  and  dimenfions. 
Many  of  thefe  are  between  fifty  and  fixty  feet  fquare,  decorated 
with  pillars  and  verandas  j  but  all  different  from  the  four 
other  caves,  being  low  in  the  roof,  with  few  or  no  ftatues., 
They  are  almoft  all  furnifhed  with  a  well  of  excellent  water 



Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  261 

each,  cut  into  the  rock,  generally  at  the  end  of  the  verandas,  or 
fome  inner  apartment  fecured  from  the  rays  of  the  fun,  which 
renders  it  delightfully  cool  and  grateful  in  a  country  like  India.. 
Thefe  excavations,  as  I  before  remarked,  have  communications 
to  each  other  by  heps  cut  in  the  Tides  of  the  rock,  and  extend  to 
the  oppofite  fide  of  the  ftream  that  partly  furrounds  the  bafe  of 
the  mountain,  and  which  during  the  rainy  feafon,  I  fhould  fup- 
pofe,  is  fwelled  into  a  confiderable  and  rapid  river.  Mofi:  of 
thefe  caves  confifl  of  one  large  apartment,  with  a  number  of 
fmatl  ones  of  different  dimenfions  adjoining;  which  circumftance, 
together  with  many  others,  convinces  me  that  this  could  not 
have  been  a  place  of  mere  worfhip,  as  is  generally  fuppofed,  but. 
the  regular  and  fixed  habitation  of  a  fet  of  people  who  perhaps 
lived  here  for  ages.  The  different  caves  through  which  we 
paffed  (and  thefe  were  far  from  conlfituting  the  whole  number) 
might  contain  fome  thoufands  of  inhabitants  without  any  incon¬ 
venience,  if  occupied  in  the  fame  manner  as  the  prefent  habita¬ 
tions  of  the  people  in  this  country.  That  fuch  an  immenfe 
number  of  excavations,  divided  into  a  variety  of  different  apart¬ 
ments,  and  carefully  fupplied  with  fuch  plenty  of  water,  were 
executed  merely  for  the  purpofe  of  religious  worfhip,  is,  I  muff : 
confefs,  to  me  incredible.  Befides,  few  of  thefe  caves,  except  the 
four  alreadv  mentioned,  bear  the  mofi:  diftant  marks  of  devo- 
tion  ;  thofe  indeed  give  evident  proofs  of  it,  particularly  the 
three  which,  with  the  grand  cave,  form  a  ffreet  or  row  on  your 
firfi:  entrance,  and  which  greatly  excell  all  the  others  in  magni¬ 
ficence,  ornament,  and  beauty.  They  have  each  a  pagoda  (the 
invariable  mark  of  worfhip  in  this  country),  round  which  a  1 
vafi:  number  of  male  and  female  figures  either  kneel,  or  fraud  in  > 
a  fuppliant  poll u re  ;  their  eyes  downcaff,  their  countenances 
melancholy,  with  hands  folded  to  their  breafis,  or  counting  a 
firing  of  beads.  All  thele  figures  occupy  the  front  or  the  ve- 
2  .  randa 

262  Mr .  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

randa  of  the  cave,  and  Rrike  the  eye  forcibly  on  the  firffc  ap¬ 
proach.  They  are  extremely  well  worth  the  attention  of  the 
curious ;  but,  as  my  time  was  limited,  and  the  grand  cave  be¬ 
coming  an  object  of  mere  importance,  I  contented  myfelf  with 
a  particular  infpedtion  of  that  only. 

After  exploring  the  different  caverns  of  this  wonderful  rock, 
and  viewing  from  the  fummit  the  beauties  of  the  furrounding 
country,  we  returned  to  the  grand  cave,  where  we  were  happy 
to  find  our  fervants  arrived  with  the  provender.  The  cloth  was 
inftantly  laid  in  the  fouth  window  of  the  veranda,  which  fur- 
nifhed  a  table,  if  not  the  mod;  polifhed,  perhaps  the  mod  ancient 
in  the  world.  Exercife,  good  fpirits,  keen  appetites,  and  novelty 
of  fituation,  gave  new  charms  to  the  fead  ;  the  cold  fowls,  ham, 
and  fallad,  feemed  better  than  any  thing  of  the  kind  we  had  met 
with  before;  while  good  wine,  excellent  water,  and  focial  mirth, 
crowned  the  mod  delicious  banquet  I  ever  enjoyed.  After  din¬ 
ner  fome  of  the  company  went  to  deep,  and  others  to  the  woods 
for  fport.  I  fhatched  the  opportunity  to  make  the  few  remarks 
which  I  now  fend  you,  and  which  I  heartily  regret  are  fo  in¬ 
adequate  to  the  fubjedt.  They  however  may  ferve  as  the  out¬ 
lines  of  a  beautiful  picture,  which  you  may  eafily  (hade  and  co¬ 
lour  by  the  help  of  a  little  imagination. 

Returning  to  Tannah,  we  remained  a  few  days  viewing  the 
different  curiofities  about  the  place,  and  then  fet  off  for  Amhola , 
a  village  about  half  way  between  Tannah  and  the  other  extre¬ 
mity  of  the  idand,  at  which  place  the  gentlemen  of  Salfet  have 
eredled  a  fmall  neat  chamber,  for  the  accommodation  of  thofe 
who  go  to  fee  the  cave.  During  our  paffage  thither,  through  a 
country  delightfully  wooded,  and  diverfihed  with  hill  and  dale, 
we  were  met  by  above  a  hundred  girls,  carrying  on  their  heads 
to  market  hafkets  of  dried  fifh,  which  in  this  country  are  called 
bumbeloes.  Thefe  girls  were  much  handfomer  than  any  I  had 
3  formerly 

Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  263 

formerly  feen  in  India,  and  appeared  to  me  different  in  feature 
from  the  inhabitants  of  Bombay.  Their  colour  was  of  a  deeper 
and  more  fhining  black ;  their  faces  rounder,  and  infinitely 
more  animated,  and  their  perfons  exquifitly  formed,  might  have 
vied  in  every  thing  but  colour  with  the  mod:  perfeft  models. 
Their  drefs  was  nearly  the  fame  as  that  of  the  other  natives, 
but  none  of  them  had  any  of  thofe  ornaments  in  the  nofe, 
which  never  fail  to  difguft  the  eye  of  an  European,  particu¬ 
larly  on  his  fir  ft  arrival  in  the  country.  On  their  near  ap¬ 
proach,  I  was  a  good  deal  furprized  at  their  fuddeti  flight,  which 
was  foon  explained  by  the  conduct  of  our  rafcals  of  palanquin 
bearers,  who  feized  on  the  fifti  as  lawful  prize,  and,  notwith- 
ftanding  the  cries  and  remonftrances  of  the  poor  girls,  took  by 
force  a  certain  quantity  from  every  bafket  they  could  feize  upon. 
I  was  knight-errant  enough  to  jump  out  of  my  palanquin  in  de¬ 
fence  of  injured  beauty  ;  and  would  have  certainly  chaftifed 
thofe  infringers  of  true  chivalry,  had  I  not  been  informed  that 
cuftom  had  fanftified  the  act,  and  that  the  tax  now  levied  was 
a  conftant  perquifite  of  thofe  gentlemen  of  the  road.  At  one 
o’clock  we  arrived  at  Ambola,  and  immediately  proceeded  to  the 
cave,  which  is  not  diftant  above  half  a  mile. 

The  entrance  to  the  cave  of  Ambola  is  neither  dignified  with 
the  objefls  that  prefent  themfelves  on  your  firft  approach  to  the 
caves  of  Cannara,  nor  beautified  by  the  romantic  fcenes  that 
furround  them.  The  afcent  to  this  cave  is  hardly  perceptible  ; 
the  rock,  out  of  which  the  excavation  is  made,  being  in  magni¬ 
tude  very  inferior  to  that  at  Cannara,  and  indeed  little  more 
than  what  affords  materials  for  one  immenfe  cavern  which 
nearly  occupies  the  whole.  The  entrance,  however,  or  weft 
door  of  this  cave,,  mult  have  been  in  its  original  ftate  very  dif¬ 

264  Mr .  Macneil's  Account  of  the  Vaves  of 

ferent  indeed  from  its  prefent  appearance.  Many  evident  marks 
of  grandeur  dull  remain  to  fupport  this  opinion,  and  at  the  fame 
time  to  imprefs  us  with  a  very  high  idea  of  its  magnificence  and 
uncommon  ornament.  All  that  now  appears  are  the  mouldering 
remains  of  fix  pillars  on  each  fide,  and  two  large  figures  at  each 
end  of  a  veranda  or  portico  that  leads  to  the  door  of  the  cave, 
but  lo  completely  obliterated  that  no  juft  idea  can  be  formed  of 
their  original  ftru&ure.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  extraordi¬ 
nary  pains  muft  have  been  taken  in  ornamenting  this  veranda. 
A  variety  of  fmall  figures  in  alto  and  baflo  relievo  occupy  every 
part  of  it,  particularly  the  door  and  two  windows  which  per¬ 
forate  the  weft  wall  of  the  cave,  and  which  are  the  only  inlets 
of  light  from  that  quarter.  From  this  veranda  you  defcend  a 
few  fteps  into  the  body  of  the  principal  cave,  which,  from  its 
gloom  and  magnitude,  ftrikes  you  on  your  entrance  with  a  fo- 
lemn  awe.  This  cave  is  a  perfect  fquare  of  ninety  feet,  adorned 
with  twenty  pillars  which  fupport  the  roof  fifteen  feet  from  the 
walls,  and  confequently  form  another  fquare  of  feventy-five  feet 
within  the  colonade.  In  the  center  of  this  fquare  is  another  of 
fifteen  feet,  exadlly  in  a  line  with  the  doors  of  the  cave  that 
lead  from  weft  to  eaft.  This  fmall  fquare  has  four  doors  that 
enter  from  each  fide  :  in  the  middle  is  one  of  thofe  pagodas  or 
maufoleums  already  mentioned,  with  a  bell,  the  ufual  appendage 
to  all  the  Gentoo  places  of  worlhip,  and  invariably  rung  by 
each  perfon  on  his  entrance.  There  are  a  number  of  figures 
round  this  fquare,  particularly  on  each  fide  of  the  door  facing 
the  eaft,  among  which  are  fome  of  a  monftrous  appearance, 
with  feveral  of  thofe  deformed  dwarfs  fo  generally  met  with  in 
this  cave  and  that  of  Elephants.  The  height  of  the  cave  can¬ 
not  be  more  than  fourteen  or  fifteen  feet;  the  north  fide  is  a  dead 
wall,  the  fouth  is  perforated  by  two  window's  and  three  fpaci- 
ous  doors  that  lead  to  a  veranda,  which  extends  from  eaft  to 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and Elephanta.  265 

weft,  one  hundred  and  ten  feet  in  length,  and  fifteen  in  breadth. 
This  veranda  is  adorned  with  twelve  pillars  which  fupport  the 
roof,  and  which  with  the  doors  and  windows,  particularly  the 
center  door,  are  highly  ornamented  with  emblematical  groups 
of  figures  in  bafio  relievo,  nearly  obliterated.  An  open  fpace  ol 
about  thirty  or  forty  feet  here  divides  this  part  of  the  rock  from 
that  to  the  fouthward.  The  eaft  and  weft  extremities,  how¬ 
ever,  at  each  end  of  the  veranda  are  not  feparated,  and  form  a 
very  remarkable  track  cut  in  the  fide  of  the  oppofite  rock.  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  a  kind  of  roof  or  communication  for¬ 
merly  joined  the  two.  Facing  the  veranda,  and  in  the  fame 
level,  is  a  range  of  fmall  caves  cut  out  of  the  fouthern  part  of 
the  rock,  extending  the  whole  length  of  the  veranda,  and  per¬ 
forating  the  eafl  end.  In  thefe  caves  are  a  number  of  figures  in 
alto  relievo,  moftly  monftrous ;  among  whom  are  fome  of  thofe 
Swammies  found  in  all  the  Gentoo  pagodas,  particularly  that 
with  the  underparts  of  a  man,  and  a  head  refembling  that  of  an 

From  the  eaft  fide  of  the  large  cave  you  enter,  by  a  large 
door,  another  cave  thirty  feet  by  twenty-two  with  fix  pillars. 
On  each  fide  of  the  door  are  two  large  male  figures  nine  feet 
in  height,  which,  though  much  mutilated  by  folly,  and  de¬ 
faced  by  time,  bear  evident  marks  of  juft  proportions  and  no 
contemptible  execution.  They  are  both  naked  to  the  middle, 
round  which  is  a  broad  chain Avith  a  garment  under  it,  which 
defcends  in  eafy  folds  near  the  knees,  and  ties  in  a  knot  at  the 
left  hip,  the  ends  of  which  defcend  almoft  as  low  as  the  ankle. 
From  the  left  fhoulder  to  the  right  hip  acrofs  the  bread  like  a 
fafh,  are  a  number  of  fmall  chains  conjoined  fo  as  to  form  a  bell 
which  encreafes  in  breadth  till  it  meets  what  appears  a  large 
colle&ion  of  a  garment  defcending  in  loofe  folds  to  the  ground. 
The  right  arms  of  both  thefe  figures  are  partly  broken  oft',  but 

Vol.  VIII.  >1  m  -from 

266  Mr.  Magneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

from  the  pofition  of  one  of  the  elbows,  and  fome  of  the  arm 
that  remains,  it  is  evident  that  the  right  hand  was  raifed  up  to 
the  fhoulder,  and  I  fuppofe  held  the  end  of  the  garment  in  the 
fame  manner  as  the  figures  at  Cannara,  with  this  difference, 
that  there  it  was  the  left  hand.  The  heads  of  each  are  orna¬ 
mented  with  crowns ;  the  hair  falling  in  a  number  of  curls  over 
the  neck ;  large  ear-rings  pendant  to  the  fhoulders,  and  neck¬ 
laces  feemingly  of  curious  workmanfhip,  fo  broad  as  to  defeend 
confiderably  down  the  breath  They  have  like  wife  bangles  oti 
both  the  ankles  and  the  wrifts,  with  an  ornament  tied  round  the 
upper  part  of  tho  left  arm  [fomething  refembling  the  bracelets 
of  the  ancients].  The  figure  on  the  left  fide  of  the  door  has 
his  left  hand  reding  on  a  dwarf,  round  the  arms  and  body  of 
which  a  number  of  fnakes  feem  to  twifh  The  dwarf,  as  far  as 
1  could  judge,  reprefents  a  figure  loathfome  and  difgufting  ;  the 
head  large,  the  face  broad  and  apparently  bloated  ;  the  belly 
fwoln,  and  the  legs  and  thighs  deformed,  and  difproportionably 
fhort  to  the  reft  of  the  body.  To  the  left  of  the  other  figure, 
is  a  monfter  with  two  heads  nearly  of  the  fame  fze  with  the 
dwarf.  From  the  ravages  of  time  and  feveral  marks  which 
plainly  indicate  ftudied  mutilation,  all  the  parts  of  the  large 
figures  from  the  pelvis  downward  are  fo  much  defaced  as  to  ex¬ 
clude  all  enquiry.  Of  their  proportions  in  general  we  can  eafily 
judge  ;  of  their  countenances  nothing  can  be  known.  Above 
thefe  figures,  and  occupying  the  weft  fide  of  the  cave  laft  men¬ 
tioned,  are  five  groups  of  other  figures  in  alto  relievo,  which 
though  much  decayed,  ftill  leave  fuch  marks  of  excellence,  and 
difplay  perhaps  fuch  charafteriftical  ftrokes  of  a  people,  that  X 
cannot  prevail  on  myfelf  to  pafs  them  over  in  filence. 

The  firft  group  in  the  center  and  immediately  over  the  door, 
reprefents  a  man  fitting  crofs-legged  with  a  crown  on  his  head, 
and  flowing  curls.  In  his  left  hand  he  holds  a  feeptre  or  mace ; 

/  '  x  in 

Cannara,  Ainbola,  &nd  Elephant  a.' 

in  his  right,  a  rofary  of  beads :  on  each  fide  of  him  fit  two  old 
men  of  a  moil  finking  expreffion  of  countenance  in  the  attitude 
of  devotion  ;  their  beards  long  and  terminating  in  a  point,  their 
eyes  lifted  up,  and  their  hands  raifed  to  their  breads,  with  a 
feeming  fervour  and  enthufiafm.  Two  little  boys  with  their 
hands  clafpt  kneel  by  their  fide.  The  two  next  groups  to  the 
right  and  left  reprefent  a  number  of  female  figures  finely  exe¬ 
cuted,  two  of  whom  fupport  each  an  angel  hovering  over  the 
head  of  the  man  with  the  fceptre  in  his  hand.  Thefe  two  wo¬ 
men  are  in  dature  taller  than  the  red,  the  breads  like  all  the 
others,  large  and  perfectly  globular ;  the  lower  parts  of  the 
waid  uncommonly  fmall  with  bellies  prominent,  or  rather  a 
remarkable  hollow  in  the  epigadric  region;  their  attitudes  per¬ 
fectly  elegant  and  eafy.  Their  proportions  on  the  whole  may  be 
called  jud,  and  the  execution  a  capital  piece  of  fculpture.  All 
thefe  figures  appear  quite  naked  ;  a  fmall  cinCture  round  the 
waid  rel'embling  a  chain  being  the  only  ornament  or  covering 
on  any  part  of  the  body. 

The  lad  group  to  the  right  of  the  door  is  much  obliterated  ;  the 
only  figures  difcernible  and  remarkable  are  a  male  and  female, 
with  their  right  hands  joined  and  hanging  down  below  their 
waids.  They  both  appear  to  be  laughing ;  the  woman’s  left 
hand  is  placed  betwixt  her  breads,  her  head  and  face  turned  to  the 
man  with  amorous  expreffion.  She  appears  to  be  quite  naked: 
but  the  man  is  ornamented  with  a  number  of  drings  or  fhreds  of 
cloth  round  different  parts  of  his  body,  particularly  his  legs  and 
thighs.  His  figure  is  eafy  and  graceful,  his  left  hand  reding  in  a 
becoming  manner  on  his  left  hip.  Behind  the  woman,  to  the  right, 
a  female  figure,  with  two  faces,  fits  in  the  manner  of  the  country, 
with  the  back  part  of  her  left  hand  touching  the  woman’s  pol- 
teriors;  her  right  hand  grafps  her  right  knee.  To  the  left  of 

M  m  2  the 


Mr .  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

the  man  is  one  of  thofe  dwarfs  already  defcribed.  The  reft  of 
the  figures  were  too  much  decayed  to  be  didinguifhed.  The 
lad  group,  to  the  left,  reprefents  a  man,  much  larger  than 
the  red,  fitting  c rolled- leged,  a  crown  on  his  head  with  flowing 
curls;  his  head  inclined  to  the  left  in  a  thoughtful  pofition. 
Tins  figure  has  four  arms  and  four  hands,  the  only  one  of  the 
kind  in  thefe  caves.  One  of  the  right  arms  is  extended  acrofs 
the  body  as  if  to  receive  fomething ;  the  other  arm  is  placed 
nearer  the  back,  the  hand  of  which  holds  fomething,  round 
which  a  large  fnake  is  twifled  in  a  variety  of  folds.  One  of 
the  left  hands  is  turned  up  in  an  elegant  polition,  and  takes  hold 
of  fomething  1  could  not  diflinguifh,  but  which  appeared  to  be 
of  a  triangular  form  ;  the  other  feizes  one  of  the  horns  of  a  bull 
or  cow  very  well  executed.  A  fmall  figure  in  the  back  ground 
near  the  top  of  the  group  has  hold  with  both  hands  of  a  female’s 
arm,  the  hand  of  which  feizes  the  other  horn  of  the  bull.  A 
little  below  two  female  figures,  the  one  in  a  fitting,  the  other  in 
a  reclining  podure,  are  executed  in  a  flyle  equally  elegant  and 
lingular.  The  fculptor  indeed'  feems  to  have  excelled  himfelf 
in  the  execution  of  thefe  two  figures,  which  in  eafe,  attitude, 
and  fymmetry  would  not  perhaps  difgrace  the  genius  of  Michael 
Angelo.  A  male  figure  to  the  right  ftanding  with  fomething 
in  his  hand  refembling  a  long  wand,  finifhes  this  group,  which 
is  by  much  the  mod  perfeft  and  beautiful  of  the  whole. 

From  this  cave,  which  opens  by  a  door  to  the  eaft,  you  enter 
an  open  fpace  in  the  rock,  which  by  a  flight  of  heps  leads  to 
another  cave  larger  than  the  former,  the  pillars  of  which  are  ai¬ 
med  quite  decayed.  In  this  cave  there  is  one  of  thofe  Swam- 
mies  already  mentioned,  painted  or  fmeared  over  as  they  all  are 
with  fome  fubdance  of  a  firey  red  colour,  and  dill  worfhiped  by 
the  Gentoo  inhabitants  of  Ambola.  Several  winding  paflages 
cut  through  the  rock,  lead  from  this  cave  to  the  top,  in  which 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  269 . 

paftages  there  are  wells  or  chambers  of  water,  and  another  mon¬ 
ger  or  fwammie  fomething  fimilar  to  the  former.  This  part  of 
the  rock  communicates  with  the  other  quite  round  the  fpace 
juft  mentioned,  and  forms  a  large  femicircular  hole  or  window 
cut  in  the  front  of  the  rock  facing  the  eaft,  and  which  has  no 
connexion  with  any  of  the  caves  below.  I  fhould  fuppofe  there 
muft  have  been  other  communications,  though  no  veftige  re¬ 
mains  to  fupport  the  fuppofition ;  but  indeed  too  few  veftiges 
remain  to  form  a  juft  idea  of  the  magnificence  and  beauty  of 
this  amazing  excavation,  the  extreme  length  of  which,  from 
weft  to  eaft,  cannot  be  lefs  than  two  hundred  feet.  Time,  or 
perhaps  fome  bad  quality  in  the  ftone,  has  rendered  it  now  but 
the  fkeleton  of  its  former  grandeur ;  and  though  we  view  with 
aftonifhment  fuch  ftupendous  monuments  of  antiquity,  and  ad¬ 
mire  fuch  efforts  of  labour  and  ingenuity,  we  ftill  retire  with  a 
figh,  impreft  with  the  folly  of  human  pride,  and  the  inftability 
of  all  its  boafted  greatnefs.  The  moft  extraordinary  art  has  here 
been  exerted  to  render  the  work  of  man  fuperior  to  the  ravages 
of  time.  A  new  world  feems  to  open  by  dint  of  labour  into  the 
bowels  of  the  earth.  The  moft  magnificent  domes  and  princely 
apartments  rife  by  the  chifel  through  mafles  of  the  moft  flinty 
hardnefs.  The  utmoft  luxuriance  of  fancy  is  exerted  to  beautify 
and  adorn  the  whole,  and  no  doubt  to  tranfmit  a  work  of  excel¬ 
lence  to  the  admiration  of  the  lateft  ages.  The  time  however 
comes,  when  thefe,  like  all  other  human  phantoms,  vanifh  ; 
when  the  objedl  of  our  fondeft  wifhes  moulders  into  duft,  and 
when  even  the  people,  who  ftruggled  fo  hard  for  immortality, » 
are  not  only  forgotten,  but  perfectly  unknown. 

“  Oh  fons  of  earth,  attempt  ye  ff ill  to  rife 
“  By  mountains  piled  on  mountains  to  the  fkies  ? 

“  Heaven  ftill  with  laughter  the  vain  toil  furveys,  * 

And  buries  madmen  in  the  heaps  they  raife.” 


2^o  Mr.  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

Some  time  eiapfed  before  I  had  an  opportunity  of  feeing  Ele¬ 
phanta.  This  fmall  ifiand  is  not  above  one  mile  in  length;  it 
lies  about  four  or  five  miles  to  the  N.  E.  of  Bombay,  and  takes 
its  name  from  the  figure  of  an  elephant  cut  out  of  ftone,  near  a 
landing  place  at  the  S.  W.  end  in  your  way  to  the  caves.  From 
this,  you  proceed  about  half  a  mile  up  a  pretty  fteep  afeent,  when 
you  come  in  fight  of  the  fea  to  the  N.  W.  and  then  turning  to 
the  left  up  a  rugged  path  you  arrive  at  the  fummit  of  the  hill 
or  rock  from  which  the  caves  are  formed,  and  which,  like  Can- 
nara,  is  concealed  from  your  view  by  thick  woods  till  you  are 
within  a  few  yards  of  the  entrance.  The  principal  door  or  en¬ 
trance  to  this  excavation,  unlike  the  reft,  faces  the  worth.  It 
bears  evident  marks  of  great  ornament,  but  time  and  particu¬ 
larly  human  folly  have  rendered  it  together  with  every  other 
part  of  the  cave  a  very  imperfect  pi&ure  of  its  former  beauty. 
It  is  difficult  to  write  with  any  degree  of  temper  on  the  difmal 
mutilations  of  this  princely  cavern,  the  ftone  of  which  is  of  fucli 
a  durable  nature  as  to  have  in  a  great  meafure  baffled  the  ravages 
of  time.  Moft  of  the  figures  appear  ftill  as  frefh  as  if  juft  from 
the  chifel,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  ingenuity  of  human  mad- 
nefs,  the  caves  of  Elephanta  would  at  this  hour  have  been  not 
only  a  valuable  key  to  many  inexplicable  appearances  in  the 
other  caves,  but  a  noble  monument  of  ancient  architecture  and 
Sculpture.  But  what  the  hand  of  time  has  not  been  able  to  de¬ 
face,  the  blind  zeal  of  bigots  and  the  childifh  tricks  of  fools 
have  very  nearly  deftroyed.  During  the  power  of  the  crown  of 
Portugal  in  this  country,  no  fmall  attention  was  paid  to  the 
.  extermination  of  idolatry,  and  amongft  the  other  objeCts  of  ab¬ 
horrence  that  prefented  themfelves  to  the  prejudiced  eye  of 
fuperftition,  was  the  cave  of  Elephanta.  Whilft  this  curious, 
though  inexplicable  piece  of  antiquity  remained,  true  religion 
no  doubt  was  confidered  as  in  danger.  Figures  ftrange  and 
4  monftrous 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  271 

mondrous  in  their  appearance  could  not  have  been  formed,  but 
for  the  purpofe  of  idolatry,  nor  fuch  immenfe  caverns  cut  into 
the  bowels  of  the  earth,  but  through  the  influence  of  the  Devil, 
and  for  the  diabolical  intent  of  offering  up  human  facrifices  at 
his  (hrine.  Various  attempts,  it  is  faid,  were  made  to  mutilate 
and  deface  thefe  damnable  objedls  of  difgud ;  but  as  the  magni¬ 
tude  of  the  figures  and  uncommon  hardnefs  of  the  done  baffled 
the  efforts  of  the  godly,  cannon  were  at  length  painfully  dragged 
up  the  hill,  and  pointed  againd  what  Heathens  would  have  de¬ 
fended  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives.  Thefe  are  the  effe&s  of 
enthufialm,  and  perhaps  may  claim  the  pity  of  mild  philofophy 
as  the  lamentable  produ&ions  of  ignorance,  and  a  difordered 
imagination.  But  what  fhall  we  fay  of  thofe,  who  neither  fired 
by  bigotry,  nor  actuated  by  the  rage  of  making  profelytes,  have 
wantonly  difplayed  their  ingenuity  in  lopping  off  heads,  legs 
and  arms  from  many  of  the  mod  curious  datues ;  and  unable 
to  do  any  more  mifchief  by  mutilation,  have  humouroufly  be- 
fmeared,  bedaubed,  and  bepainted  every  figure  in  the  cave, 
wifely  leaving  their  names  behind  them,  as  tedimonies  of  their 
profeflion,  and  the  mod  fatisfa<dory  proofs  of  their  dupidity  and 
Gothic  barbarifm.  Such  has  been  the  conduct  of  Britons,  and 
for  the  greater  glory  of  the  nation,  let  me  alfo  obferve  of  thofe 
heroes  too  who  grace  our  fleets  and  armies  in  India,  and  who, 
while  others  repair  to  the  cave  of  Elephanta  as  a  rare  and  va¬ 
luable  curiofity,  generally  make  parties  there,  for  no  other  pur¬ 
pofe  than  to  fead,  get  drunk,  and  a£l  ridiculoufly. 

The  great  hall,  or  principal  chamber  of  the  cave  of  Ele¬ 
phanta,  which  you  enter  immediately  on  your  eroding  the  ve¬ 
randa  to  the  north,  is  one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  feet  in 
length,  and  ninety-four  in  breadth.  It  is  adorned  with  four 
rows  of  pillars  from  north  to  fouth,  fix  in  each  row.  Thefe 

pillars  like  thofe  at  the  other  caves  are  of  no  known  order, 


27  2  Mr.  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

though  they  approach  fomething  nearer  the  Doric  than  any 
other.  They  have  all  architraves  with  a  capital  refembling  a 
round  cufhion,  preffed  flat  as  if  by  the  incumbent  weight  of  the 
roof.  From  the  capital  half  way  down,  the  pillar  is  fluted  ; 
thence  it  projects  by  way  of  bafe  quadrilaterally  to  the  bot¬ 
tom,  five  feet  nine  inches  in  length  ;  the  reft  of  the  pillar  to  the 
capital  is  about  five  feet ;  the  height  of  the  capital,  one  foot  fix 
inches ;  the  circumference  eighteen  feet,  the  architrave  nine 
inches  in  height,  above  which,  joining  the  roof,  another  orna¬ 
ment  like  a  cornice  projects,  and  is  about  a  foot  in  height. 
Thefe  pillars  are  at  the  diftance  of  fifteen  feet  from  each  other, 
and  being  but  little  decayed  make  a  noble  appearance.  The 
height  of  the  roof  is  fourteen  feet  nine  inches,  and,  unlike  the 
others,  has  three  doors  or  communications  ;  one  to  the  eaft,  and 
two  to  the  weft,  all  of  which  are  as  high  as  the  roof,  and  lead 
to  two  verandas,  where  two  open  fquares  feparate  the  rock,  and 
enlighten  the  whole  excavation. 

Immediately  fronting  the  entrance  or  north  door  of  the  great 
hall,  at  the  fouth  end,  and  in  a  nich  extending  twenty  feet  in 
breadth,  the  eye  is  caught  by  an  aftonifhing  male  figure  or 
buft,  confifting  of  three  faces  or  rather  heads ;  four  arms  and 
hands,  and  a  part  of  the  body  as  low  as  the  extremity  of  the 
bread:  bone.  This  prodigious  mafs  occupies  the  whole  nich, 
the  top  of  the  higheft  crown  almoft  reaching  to  the  roof 
of  the  cave.  The  three  faces  front  three  different  quarters, 
north,  eaft,  and  weft.  The  middle  one,  or  that  fronting  the 
north,  feems  to  be  the  principal,  the  crown  or  cap  being  much 
more  ornamented,  and  of  a  greater  height  than  the  other 
two.  From  the  following  meafurement  of  this  face,  which  I 
with  difficulty  accomplifhed,  you  may  form  fome  idea  of  the 
whole  mafs,  which  I  can  afi'ure  you  is  an  obje<5fc  not  only  of 
fublimity  but  of  terror.  The  length  of  the  face  from  the 


“\'  * 

Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  273 

place  where  the  crown  refts  on  the  head  to  the  chin,  is 
four  feet  and  a  half;  the  breadth  from  ear  to  ear,  fix  feet  eight 
inches;  the  under  lip  is  fix  inches  thick:  one  of  the  fingers 
meafured  very  near  four  feet  in  length,  and  of  a  proportionable 
thicknefs.  The  expreflion  of  thefe  three  faces  is  different. 
That  which  we  have  juft  mentioned  is  (like  moft  of  the  figures 
in  all  the  caves)  one  of  thofe  mild  placid  heavy  countenances, 
from  which  you  have  little  to  expeCt  and  little  to  fear.  The 
one  facing  the  weft  expreftes  pleafure,  having  a  faint  fmile 
on  the  countenance,  but  otherwife  very  little  animated.  The 
third  face,  fronting  the  ealf,  is  rather  monftrous,  the  fore¬ 
head  is  contracted,  the  lips  a  little  open  with  the  tongue 
thruft  between  them,  the  eye  {faring,  and  the  whole  counte¬ 
nance  expreflive  of  difguft  and  anger  :  on  the  fide  of  the  crown 
of  this  head  a  death’s  head  is  reprefented.  Thefe  three  heads 
though  all  joined  in  one  mafs  are  perfectly  diftinCf,  each 
having  a  crown  with  hair  defeending  in  ringlets  down  the 
{houlders  and  back.  The  crown  of  the  middle  face  fronting  the 
entrance  is,  as  1  obferved  before,  confiderably  higher  than  the 
other  two,  and  refembles  in  fhape  a  grenadier’s  cap,  ornamented 
in  a  mod  extraordinary  manner.  A  necklace  of  curious  work- 
manfhip  and  uncommon  breadth  defeends  half  way  down  the 
bread.  The  body  appears  to  be  quite  uncovered.  One  of  the 
right  arms  of  this  immenfe  figure  is  quite  intire,  the  hand  of 
which  holds  a  cobra  capilla  or  hooded  fnake  of  an  enormous 
fize,  and  exceedingly  well  executed  :  the  head  and  neck  are 
exaClly  in  the  pofition  of  that  reptile  when  roufed ;  the  hood 
extended,  the  body  twifting  round  the  arm,  and  down  the  right 
fide.  The  hand  is  all  that  remains  of  the  other  right  arm, 
which  likewife  holds  a  large  hooded  fnake  which  is  reprefented 
with  a  crown  on  its  head.  The  hand  of  one  of  the  left  arms 
holds  fomething  refembling  a  bunch  of  flowers  ;  the  other  a 
kind  of  fruit,  in  fhape  not  unlike  a  pumpken.  I  forgot  to  ob- 
Vol.  VIII.  N  n  ferve 

274  ififh  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of  , 

ferve  that  the  figure  fronting  the  eaft  had  whifkers,  the  only 
one  which  bore  this  mark  of  modem  fafhion. 

To  the  right  of  this  buft  in  another  nich  is  a  female  figure 
at  full  length,  inclining  a  little  to  the  right  with  four  arms. 
This  figure  has  no  right  bread:,  the  left  is  remarkably  large,  and 
of  the  fame  globular  form  with  all  the  reft  j  the  hand  of  one  of 
the  right  arms  has  hold  of  the  horns  of  a  bull  finely  executed, 
the  other  hand  holds  a  cobra  capella  in  a  pofition  uncommonly 
eafy.  One  of  the  left  arms  is  railed  in  a  graceful  manner  to  the 
ftioulder,  the  hand  of  which  holds  by  the  thong  a  fhield  or  tar* 
get  inverted,  the  convex  part  turned  towards  the  fhoulders;  the 
other  left  arm  is  extended  down  the  left  thigh,  the  hand  of 
which  grafps  fomething,  which  from  its  mutilated  ftate  cannot 
be  dilcovered.  The  left  arms  of  this  amazonian  figure  are  or¬ 
namented  with  double  bracelets  or  bangles  round  the  wrifts, 
and  a  ring  on  each  finger ;  the  right  amis  have  only  one  bangle 
on  the  wrift,  and  a  ring  on  the  little  finger.  Behind  the  bull 
is  the  head  of  an  elephant  with  a  number  of  fmall  figures  in 
baflo  relievo,  apparently  fitting,,  on  his  neck  and  Ihoulders. 

On  the  left  of  the  large  buft,  in  another  nich,,  is  a  male  figure 
at  full  length,  his  left  hand  refting,  or  rather  preffing,  on  the 
head  of  one  of  thofe  deformed  dwarfs  already  defcribed,  which, 
by  the  pofition  of  the  body,  and  expreflion  of  the  countenance, 
feems  to  experience  torture  ;  in  his  right  hand,  like  all  the  other 
dwarfs,  there  is  a  fiiake,  which  twines  in  a  variety  of  folds 
round  his  arm  and  body.  The  large  figure,  from  the  belt  or 
firing  acrofs  his  left  bread:  and  ftioulder,  feems  to  be  of  the  Bra- 
min  caft.  A  number  of  figures  prefent  him  with  a  variety  of 
offerings,  one  of  which  is  a  fiftn  At  his  feet  is  a  male  figure 
kneeling,  with  his  eyes  raifed  up  in  the  attitude  of  fupplication. 
This  laft  figure  is  the  only  complete  (lave  found  among  theie 
pieces  of  fculpture.  It  is  cut  out  of  the  rock,  fo  as  to  be  de- 
o  tached 

Canriara,  Ambola,  and  Elephants.  275 

tached  from  the  wall,  and  to  have  its  back  parts  all  difplayed, 
which  are  equally  well  executed  with  thofe  of  the  other  figures 
ill  alto  relievo.  There  is  a  knife  in  a  (heath  at  its  right  fide. 
In  this  nich  like  all  the  others,  there  are  an  infinite  number  of 
fmall  figures  in  alto  and  balfo  relievo  round  the  fides  and  top, 
but  fo  much  decayed  through  time,  and  fo  crouded  together,  as 
to  render  defcription  imprafticable.  Thefe  groups  are  all  em¬ 
blematical,  and  mult  have  been  executed  with  altonilhing  labour. 
One  reprefentation  very  common  in  them  is  one  figure  fitting 
altride  on  the  fhoulders  of  another,  with  the  legs  hanging  down 
before.  Several  other  male  figures  at  full  length,  and  from 
thirteen  to  fourteen  feet  in  height,  occupy  the  weft  fide  of  the 
grand  cave,  and  though  much  mutilated  difplay  no  contempti¬ 
ble  proofs  of  fculpture  and  proportion.  They  however  exprefs 
nothing  new  or  uncommon,  and  (hall  therefore  for  brevity’s 
fake  be  palled  over.  Indeed,  were  I  defirous  to  fpin  out  my  de¬ 
fcription,  the  cave  of  Elephanta  might  furnilh  ample  food  for 
the  moft  ravenous  antiquary.  Every  part  teems  with  human 
forms  j  every  wall  feems  to  move  with  life  obedient  to  the  will 
of  the  artilt,  who  feems 

Saxa  movere  fono  telludinis,  et  prece  bland  a 
Ducere  quo  vellet. 

Proceeding  through  the  ealt  door  you  enter  the  open  fquare 
already  mentioned  with  a  veranda  to  the  fouth,  at  the  ealt  ex¬ 
tremity  of  which  is  a  dark  apartment  cut  in  the  rock  exactly 
the  breadth  of  the  veranda.  In  this  apartment  there  is  fome 
water,  two  fwammies,  and  a  few  figures  fo  much  decayed  as 
not  to  be  difcernable  by  the  light  of  a  candle.  The  veranda  is 
fifty-eight  feet  in  length,  with  four  pillars  on  each  fide,  and  a 
number  of  figures  in  alto  relievo,  the  molt  remarkable  of  which 
is  a  large  male  Itatue  with  four  arms.  He  has  a  fword  by  his 
left  fide  very  well  executed,  and  hanging  in  an  ealy  manner 

N  n  2  from 

2  j6  Mr,  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

from  a  garment  twilled  round  the  loins.  One  of  the  right 
hands  holds  a  cobra  capella  twilled  down  his  arm  and  fide,  the 
other  right  arm  is  broken  off.  One  of  the  left  hands  preffes  on 
a  dwarf,  round  the  belly  of  whom,  another  cobra  capella  is 
twined  with  the  head  twilled  about  to  the  left  groin.  The 
dwarf’s  fituation  is  lingular,  and  plainly  evinces  that  thefe  re- 
prefent  objedls  of  punilhment.  On  his  head  and  neck  is  an  im- 
menfe  bulk  refembling  in  lhape  a  porter’s  knot;. over  which  as 
an  additional  weight  is  another  circular  mafs  of  feveral  feet 
diameter.  The  dwarf  feems  to  experience  great  pain,  his  body 
bending  under  the  load,  his  left  hand  grafping  the  cobra  ca¬ 
pella’ s  tail.  The  remaining  left  arm  of  the  large  figure  is  railed 
up  and  fupports  a  boy,  which  like  another  on  the  oppofite  fide, 
bends  over  head  in  the  attitude  of  angels.  The  head- of  this 
large  figure  is  remarkable  for  the  hair  being  in  ringlets,  wreathed 
into  an  infinite  variety  of  forms.  At  the  eafl  end  of  this  ve- 
randa  is  another  male  figure  much  decayed,  with  a  dwarf  on 
each  fide.  One  of  thefe  has  his  hands  folded  over  his  breaft  in 
a  defponding  pofition ;  the  other  holds  in  his  left  hand  a  fruit 
refembling  the  cuflard  apple. 

The  well  veranda  is  nearly  the  length  of  the  great  hall,  and 
runs  from  north  to  fouth.  It  is  decorated  with  a  number  of 
figures  all  in  alto  relievo,  the  moll  remarkable  and  entire  of 
which  are  thofe  at  each  end.  At  that  to  the  north,  on  the  right 
hand  as  you  enter  the  firll  door  leading  to  the  veranda  is  a  large 
nich,  in  which  a  very  extraordinary  figure  is  cut  out,  and  which 
though  lhamefully  mutilated,  Hill  attracts  the  attention  of  the 
curious.  This  figure  has  eight  arms  ;  his  body  very  much  in¬ 
clined  to  the  left  with  his  legs  folded  under  him,  but  too  much 
mutilated  to  dillinguifh  their  real  pofition.  Two  of  the  arms 
are  raifed  up,  and  fupport  a  kind  of  canopy  over  head,  above 
which  are  a  uumber  of  figures  fitting  crofs-legged  in  the  attitude 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  277 

of  devotion.  One  of  the  right  hands  holds  a  fvvord  of  juftice, 
the  other  a  bell,  both  of  which  are  finely  executed.  A  pede- 
ftal  refts  upon,  or  is  fupported  by  one  of  the  left  hands,  on 
which  pedeftal  a  fmall  figure  almoft  deftroyed,  appears  with  an 
inclination  of  body  nearly  horizontal.  This  fmall  figure  I  have 
fince  been  informed  was  lefs  mutilated  fome  years  ago,  and 
plainly  reprefented  a  child  with  the  head  downwards  as  if  in¬ 
tended  for  facrifice.  The  whole  is  thought  to  be  a  reprefenta- 
tion  of  the  judgment  of  Solomon,  though  I  mult  confefs  I  can 
fee  nothing  to  authorize  the  conjecture.  The  large  figure  in¬ 
deed  has  a  fword  in  one  hand,  and  a  child  in  another ;  but  if 
this  piece  of  fculpture  was  intended  as  a  reprefentation  of  Solo¬ 
mon’s  admirable  decifion,  where  are  the  two  women  by  whole 
conduct  he  was  to  detect  impofition,  and  where  have  we  ever 
heard  that  Solomon  had  eight  hands  and  eight  arms  ?  A  group 
of  figures  at  the  oppofite  end  of  the  veranda  is  too  fingular  to 
be  pafied  over  in  filencej  with  this  I  lhali  conclude  my  defer  ip- 
tion  of  Elephanta. 

This  group  is  in  a  nich  on  the  left  as  you  enter  the  fouth 
door  of  the  veranda ;  it  is  much  lefs  injured  than  any  of  the  reft, 
and  as  it  exprelfes  paffion  becomes  therefore  more  valuable.  A 
large  male  figure  at  full  length,  and  feemingly  of  the  Bramin 
caft,  ftands  by  the  fide  of  a  female ;  his  eyes  call  down,  and 
the  whole  countenance  expreflive  of  a  timid  expectation.  The 
countenance  of  the  female  denotes  perplexity  and  di  ft  refs,  her 
eyes  downcaft,  her  head  hanging  to  the  left,  and  her  body  evi¬ 
dently  declining  from  the  man.  At  her  back  is  a  male  figure, 
his  right  hand  refting  in  an  affectionate  manner  on  her  arm,  a 
little  below  the  fhoulder  ;  his  head  averted  inclining  to  the 
right,  and  his  countenance  ftiil  more  expreflive  of  forrow  than 
the  woman’s.  It  appears  to  me  as  if  this  figure,  while  he  feels 
fenfibly  for  the  woman’s  diftrefs,  urges  her  to  what  fee  ms  re¬ 

278  Mr.  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

pugnant  to  her  inclination.  In  the  fame  nich  round  the  (ides 
are  a  number  of  other  figures,  which  from  their  employments 
feem  to  be  domeftics,  one  in  particular  (a  male)  holds  in  both 
hands  fomething  refembling  a  vafe  or  urn ;  his  hair  is  in  five 
regular  curls,  with  a  cap  on  his  head,  very  different  in  elegance 
from  the  ornamented  crowns  of  the  other  figures.  To  the  right 
of  the  man  Hands  a  female  with  the  fame  inftrument  held  over 
her  right  fhoulder,  which  is  fo  often  found  in  the  hands  of  female 
figures  here,  and  in  all  the  other  caves,  and  which  from  the 
effedts  of  time  I  never  could  particularly  diftinguifli  before.  It 
is  compofed  of  a  fmall  taper  fhank  with  a  large  bufhy  fubftance 
interwoven  at  the  end,  and  hanging  loofely  down  the  back  over 
the  right  fhoulder.  The  appearance  comes  nearer  a  fhip’s  fwab 
than  any  thing  elfe  I  know,  and  from  what  is  at  prefent  ufed 
in  the  country,  I  fhould  fupppfe  it  reprefents  the  inftrument  for 
brufhing  away  the  flies.  From  the  weft  veranda  you  enter  an 
open  fpace  of  about  fixty  feet  fquare,  the  fouth  fide  of  which  is 
excavated  into  a  kind  of  ciftern  that  extends  a  great  way  into 
the  rock,  and  is  ftill  fupplied  with  water  as  far  as  the  eye  can 
trace.  At  the  extremity  or  weft  end  of  this  extenfive  cave  is 
another  apartment  fimilar  to  that  at  the  weft  end,  in  which 
are  like  wife  feveral  fwammies  and  monftrous  figures  almoft 

I  have  now  given  you  as  plain  and  fuccindt  an  account  of  the 
different  excavations  in  the  vicinity  of  Bombay  as  I  could,  and 
though  I  cannot  flatter  myfelf  with  having  drawn  a  pidture  by 
which  you  can  form  a  juft  idea  of  the  original,  the  fadts  I  have 
communicated  may  however  enable  you  to  judge  of  the  un¬ 
common  labour  beftowed  on  thofe  fubterraneous  abodes,  and 
the  time  that  mud  have  neceflarily  been  taken  in  excavating 
and  arranging  the  whole,  and  in  beautifying  and  enriching 
every  part  with  luch  an  incredible  variety  of  ornaments.  Com¬ 

Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  279 

pared  with  thefe,  the  works  of  modem  hands  dwindle  into  thfe 
mere  amufements  of  children  ;  nor  can  we  view  fuch  ftupend- 
ous  caverns  cut  out  of  folid  rocks,  and  moulded  into  fuch  a  va¬ 
riety  of  forms,  without  fubfcribing  our  opinion  to  a  bold  afler- 
tion  that  fuch  laborious  productions  mud  have  been  the  work 
of  ages.  Wherefore  thefe  Herculean  labours  were  undertaken, 
or  by  whom  they  were  executed,  are  faCts  not  now  to  be 
afcertained  ;  being  long  fince  buried  in  the  womb  of  time. 
Hiftory  affords  not  the  moft  glimmering  light  to  explore  this 
dark  paflage  of  antiquity,  and  even  tradition  has  not  transmitted 
the  moft  trivial  circumftance  to  fupply  us  with  a  rational  con¬ 
jecture  on  the  fubjeCh  Many  and  various  are  the  opinions 
formed,  but  none  of  them  carries  the  fmalleft  conviction  along 
with  it.  The  judgment  is  conflantly  bewildered  amidft  the  con - 
tradiftory  proofs  produced  by  the  very  reprefentations  we  mean  to 
examine;  and  while  we  feize  with  ardour  on  circumftances  that 
feem  to  favour  an  hypothefis,  fome  intruding  witnefs  unluckily 
ftarts  up  and  overturns  the  whole  fyflem.  Thus  for  inftance, 
fhould  we  afcribe  thefe  furprifing  labours  to  the  Gentoos,  no 
Similarity  either  in  feature  or  in  drefs  to  the  prefent  race  of  that 
people  is  any  where  to  be  fouhd.  If  to  the  Egyptians  or  Ethio¬ 
pians,  whom  they  feem  to  refemble  moft :  whence  the  objeCts 
of  worfhip  in  thefe  caves  fo  diftimilar  to  thole  of  that  nation, 
namely  the  elephant,  cow,  and  fwammie,  all  of  which  are  wcr- 
fhiped  in  India,  and  univerfally  found  in  every  Gentoo  pagoda  ? 
To  perplex  us  ft  ill  more,  on  the  fide  of  one  of  the  doors  that 
lead  to  the  grand  cave  at  Elephanta,  is  a  long  infcription  in  the 
Perfan  character,  but  importing  nothing  that  throws  the  leaft 
light  on  the  fubjeCt.  As  to  the  drefs  of  all  the  figures  in  the 
different  caves,  it  (Dears  no  refemblanee  to  either  Gentoo,  Afri¬ 
can,  Perfian,  or  Arabian.  The  bangles  and  ear-rings  are  the 
only  ornaments  that  come  near  modern  fafhion  ;  and  what  is 


28a  Mr .  Mac  neii/s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

fome  thing  extraordinary,  the  mod  ancient  part  of  drefs,  the 
turban ,  is  no  where  to  be  found,-  or  any  thing  that  bears  the 
mod  didant  refemblance  of  it.  Every  thing,  however,  con¬ 
vinces  us,  that  thefe  figures  mud  have  reprefented  fome  parti¬ 
cular  people,  and  that  they  mud  have  all  been  the  work  of  the 
fame  nation.  The  fame  flat,  broad,  good-natured,  heavy  coun¬ 
tenance,  with  the  thick  under  lip  ;  the  fame  drefs,  the  fame 
attitudes,  and  nearly,  the  fame  ornaments  reign  throughout, 
particularly  in  the  larger  and  mod  odenfible  figures.  With  re¬ 
gard  to  feature,  it  mud  be  allowed  that  it  approaches  much 
nearer  the  Ethiopian  than  any  other  people ;  and  confidering 
the  early  tade  for  fculpture  that  prevailed  amongd  the  ancient 
Egyptians,  the  many  examples  of  fimilar  excavations  found  in 
that  country,  the  wandering  difpofition  of  the  people,  and  their 
ambition  to  diffufe  their  arts  and  fciences  over  the  globe  ;  an 
ingenious  theorid,  with  fuch  materials  alone,  might  build  no 
contemptible  drudture.  He  might  perhaps  dill  add  fomething 
to  its  folidity  by  maintaining,  that  the  excavations  already 
deferibed  mud  have  been  the  work  of  fome  fet  of  men  long 
fince  extin£fc  in  India  \  that  in  fuppofing  them  of  Gentoo  origin, 
the  veil  of  obfeurity  diould  inflantly  drop,  fince  it  can  hardly 
be  imagined  that  fo  total  a  change  in  drefs  and  feature  diould 
take  place  among  any  fet  of  men,  or  that  thofe  who,  from 
time  immemorial,  have  inhabited  India,  diould  now  not  only 
be  ignorant  of  the  inditutions  of  their  forefathers,  but  alto¬ 
gether  drangers  to  the  origin  of  works  fo  vad  in  the  under¬ 
taking,  and  fo  particularly  calculated  for  national  purpofes. 
That  however  capricious  or  fluctuating  the  modes  of  fafhion 
may  be,  the  human  countenance  feldom  or  never  undergoes 
material  changes,  but  is  the  invariable  guide  by  which  we 
trace  not  only  national  feature,  but  family  refemblance.  That 
if  the  fculptors  of  the  different  caves  were  able  to  execute 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  281 

Eich  a  number  of  figures  whole  countenances  fo  nearly  re- 
femble  each  other,  it  is  a  pretty  clear  proof  that  they  could 
have,  with  the  fame  eafe,  reprelented  the  national  feature  of 
any  people  whatever;  and  that,  if  thefe  figures  are  to  be  con- 
fidered  as  certain  prototypes  of  any  fet  of  Gentoos  now  exifting, 
it  muft  be  a  fet  of  Gentoos  different  in  feature  and  in  drets 
from  any  hitherto  found  in  the  peninfula  of  India. 

Thefe  obfervations,  however  apparently  incontrovertible,  tend 
little  to  folve  the  difficulty.  On  the  other  hand,  much  might  be 
advanced  to  prove  the  impoffibility  of  thefe  excavations  being  the 
work  of  Egyptians,  and  at  the  fame  time  to  fupport  the  opinion 
of  a  Gentoo  origin.  Were  we  to  give  the  utmoft  latitude  to 
theory  and  fancy,  the  idea  of  their  being  the  work  of  Egyp¬ 
tians  muft  fall  to  the  ground.  We  fhall  trace  the  ancient 
Chaldeans  (whom  we  fhall  likewife  admit  to  be  the  Egyptian 
root)  from  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  to  the  banks  of  the 
Nile.  We  fhall  allow  that,  in  this  progrefs,  they  occupied  the 
whole  continent  of  Arabia  for  a  confiderable  time  ;  and  that,  af¬ 
ter  penetrating  Ethiopia  by  the  Erythrean  gulf,  they  at  laft  got 
pofleffion  of  Egypt,  and  the  whole  coaft  of  Africa  on  the  Me* 
diterranean,  even  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  We  fhall  go  fo  far 
as  to  fuppofe  that  this  people  in  their  peregrinations  vifited 
and  fettled  a  colony  in  Salfet,  and  that  they  refided  there  many 
years,  and  by  fome  unaccountable  event  became  extinCt,  or  mi¬ 
grated  to  other  countries.  After  giving  thefe  latitudes  (and  I 
think  they  are  pretty  large),  it  by  no  means  proves  the  exca¬ 
vations  in  queftion  to  be  the  workmanfhip  of  thefe  ancient 
fculptors.  On  the  contrary,  folid  and  fubftantial  objections  oc¬ 
cur  to  overturn  any  fuch  fuppofition  ;  objections  that  arife  not 
from  either  theory  or  whim,  but  from  the  law  of  nature, 
and  the  hiftory  of  mankind.  Among  the  various  changes  in 
nations,  from  barbarifm  to  civilization,  religion  always  is  the 
Vol.  VIII.  O  o  molt 

a$2  Mr .  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

mod  immutable.  The  human  mind  fh rinks  with  horror  from 
the  fmalled  change  in  matters  accounted  acred,  and  the  re¬ 
moval  of  a  block,  or  a  done,  has  often  been  attended  with 
more  bloody  wars  than  the  dedruclion  of  a  city. 

That  the  Chaldeans  were  idolaters  is  true  ;  but  their  objects 
of  worfhip  were  certainly  different  from  any  thing  we  meet 
with  in  the  caves  of  Salfet  or  Elephanta ;  and,  notwithdanding 
many  appearances  to  the  contrary,  I  am  dill  inclined  to  think, 
that  thefe  caves  mud  have  been  the  work  of  Gentoos,  and  that 
for  the  following  reafons : 

In  the  fird  place,  though  we  find  little  or  no  fimilarity  between 
the  general  formation  of  thefe  fubterraneous  abodes  and  the  pre- 
fentGentoo  places  of  worfhip,  we  perceive  a  driking  refemblance 
in  many  particulars.  Though  their  pagodas  are  not  excavated 
in  rocks,  they  are,  however,  all  highly  ornamented  with 
figures  and  carving,  which,  whether  in  done  or  in  wood,  ge¬ 
nerally  occupy  every  part  of  the  external  furface  of  the  building. 
In  the  fecond  place,  though  their  objects  of  worfhip  are  nei¬ 
ther  fo  numerous  nor  fo  adonifhing  as  thofe  found  in  the  dif¬ 
ferent  caves,  there  are  many  almod  exactly  alike,  namely,  the 
Swammies  with  the  Elephant’s  head,  and  thofe  figures  with  four, 
fix,  and  eight  arms,  invariably  found  in  every  pagoda.  Thirdly, 
the  fan  Burn  fanftonim  has  the  fame  mark  in  both,  i.  e.  the  large 
done  in  the  form  of  a  maufoleum  ;  and,  ladly,  the  fame  re- 
prefentation  of  favorite  animals,  fome  of  which  are  peculiar  to 
the  country.  Independent  of  thefe  driking  refemblances  we 
find  many  of  the  figures  at  Elephanta  with  the  bramin’s  dring 
over  the  bread  and  fhoulder,  not  to  mention  the  bangles  and 
large  ear-rings,  which,  though  parts  of  the  prefent  Gentoo 
drefs,  are  likewife  worn  by  both  Moors  and  Perlees.  But, 
perhaps,  the  dronged  proof  that  can  be  adduced  in  favour  of 
a  Gentoo  origin,  is  the  prefent  race  of  that  people  dill  wor- 
2  fhiping 

Cannara,  Ambola,  and Elephanta.  283 

fhiping  in  the  caves  of  Ambola  and  Elephanta.  Of  all  the  dif¬ 
ferent  cads  in  India,  the  Gentoo  is  the  moll:  completely  fet¬ 
tered  with  religious  prejudices,  and  the  mod:  feduious  in  pre- 
ferving  their  fandtuaries,  and  even  their  houfes,  from  the  pol¬ 
lution  of  Grangers.  It  can  hardly  then  be  imagined  that  a  fet 
of  people,  fo  very  tenacious  of  their  purity  in  matters  of  fuch 
(eeming  importance,  (hould  repair  to  any  cave  for  the  purpofes 
of  divine  worlhip,  without  an  afl’urance  that  fuch  cave  was 
originally  intended  for  that  particular  ufe.  The  Gentoos,  how¬ 
ever,  feem  to  know  as  little  of  the  matter  in  diipute  as  any 
other  fedt;  nor  can  any  man  be  found  who  can  explain  the 
meaning  of  a  (ingle  figure,  or  explore  the  emblematical  fenfe  of 
a  (ingle  groupe.  Thefe  obfervations  naturally  occurred  in  treat¬ 
ing  a  fubjedt  which  you  mud:  allow  to  be  curioudy  inexplicable. 
If  they  tend  nothing  to  unravel  the  myftery,  they  cannot  add 
to  its  obfcurity  ;  if  they  afford  the  fmalled:  light  to  guide  or 
encourage  the  learned  in  further  refearches,  the  writer  of  the 
prefent  little  ElTay  mud:  account  himfelf  highly  rewarded. 


O  o  2 



Mr.  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 


Principally  by  a  Friend  of  the  Author. 

E  J151. 

te  Cn  the  fituation  of  the  Ifland  Salfet  we  may  obferve  it  is  re*- 
markable  that  almoft  all  nations  have  confecrated  iflands  to  the  Deities, 
and  have  made  them  the  peculiar  fcenes  of  religious  adoration.  The 
Britifh  Druids  had  chofen  Mona,  or  Anglefey,  as  the  principal  re- 
fidence  of  their  order.  See  Tacit.  Annal.  cap.  xxx.  lib.  14.  Rowland’s 
Mona  illuflr.  paffim.  Dionyfius  Periegetes,  ver.  570.  mentions  a  cluf- 
ter  of  Iflands  in  the  German  Ocean,  oppolite  to  Britain,  to  which  the 
wives  of  the  Amnitae  repaired  annually  to  celebrate  the  orgia ,  or  rites 
of  Bacchus.  Moft  of  the  fmall  iflands  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Greece 
and  Afia  Minor  were  confecrated  to  particular  Deities :  Delos  to 
Apollo;  Cythera,  to  Venus ;  Samos,  to  Juno-,  Chios,  to  Bacchus; 
Rhodes,  to  the  Sun,  &c.  The  famous  Temple  of  Jupiter  Ammon,  in 
Africa,  was  fituated  on  a  beautiful  verdant  fpot,  refembling  an  ifland, 
in  the  middle  of  a  vaft  fandy  defart.  See  Herodot.  lib.  II.  cap.  xlii. 
Diod.  Sic.  lib.  XVII.  p.  588.  ed.  Steph.  Quint.  Curt.  lib.  IV.  cap.  vii. 
The  temple  of  the  Sun,  at  Palmyra,  was  fimilarly  fituated.  See  Wood’s 
Ruins  of  Palmyra*  The  temple  of  Canobus,  at  the  Canobic  mouth  of 
the  Nile,  was  built  on  an  ifland  ;  and  all  over  Egypt  many  temples 
were  railed  on  iflands,  in  the  midft  of  their  artificial  lakes.  Nearchus, 
Alexander’s  admiral,  mentions  feveral  of  thefe  facred  iflands  in  his  ac¬ 
count  of  his  voyage  along  the  coaft  of  the  Indian  Ocean.  Even  the 
Chriftians  adopted  the  fame  practice.  It  appears  therefore  highly 
probable,  that  the  Ifland  of  Salfet  was  one  of  chofe  facred  retreats  to 
which  the  ancient  Hindoos  repaired  to  pay  their  devotions  to  the 
Deities  of  the  country.” 

“  The  cavern  at  Salfet  faces  the  Eafl.” 

“  AH  the  heathen  temples  fronted  the  Eafl.  The  fun  being  the  grand 
objeR  of  religious  worfhip  among  the  Zabians,  or  worfhipers  of  the 
IJoJt  of  Heaven ,  all  proflrations  were  performed  towards  the  Eafl.  The 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  2S5 

chorufes  which  danced  and  fung  the  hymns  in  the  Heathen  temples, 
began  their  motions  from  the  Eaft.  Among  the  Greeks  and  Homans 
lucky  omens  proceeded  from  the  Eaft. — In  oppofition  to  this  pra&ice, 
both  the  Jewifh  Tabernacle  and  Temple  fronted  the  Weft.” 

“  In  utter  darknefs.”  p.  260+ 

“  The  Adyta,  or  Holy  of  Holies,  of  the  Heathen  temples,  were 
always  dark,  except  when  illuminated  with  flambeaus,  & c.  The  ftatue 
of  the  Deity  was  lodged  there,  to  conceal  it  from  the  view  of  the 
vulgar  and  profane.  The  facred  myfteries  were  performed  there,  fome- 
times  by  torch-light,  fometimes  in  the  dark.  The  grand  hall,  there¬ 
fore,  being  the  penetrale>  or  Holy  of  Holies ,  might  actually  be  without 
windows  for  the  admiffion  of  light.” 

This  remark,  though  ingenious,  is  not  fatisfa&ory  •,  for,  ftiould  we 
even  fuppofe  the  grand  hall  to  have  been  the  adytum  of  ancient  wor- 
fhipers,  and  that  from  the  appearance  of  the  wooden  work,  together 
with  the  lamp-holes  cut  round  the  pagoda,  this  place  was  aflually  ex¬ 
cluded  from  any  other  light  than  that  of  artificial  illumination,  we  can 
neither  account  for  the  intention  of  executing,  with  fo  much  apparent 
labour,  the  three  large  windows  above,  nor  the  innumerable  ornaments 
which  decorate  every  pillar  below. 

“  The  figures  occupy  the  front  of  the  Veranda.”  p.  261. 

<e  It  tvas  an  univerfal  pra6tice,  among  the  Orientals,  to  pourtray  the 
figures  of  their  Deities  on  tile  walls  of  their  temples.  See  Ezekiel, 
VIII.  16.  The  Egyptians,  though  clumfy  ftatuaries  compared  with 
the  Hindoos,  had  the  flames  of  their  Deities  placed  in  niches  in  the 
walls  of  their  temples,  as  appears  from  Herod,  lib.  II.  and  Diod.  Sic. 
lib.  I.  paflim. 

“  Of  the  Dwarfs,  mentioned  p.  264,  we  may  obferve  that  thefe 
beings  feem  to  have  fprung  up  in  ■  the  Perfian  romances,  which  every 
where  abound  with  them.  They  are  the  creatures  of  Oriental  ima¬ 
gination,  and  were  introduced  into  our  books  of  chivalry  from  the  Eaft, 
in  confequence  of  our  correspondence  with  th<  fe  people  during  the 

P,  279:. 

Mr.  Mac neil's  Account  of' the  Caves  of 

P.  279. 

a  I  do  not  imagine,  either  that  the  Indians  derived  the  model  of  the 
caves  from  the  Egyptians,  or  that  this  people  ever  over-rsn,  much  lefs 
planted,  colonies  on  the  coafl  of  India.  The  expedition  of  Sefoftris  is 
the  mere  produce  of  Egyptian  vanity.  At  the  fame  time,  the  Egyptians 
in  the  mod  early  ages  were  averfe  to  commerce.  They  dreaded  the 
fea  above  all  things,  and  called  it  Typhon,  or  the  evil  genius.  See  Plu¬ 
tarch  de  Hide  et  Gliride  paffim. 

“  The  Indian  ftatues  are  handfomely  executed.  The  Egyptian  flatues 
were  clumfy,  monftrous,  and  inartificial.  This  was  owing  to  an  Egyp¬ 
tian  law,  making  it  capital  to  introduce  any  innovation .  in  the  mufic, 
pictures,  and  flatues,  which  belonged  to  religion.  See  Plato  de  le- 
glbus,  lib.  II.  p.  789.  In  confequence  of  this  prohibition,  the  mufic 
of  the  Egyptians  continued  rude  and  barbarous ;  and  the  arts  of  paint¬ 
ing  and  flatuary  were  abfolutely  flationary  for  a  vaft  feries  of  years, 
j.  e.  from  the  foundation  of  their  monarchy,  to  the  mra  of  the  Lagid^. 
This  circumflance  furnifhes  a  ftrong  prefumption  that  the  Hindoos  did 
not  copy  from  the  Egyptians. 

“  There  is,  however,  another  nation  from  which  it  is  probable  that 
both  the  Egyptians  and  the  Hindoos  took  their  model.  The  Ethiopians 
were  early  a  great  and  a  flourifhing  people.  They  were,  in  particular, 
celebrated  for  their  piety  and  religion.  Homer  every  where  dignifies 
them  with  the  tide  of  th ejujlejl  of  men ,  the  moft  devout  of  men ,  and, 
upon  every  occaficn,  fends  his  divinities  to  revel  and  caroufe  with 
the  Ethiopians.  Accordingly,  Diodorus  Siculus,  lib.  III.  init.  informs  us, 
that  this  people  pretended  that  they  were  the  fir  ft  who  taught  mankind 
how  to  honour  the  gods;  the  rites  and  ceremonies  to  be  obferved  in 
facrificing  ;  the  manner  of  conducting  pomps  and  proceflions  in  honour 
of  the  Gods,  &c.  on  which  account  their  piety  and  juflice  was  highly 
celebrated  all  over  the  world.  They  maintained  that  the  Egyptians 
were  their  colonifts;  lb.  p.  101.  ed  Steph.  that  the  cufloms  and  inftitutions 
eftablifhed  among  them  were  the  fame  with  theirs  ;  that  many  of  the 
iigures  of  their  ftatues  were  aftually  of  the  Ethiopian  call ;  and  that 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephanta.  2 

the  facred  letters  of  the  Egyptians  were  the  vulgar  chara&ers  of  the 
Ethiopians.  For  this  fee  alfo  Heliod.  Ethiop.  lib.  IV.  p.  174.  Indeed 
the  learned  are  in  general  agreed  that  the  Egyptians  were  adtually  a  co¬ 
lony  of  Ethiopians;  and  this  is  the  more  probable,  as  it  is  morally  cer¬ 
tain  that  the  Lower  Egypt  was  in  the  earlieft  ages  quite  overflowed  by 
the  fea,  which  rendered  it  inacceffible  on  that  fide.  This  hypothefis, 
in  itfelf  highly  probable,  is  in  a  manner  demonflrated  by  the  author  of 
Rech.  Philoloph.  fur  les  Egypt,  et  les  Chinois,  Berlin  1773.  That  the 
Egyptians  imitated  the  Ethiopians  in  datuary,  <kc.  cannot  therefore  be 
accounted  furprifing,  nor  will  it  appear  altogether  chimerical,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  certain  parts  of  India  copied  likewife  after  this  ingenious 
people,  when  the  following  circumdances  are  attended  to. 

“  That  there  were  two  nations  of  Ethiopians,  the  one  in  Africa,  the 
other  in  India,  appears  from  various  authorities.  Homer  mentions  it 
often.  See  alfo  Strabo,  lib.  I.  p.  35.  Cafaub.  ib.  p.  35.  101.  103.  et 
pafT.  p.  33.  Herod,  lib.  VII.  cap.  70.  Paufan  lib.  I.  p.  81.  where  the  hif- 
torian  mentions  one  character iftic  difference  between  the  African  and  In¬ 
dian  Ethiopians,  namely,  that  the  former  had  curled,  and  the  latter 
lank  hair.  Eufeb.  Chron.  p.  12.  mentions  an  Ethiopia  which  looks  to¬ 
wards  the  Indies.  Arrian,  Hid.  Ind.  p.  322.  obferves,  that  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  of  the  fea  coaff  of  India  differed  very  little  in  their  appearance 
from  the  Ethiopians  of  Africa,  being  of  the  fame  dark  completion, 
but  without  woolly  hair.  See  alfo  Pomponius  Mela.  lib.  3.  cap.  7.  p.  43. 
larch  us  of  India  tells  Apollonius  Fhilodratus,  vit.  Apol.  p.  123.  that  the 
Ethiopians  were  a&ually  an  Indian  nation.  Eufeb.  Chron.  p.  26.  ob¬ 
ferves,  that  fome  Ethiopians,  leaving  their  native  country  on  the  banks 
of  the  Indies,  came  and  fettled  in  Egypt.  Apollonius  of  Tyanea,  find¬ 
ing  that  the  Ethiopians  fpoke  highly  of  the  Indians,  told  them,  that 
they  were  thenffelves  originally  Indians.  See  Philodr.  p.  227.  And  Nilus 
the  Egyptian  tells  Apollonius,  that  the  Indians  were  of  ail  people  in 
the  world  the  mod  knowing  ;  that  the  Ethiopians  were  a  colony  from 
them  •,  and  that  they  inherited  the  wifdom  of  their  forefathers.” 

Thefe  quotations  feem  to  prove,  not  only  that  the  Ethiopians  mud 
have  anciently  coloniz.-d  a  great  part  of  the  fea-coad  of  India,  but  that 
they  had  mingled  lo  intimately  with  the  inhabitants  of  thefe  parts  as  to 
have  become  at  lad  the  fame  people.  How  far  this  may  account  for  that 


•x88  Mr.  Macneil’s  Account  of  the  Caves  of 

rcfemblance  to  Ethiopian  feature  found  in  the  different  caves,  is  fubmit- 
ted  to  the  eonfideration-of  the  learned.  It  is  further  remarked,  by  the 
ingenious  gentleman  who  has  favoured  the  author  with  thefe  obferva- 
tions,  that  the  round  breads,  and  the  fymptoms  that  diflinguilh  the 
waifts  of  the  female,  are  Hill  defcernible  in  the  fex  among  the  modern 
Abyffinians.  We  are  however  flill  in  the  dark.  For,  fhould  we  aferibe 
thefe  excavations  to  the  Ethiopians  previous  to  their  mingling  with  the 
natives,  whence,  or  wherefore,  the  objebts  of  Gentao  worfhip  ?  if  after 
a  complde  incorporation  (a  circum fiance  that  flill  requires  farther  proof), 
whence  invariably  the  Ethiopian  feature,  and  a  drefs  different  from  either 
Ethiopian  or  Gentoo  ?  To  fay  that  this  might  have  been  the  ancient  drefs 
of  the  fuppofed  mungrel  breed,  is  begging  the  queflion.  That  a  peo¬ 
ple  fimilar  in  drefs  and  in  feature  to  the  reprefentations  in  the  different 
caves  once  exilled,  is  what  I  have  little  doubt  of ;  but  till  fuch  time 
as  experience  or  chance  point  out  a  refemblance  to  certain  feature  and 
coftame ,  we  labour  in  vain  to  remove  the  veil  by  forming  hypothefes* 
The  Ethiopians  indeed  might  have  long  inhabited  the  greatefl  part  of 
the  fea-coafl  of  India  from  the  river  Indus  to  Cape  Comorin.  They 
were  themfelves  a  colony  of  Cufliites  who  inhabited  the  Eaft  and  S.  E. 
ooafl  of  Arabia  [a~\,  and  the  navigation  acrofs  the  red  fea  to  Ethiopia 
was  fhort  and  eafy.  But  it  is  not  the  fea  coaft  alone  where  excavations 
and  fculpture  in  rock  are  met  with.  India,  I  have  been  informed,  can 
produce  many,  if  not  of  equal  workmanfhip  with  thofe  deferibed  in  the 
prefent  effay,  at  lead  equally  aflonifhing  for  the  extent  of  the  excava¬ 
tions,  and  the  magnitude  of  the  flatues  [£].  That  the  ancient  Indians 

[a]  See  Jofeph.  Antiq.  Jud.  lib.  I.  cap.  7.  p.  1 1.  1.  16.  ab  ima  pag.  ed.  Gr.  Bafil.  informs 
us,  that  the  Ethiopians  were  the  defeendants  of  Cufli,  and  that  all  the  people  in  Afia  even  in 
his  time  called  that  people  Cujbim.  The  language  of  the  Ethiopians  was  a  kindred  dialed  of 
the  Hebrew,  Chaldean,  Arabian,  Phoenician.  See  Walton’s  Prolegom.  Gale’s  Court  of  the 
Gentiles,  vol,  I.  lib.  1.  cap.  it.  p.  90.  par.  12.  Bochart  Can.  lib.  i.eap.  15.  Hottengeri 
Smegma  ling.  Oi  ien.  lib.  1 .  cap.  5.  p.  81.  Accordingly  a  vaft  number  of  names  of  countries, 
nations,  cities,  iflands,  rivers,  mountains,  &c.  over  all  India  every  where  occur  in  ancient 
writers,  which  to  a  perfon  verfed  in  thefe  languages  will  at  once  appear  to  belong  to  one 
or  other  of  them.  To  the  learned  gentleman  already  mentioned,  1  am  alio  indebted  for  this 

[£]  At  Gualeor  there  are  figures  in  alto  relievo  cut  out  of  rock,  many  of  which  I  am 
informed  are  above  feventy  feet  in  height.  Gualeor  lies  in  69.  E.  loDg.  25.  45.  N.  lat. 


Cannara,  Ambola,  and  Elephants. 

pofTefled  talents  fufficient  for  fuch  ingenious  undertakings,  appears  evi¬ 
dent  from  the  teftimonies  of  various  writers.  “  All  the  antient  authors 
(fays  the  writer  of  thefe  notes)  who  mention  them,  bcftow  the  higheft 
encomiums  on  their  wifdom,  religion,  policy,  ingenuity,  and  fuperior 
fkill  in  arts,  fciences,  mechanics,  See.  [r].  Dionyfius,  author  of  thePeri- 
egefis,  or  tour  round  the  world,  concludes  his  work  with  a  defeription 
of  their  habits,  manners,  rites,  induftry  and  knowledge  executed  with 
fuch  harmony  of  numbers,  and  fuch  a  glow  of  imagination  as  would 
have  done  honour  to  the  pen  of  a  Homer. — A  good  tranflation  of  that 
beautiful  paffage  would  deferve  high  commendation — it  begins  at  ver. 
1088.  and  continues  to  the  end.’* 

[c]  See  Diodorus  Siculus  ed.  Steph.  lib.  11.  p.  15.  et  feqq.  Herodot.  lib.  3.  cap.  98— 
108.  Ctefiaj  cxcerpta  annexed  to  Herodotus,  p.656.  et  feqq.  Strabo,  lib.  15.  p.  689. 
ed.  Cafaub.  Philoftr.  vit.  Apol.  Tyan.  ubi  fupra.  Arriani  hilt.  Indica  paffim.  Quint.  Curtius 


Vol.  VIII. 

p  p 

XXV.  Account 

[  •  290  ] 

XXV.  Account  of  an  antient  Infcription  in  North 
America.  By  the  Rev .  Michael  Lort,  D.  D.  V \  P.A.S, 

,  j  i 

Read  November  23,  1786. 

r| ^  H  E  monuments  of  antient  art  noticed  in  North  Ame- 

I  rica  have  been  fo  few,  that  the  difcovery  of  any  fuch  has 
a  particular  claim  to  the  attention  of  the  learned  in  any  part  of 
the  globe.  When  therefore  I  had  found  in  a  publication  in  that 
part  of  it  [<?],  the  following  reference  made  to  an  antient  infcrip¬ 

[a]  A  fermon  preached  before  his  Excellency  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Efq. 
L.  L.D.  governor  and  commander  in  chief,  and  the  honourable  general  affem- 
bly  of  Connecticut,  convened  at  Hertford  at  the  anniverfary  eleCtion,  May  8, 
1783,  by  Ezra  Stiles,  D.  D.  prelident  of  Yale  College,  Newhaven,  printed  by 
Thomas  and  Samuel  Green,  1783,  8vo.  pp.  200.  Perhaps  it  may  not  be  amifs 
to  mention  how  this  infcription  came  to  be  noticed  in  a  fermon  preached  before 
the  governor  and  Hate  of  Connecticut. 

The  ingenious  preacher,  fired  with  the  idea  of  a  new  and  extenfive  empire 
riling  in  America,  fuppofes  that  the  celebrated  prophecy  of  Noah  concerning 
his  fons,  and  the  future  fate  of  their  defendants,  being  at  prefent  in  part  only 
fulfilled,  is  to  meet  with  its  full  and  final  completion  in  America. 

The  prophecy  runs  thus,  Genelis  ix.  25,  6,  7. 

“  Curled  be  Canaan  ;  a  fervant  of  fervants  fhall  he  be  to  his  brethren. — 
4<  Blefied  be  the  Lord  God  of  Shem,  and  Canaan  fhall  be  his  fervant. — God 

fhall  enlarge  Japheth,  and  he  fhall  dwell  in  the  tents  of  Shem,  and  Canaan 
“  fhall  be  his  fervant.” 

Thefe  three  fons  of  Noah  are  fuppofed  to  have  peopled  the  three  parts  of 
the  world,  Africa,  Alia,  and  Europe. 

Some  of  the  defendants  of  Ham  and  of  Canaan  fettled  in  Africa  have  been 
long  fervants  to  the  defendants  of  Shem  and  of  Japheth  fettled  in  Alia  and 
Europe  ;  but  the  prophecy  of  the  territories  of  Japhet  being  enlarged,  Dr.  Stiles 
fuppofes  is  to  take  place  by  the  defendants  of  Japheth  fpreading  over  America, 
as  they  have  done  over  Europe,  and  wholly  extirpating  the  native  Indians. 


Dr.  Lout’s  Account  of  ax  / vfcription ,  See.  29  * 

tion  difeovered  on  a  rock  in  Taunton  River  in  Narraganfet  Bay, 
I  thought  this  an  object  worthy  the  attention  of  the  Society. 
In  page  12  the  learned  Author  writes  thus : 

“  The  Phoenicians  charged  the  Dighton  and  other  rocks  in 
“  Narraganfet  Bay  with  Punic  inferiptions  remaining  to  this 
“  day,  which  laft  I  myfelf  have  repeatedly  feen  and  taken  off 
“  at  large,  as  did  profeffor  Sewell.  He  has  lately  tranfmitted  a 
“  copy  of  this  infeription  to  Mr.  Gebelin  of  the  Parilian  Aca- 
46  demy  of  Sciences,  who,  comparing  them  with  the  Punic 
“  paleography,  judges  them  to  be  Punic,  and  has  interpreted 
46  them  as  denoting  that  the  antient  Carthaginians  once  vifited 
(t  thefe  diftant  regions.” 

Thefe  Indians  he  fuppofes  to  be  the  defeendants  of  Canaan,  who  being  expelled  by 
Jofhua  and  the  Ifraelites  from  the  land  of  Canaan,  did  fome  of  them  wander  to 
and  fettle  in  America.  As  a  foundation,  in  part,  for  this  hypothecs,  he  introduces 
thefe  Naraganfet  rocks  with  inferiptions  on  them,  which,  being,  as  he  imagines, 
in  the  old  Punic  or  Phoenician  character  and  language,  he  thinks  were  the  work  of 
the  original  fettlers  of  that  nation.  After  difculfing  this  matter  at  large,  he 
fays,  “  The  European  population  fo  far  furpailes  them  (the  Indians)  already, 
“  that  of  whatever  origin  they  came,  they  will  eventually  be,  as  the  moft  of 
“  them  have  already  become,  fervants  unto  Japheth.  We  are  increafing  with 
“  great  rapidity,  and  the  Indians  as  well  as  the  million  Africans  in  America 
4t  are  decreafing  as  rapidly  :  both  left  to  themfelves  in  this  way  diminilhing 
“  may  gradually  vanifh,  and  thus  an  unrighteous  flavery,  may  in  God’s  good 
“  providence  be  abolifhed  and  ceafe  in  this  land  of  liberty.” 

One  more  prediction  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  recording  here,  “  The  rough. 
“  fonorous  diftion  of  the  Englilh  language  may  here  take  its  Athenian  polilh, 
“  and  receive  its  Attic  urbanity,  as  it  will  probably  become  the  vernacular 
“  tongue  of  more  numerous  millions  than  ever  yet  fpoke  a  language  on  earth.” 

“  God  in  his  providence  has  ordered,  that  at  the  Reformation  the  Englifh 
**  tranflation  of  the  Bible  fhoujd  be  made  with  greater  accuracy  than  any  other 
“  tranflation.  It  may  have  been  defigned  byr  Providence  for  the  future  perufal 
“  of  more  millions  than  ever  were  able  to  read  anyone  book, -and  for  their 
u  ufe  to  the  millenian  ages,” 

Pp  2  This 


292  Dr.  Lort’s  Ac c outit  of  an  Infer iption 

This  extract  was  accompanied  with  the  only  copy  of  the  in- 
feription  I  was  then  acquainted  with,  as  it  appears  in  the  eighth 
volume  of  M.  Gebelin’s  Monde  Prhnltlf  and  together  with  the 
copy  of  the  infeription,  I  exhibited  alfo  the  interpretation  given 
by  this  celebrated  writer  [^]. 

Having  fince  found  that  copies  of  it  had  been  fent,  at  different 
times  by  different  perfons,  both  to  the  Royal  Society  and  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries,  though  no  notice  had  been  taken  there¬ 
of  in  the  printed  Memoirs  of  either  Society,  except  a  very  flight 
one  in  the  Philofophical  Tranfa£lions  for  the  year  1714;  I  have 
therefore,  from  the  minute  books  of  each  Society,  collected  to¬ 
gether  thefe  different  accounts,  and,  together  with  the  drawings 
which  accompanied  them,  fubmit  them  to  the  infpeftion  of  this 
learned  body;  and  by  their  means,  if  it  fhall  be  thought  proper, 
to  the  world  at  large  ;  thereby  affording  an  opportunity  to  any 
perfon  who  fhall  be  inclined  to  examine  and  compare  them 
with  M.  Gebelin’s  interpretation,  and  may  not  be  fatisfied  there¬ 
with,  to  favour  the  world  with  a  different  one. 

[ b]  M.  Court  de  Gebelin,  fon  of  a  pallor  at  Laufanne,  and  bom  there  in 
1727,  came  to  Paris  in  1763,  where  foirte  years  after  he  put  out  propofals  for  a 
large  work  to  be  publilhed  by  fubfeription,  entituled,  Le  Monde  Primitif  analyse 
it  compare  avec  te  Monde  moderney  ou  Recherches  fur  /’ Antiquite  du  Monde. 

This  work  meeting  with  great  encouragement  was  extended  to  nine  volumes 
in  4to,  when  his  health  being  much  impaired  by  too  fevere  an  application  to  his 
hudies,  he  was  forced  for  a  time  to  intermit  them,  and  applied  to  the  celebrated 
magnetic  doftor  M.  Mefmer  for  relief,  by  whofe  operations  he  flattered  himfelf 
he  had  received'  fo  much  that  he  addreffed  a  memoir  to  his  fublcribers  in  1783, 
reckoned  one  of  the  ableft  defences  of  M.  Mefmer  and  his  operations  ;  but  he 
relapfed,  and  being  removed  to  Mr.  M diner's  houfc  died  there  in.  1784,.  which 
occalioned  the  following  lines  r 

Cy  git  ce  pauvre  Gebelin, 

Qui  parloit  Gtec,  Hehreu,  Latin. 

Admirez  to  us  fon  heroifme, 

11  fyt  martyr  de  mignetifme. 

F  rom 

-  V  • 

in  North  America. 

#  93 

From  the  minutes  of  this  Society  it  appears  that  a  drawing 
of  this  infcription  had  been  made  fo  long  ago  as  the  year  1 680 
by  Dr.  Danforth ;  but  the  firft  public  notice  I  can  find  taken  of 
it  in  this  country,  is  in  the  Philofophical  TranfaCtions  for  the 
year  1714,  N°  339.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Cotton  Mather  of  Bofton 
in  New  England,  in  a  letter  addrefled  to  Dr.  Waller,  Secretary 
of  the  Royal  Society,  dated  November  12,  1712,  amongft  other 
pieces  of  literary  information,  gives  the  following  : 

66  At  Taunton,  by  the  fide  of  a  tiding  river,  part  in,  part 
<e  out  of  the  river,  there  is  a  large  rock,  on  the  perpendicular 
<c  fide  of  which,  next  to  the  dream,  are  feven  or  eight  lines, 
**  about  feven  or  eight  feet  long,  and  ahout  a  foot  wide,  each 
u  of  them  engraven  with  unaccountable  characters,  not  like 
«  any  known  character.  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  procure 
«  the  whole,  but  have  fent  a  copy  of  two  of  them.”  See  Plate 
XVIII.  N°  1. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Dr.  Mather  communicated  any  thing 
farther  on  this  fubjeCt  to  the  Royal  Society  ;  but  in  the  year 
1732,  Mr.  Bogdani,  a  member  of  this  Society,  exhibited  a 
drawing  of  it  made  by  Dr.  Danforth  in  1680  ;  and  another  of 
a  iater  date  by  Dr.  lfaac  Greenwood,  Holliiian  Profeflor  at 
Cambridge,  in  New  England  ;  PI.  XVIII.  N°  3  and  2.  with  an 
extraCt  of  a  letter  from  this  gentleman  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Villan, 
ReCtor  of  St.  John’s,  Tot hillfi elds,  in  the  following  words: 

“  I  am  informed  that,  at  fome  extraordinary  tides,  the  water 
u  ebbs  below  the  rock  ;  and  iome  perfons  of  undoubted  veracity 
4t  belonging  to  the  town  allure  me,  that  the  river  has  been 
“  conftantly  encroaching  on  that  part  of  the  beach,  fo  as  to 
“  wade  the  adjacent  lands  ;  which,  fince  the  memory  of  many 
“  now  living,  is  lomething  more  diftant  from  the  rock  than 
iC  formerly,  though  now  but  a  few  feet  ;  and  that  there  are 
“  the  like  figures  for  fome  feet  under  the  prefent  furface  of  the- 


294-  Dr.  Lort’j  Account  of  an  Infcription 

44  beach,  which  is  marked  in  the  drawing  AE.  In  deter- 
46  mining  the  characters,  or  figures,  1  found  fome  difficulty ; 
44  for  the  indentures,  at  prefent,  are  not  very  confiderable,  nor 
«  I  think  equally  deep,  which  put  me  upon  the  following  rule, 
«  viz.  carefully  to  trace  out  and  chalk  all  fuch  places,  and 
44  thofe  only,  which  I  really  believed  indentures ;  and  in  this 
“  part  I  defired  the  revifal  and  affiftance  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Fifher 
44  and  others  :  many  places  were  paffed  over  which  did  not 
44  feem  to  be  indentures  as  to  the  eye,  though  remarkably  dif- 
46  coloured  by  fome  adherent  matter  ;  in  correfponding  figures 
44  to  the  reft,  I  thought  it  more  advileableto  give  fuch  parts  of 
44  thefe  characters  as  were  real,  that  thereby  the  whole  might 
44  be  obtained,  than  to  run  the  rifle  of  a  conjectural  defeription, 
44  which  would  certainly  have  endangered  the  difeovered  parts ; 
44  and  for  this  reafon  I  muft  alfo  note  that  the  figures  are  not 
44  all  fo  well  defined  as  I  have  expreffed  them  ;  the  bounds  be- 
44  ing  fcarcely  perceivable  in  fome  of  them  j  the  ftrokes  may 
44  be  alfo  fomething,  though  very  little  broader,  their  direction 
44  being  chiefly  what  I  aimed  at.  Time  is  fuppofed  to  have 
44  gradually  impaired  them,  and  one  of  advanced  years  in  the 
44  town  told  me,  that  he  was  fenfible  of  fome  alteration  fince 
44  his  memory  ;  and  for  this  reafon  I  have  alfo  fent  you  N°  3, 
44  which  is  a  drawing  of  fome  part  of  this  infcription,  taken  by 
44  the  Rev.  Mr.  Danforth,  in  1680.  This  gentleman  obferves, 
44  with  relation  to  it,  that  there  was  a  tradition  went  current 
44  with  the  oldeft  Indians,  that  there  came  a  wooden  houfe, 
44  and  men  of  another  country  in  it,  fwimming  upon  the  river 
44  AJfoonet ,  as  this  was  then  called,  who  fought  the  Indians 
44  with  mighty  fuccefs,  &c. 

44  This,  I  think,  evidently  (hews  that  this  monument  was 
44  efteemed  by  the  oldeft  Indians,  not  only  very  antique,  but 
5‘  a  work  of  a  different  nature  from  any  of  theirs.  It  may  not 
3  6i  b® 

In  North  America,  29$ 

44  he  improper  to  add  here,  that  this  place  was  one  of  the  moft 
»44  confiderable  feats  of  the  Indians  in  this  part  of  the  world* 
44  and  the  river  very  remarkable  for  all  forts  of  fowl  and  fifti, 

44  N°  2.  PI.  XVIII.  A.  B.  C.  D.  E.  reprefent  the  face  of  the 
44  rock,  being  a  plain  nearly  perpendicular  to  the  horizon,  look' 
44  ing  north  by  weft;  in  length  from  B  to  D  eleven  feet,  and 
44  in  depth  from  C  to  F  four  feet  and  a  half.  This  feems  to 
44  have  been  left  by  nature  very  fmooth,  and  is  certainly  in 
44  its  furface  very  uniform,  compact,  and  durable.  B.  G.  D. 
44  reprefent  the  furface  of  the  water  at  the  time  of  obfervation. 

44  N°  3.  is  the  infcription  as  taken  by  Dr.  Darnforth  in  1680.” 

Thus  far  from  the  minutes  of  this  Society,  in  which  I  can 
find  no  farther  notice  taken  of  this  infcription  ;  but  from  the 
Minutes  of  the  Royal  Society  for  the  year  1 775,  it  appears,  that 
a  new  copy  of  the  infcription,  with  the  following  account 
thereof,  was  delivered  in  to  that  Society  [c].  ■ 

44  Some  years  fince  the  late  Mr.  Eames  applied  to  Mr.  Ti- 
44  mothy  Hollis,  to  write  to  Mr.  Winthrope,  Holliiian  Pro- 
44  feffor  of  Mathematics  at  Cambridge  in  New  England,  at 
44  the  defire  of  a  gentleman  at  Berlin,  or  fome  part  of  Germany, 
44  of  great  learning  and  knowledge  in  languages,  to  procure  a 
44  more  accurate  copy  of  the  infcription  on  the  rock  at  Dighton, 
44  Mr.  Hollis  did  write  accordingly,  but  never  received  an  an- 
44  fwer  ;  and  Mr.  Eames  dying  foon  after,  nothing  further  was 
44  done  in  it.  Laft  fummer,  Mr.  Hollis  being  favoured  with 
44  a  vifit  from  Mr.  Bernard,  this  matter  happened  to  be  men- 
4t  tioned,  and,  in  conference  thereof,  Mr.  Hollis  has  been 
44  favored  with  a  letter  from  Mr.  Winthrope,  with  a  copy  of 
44  the  infcription  ;  of  which  letter  is  the  following  extrad : 

[Y]  A  ftiort  abflraft  only  appears  in  the  minutes,  but  I  was  favoured  with  a 
light  of  the  whole  paper  by  Timothy  Hollis,  Efq.  of  Great  Ormond  Street. 

44  Cam» 

296  Dr.  Lort’j  Account  of  an  Infer] pt ton 

44  Cambridge,  in  New  England,  Nov.  14,  1774. 

44  I  went  to  fee  this  rock  above  30  years  ago,  and  then  took 
44  an  imperfect  copy  of  the  infeription,  and  faw  it  again  laft 
44  fpring ;  fome  copies  of  it  have  formerly  been  taken  ;  part  of 
“  one  may  be  feen  in  the  Philofophical  TranfaCtions,  No.  339. 
44  where  it  is  reprefented  in  two  diftinCt  lines.  The  rock  is 
46  of  a  dark  reddifh  color,  Handing  on  the  brink  of  Taunton 
64  river,  about  forty-three  miles  fouth  of  Bofton.  The  face 
44  of  it  next  the  river  is  plane,  not  perpendicular,  but  reclining 
44  backward.  The  infeription  almoft  fills  this  plane  fide.  When 
44  I  faw  it  laft,  the  tide  covered  all  but  the  upper  part  of  it. 
44  According  to  the  belt  of  my  remembrance,  the  characters  do 
44  not  appear  fo  plain  now  as  they  did  about  thirty  years  ago. 
44  About  fix  years  paft,  Mr.  Sewell,  our  Profelfor  of  Hebrew, 
44  and  other  Oriental  languages,  took  the  moft  exaCt  copy  of 
44  it,  that  I  believe  was  ever  taken,  as  large  as  the  original,  and 
46  which  is  now  depofited  in  our  Mufeum.  A  copy  of  this,  re- 
44  duced  by  Mr.  Sewell,  I  have  now  the  honour  of  fending  to 
44  you,  through  Mr.  Barnard’s  hands,  to  be  prefented  to  the 
44  Royal  Society,  if  you  think  proper.  I  wifti  the  learned  gen- 
44  tlemen  of  that  Society  may  be  able  to  throw  any  light  upon 
44  it,  or  difeover  any  fimilarity  between  thefe  and  any  other 
44  known  characters  or  hieroglyphics.  There  feem  to  be  in  it 
44  four  human  figures,  though  very  rudely  executed.  Thole 
64  on  the  left  hand  have  fome  appearance  of  a  woman  and  a 
44  child  by  her.  Thofe  on  the  right  are  nearly  of  a  bignefs  ; 
44  on  the  lower  fide,  near  the  middle,  there  feems  to  be  fome 
44  refemblance  of  a  quadruped  with  horns  ;  none  of  thefe  things 
44  appear  in  the  copy  in  the  Philofophical  TranfaCtions,  N°  339. 
44  Whether  this  was  defigned  by  the  Indians  as  a  memorial  of 
f‘>any  remarkable  event,  or  was  a  mere  lufus  at  their  leifure 

64  hours* 

in  North  America.  297 

a  hours,  of  which  they  have  a  great  number,  I  cannot  pretend 
r<  to  fay.  ’Tis  certain  it  was  done  before  the  English  fettled  in 
“  this  country.” 

Such  are  the  different  accounts  that  have  been  exhibited  in 
this  country  of  this  American  infcription.  When  I  firft  faw 
it  in  M.  Gebelin’s  book,  I  own  I  could  conceive  of  it  as  nothing 
more  than  the  rude  fcrawls  of  fome  of  the  Indian  tribes,  com¬ 
memorating  their  engagements,  their  marches,  or  their  hunt¬ 
ing  parties,  fuch  as  are  to  be  feen  in  different  accounts  of  thefe 
nations,  and  very  lately  exhibited  to  this  Society  by  a  worthy 
member  of  it  [h/].  And  I  was  happy  to  find  this  notion  coin¬ 
cided  with  Mr.  Winthrop’s  ideas  on  the  fubjeCt,  as  given  in 
the  conclufion  of  his  letter. 

It  is  upon  this  fuppofition  only  that  I  can  account  for  the 
little  or  no  attention  that  has  hitherto  been  paid  in  this  country 
to  this  fuppofed  memorial  of  antient  times  in  North  America, 
after  having  been  exhibited,  at  diftant  periods,  no  lefs  than  three 
times  to  the  Royal  and  Antiquarian  Societies  in  this  metropolis. 

The  Literati  of  that  part  of  the  world  certainly  did  their 
parts  in  fending  repeated  accounts  and  exhibitions  of  it  to  the 
Literati  here  ;  who,  upon  a  fuppofition  of  its  being  the  work 
of  the  Indians,  might  probably  conclude  that  the  interpretation 
would  be  belt  made  upon  the  fpot  by  thofe  who  had  better 
opportunities  of  converfing  with  and  knowing  the  people  who 
feemed  to  have  the  beft  claim  to  its  fabrication. 

Some  conjectures  as  to  its  origin  we  find  Rated  in  the  letter 
which  accompanied  the  copy  of  the  infcription  fent  from 
America  to  M.  Gebelin  ;  from  which  it  appears  that  this  copy 
was  from  the  fame  original  draught  from  which  Mr.  Win¬ 
throp’s  copy,  fent  to  Mr.  Hollis,  and  now  exhibited  [>],  was 

[d\  See  in  the  fix th  volume  of  the  ArciiGeoiogia,  p.  159,  £<  Obfervations  on 
“  the  Indian  Method  of  Pi£ture  Writing,  by  William  Bray,  Efq.” 

[*]  Plate  XIX.  fig.  1. 

Vol.  VIII.  Q^q 


298  Dr.  Lort’j  Account  of  an  Infcription 

taken.  This  draught  was  made  September  13,  1768,  by  MeiTrs.. 
Stephen  Sewell,  and  Thomas  Darnforth,  adifled  by  MefTrs. 
William  Baylis,  Seth  Williams,  and  David  Cobb. 

In  the  letter  to  M.  Gebelin,  accompanying  this  copy,  it  is 
faid — “  The  convenience  of  the  road,  and  the  facility  of  na~ 
“  vigating  the  river  to  this  place,  give  reafoti  to  fome  to  fup- 
“  pofe  it  the  work  of  the  Phoenicians,  driven  hither  from  the 
“  European  coafts;  others  fuppofe  it  h  rather  an  hieroglyphic 
“  infcription  than  alphabetic  characters,  and  that  therefore  it 
“  may  be  the  work  of  the  Chinefe  or  Japanefe.” 

The  hint  given  in  the  former  paragraph  of  a  Phoenician 
origin  was  not  loft  upon  M.  Gebelin.  When  he  received  it, 
he  was  engaged  in  that  part  of  his  work  which  led  him  to 
prove  that  the  Phoenicians  had,  in  their  early  voyages,  vilited 
all  parts  of  the  globe.  He  therefore  falls  into  raptures  on  re¬ 
ceiving  this  additional  proof  and  fupport  of  his  fyftem.  To 
life  his  own  expreffions  [/]  :  “It  feemed  to  have  come  exprefs 
“  from  that  part  of  the  globe,  to  confirm  his  notions  of  the 
“  very  early  communications  that  fubfifted  between  the  old 

[/]  “  11  femble  arriver  du  nouveau  monde  tout  expres  pour  confirmer  nos 
“  vues  fur  l’ancienne  communication  de  l’ancien  et  du  nouveau  monde.  Nous 
“  l’avons  fait  graver  avec  la  plus  grande  exa&itude  ;  on  y  verra  de  la  maniere  la 
“  plus  vraisemblable,  nous  dirions  prefqu’  evidente,  que  c’eft  un  monument 
“  Phenicien,  et  fans  doute  Carthaginois,  divise  en  trois  fcenes,  une  pafsee, 
“  une  prefente,  une  future. 

“  La  prefente,  fur  le  devant  du  tableau,  defigne  une  alliance  entre  les  peuples 
“  Americains  et  la  nation  etrangere.  La  fcene  pafsee  reprefente  ces  etrangers 
“  corame  venant  d’un  pays  riche  et  induftrieux  et  comme  ayant  ete  amenes  avec 
“  le  plus  grand  fucces  par  un  vent  du  nord. 

“  Les  fymboles  et  les  cara&eres  alphabetiqueis  de  ce  monument  fe  reuniflent 
“  pourprouver  que  ces  font  des  Carthaginois  ;  et  puis  en  reflechiffant  un  peu, 
“  on  n’ell  pas  plus  etonne  de  voir  ce  peuple  dans  ces  contrees,  que  d’y  trouver 
u  des  Ifiandois  et  des  Gallois  aux  xe  et  xie  Siccles,  et  Colomb  a  xve.”  Difcours 
Prfliminaire ,  p.  13.  vol.  VIII, 


“  and 

in  North  America. 


44  and  the  new  world.  You  fee  (continues  he)  on  a  bare  in- 
4 4  fpedtion  of  this  monument,  the  moft  probable,  I  had  almoft 
44  faid  the  moft  evident  marks  of  its  being  Phoenician,  and, 
44  without  dou£>t,  Carthaginian,  divided  into  three  fcenes,  paft, 
“  prefent,  and  to  come.”  The  middle,  or  principal,  part  of 
44  the  pi&ure  exhibits  an  alliance  between  the  Americans  and 
44  newly-arrived  ftrangers.  The  paft  fcene,  which  is  on  the 
44  right,  reprefents  thefe  ftrangers  as  coming  from  a  far  coun- 
44  try,  fruitful  and  cultivated,  by  favour  of  a  north  wind. 
44  The  third  divifion  to  the  left  exhibits  the  ftrangers  confulting 
44  an  oracle  for  their  profperous  return.” 

Whoever  wifhes  to  fee  all  this,  more  in  detail,  may  confult  the 
eighth  volume  of  M.  Gebelin’s  Monde  Primitif[g ]. 

A  learned  member  of  this  Society,  Colonel  Vallancey,  has 
ftarted  an  idea  concerning  the  origin  of  this  infcription,  which 
feems  to  carry  a  greater  air  of  probability,  that  it  was  not 
made  either  by  the  Phoenicians  or  Carthaginians,  but  that  it 
has  a  great  refemblance  to  fome  of  thofe  found  on  rocks  in 
Tartary  and  Siberia,  which  are  defcribed  and  figured  by  Strah- 
lenbergh,  in  his  Defcription  of  the  Northern  and  Eaftern  coafts  of 
Europe  and  Afia  ;  [>6]  that  it  was  probably,  therefore,  the  work  of 
the  fame  race  of  people  who  formerly  pofleifed  thofe  countries, 
and  pafied  from  thence  to  the  great  continent  of  America. 

The  Colonel  having  in  his  memoir  referred  to  an  infcribed 
ftone  found  at  a  confiderable  diftance  in  the  interior  parts  of 
North  America,  it  may  not  be  amifs  to  give  the  hiftory  of  it 
as  exhibited  by  Mr.  Kalm,  in  the  third  volume  of  his  Travels 
into  North  America,  p.  1  23. 

[£•]  P.  57,  and  561.  M.  Gebelin’s  engraved  copy  of  the  infcription  agrees 
pretty  exaflly  with  No.  1.  pi.  XIX.  It  would  fcarce  be  fuppofed  he  could  be 
ferious  in  the  explanation  he  has  given  of  it,  by  any  one  that  did  not  confider 
how  far  a  man  may  be  carried  by  attachment  to  a  fyftem. 

[&]  Sec  pi.  XIX.  fig.  2. 

44  Some 

Q_q  2 

3C0  Dr.  Lort’j  Account  of  an  lnfcriptton 

4i  Some  years  before  I  came  into  Canada ,  the  then  governor- 
“  general,  Chevalier  de  Beaucharnois ,  gave  M.  de  Verandrier  an 
“  order  to  go  from  Canada,  with  a  number  of  people,  on  an  ex- 
“  pedition  acrofs  North  America  to  the  South  Sea,  in  order  to 
“  examine  how  far  thefe  two  places  are  diftant  from  each  other, 
“  and  to  find  out  what  advantages  might  accrue  to  Canada  or 
“  Louisiana,  from  a  communication  with  that  ocean.  They 
44  fet  out  on  horfeback  from  Montreal ,  and  went  as  much  due 
“  wed;  as  they  could  on  account  of  the  lakes,  rivers,  and  moun- 
44  tains,  which  fall  in  their  way.  As  they  came  far  in  the  coun- 
44  try,  beyond  many  nations,  they  fometimes  met  with  large 
t4  tradls  of  land,  free  from  wood,  but  covered  with  a  kind  of 
44  very  tall  grafs,  for  the  fpace  of  fome  days  journey.  Many  of 
44  thefe  fields  were  every  where  covered  with  furrows,  as  if  they 
44  had  been  ploughed  and  fown  formerly.  It  is  to  be  obferved 
14  that  the  nations,  which  now  inhabit  North  America,  could 
44  not  cultivate  the  land  in  this  manner,  becaufe  they  never  made 
44  ufe  of  horfts,  oxen,  ploughs,  or  any  inffrument  of  hufbandry, 
44  nor  had  they  ever  feen  a  plough  before  the  Europeans  came  to 
44  them.  When  they  came  far  to  the  Weft,  where,  to  the  beft 
44  of  their  knowledge,  no  Frenchman  or  European  had  ever  been, 
*•*  they  found  in  one  place  in  the  woods,  and  again  on  a  large 
44  plain,  great  pillars  of  ftone  leaning  upon  each  other.  The 
44  pillars  confifted  of  one  fingle  ftone  each  j  and  the  Frenchmen 
14  could  not  but  fuppofe  that  they  had  been  eredted  by  human 
44  hands.  Sometimes  they  have  found  fuch  ftones  laid  upon 
14  one  another,  and,  -as  it  were,  formed  into  a  wall.  In  fome 
44  of  thofe  places  where  they  found  fuch  ftones,  they  could  not 
44  find  any  other  forts  of  ftones.  They  have  not  been  able  to 
44  difcover  any  charadtsrs  or  writing  upon  any  of  thefe  ftones, 
44  though  they  have  made  a  very  careful  fearch  after  them.  At 
44  laft  they  met  with  a  large  ftone  like  a  pillar  ;  and  in  itafmall 

44  ftone 

in  North  America. 


“  {tone  was  fixed,  which  was  covered  on  both  fides  with  un- 
“  known  characters.  This  ftone,  which  was  about  a  foot  of 
“  French  meafure  in  length,  and  between  four  and  five  inches 
“  broad,  they  broke  loofe  and  carried  to  Canada  with  them, 
“  whence  it  was  fent  to  France  to  the  fecretary  of  Rate, 
“  the  Count  de  Maurepas.  What  became  of  it  afterwards  is 
“  unknown  to  them,  but  they  think  it  is  yet  preferved  in  his 
“  cohesion.  Several  of  the  Jefuits,  who  have  feen  and  handled 
“  this  {tone  in  Canada,  unanimoufly  affirm,  that  the  letters 
“  on  it  are  the  fame  with  thofe  which,  in  the  books  contain-* 
“  ing  accounts  of  Tataria ,  are  called  Tatarian  characters  ; 
“  and  that,  on  comparing  both  together,  they  found  them 
“  perfectly  alike.  All  that  the  Indians  could  fay  of  thefe 
“  ftones  was,  that  they  had  been  in  thofe  places  fince  time 
“  immemorial.  The  places  where  the  pillars  flood,  were  near 
“  nine  hundred  French  miles  weftward  of  Montreal.” 

The  above  extraCt  certainly  deferves  the  attention  of  every 
fearcner  into  remote  antiquity,  and  is  favourable  to  the  opi¬ 
nions  of'  thofe  who  confider  the  Narraganfet  infcription  as 
fomething  better  than  the  rude  fcrawl  of  modern  Indians. 
Though  I  have,  myfelf,  no  better  conjecture  to  offer,  yet,  if 
the  different  copies  and  accounts  of  it  which  I  have  been  able 
to  colleCt  fhall  enable  any  perfon  to  throw  any  new  light  on 
fo  obfcure  a  fubjeCt,  I  fhall  think  the  attention  I  have  paid  to  it 
amply  recompenfed. 

M.  L  O  R  T. 

XXVI.  Ob  fir- 


E  3°2  3 

XXVI.  Obfewations  on  the  American  Infcription .  By 
Colonel  Charles  Vallancey,  F .  A .  S. 

Read  February  9,  1786. 

attention  of  the  Society  has  been  lately  much  tak^n 

A  up  with  the  explanation  given  by  M.  Gebelin  of  the 
Taunton  infcription  in  New  England.  That  French  author 
being  inclined  to  afcribe  the  infcription  on  the  rock  to  Phoe¬ 
nicians  or  Carthaginians,  I  beg  leave  to  offer  a  few  obfervations 


The  drawing  of  the  infcription  fent  to  M.  Gebelin  was  taken 
by  Dr.  Greenwood  in  the  year  1730.  The  rock,  fituated  at 
the  water  edge,  was  then  much  decayed.  “  I  traced,”  fays  the 
Doffor,  “  with  chalk,  all  fuch  places  I  believed  were  really 
“  indentures  ;  and  pafied  over  many ,  which  did  not  feem  to  have 
“  been  originally  indented  ;  and  I  muft  take  notice,  that  the 
“  figures  are  not  all  fo  well  defined  as  I  have  exprejfed  them . 
“  Time  has  gradually  impaired  them  ;  and  an  old  man  of  the 
“  town  told  me,  he  remembered  them  more  perfect.” 

Do£tor  Greenwood’s  drawing  contains  three  human  figures, 
two  on  the  right  hand,  and  one  on  the  left  ;  and  from  thefe, 
M.  Gebelin,  {killed  in  the  hieroglyphics  of  the  ancients,  and 
much  addicted  to  fymbolical  and  allegorical  explanations,  has 
made  out  a  debarkation  of  the  Phoenicans,  and  a  facrifice  to  the 
gods  of  the  fea. 

I  am  confident,  Dr.  Greenwood’s  account  did  not  accom¬ 
pany  the  drawing,  or  M.  Gebelin  would  not  have  hazarded  an 


Colonel  V allancey  on  //^American  Inscription.  303 

explanation  fo  repugnant  to  all  hiftory.  Many  letters  palled 
between  me  and  Gebelin  on  this  fubjedt ;  at  length  he  acknow¬ 
ledged  his  doubts  ;  in  Ihort,  tacitly  gave  up  the  point. 

As  a  member  of  the  Philofophic  Society  of  Philadelphia,  and 
of  the  learned  body  here  prefent,  1  could  not  reft  fatisfied  till 
I  had  obtained  further  information  of  this  Taunton  infcription  ; 
and  I  have  the  pleafure  of  laying  before  the  Society  a  fac 
fimile  copy  of  the  infcription,  taken  before  the  ftone  was  im¬ 
paired  or  injured,  exactly  half  a  century  prior  to  Dr.  Green¬ 
wood’s  drawing.  This  was  made  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Danforth, 
in  the  year  1680.  PJ.  XVIII.  N°  3. 

In  this  drawing  there  are  no  human  figures,  or  any  thing 
that  could  poffibly  lead  M.  Gebelin  to  the  explanation  he  has 
given.  It  is  evidently  an  infcription  free  from  hieroglyphics. 

The  only  defcription  that  accompanies  Mr.  Danforth’s  draw¬ 
ing  is  this  :  u  There  is  a  tradition  amongft  the  oldeft  Indians, 
“  that  there  came  a  wooden  houfe,  and  men  of  another  coun- 
“  try  in  it,  fwimming  up  the  river  Ajj'oonet ,  as  the  Taunton 
“  was  then  called,  who  fought  the  Indians  with  mighty  fuc- 
“  cefs.”  This  may  refer  to  the  arrival  of  the  Englifh,  and 
not  to  Phoenicians  :  it  is  highly  improbable,  that  a  people,  who 
can  give  no  account  of  their  own  origin,  fhould,  by  tradition, 
be  able  to  relate  a  tranfadlion  of  fo  early  a  date  as  the  time  of 
the  exiftence  of  the  Phoenicians.  But  Dr.  Greenwood  thinks 
this  tradition  is  fufficient  to  fhew  the  monument  was  efteemed 
not  only  very  antique,  but  of  a  different  nature  from  any  of 

I  muft  confefs  myfelf  of  opinion,  that  this  monument,  or  in¬ 
fcription,  was  the  work  of  a  race  of  people  who  arrived  on 
this  great  continent  prior  to  the  prefent  race  of  Indian  favages ; 
and  I  have  fomewhere  read  of  an  obelilk  and  infcription  having 
been  difcovered  many  days  journey  N.  W.  of  Quebec :  the 


304  Colonel  Vallancey  on  the  American  Infcription. 

country  was  unpeopled :  marks  of  the  plough  were  to  be 
feen  ;  and  the  {tone,  containing  the  infcription,  happened  to  be 
loofe,  and  was  brought  to  Quebec  by  thefe  French  itinerants, 
and,  it  is  laid,  tranfmitted  to  the  French  minifter  [*]. 

The  infcription  made  by  a  prieftefs  of  the  Michmac  Indians, 
in  prefence  of  Judge  Spry  and  his  fifter,  at  Halifax,  copied  in 
the  Minutes  of  the  Society,  November  20,  1766,  is  another 
inftance,  that  letters  or  charaders  did  once  flourilh  with  this 
people.  The  French  Mifiionaries  may  alfume  to  themfelves 
the  honour  of  teaching  the  Michmacs  that  charader  j  but  who¬ 
ever  attentively  infpeds  it,  will  readily  perceive,  that  they 
would  have  invented  one  more  applicable  to  the  fuperflitious 
religion  thefe  good  Mifiionaries  were  endeavouring  to  eflablifh, 
and  that  there  is  a  medium  between  hieroglyphics  and  cha¬ 
raders  in  the  Michmac  infcription. 

In  the  controverfy  with  Monf.  Gebelin,  he  obferved  to  me, 
“  You  have  proved  the  Algonkin  language  of  America  (now 
“  almoft  Iofi)  to  have  been  the  fame  with  the  old  Scytho-Irifh, 
“  and  that  you  have  proved  to  be  Punic  ;  ergo  the  Punic  and 
“  the  Algonkin  were  the  fame.’'  This  argument  is  futile  and 

The  ancient  Irifh,  I  do  apprehend,  were  defcended  of  the  old 
Scythians  of  Armenia,  who  extended  themfelves  eaftward  to 
Thibet,  and  north  weftward  to  Siberia  ;  and  I  do  imagine  they 
may  have  c rolled  over  to  America  from  Kamtchatka.  The  dif- 
coveries  of  our  countryman  Captain  Cook,  and  the  conver¬ 
sation  I  have  had  with  Captain  King  and  others,  who  wrere 
in  thefe  parts,  have  confirmed  my  opinion  in  this  matter  [/;]. 


[rt]  See  before,  p.  299. 

[£]  C’eft  done  encore  la  pofterite  de  Japhet,  qui  non  contente  de  fon  ancien 
extenfion,  dans  des  fiecles  plus  recens  s’eft  allee  planter  fur  les  cotes  d’Afrique, 
dans  VJmerique,  et  de  la  jufques  dans  le  fond  de  l’Afia  :  de  forte  qu’on  la  voit 


Colonel  Valla ncey  on  the  American  Infcription «  305 

If  the  original  inhabitants  of  America  had  the  ufe  of  fuch  a 
chara&er  as  reprefented  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Danforth,  and  if  .thefe 
aborigines  came  from  Siberia  to  that  great  continent,  the  na¬ 
tural  inference  is,  that,  in  Siberia,  vve  may  exped  to  find  fimilar 

The  learned  Strahlenburg  traverfed  mod  parts  of  Siberia ;  and 
he  gives  us  an  account  of  feveral  infcriptions  to  be  met  with 
in  that  country.  Some  he  had  heard  of,  and  others  he  hadfeen, 
and  has  favoured  the  publick  with  drawings  of  them. 

From  thefe  I  have  feleded  one  [/],  which,  in  my  humble 
opinion,  bears  fo  ftrong  a  refemblance  of  the  New  England  ia- 
feription  [£],  there  can  be  little  doubt  of  their  being  written  by 
the  fame  people.  Thefe  are  alfo  written  on  perpendicular  rocks, 
forming  the  banks  of  rivers  ;  a  flrong  inftance  of  that  people 
having  been  navigators. 

All  the  infcriptions  in  Siberia  were  not  made  by  the  original 
inhabitants  of  that  country,  if  we  may  credit  Monf.  La  Croix. 
In  his  Hiftory  of  Timur  Bee,  tom.  II.  he  fays,  “  The  great 
“  Tamerlane  purfued  his  march  through  Siberia,  over  the  river 
“  Irtifli  as  far  as  Bucharia ;  and  there  the  generals  ftopt  fome 
<c  days,  eroding  the  river  frequently,  to  engrave  their  arms  and 
u  cyphers  on  the  pines  of  the  woods.” 

In  another  place,  he  fays,  “  Timur  halted  near  the  river 
“  Jenifei,  one  whole  day,  and  commanded  his  foldiers  to  raife 
“  an  obelifk  of  rude  ftones^  which  in  an  inftant  appeared  as  a 
(t  minaret,  or  tower :  on  this,  able  engravers  marked  the  date 

a&uellement  etablie  dans  les  quatre  parties  du  monde  a  Ja  fois.  Si  les  monumens, 
qu’ils  ont  laifsees,  fe  trouventplus  entiers  en  certains  lieux  qu’en  d’autres,  e’eft 
par  une  confequence  neceflaire  dans  ceux  qui  ontete  moins  expofes  aux  ravages 
des  nations  deflrudl rices,  aux  guerres  fatales,  et  aux  autres  revolutions  (Dii- 
fertation  addreflee  aux  Academies  fcavantes  de  l’Europe,  fur  les  Brigantes,  pi  go.) 

[i]  PI.  XIX.  N°  5.  [k]  PL  XVIII.  N°  1, 

Vol.  VIII.  R  r  “of 

306  C&lonel  Vallancey  on  the  American  In/criplm* 

“  of  the  year,  and  the  day  that  Timur  penetrated  thus 
441  far.’* 

Strahlenburg  fays*  he  had  heard  there  was  fuch  an  obelifk 
and  an  infcription  ftill  exifting  on  Mount  Itick,  between  the 
rivers  Ifchim  and  Irtifch,  but  could  get  no  account  of  the  na» 
ture  of  the  characters. 

The  infcriptions,  here  given  from  that  author,  were  taken 
from  places  far  remote  from  Timur’s  progrefs  in  that  country.  - 

Much  information  on  this  fubjeCt  may  be  expeCted  from  the 
diligent  refearches  now  making  in  Siberia,  by  order  of  the  Em- 
prefs  of  Ruffia ;  and,  till  the  publication  of  thefe  difcoveries, 
we  mud  poftpone  all  further  conjectures  on  thefe  infcriptions. 

I  therefore  conclude,  that  the  Taunton  infcription  was  not 
made  either  by  Phoenicians  or  Carthaginians,  as  M.  Gebelin 
has  alferted,  but  by  the  fame  race  of  people,  who  formerly 
poffefied  Siberia,  and  palled  from  hence  to  the  great  continent 
of  America;  and  that  thefe  were  a  lettered  people,  and  {killed 
in  all  the  iciences  of  thofe  ages,  but  have  been  moftly  deftroyed, 
in  the  northern  part  of  America,  by  great  herds  of  rambling 
Tartars,  who  followed  them,  and  now  form  thefavage  Indians  j 
and  that  many  of  the  original  people  are  to  be  found  in  South 




I  ] 

XXVII.  Ohfervations  on  the  Barberini  Vafe .  By 
John  Glen  King,  D.  D.  A ddrejfed  to  the  Earl 
of  Leicefter,  Prefdent  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries. 

Read  Nov.  30,  1 786. 

My  Lord, 

1TAKE  the  liberty  to  fend  your  Lordfhip  the  thoughts 
which  have  occurred  to  me  on  feeing  the  famous  Ro¬ 
man  urn,  called  the  Barberini  Vafe,  in  the  colle&ion  of  the 
late  duchefs  dowager  of  Portland.  I  fhould  have  had  the  ho¬ 
nour  of  fending  this  account  many  months  ago,  if  I  could 
have  procured  a  tolerable  drawing  of  it ;  or  the  engraving  made 
from  it  by  Bartolozzi,  after  the  celebrated  Cypriani’s  drawing. 
Indeed,  two  fuch  artifls  as  thofe  only  could  do  juftice  to  fo  ad¬ 
mirable  an  original. 

This  beautiful  urn  was  found  in  the  tomb  of  the  Emperor 
Alexander  Severus,  and  his  mother  Mama^a.  It  formerly  be¬ 
longed  to  the  Barberini  cabinet,  and  is  deferibed  in  that  col¬ 
lection  ;  and  thence  was  called  the  Barberini  Vafe.  It  is  de¬ 
feribed,  alfo,  by  Montfaucon  [<3],  who  has  given  a  plate  of  it ; 
but  that  learned  author,  who,  perhaps  had  not  feen  the  ori¬ 
ginal,  is  miftaken  in  almoft  every  thing,  little  as  it  is,  that  he 
advances  upon  it.  He  fays  the  Vafe  is  of  one  precious  ftone, 
adorned  with  figures  in  hafs  relief,  of  excellent  workmanfhip. 

[«]  Antiq.  Expliquee,  Tom.  V.  pi.  6. 

R  r  2 


308  Dr.  King  on  the  Barberini  Vafe. 

The  figures  are  indeed  excellent  ;  but  the  vafe  is  evidently  glafs, 
or  compofition,  of  a  deep  blue,  or  violet  colour,  and  the  figures 
white.  The  ftory  it  reprefents,  fays  he,  is  all  myfterious ;  he 
fuppofes  it  to  be  Leda  with  the  fwan ;  and  wonders  what  re¬ 
lation  it  has  to  the  afhes  of  Alexander  Severus. 

This  attempt  of  Montfaucon  to  explain  the  fubjedt  of  this 
curious  piece  of  antiquity,  was  confeffedly  unfatisfadlory  to  him- 
felf,  and  grounded  only  on  conjedture.  There  is  no  infcription 
upon  the  Vafe  to  afcertain  the  perfon  for  whom  it  was  de- 
figned  ;  yet  the  circumftance  of  its  having  been  difcovered  in 
the  tomb  of  Alexander  Severus  leads  us  to  determine  that  it 
belonged  to  him  or  to  his  mother.  I  hope  therefore  it  will 
not  be  prefumptuous  if  I  hazard  my  conjedture  upon  it,  which 
is,  that  it  is  the  urn  of  the  emprefs  Mamaea,  reprefenting  her 
death,  and  the  birth  of  her  fon  Alexander  Severus. 

Perhaps  it  may  be  neceffary  to  premife  fome  confiderations 
with  regard  to  the  works  of  the  ancient  artifts,.  particularly 
in  fculpture,  and  to  prove  that  in  the  execution  of  their  de- 
figns,  though  they  often  grouped  figures  to  reprefent  fome  his¬ 
torical  fadl,  or  poetical  fable,  yet  they  frequently  did  not  attend 
to  perfpedtive,  nor  endeavour  to  attain  it,  and  difregarded  the 
unity  of  adlion,  time,  and  place. 

This  is  the  juft  obfervation  of  a  moft  ingenious  and  learned 
modern  artift  of  France  [/»],  who  has  written  a  tranflation  of 
the  34th,  35th,  and  36th  books  of  Pliny’s  Natural  Hiftory,, 
wherein  he  treats  particularly  of  the  fine  arts  of  the  ancients.. 
The  tranflation  is  accompanied  with  notes,  containing  many 

[0]  M.  Falconet,  who  was  engaged  by  the  prefent  emprefs  of  Ruffia  to  make 
the  equeftrian  flatue  fhe  ere&ed  to  Peter  the  Great.  The  tranflation  here  men¬ 
tioned  was  printed  for  Monnier,  at  the  Hague,  1773,  *n  tw0  vo^s-  8vo.  but 
is  extremely  fcarce.  I  believe  the  author  took  back  moll  of  the  copies  him- 
felf,  intending  to  give  a  new  and  more  correct  edition. 


Dr.  King  on  the  Barberini  Vafe. 


curious  and  (hrewd  obfervations  on  the  fubjeft:.  In  one  of  his 
notes  [c]  he  fays,  44  I  fhall  take  this  opportunity  to  make  fome 
remarks  on  the  compofition  of  fome  ancient  bas  reliefs,  of 
which  I  do  not  find  any  of  our  writers  on  the  fine  arts  have 

44  No  artifl,  no  connoiffeur,  no  antiquary,  is  ignorant  of 
the  works  1  am  going  to  mention  ;  but  it  is  neceffary  to  un¬ 
deceive  many  perfons  who  have  read,  or  heard,  that  the  an¬ 
cients  are  our  matters  in  every  thing.  It  is  neceffary  to  prove 
to  them,  that  this  rule,  like  all  others,  is  not  without  excep-- 
tion  :  to  which  purpofe  I  (hall  point  out  the  ridicule  circum- 
ftances  in  two  or  three  of  their  performances. 

44  In  one,  Ceres  is  reprefented  with  a  torch  in  her  hand, 
feeking  her  daughter  Proferpine,  whom,  at  two  tteps  diftance, 
Pluto  is  carrying  off,  and  going  to  place  in  his  little  car,  con¬ 
duced  by  Mercury  ;  the  horfes  are  already  on  a  full  gallop, 
though  this  commodious  carriage  is  ftill  empty  ;  and  they  are 
hurrying  the  equipage  through  the  infernal  regions,  where 
Pluto,  feated  on  his  throne,  a  few  inches  diffant,  complains, 
as  they  fay,  to  Mercury,  that  he  is  the  only  God  who  is  un¬ 
married.  Nymphs,  Naiads,  Minerva,  Diana,  Venus,  are  not 
omitted  :  and  it  is  curious  to  fee  them  all  jumbled  together  to  1 
add  ffill  more  to  the  incoherence  of  the  compofition  ;  for  they 
all  hand  on  the  fame  plan.  This  piece  is  in  the  Mazarini  pa¬ 
lace  at  Rome. 

44  In  another  bas  relief  you  fee  Minerva  ordering  Perfeus  to 
deliver  Andromeda  :  and  at  the  other  end  of  the  piece,  you  fee 
Perfeus  again  in  the  aft  of  delivering  her  :  in  the  middle,  be¬ 
tween  thefe  two  Perfeus’s,  you  may  have  the  pleafure  of  fee¬ 
ing  the  birth  of  Venus  riling  out  of  the  fea:  her  bofom  and 

[c]  Hiltoire  Naturelle  de  Pline,  Liv.  XXXVI.  p.  14.  n.  16. 



310  'jD/vKing  on  the  Barberini  Vale, 

her  (ize  fhew  her  to  be  full-grown,  but  gods  and  goddefles  come 
into  the  world  ready  drefled.  Two  Tritons  .  carry  the  mother 
of  the  loves  on  a  fhell,  as  the  Roman  foldiers  carried  the  em¬ 
peror  on  a  fhield  :  a  very  ingenious  idea  to  exprefs  the  em¬ 
pire  of  Venus  in  the  univerfe ;  but  two  Cupids,  much  larger 
than  their  mother,  finifh  and  fpoil  the  whole  ;  each  of  them 
riding  very  commodioufly  on  the  tail  of  a  Triton.  Thefe  three 
fubje&s,  Perfeus  going  to  deliver  Andromeda,  Venus  carried  on 
a  conch,  and  Perfeus  actually  delivering  Andromeda,  are  like- 
wife  on  the  fame  plan  or  ground,  and  all  the  figures  touch. 
This  work  is  in  the  palace  Mattei.” 

He  mentions  another,  and  many  others  might  be  added. 
“  Obferve,”  continues  Mr.  Falconet,  “  I  am  not  now  fpeak- 
ing  of  the  execution,  which  is  really  excellent,  in  thefe  mifer- 
able  compofitions.  If  a  modern  fculptor  fhould  produce  a  per¬ 
formance  like  this,  however  we  might  admire  the  work,  we 
fhould  certainly  confign  the  artift  to  Bedlam.  The  age,  no 
doubt,  is  enlightened,  and  thofe  who  judge  our  works  think 
themfelves  enlightened  alfo :  for  this  reafon  a  thoufand  people 
will  tell  you,  becaufe  they  have  heard  others  fay  it,  you  mufl 
make  bas  reliefs  like  the  antique.  Begin  firft  by  underftanding 
the  antique,  and  then  you  will  know  how  far  it  is  proper  to 
follow  them  ;  and  you  will  ceafe  to  praife,  without  judgement 
and  without  diftinftion,  works  which  you  would  efteem  defpicable 
if  they  were  modern  :  you  will  then  feel  that  true  criticifm,  though 
bold,  is  not  fa  tire  ;  that  that  ferves  to  throw  light  on  its  fub- 
je&,  where  praife  beftowed  at  random,  and  confequently  often 
falfe,  leaves  only  the  darknefs  of  ignorance.” 

This  long  p adage  I  have  quoted  cannot  fail  to  have  its 
weight,  from  the  folid  reafons  on  which  it  is  grounded,  and 
from  the  authority  of  the  writer,  a  man  of  acknowledged  ta¬ 
lents,  who  is  fpeaking  on  a  fubjeft  which  was  the  fludy  and 


Dr.  King  on  the  Barberini  Vafe.  31  r 

bufinefs  of  his  life.  Having  therefore  premifed  thefe  remarks, 
we  may  fee  how  they  apply  to  the  precious  relick  we  are  con- 
fidering ;  which  will  be  found  to  have  the  beauties  and  defeats 
fo  frequently  united  in  the  works  of  the  ancient  artifts.  Wig 
have  certainly  two  d  i  ft  I  n  6k  ftories.  In  one  there  feems  an  al- 
lufion  to  the  birth  of  Alexander  the  Great,  under  which  is  ty¬ 
pified  the  birth  of  Alexander  Severus.  •  Jupiter  is  reprefented 
contemplating  the  charms  of  Olympias ;  no  one  can  doubt  of 
the  figure  of  Jupiter,  who  has-been  the  leaft  converfant  in  an¬ 
tique  gems  or  coins  ;  >at  the  fame  inftant,  you  fee  the  figure  of 
a  ferpent,  or  dragon,  with  Olympias,  under  which  form  Ju¬ 
piter  is  fabled  to  have  begotten  Alexander  the  Great ;  his 
paffion  for  her  is  reprefented  by  the  little  Cupid,  holding  his 
bow,  flying  over  the  female  figure  reclined  on  the  ground, 
which  is  probably  intended  to  reprefent  Mamaea  delivered  of 
her  l'on,  Handing  by  her  as  a  full-grown  figure,  and  holding 
her  hand :  for  the  artifb  endeavours  to  exhibit  two  different  pe¬ 
riods  of  time  at  the  fame  inflant,  the  birth  of  the  emperor,  in¬ 
timated  perhaps  by  the  mantle  in  his  hand,  and  his  Hate  of 


The  writer  [/]  of  the  life  of  Alexander  Severus  will  furnifh 
us  with  many  circumftances  to  corroborate  this  conjecture. 
The  day  of  his  birth,  fays  that  hiftorian,  was  the  fame  with 
the  day  of  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great,  in  whofe  temple 
his  mother  was  delivered  of  him,  and  whofe  name  therefore  he 
took  from  thence :  his  nurfe  was  of  the  name  of  Olympias, 
and  the  mother  of  Alexander  the  Great  was  of  the  fame  ;  his 
fofter-father  was  a  countryman  of  the  name  ot  Philip,  and  the 
father  of  Alexander  the  Great  was  the  fame.  We  are  told, 
alfo,  of  his  attachment  to  the  name  of  Alexander;  when  the 
fenate,  on  his  acceflion  to  the  empire,  intreated  him  to  affume 

[</]  ./^Elius  'Lampridius.  Hift.  Auguft.  Scriptpr. 

r  tile- 

-the  name  of  Antoninus,  he  perfifted  in  refufing  it  again  ft  all 
th£ir  importunity,  as  he  did  in  refufing  the  title  of  Great ,  which 
they  would  have  added  to  Alexander.  We  may  hence,  how- 

#cvcr,  fairly  infer  that  the  poets  and  artifts  of  thofe  days  would 
readily  avail  themfelves  of  this  topic  of  praife,  in  their  eulo- 
giurns  upon  him,  and  flatteries  to  him.  And  fuch  feems  to  be 
intended  in  this  bafs  relief :  the  fcene  of  the  temple  is  marked 
by  the  architedlure  behind  the  figure  of  Alexander,  though 
his  head,  through  the  errors  in  perfpedtive,  is  as  high  as  the 
columns  of  the  temple.  In  the  back  ground,  if  there  be  any 
diftindtion  of  ground,  are  two  trees,  probably  alluding  to  a 
circumftance  mentioned  by  Lampridius  among  the  omens  of 
Alexander’s  future  reign,  and  therefore  a  popular  belief  in  thofe 
times  :  a  laurel,  fays  Lampridius,  in  his  father’s  garden,  which 
was  fet  by  the  fide  of  &  peach,  in  one  year  had  overtopped  the 
peach :  the  peach  being  malum  Perjicum ,  thofe,  who  pretended 
to  augury,  laid  this  was  an  omen  he  fhould  one  day  conquer 
the  Perfians.  One  of  thefe  trees,  we  may  obferve,  has  the 
laurel  leaf,  and  has  the  appearance  of  being  much  more  flou- 
rifhing  than  the  other,  which  is  almoft  a  naked  trunk. 

Thus  much  I  have  hazarded  as  to  the  fubjedt  of  one  part  of 
this  ftoried  urn.  Whether  I  am  right  or  not,  in  this  conjec¬ 
ture,  the  artift,  moft  undoubtedly,  hadfome  meaning  well  un- 
derftood  in  his  days ;  but,  I  am  perfuaded,  many  of  the  faults 
and  abfurdities  in  the  execution,  fuch  as  want  of  unity  of  time, 
and  want  of  perfpedtive,  will  remain  the  fame,  whatever  his 
meaning  was :  and  therefore  they  ought  not  to  be  objedted  to 
the  explication  here  given. 

The  other  tablet  feems  more  confident  as  to  time,  if  it  re- 
prefents  the  death  of  Mamsea,  fignified  by  the  expiring  torch 
the  female  figure  reclined  holds  in  her  hand.  I  am  entirely  at 
.a.lofs  to  divine  what  lhe  or  either  of  the  other  figures  in  this 


Dr.  King  on  the  Barberini  Vafe. 


compartment  are  placed  upon :  poftibly  the  artift  had  fome 
meaning  even  in  that,  as  a  hewn  ftone  feems  falling  at  the  feet 
of  the  middle  figure.  The  man  fitting  at  her  feet,  and  hold¬ 
ing  a  mantle,  feems  to  be  the  emperor  her  fon  ;  for  we  fee  the 
laurel  tree  again  behind  them,  one  of  the  branches  now  wi¬ 
thered  ;  the  building  on  which  he  fits,  for  fuch  it  feems  to 
be,  may  reprefent  a  bath,  the  baths  he  built  being  reckoned 
among  his  molt  magnificent  works ;  they  were  of  porphyry  and 
Lacedemonian  marble  [e],  and  are  preferved  on  one  of  his  coins. 
The  beautiful  figure  on  the  other  fide,  leaning  on  a  hajla  pura, 
or  ftaff  of  a  fpear,  feems  an  allegorical  figure,  perhaps  to  repre- 
lent  conftancy  ;  though  I  have  no  fimilar  reprefentation  of  that 
virtue  to  adduce.  See  feems  feated  on  an  artificial  rock,  and  I 
took  my  idea  from  the  firmnefs  vifible  in  the  whole  form,  and 
the  vigour  of  the  arm  prefled  on  the  ftone  upon  which  Ihe  fits: 
It  called  to  my  memory  Milton’s  defcription  of  the  confidence 
virtue  infpires, 

- - — —  Yes,  and  keep  it  ft  ill. 

Lean  on  it  fafely. - 

- - * - This  I  hold  firm. 

Virtue  may  be  aflailed,  but  never  hurt. 

— - If  this  fail. 

The  pillar’d  firmament  is  rottennefs, 

And  earth’s  bafe  built  on  ftubble.  Comus. 

As  to  the  figure,  at  the  bottom  of  the  vafe,  in  the  Phry¬ 
gian  cap,  which  fomewhat  refembles  Harpocrates,  I  (hall  only 
obferve  that  it  appears  of  different  work  from  the  fides  ;  it  is 
evidently  on  a  larger  fcale,  and  is  not  of  one  piece  with  the 
reft  of  the  urn,  but  faftened  to  it  with  a  cement,  as  any  one 

Vol.  VIII. 

[if]  Lampridius. 

S  s 


3 14  Dr.  King  on  the  Barberini  Vafe,- 

may  difcerm  by  examining  the  original  \  it  feems  alfo  to  have 
been  a  piece  of  a  larger  work. 

According  to  Lampridius,  Alexander  and  his  mother  were- 
murdered,  at  the  fame  time,  by  the  machinations  of  Maximinus, 
They  were  however  afterwards  univerfally  lamented  by  the 
foldiers,  by  the  fenate,  and  by  the  people  ;  they  were  both 
deified,  and  had  a  magnificent  fepulchre  at  Rome,  in  which,  as 
has  been  faid,  this  vafe  was  found.  The  work  on  it  is  a  proof 
of  the  abilities  of  the  artifts  of  that  time,  as  are  alfo  the  coins 
of  the  reign  of  that  emperor,  which  are  very  fine.  It  is  cer¬ 
tain,  he  was  well  educated  and  accomplifhed  ;  and  being  himfelf 
a  judge  in  painting,  fculpture,  and  architecture,  he  was  mofl 
probably  a  great  encourager  of  the  arts ;  for  this  reafon,  I  fhould' 
not  give  this  piece  a  higher  antiquity  than  his  reign. 

If  the  conjecture  here  advanced  be  right  as  to  this  being  the 
urn  of  Mamoea,  ft  may  farther  be  confidered  as  very  obvious, 
that  the  birth  of  her  foil,  from  whom  fhe  derived  the  fplen- 
dour  of  her  life,  fhould  be  reprefented  on  it,  as  the  glory  of  his 
reign  was  fo  much  owing  to  her.  She  preferved  him  from  the 
attempts  of  Heliogabalus  to  deftroy  him,  and  brought  him  up 
with  the  greateft  care,  engaging  fuch  perfons  only  to  inftruCt 
him  as  were  diftinguifhed  by  their  probity  as  well  as  learning ; 
not  allowing  any  one  to  come  near  him,  who  had  been  con¬ 
nected  with  his  debauched  predeceffor,  or  whom  fhe  fufpeCted 
capable  of  corrupting  his  morals. 

Permit  me  to  add,  when  I  was  lately  favoured  with  a  fight 
of  this  vafe,  being  ftruck  with  the  beauty  of  its  exquifite  work- 
manfhip,  of  which  I  could  form  no  idea  from  the  plate  in 
Montfaucon,  I  wifhed  to  decypher  it :  and  the  thought  which 
fbon  occurred  to  me,  I  fancied  confirmed  the  more  I  examined 
the  hiflory  of  Alexander’s  life,  by  the  feveral  authors  who  have 

5  written 

Dr.  King  oh  the  Bafberini  Vafe.  3 1$ 

written  about  him,  but  efpecially  by  iElius  Lampridius,  the 
moft  copious  of  any  that  are  come  down  to  us. 

Our  worthy  fecretary,  Mr.  Norris,  who  always  exprefles  a 
readinefs  to  oblige,  has  (hewn  me  an  ingenious  conjecture  of 
one  of  our  members  on  the  fubjeCt  of  this  urn,  which  had  been 
read  to  the  Society  :  as  I  had  not  feen  or  known  of  that  before 
I  had  finifhed  this,  I.  could  have  no  intention  of  oppofing  mine 
to  his  explication :  and,  therefore,  I  truft  to  that  gentleman’s 
candour,  that  he  will  not  be  offended  at  my  offering  this  attempt 
towards  a  folution  of  that  enigma.  This  learned  Society  would, 
I  doubt  not,  be  glad  to  fee  a. fatisfaCtory  account  of  that  curious 
piece  of  antiquity ;  and,  I  am  fure,  I  (hall  be  happy  to  fee  any 
other  more  fuccefsful  than  myfelf  in  explaining  it. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greateft  refpeCl,  my  lord, 
.your  lordfhip’s  moft  humble,  and  mo  ft  obedient  fervant, 

J.  G.  KING, 

S  s  z 


[  3i 6  } 

XXVIII.  An  EJfay  on  the  elegant  ornamental  Cameos 
of  the  Barberini  Vafe,  with  a  View  to  an  Explana¬ 
tion  of  them ,  and  their  reference  to  Hijlory.  By- 
Charles  Marfh,  Efq .  F.A.S..  Addreffed  to  the  Rev.. 
Mr.  Norris,  Secretary. 

Dear  Sir, 

Read  May  13,  1784. 

THE  Barberini  Vafe  being  at  prefent  the  fubjeft  of  much 
fpeculation,  I  requeft:  the  favour  of  you  to  lay  before  the 
Society  fome  conjeftures  which  have  amufed  me  refpefting  fe- 
veral  traits  of  hiftory  apparently  fketched  in  the  exquifite  Ca¬ 
meos  on  that  elegant  piece  of  workmanfhip.  They  are  offered 
entirely  fubjeft  to  correftion,  and  better  interpretation.  It  feems 
to  me,  where  hiftory  is  concerned,  to  be  very  fair  to  have  re- 
courfe  to  it  for  the  explanation  of  any  piece  of  art  which  may 
be  of  modern  difcovery.  I  learn  that  this  vafe  was  found  within 
a  fepulchral  monument  in  the  Monte  del  Grano  at  Rome  ac¬ 
cording  to  the  words  of  the  hiftorian,  who  fays,  of  Alexander 
Severus,  Roma  fepulchrum  amplijjimum  meruit.  I  (hall  only  add, 
that,  among  the  figures  reprefented  by  Bartoli  as  extant  on 
one  of  the  fides  of  the  grand  Sarcophagus,  is  one  whofe  head 
and  manner  perfeftly  refembles  the  Jupiter  or  Guardian  Genius, 
which,  in  the  vafe,  is  contemplating  the  event  of  Alexander 
Severus’s  exiftence.  I  am,  with  great  refpedf,  your  moft  obedient 
and  moft  humble  fervant, 



Mr.  Marsh  on  the  Barberini  Vafe. 


De  Anaglyphis ,  elegant  ibus  Vafis  Barberini  ornamenthy 
explicandis ,  et  ad  Hijloriam  referendisy  'Tentamen . 

ADMIRABILE  iftud  Vas  e  Mufeo  Barberino  nuper  ad  nos 
advedum,  eleganti  materie,  arte  exquifita,  qua^cunque  fit 
materies,  aut  cujuflibet  artificis  [ a\  opus  fit,  eevi  fcilicet  mul- 
turn  dubitati,  mihi  videtur  fparfa  hiftoriae  bene  notse  lineamenta 
in  fe^  fatyrico  more  adumbrata,  continere.  Utut  pauculae  fint 
figure,  multum  eft  inventionis ;  et  fi  conjeduram  liceat  prasri- 
pere,  crediderim  duas  illic  quafi  fcenas  non  oculis  folum  fed 
menti  etiam  exhiberi..  Minoribus  fortaffe  adminiculis  ratio  haec 
omnis  niti  videatur.  Ad  minima  velim  ornamenta  primum. 
advertatur  animus  e  re  ipfil  fuccrefcentia,  ad  columnam,  ar- 
chiteduram,  furculos  five  lauri,  feu  olivae,  five  Perfici  ramuf- 
eulos,  ad  faces  aliorfum  verfas,  adtabellas,  ad  puerum  denique 
alatum,  ac  ferpentem.  Rem  quamlibet  loco  fuo  pofitam  expen- 
das.  Larvas  item  quibus  duae  fcenae  feparantur  vide.  De  ima¬ 
gine  ad  imum  vafis  fefe  efferenti  [£],  alieni  prorfus  artificii  atque 
aliunde  fumpta,  nihil  opus  eft  dicere.  Quid  autem  aliud  inter 
base  omnia  comperies,  quam  breves  verse  hiftoriae  notas  ac  par- 
ticulas  perlucentes:  quas,  ft  non  penitus  teda?  fuerint,  at  vero 
non  ab  omnibus  primo  digito  attingendas  invenies.  Marium  |V] 
fcilicet  aut  Archilocum  quendam  cum  Lampridio  ludari,  aut 
Satyram  cum  hiftoria  ludere,  tandem  agnoveris. 

Erat  quidem  apud  nos,  annos  abhinc  fere  \  auculos,  artifex. 
(qualis  file  Hogarth,  ab  omnibus  lugendus  [rf},)  tali  artificio  hand 
male  aptus :  qui,  ft  cum  audore  quodam  amaro  conjuraverat,  et 

JV],  Ob,  A.  D.  1764.. 


[a]  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sever.  24.  25. 
[Z>J  A  adore  G.  Hamilton  Milite. 
[c]  Sp:.rtian.  Heliogab.  11.  30.. 


3 1 8  Mr.  Marsh  on  the  Barberini  Vafe, 

opus  fufceperat  quod  Imperatorem  luxuriofum,  vitlis  deditum 
omnino  turpifiimis,  una  folum  parvula  tabella  laceraret,  virtu- 
tibus  ornatum  alium  ibidem  collaudaret,  fimplicitate  adeo  egre- 
gia  fimul  fibi  praefcripta  ut  non  nib  fex  aut  feptem  figuris  ad 
vivum  delineatis  tota  involveretur  fabula ;  hoc,  inquam,  fi  prae- 
ceptum  fuerat  atque  propofitum,  haud.fcio  an  aliter  prodiiflet 
pi&ura  ab  illo  data  j  poftquam  enim  bene  concepta  fuerint,  difi- 
pofitio,  partes,  exitus,  talis  fortafle  fuilTet  pidturae  modus. 

Quafi  in  folio  fupra  alios  imminenti,  columna  ftantis  imperii 
quadrata  ad  tergum  pofita,  fedet  Heliogabalus  corpore  diifoluto, 
vefte  difcindta,  parte  autem  corporis  turpilfima,  (erubefcat  fane 
vitiofus)  in  libidinem  prompta.  Ad  pedes  amor  foemineus  five 
connubialis  jacet  moerens,  tsedam  mod-o  non .  extin&am,  manu 
Janguida  tenens.  De  Augufia  Paula  [d],  muliere  pulcherrima 
ab  impuro  ifio  rejedla  ac  repudiata  legitnus;  caufas  J>]  novimus. 
Ifie  qui  folium  habet,  foeminam  obfiinato  fimul  ac  minaci 
vultu  afpernatur.  Ad  dexteram  foeminse  praefto  eft  monitrix 
immobilis,  divinatio,  multa  animo  vol  veils,  augurali  fortafte 
lituo  firmiter  innitens,  minitatiti  refponfum  modo  datura,  vel  ut 
altera  facerdos  Syra,  Biathanatum  [/']  fere  pronuncians.  Foe- 
minae  in  medio  reclinis  fupra  caput,  arborem  diffiffam  atque 
imminentem  videas.  Hiftorici  verba  in  mentem  revoces,  “non 
Magnum  [g],  non  Antoninum  fe  vellet  vocari.”  Quis  ?  Severus. 
quisSeverus?  Alexander — olei  diftributor,  blanditiarum  ac  fumi 
venditorum  inimicus,  fomniorum  et  arufpicum  fautor.  At  in 
medio  raraum  per  fe  feliciter  afifurgentem  cernas,  quafi  ftirpem 
novam.  “  Tu  Marcellus  eris”  [Z>]  aiebat  fors  Praeneftina.  Genus 
ac  nomen  a  Marcianorum  famiM  agnitum  ac  prsecipue  vendi- 
catum,  “  fi  qua  fata  afpera  rumpas,”  fi  imperantis  infidias  fugeris 
jam  jam  tibi  imminentes.  Tabulas  amatorias  ad  pedes  foeminse 

[ d ]  Herodian,  lib,  v.  c.  14.  [V]  Dio.  C.  pcnultimo. 

f/]  Spartian,  Heliogab.  33.  [^]  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sever.  5,  6 — ir. 

W  Id.  4. 


Mr.  Marsh  onthe  Barberini  Vafe, 


recubantis  obferatas  et  intadas,  five  divortii  libellum  cum  Paula 
fadi,  praetermittam  ;  et  ad  majora,  alteram  fcilicet  partem,  ocu- 
los  converfrarm  Sub  faftigio  Dorico,  fimplici  ac  venerando,  in- 
d-ucitur  Juvenis ;  procerus,  nudus  e  paladlra,  athletico  corpore, 
facie  ac  venuflate  [/]  egregia,  molliter  a  matre  familiae  attrec- 
tatus.  Recordemur  parentum  Alexandri  fomnia,  Mammeae  pri- 
mum,  fefe  Dracunculum  [£]  parituram.  Evenit  autem,  apud 
Arcenam  urbem,  in  ipfius  Alexandri  delubris  partus  [/].  Deinde 
aJiud  patri  fefe  obtulit  fomnium  ;  alis  vidoriag  [w]  fefe  in  ca?- 
lum  vehi.  Puerum  aligerum  videmus,  five  vidoriam,  five  amo- 
rem  cum  face  ac  pharetra,  fuccefiu  lastum,  in  aethera  abeuntemu 
Signum  de  Alexandro  nofiro  item  aliud  obvenit.  Laurus  [/?] 
enim,  ait  Lampridius,  juxta  Perfici  arborem  nata,  intra  annum 
Perficum  vicit.  Arborem  minorem  videre,  et  arufpicum  conjee- 
turas  intelligere  eld.  “  Perfis  vincendi,”  aiebant. — Poft  tot  res 
tam  bene  ac  fel ic iter  confiatas,  mulierem,  Mammaeam  fcilicet, 
quafi  partu  enixam,  etiam  atque  etiam  gravi  et  aulpicato  vultu, 
ne  dicam,  Ccelefli,  contemplatur  figura  plus  quam  humana;  Jovis 
verifimiliter ;  cujus  fiib  numine,  tanquam  Alexandrorum  Genio, 
base  omnia  confieri  lieu  it.  Neque  pr  re  fens  feena  multum  ab  ea 
abludit,  ubi  olim  apud  Olympic  concubitus,  ut  fertur,  interefle 
voluit  imperatorum  ac  divum  pater.  Templum  verb  quis  prae- 
tereat  ?  locum  ilium  ornatiflimum  ubi  h$c  fandiora  occurrunt ; 
qui  per  fe  non  obfcurius  Alexandri  Severi  Imperatoris  favorem 
ac  patrocinium  videtur  indicare  et  innuere,  unde  multa  arebi- 
tedurae  Graiae  opera  redintegrata,  et  quae  ab  aliis  incepta  fue° 
rant,  brevi  hujufee  imperii  aevo,  elegantifiime  perfeda  tradun- 
tur.  Figurarum  etiam  libramine  utrimque  exquifito,  et  op- 
pofitione  accurate,  qua  lucem  fibi  invicem  afferunt,  me  percelli 
non  diffiteor,  eventus  quidem  ante  ados  et  Alexandri  tempori° 

[/}  Id.  4.  [*]  Id.  14.  [/]  Id.  5.,  [m]  Id.  14.. 

[«]  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sever.  13. 


320  Mr.  Marsh  on  the  Barberini  Vafe. 


bus  praefentia  inter  fe  comparans.  Ad  h^cc,  nifi  fill  lor,  refpi- 
ciunt,  Templum,  Juvenis  e  Gymnaho  bonarum  artium  pro- 
diens,  Olympias  matris  cura  et  educatio  defignata,  cui,  veiuC 
umbra,  comes  eft  amor  laetus,  refpiciens,  in  caelum  abiens  :  ftxa 
Jovis  attentio  ac  voluntas.  Ad  ilia,  imperii  folium,  imperator 
dclicatulus  nimis,  negledta  ac  defolata  mulier :  poftremo  facro- 
rum  vel  divinandi  miniftra  eloquentiffima. 

Verum  ut  paucis  res  tota  fimul  explicita  concludatur,  hoc  uti 
fpeculo  liceat.  Sit  Urna  Votiva,  in  honorem  Alexandri  Severi 
fidta.  U.  C.  975. 

Cum  prae  luxu  et  in  faeminas  odio,  Heliogabalus  filios  [o], 
haeredes  aut  fucceftores  noluit,  propitio  Romae  Genio,  ftve  Su¬ 
premo  Jove,  e  Mammea  matre,  tanquam  Olympia  [/>],  alter 
Alexander,  Heroum  asmulus,  Graecarum  artium  Patronus,  Im¬ 
perator  Severus,  nafcitur,  atque  ab  eadem  educatur. 

C.  M. 

Londini  Cal.  April,  1784. 

[<?J  Spartian.  Heliogab.  31. 

[/>]  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sever.  13. 

Vitreariorum.  &c.  apud  eund.  24,  25.  28.  ad  33.  Dioa.  cap.  penult. 


XXIX.  Some  Account  of  an  antient  Painting  on  Glafs . 

By  the  Rev .  Robert  Matters,  B.  D .  F.  S.  A.  Keflor 
of  Landbeach,  Cambridgeshire. 

Read  December  7,  1786. 

AS  the  notice  and  prefer vation  of  fuch  antiquities  as  relate 
to  the  royal  families  of  this  kingdom  is  one  of  the  ob¬ 
jects  of  this  Society,  I  take  the  liberty  of  exhibiting  to  it  a  cu- 
riofity  which  has  lately  fallen  into  my  hands,  together  with 
fome  obfervations  I  have  made  thereon,  and  fuch  others  as  have 
been  communicated  to  me  by  our  worthy  member  Mr.  Brooke, 
Somerfet  herald. 

It  is  a  reprefentation  of  an  ancient  piece  of  glafs,  on  which 
is  depicted  a  memorable  piece  of  hiftory  of  the  Stewart  family, 
and  was  difcovered  by  me  in  Cambridgeshire,  and  obtained  from 
a  defcendant  of  that  houfe,  who  faid  it  came  from  an  ancient 
feat  of  the  family  at  Stuntney  in  that  county,  which  was  pulled 
down  about  the  beginning  of  the  prefent  century.  The  ftory 
alludes  to  an  event  which  poffibly  took  place  in  the  Stewart  fa¬ 
mily  fome  ages  ago,  and  which  has  before  been  treated  on  in 
the  fourth  volume  of  the  Archaeologia  by  our  deceafed  worthy 
prefident  Dr.  Milles,  and  Mr.  Brooke,  to  which  I  beg  leave  to 
refer,  being  beautifully  reprefented  on  an  elegant  feal  ring  in 
pofleffion  of  Sir  Richard  Worfley,  Bart,  there  engraved ;  and 
this  glafs  is  a  confirmation  of  the  event,  and  fhews  that  the 
family  of  Stewart  were  defirous  of  perpetuating  it  by  various 

Vol.  VIII.  T  t 


o)^^  Mr.  Masters’s  Account  of  antient  Fainting  on  Glafs. 

The  fize  of  the  glafs  is  nine  inches  and  a  quarter  by  fix  and 
a  half,  upon  which  are  well  painted  in  proper  colours  the  fame 
figures  as  on  Sir  Richard  Worfley’s  feal  ring  before  mentioned, 
the  knight  having  a  fliield,  and  ftaff  raguled.  He  is  drefled  in 
mail,  but  here  his  helmet  has  a  gardevilure  over. the  face  the 
whole  within  a  treflfure  fleury  and  counterfleury,  and  feems  to 
make  a  much  better  figure  than  the  other,  being  upon  a  larger 
fcale.  This  hiftory  is  furrounded  with  a  bordure,  making  toge¬ 
ther  feventeen  inches  and  a  half  by  eleven  j  and  the  part  at  bot¬ 
tom  is  three  inches  and  a  half  deep,  on  which  is  reprefented  a 
figure  of  Banquo,  but  much  mutilated,  fitting  on  the  ground 
leaning  with  his  right  elbow  on  his  helmet,  which,  with  his 
gauntlets  lye  by  him  :  from  his  loins  ifiues  a  tree  which  runs 
up  the  bordure  on  his  right  fide,  is  continued  over  the  top,  and 
down  on  the  left  fide.  On  the  branches  of  this  tree  are  fifteen 
finall  half-length  figures  in  armour,  holding  their  {fields  of 
arms  in  their  left  hands,  and  warlike  infiruments  in  the  right, 
in  the  following  order:  i  Fleanchus,  2  Walterus,  3  Alanus, 
4  Alexander,  5  Walterus,  6  Alexander,  7  Andreas,  8  Alexander, 
9  Jofies,  10  Jobes,  11  Thomas,  12  Ricardus,  13  Nicholas,  14 
Nicholas,  15  Willus,  with  the  names  under  each.  The  fhields 
from  Banquo  to  Alanus  inclufive  are  charged  with  the  origi¬ 
nal  coat  of  Steward,  Or  a  fefs  cheque  Argent  and  Azure,  and 
Alexander  the  foil  of  Alanus  is  reprefented  as  the  perfon  to 
whofe  arms  the  efcutcheon  with  the  lion  was  added  by  a  king 
of  France,  earlier  than  Charles  VI.  as  he  is  the  grandfon  of 
Waiter,  who  firft  afiumed  the  name  of  Steward  from  his  office. 
This  Alexander  who  died  about  the  year  1 199,  was  founder  of 
the  Abbey  of  Paifley,  and  probably  had  been  abroad  in  the 
Holy  Wars,  where  he  might  have  met  with  an  adventure  that 
gave  rife  to  this  reprefentation,  and  this  period  agrees  well  with 
the  form  of  the  helmet.  As  a  further  confirmation  of  this,  the 


Mr.  Masters’s  Account  of  antient  Painting  on  Glafs.  323 

fucceflors  of  Alexander  for  feven  generations  bear  in  their  fhields 
the  royal  augmentation  only,  viz.  the  lion  rampant  debruifed 
with  the  bend,  after  which  the  original  family  coat,  the  fefs 
cheque,  is  again  reaffumed  without  the  lion,  and  Richard  the 
eighth  in  defcent  from  Alexander,  and  the  fecond  from  the  top 
on  the  left  fide  of  the  glafs,  who  expunges  the  augmentation,  is 
reprefented  with  a  Raff  raguled  in  his  right  hand,  allufive  to  fuch 

From  Andrew  the  youngeft  foil  of  Alexander,  grandfon  of 
this  firft  Alexander,  the  families  feated  in  the  lfle  of  Ely  and 
Hampfhire  defcend,  whilft  the  royal  line  of  Scotland  was  car¬ 
ried  on  by  that  of  John  the  eldeft,  whole  fon  Walter  is  the  per- 
foii  to  whom  dean  Milles  and  the  Baronetages  aflign  the  addition 
of  arms,  but  erroneoufly;  for  had  this  been  the  cafe,  the  family 
in  Cambridgefhire,  who  branched  off  two  generations  before, 
and  were  only  his  coufins-german,  could  not  have  been  entitled 
to  it. 

The  order  of  perfons  on  this  glafs  correfponds  with  various 
ancient  pedigrees  in  the  Heralds  College,  one  of  which,  en¬ 
tered  by  the  family  at  the  vifitation  of  the  county  of  Cambridge 
in  1619,  is  very  copious,  and  herewith  is  a  copy  of  fo  much  as 
concerns  the  reprefentation  on  this  glafs  :  it  alfo  agrees  with 
the  extraft  of  the  Stewart  pedigree  given  by  Mr.  Brooke  in  the 
Archaeologia,  vol.  IV.  p.  189,  except  in  this,  that,  from  the  au¬ 
thority  of  a  manufcript  there  quoted,  he  affigns  to  the  fecond 
Alexander  what  is  here  allotted  to  the  firft. 

From  the  date  on  the  glafs  1 574,  and  the  genealogy  and  effi¬ 
gies  ending  with  William  Stewart  who  lived  at  that  time,  we 
may  conclude  it  was  executed  for  him.  He  was  feated  at  Ely, 
being  fon  of  Nicholas  Stewart  of  that  place  by  Elizabeth  Lucas 
his  wife:  he  married  two  wives,  ift,  Mary  daughter  of  ...  . 
Fulnetby  of  Fulnetby  co.  Line.  Efq.  by  whom  he  had  three 

T  t  2  daughters. 

324  Mr,  Master  s’ s  Account  of  antient  Painting  on  Glafs. 

daughters,  Anne  married  to  Thomas  Marfh  of  Ely,  Mildred  and 
Barbara  ;  and  2dly,  Catharine  daughter  of  Thomas  Payne  of 
Caflle-Acre  in  Norfolk,  by  whom  he  had  Sir  Thomas  his  heir, 
Catherine,  Elizabeth  married  to  Robert  Cromwell  of  the  town 
of  Huntingdon,  Helen  ift,  to  ....  Pooley,  2dly,  to  Edward 
Stewart  of  Lackenheath  in  Suffolk,  Efq.  Jane  and  Winifred. 
Sir  Thomas  Stewart,  Knt.  his  fon,  was  fometime  high  fheriff 
of  the  counties  of  Cambridge  and  Huntingdon.  He  married 
Bridget  daughter  of  John  Poole  of  Poole  in  Chefhire,  Efq. 
but  probably  died  without  iflue,  as  Oliver  Cromwell  the  Pro¬ 
testor,  fon  of  his  filler  Elizabeth,  is  faid  to  have  been  his  heir, 
and  to  have  fucceeded  to  four  or  five  hundred  pounds  per  ann. 
of  his  uncle’s  ellate. 

The  Stewarts  of  Stuntney  defcend  from  Simeon  Stewart, 
uncle  to  William  of  Ely.  It  is  therefore  probable,  that  as  being 
the  neareft  neighbouring  heir  male,  upon  the  extin&ion  of  the 
Ely  branch,  the  ProteStor  Oliver,  or  whoever  inherited  their 
property,  might  prefent  it  to  them.  Thomas  Stewart  of  Stunt¬ 
ney,  Efq.  was  living  at  that  place  1684. 


Mr.  Masters’s  Account  of  antient  Painting  on  Glafs .  325 

Banquo  Thane  of  Lochaber. 

Fleance  fon  of  Banquo. 

Walter  who  aflumed  the  name  of  Stewart. 

Alan  Stewart,  fon  of  Walter. 

Alexander  Stewart,  who  added  the  augmentation  to  his  arms. 

5th  effigy  in  the  genealogical  tree. 

Walter  Stewart,  bore  the  augmentation  only,  and  expunged  his  paternal  arms, 

6th  effigy. 

Alexander  Stewart,  ad  fon. 

Andrew  Stewart,  youngefl  fon.  See  Archaeol.  IV.  p,  189. 

Alexander  Stewart. 

_ 7 

Sir  John  Stewart,  Knt.  2d=pMary  da.  of  ...  .  Talmache. 
fon  fettled  in  England. 

r - _ 

Sir  John  Stewart,  Knt.-j-Maud  da.  of  Sir  Thomas  Kiriell,  Knt, 
fon  and  heir. 


/ -  - 

Thomas  Stewart  of  Soffam,  Efq.  -~r  .....  da.  of  Sir  John  Hamerton,. 
14  Hen.  VI.  *  1  Knt. 

/* - ^ 

Richard  Stewart,  Efq.  fon  and  heir,= 
expunged  the  augmentation,  and 
reaffirmed  the  paternal  coat  of 
Stewart.  13th  effigy. 

...  da.  and  heir  of  John  Boreley. 



Nicholas  Stewart  of  Welle  in  Norfolk, =pCecilia  da.  of  .  ,  .  .  Balkerville, 
Efq.  •  J 

f - f 

Nicholas  Stewart  of  Ely,  Efq.  buried-rElizabeth  da.  of  .  ...  Lucas  of 
there  ioth  of  Sept.  1 558.  j  Well  in  Norfolk. 

, - / 

William  Stewart  of  Ely,  Efq.  for  whom  the  glafs  was  painted4,  Ann.  Dom.  1574. 


L  326  j 

XXX.  Explanation  of  the  Infcriptions  on  a  Roman 
Altar  and  Eablet  found  at  Tinmouth  Caftle  in 
Northumberland,  A.  D.  17S3.  By  the  Rev .  Mr . 
Brand,  Secretary . 

Read  May  13,  1784. 

N°  1.  PI.  XXL  is  an  exadt  reprefentation  of  the  front  of  a  Ro¬ 
man  altar  found  in  Tinmouth  Caftle  in  Northumberland, 
by  Major  Durnford,  at  the  depth  of  fix  feet  in  the  earth,  where 
it  had  been  laid  as  a  foundation  ftone,  probably  of  the  antient 
Chriftian  church  which  is  Laid  to  have  been  ere&ed  there  foon 
after  the  introdu&ion  of  that  faith  into  Britain.  The  lower  part 
of  it,  by  whatever  accident,  is  much  defaced,  and  it  is  at  prelent 
quite  flat  at  the  top,  though  we  may  fuppofe  it  to  have  had  ori¬ 
ginally  a  focus  there,  which  the  workmen,  in  order  to  make 
it  fquare  and  bed  properly,  may  have  been  obliged  to  take  off. 
The  infcription  is  plainly  to  be  read  :  “  Jovi  optimo  maximo 
“  iElius  Rufus  Prasfe&us  Cohortis  quartae  Lingonum,”  The 
Lingones  were  a  people  of  Champagne  in  France,  and  are  well 
known  to  have  been  among  the  Roman  auxiliary  troops  of  in¬ 
fantry,  but  this  is  our  firfi:  information  where  the  fourth  Cohort 
of  them  was  Rationed  in  Britain, 

N6  %  and  3  give  fide  views  of  this  altar ;  on  one  of  which  the 
prefericulum,  lecuris,  fecefpita  and  bullock’s  head,  all  of  rude 
defign  and  execution,  are  common  ornaments  ;  but  the  fnakes, 
one  on  each  fide  of  the  patera,  on  the  other,  appear  Angular. 

N*  .4. 

jw.  nil,  mP. 326: 

J.B  cLtC- 

{A/'///s/ // ,  ■()  <■  Sr///// /y///s' s// .  A/;/ ;///>//  /A/  As/.j/At  ///  .  A/’// As/// / /v  / As/ ;//K  /.D./y^S. 


LEG-  VI  : 

Mr.  Brand  on  a  Roman  Altar  and  Tablet. 


N°  4  reprefents  a  ftone  nearly  fquare,  one  foot  nine  inches 
by  one  foot  ten,  which  was  found  alfo  in  the  fame  place, 
June  12,  1783,  where  it  had  been  laid  in  the  foundation  of  fome 
of  the  antient  buildings. 

The  firft  letter  of  what  I  call  the  fir  ft  line  of  the  infcription 
is  confeffedly  faint  and  doubtful:  the  fecond  letter  appears 
plainly  to  be  a  Y,  as  does  the  third  to  be  an  R,  though  at  firft 
fight  it  refembles  a  P.  There  can  be  no  doubt  concerning  any 
of  the  others.  Whether  or  not  the  ftone,  which  I  take  to  have 
been  a  tablet  on  a  temple  erected  there  to  fome  God  of  the 
winds,  has  undergone  any  alterations,,  when  it  was  wrought 
up  in  the  Chriftian  ftrudture,  I  am  not  able  to  afcertain.  As 
there  are  none  but  the  moft  ulual  contradlions  in  the  other  lines, 
I  was  induced  to  think  there  was  none  in  the  firft,  and  there¬ 
fore  read  the  whole: 

Gyrum,  Cumbas,  et  Templum  fecit  Caius  Julius  Verus 
Maximinus  Legion  is  fextae  vidtricis  ex  voto. 

I  fuppofe  Gyrum  to  mean  here  “  a  circular  harbour  for  the 
{hipping,”  and,  in  favour  of  this  hypothefis,  have  to  obferve 
that  there  is  ft  ill  a  recefs  of  that  form,  called  Prior’s  Haven, 
adjoining  on  the  fouth  to  Tinmouth  Caftle,  which  has  every 
appearance  of  having  been  one  of  the  artificial  harbours  of  that 
great  people,  and  is,  I  prefume,  the  place  alluded  to  in  the  in¬ 

Scheffer,  in  his  Book  de  Militia  navali  veterum,  p.  212,  cites 
Columella,  lib.  ix.  as  defending  the  antient  mode  of  making 
harbours  in  the  following  words:  “  praejaciuntur  in  Gyrum 
4<  moles.” 

This  word  feems  to  have  been  corrupted  afterwards  into 
“  Gyrrus”  in  the  bale  Latinity  :  fee  Dufrefne  in  verbo,  where 
he  gives  us  a  quotation  from  an  authority  of  the  date  of  A.  D* 
3  1064?- 

328  Mr.  Brand  on  a  Roman  Altar  and  Tablet. 

1064,  in  which  the  following  paffage  occurs:  “  Eant  et  redcant 
“  pifcatores  Gyrrum.”  If  this  does  not  mean  that  “  The 
44  fiffiermen  fhall  have  ingrefs  and  regrefs  to  and  from  the  har- 
“  hour,”  I  fear  it  will  be  difficult  to  point  out  its  fignification. 

Scheffer  abovecited,  p.  71,  fpeaking  of  the  word  “  Cumba” 
being  frequently  ufed  for  66  Cymba”  tells  us :  “  Cumbam  no- 
46  minat  quam  fupra  Cymbam  diximus,  ufitata  Latinis  fcribendi 
“  confuetudine,  qua  U  Graecorum  in  U  fuum  vertunt.” 

“  Fecit”  is  with  the  ffridleft  propriety  ufed  here  to  fignify 
u  making”  a  harbour,  <e  building”  ffiips  or  barges,  and  46  ere&- 
ing”  a  temple. 

If  this  Maximinus  be  the  perfon  who  was  afterwards  made 
emperor,  this  infcription  may  be  dated  fome  little  time  before 
A.  D.  235. 


[  329  ] 

XXXI.  An  Accmint  of  the  ohfolete  Office  of  Purveyor  to 
the  Kings  Houfhold .  By  William  Bray,  Efq .  F, S . 

Read  December  14,  1786. 

TH  E  office  of  purveyor  to  the  king’s  houffiold  was  here¬ 
tofore  exercifed  with  fo  much  oppreffion  of  the  fubjedl, 
and  the  officer  was  armed  with  fuch  authority,  as  to  occafion 
continual  applications  to  the  king  for  redrefs,  and  numerous 
acts  of  parliament  were  pafled  to  reftrain  thefe  abufes.  From  the 
frequent  repetition  of  fuch  laws,  we  may  colledl  that  they  did 
not  anfwer  the  intended  purpofe.  The  total  abolition  of  this 
enormity  was  one  of  the  advantages  derived  from  the  troubles 
in  the  lafb  century ;  an  end  was  put  to  it  at  the  Reftoration. 
The  name  of  purveyor  indeed  (till  remains  amongft  the  king’s 
fervants,  but  the  purveyor  of  thefe  days  is  nothing  more  than 
the  tradefman  who  ferves  the  king  as  he  would  any  other  cuf- 
tomer,  and,  in  general,  at  as  cheap  a  rate.  Releafed  from  the 
tyranny  of  the  ancient  purveyor,  (“  (allying  forth,”  fays  Mr. 
Burke  in  one  of  his  flights  of  fancy,  but  with  more  of  fadt 
than  is  always  found  in  that  gentleman’s  fpeculations,  “  from 
“  under  the  Gothic  portcullis  to  purchafe  provifions  with 
“  power  and  prerogative  inftead  of  money,  infpiring  terror  and 
“  finding  a  flying  and  hiding  country  [tf]),”  it  may  not  be 
unfuitable  to  the  refearches  of  the  Society  to  take  a  retrofpec- 

[«]  Speech  in 


Vol.  VIII. 

Parliament  on  the  proje&ed  reformation 

of  the  houfliold  in 

U  U 



330  Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor . 

tive  view  of  an  office  formerly  important  both  from  the  ufe 
and  abufe  of  it,  but  now  known  by  the  name  only,  except 
what  is  found  in  the  march  and  quartering  of  foldiers.  This 
part  however  will  be  fo  fully  treated  of  by  our  ingenious  mem¬ 
ber  Mr.  Grofe  in  his  Hiftory  of  the  Engliffi  Army,  that  I  ffiall 
mention  it  very  flightly,  and  that  chiefly  from  notes  furniffied 
by  him,  who  is  equally  indefatigable  in  his  refearches,  and  libe¬ 
ral  in  his  communications. 

In  the  fimplicity  of  older  times,  when  gold  and  filver  were 
fcarce,  the  houffiold  of  the  king  was  fupported  by  provifions 
furniffied  from  his  demefnes.  By  degrees  the  fervants  here  em¬ 
ployed  obtained  a  fixed  tenure  of  the  eftates,  rendering  certain 
fervices  and  fupplying  certain  provifions  [3].  Many  lands  were 
from  time  to  time  granted  on  condition  of  yielding  fuch  fup- 
plies,  but  thefe  refervations  were  fmall,  and  many  of  them  only 
to  be  rendered  when  the  king  travelled  into  the  country  where 
the  lands  lay.  In  fome,  fpecial  care  was  taken  that  he  ffiould 
not  make  this  fervice  burthenfome  by  coming  too  often ;  as  in 
the  cafe  of  William  fon  of  William  Alefbury,  who  held  lands 
in  Alefbury  by  finding  (amongft  other  things)  three  eels  for 
the  king,  when  he  ffiould  come  to  Alefbury  in  the  winter,  and 
two  green  geefe  in  the  fummer ;  but  this  was  not  to  exceed  three 
times  in  the  year  [c]..  The  town  of  Yarmouth  in  Norfolk  is 
bound  to  fend  to  the  ffieriffs  of  Norwich  a  hundred  herrings, 
which  are  to  be  baked  in  twenty-four  pyes  or  parties,  and 
thence  delivered  to  the  lord  of  the  manor  of  Eaft  Carlton,  who 
is  to  convey  them  to  the  king.  They  are  ft  ill  fent  to  the  clerk 
of  the  kitchen’s  office  at  Saint  James’s ;  but  the  pyes  could 
never  have  been  of  much  fervice  as  provifions,  unlefs  they  were 
made  differently  from  what  they  now  are,  or  our  anceftors  had 

[£]  Blackftone’s  Comm.  lib.  ii,  cap.  vi,  p.  99, 
[y]  Blount’s  Tenures,  p.  123. 



Mr,  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor,  331 

ftronger  teeth  and  flomachs  than  we  have  \d],  In  1778  the 
fheriffs  of  Norwich  attended  with  them  in  perfon,  and  claimed 
the  following  allowance  in  return,  viz. 

6  white  loaves,  1 

6  diftes  of  meat,  J  out  of  the  kinS  s  kltchelu 

i  flagon  of  wine. 

1  flagon  of  beer. 

1  trufs  of  hay. 

1  bufhell  of  oats. 

1  pricket  of  wax. 

6  tallow  candles. 

But  no  precedent  appearing  of  thefe  things  having  been  deli¬ 
vered,  they  were  refufed  [>]. 

Thefe  fupplies  muft  often  have  failed.  In  aid  of  them  a  mar¬ 
ket  for  provifions  was  conftantly  kept  at  the  palace-gate  wher¬ 
ever  the  king  was.  This  was  fuperintended  by  an  officer 
called  clerk  of  the  market  of  the  kings  houfe ,  who  was  to  burn  all 
falfe  weights  and  meafures  [jf],  to  precede  the  king  in  his  pro- 
grefles,  and  warn  the  people  to  bake  and  brew,  and  make  pro- 
viflon  againfl:  his  coming,  and  by  the  oaths  of  twelve  men  to 
fet  the  prices  of  proviflons  [g],  beyond  which  no  perfons  attend¬ 
ing  the  court  were  to  pay  [£]. 

But  to  enfure  the  fupply  of  the  king’s  houfe,  the  crown  was 
poflefled  of  a  prerogative  of  purveyance  and  pre-emption,  i.  e.  a 
right  of  buying  up  proviflons  and  other  neceflaries  for  the  royal 
houffiold  at  an  appraifed  valuation,  in  preference  to  all  others, 

[O  Ibid.  p.  135. 

[*]  Records  at  the  Green-cloth. 

[/]  4.  Inft.  273. 

[g]  Black  book  of  the  accompting-houfe,  in  the  Society’s  library. 

[ h ]  Order  of  council  temp.  £liz.  quoted  by  Phillips  in  his  Treatife  of  Pur¬ 
veyance,  p.  132. 

U  u  %  and 

332  Mr .  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor. 

and  even  without  the  owner’s  confent ;  the  carriages  and  liorfes 
of  the  fubjedt  were  aifo  liable  to  be  imprefled  on  the  king’s 
bufinefs  on  the  public  roads,  in  the  conveyance  of  timber,  bag¬ 
gage  and  the  like,  however  inconvenient  it  might  be  to  the  pro¬ 
prietor,  on  paying  him  a  fixt  price  [/].  The  king’s  butler  had 
a  right  to  choofe  for  the  king  two  hogfheads  of  wine  out  of 
every  merchant’s  fhip  laden  with  wine,  one  in  the  prow,  the 
other  in  the  poop,  paying  to  the  merchants  only  twenty  (hil¬ 
lings  each ;  he  might  take  more  if  he  would  at  a  price  to  be 
fixed  by  the  king’s  appraifers  [z£]  ;  purveyance  however  was  to 
be  made  between  fun  and  fun,  and  nothing  was  to  be  taken  in 
the  highway  [/].  Hides,  leather,  and  other  neceflaries  were 
taken  for  making  the  king’s  faddles,  beans  and  peafe  for  his 
horfes  [*«].  Lord  Coke  fays,  that  meat  and  drink  was  only  to 
be  taken  by  the  king  in  his  progrefs,  and  that  in  his  ftanding- 
houle  he  could*not  take  beer,  ale,  or  bread,  being  manufacture; 
but  malt,  having  the  fub  fiance  of  barley  remaining,  might  be 
taken  [«]. 

Spelman  in  his  Gloifary,  under  the  word  angaria ,  defines 
purveyance  to  be,  “  Id  quod  praster  debitum  exigitur  per  fupe- 
“  riores  a  fubditis :  five  in  pecunia,  five  in  obfoniis,  five  in  ope- 
<4  ribus  perfonarum,  equorum,  curruumve,  et  hujufmodi.” 

Fabian  Phillips,  a  warm  royalift,  and  a  fieady  alferter  of  pre¬ 
rogative  and  old  cufioms,  wrote  a  long  treatife  on  purveyance 
foon  after  its  abolition.  In  this  are  to  be  found  many  curious 
particulars,  mixed  with  many  abfurdities.  He  finds  purveyance 
in  the  Book  of  Genefis,  in  the  houfliolds  of  David  and  Solomon, 

[z]  Blackltone,  lib.  i.  c.  8.  p.  287. 

[k~\  Fleta,  lib.  ii.  cap.  22. 

[/]  Bacon’s  works,  vol.  II.  p.  150. 

[m]  Moore’s  Reports,  a0  1605,  p.  765. 

[«]  2  Inft.  545- 


Air.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor.  333 

traces  it  through  all  the  quarters  of  the  globe,  derives  its  infti- 
tution  in  England  from  the  Romans  [0],  and  obferves  that  it 
was  continued  here  by  the  Saxons  and  Danes. 

Ina,  by  one  of  his  laws,  prohibits  forefang  or  “  captio  obfo- 
<c  niorum  quae  in  foris  aut  nundinis  ab  aliquo  fit  prius  quam 
64  minifter  regis  ea  ceperit  quae  regi  fuerint  necefTaria  [/>].” 

.^thelftan,  who  reigned  in  938,  having  fubdued  the  Welch, 
and  impofed  on  them  a  yearly  tribute,  made  2500  head  of  cattle 
a  part  of  it  [yl,  thereby  confuting  the  fervice  of  his  houfe  as  well 
as  the  then  poverty  of  the  country. 

The  bufinefs  of  purveyance  was  intruded  to  officers  called 
purveyors.  They  were  in  very  early  times  appointed  by  the 
treafurer  of  the  houfhold,  by  warrant  under  his  feal,  directed 
to  the  clerk  of  the  crown  in  chancery,  who  made  out  their  com- 
millions  [r]  j  thefe  commiffions  were  fometimes  under  the  fmall, 
fometimes  under  the  great,  feal  [j],  but  in  lafer  times,  under 
the  great  feal  only  [/],  and  were  ufually  granted  for  fix  months, 
at  the  expiration  of  which  time  they  were  returned  to  the  ac- 
compting-houfe_(i.  e.  the  board  of  Green-cloth),  when  the  trea¬ 
furer  of  the  houfhold  either  fuperfcribed  them  and  diredled 
them  to  the  clerk  of  the  crown  to  be  renewed,  or  granted 
new  warrants.  The  form  of  thefe  commiffions  will  be  fub~ 

[0]  That  it  was  praftifed  by  the  Romans  is  noticed  by  Mr.  Barrington  in 
his  Obfervations  on  the  Ancient  Statutes,  p.  162.  He  quotes  Tacitus  in  vita 
Agric.  c.  19.  Quae  in  quaeflum  reperta,  ipfo  tributo  gravius  tolerabantur. 
Namque  per  ludibrium  aihdere  claufis  horreis,  et  emere  ultro  frumenta,  ac  ven- 
dere  cogebantur. 

[/>]  Spelman’s  GlofT.  Tub  voce  Forefang. 

[y]  Speed,  p.  381. 

[r]  Black  book  ut  fupra. 

[r]  Stat.  5  EVI11.  c.  2.- 

[0  2  Ink.  545. 



334  A/r.  Bray’s  Account  of -the  Office  of  Purveyor . 

But  in  i  s74  and  1576,  the  earl  of  Leicefter,  who  was  maftef 
of  the  horfe  to  queen  Elizabeth,  ifiued  his  warrant  to  compel 
the  furniffiing  horfes  for  her  progrefs,  and  by  a  letter  only,  or¬ 
dered  the  knight-marfhal  to  apprehend  and  punifh  all  fuch  as 
one  Middleton,  a  furveyor  of  the  ftables,  ftiould  inform  not  to 
have  done  their  duty  in  furniffiing  provifions  for  the  ftables  [«]. 

In  times  when  the  court  removed  from  one  place  to  another 
fo  frequently  as  it  ufed  formerly  to  do,  and  when  markets  were 
few,  and  provifions  much  lefs  abundant  than  they  now  are, 
thefe  officers  were  particularly  necefiary  ;  but  veiled  with  the 
powers  of  an  acknowledged  prerogative,  in  times  when  the 
people  were  little  able  to  contend  even  with  unjuft  exertions 
of  power,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  if  purveyors  abufed  their 

Religious  houfes  were  not  exempt  except  by  charter,  and  the 
vifits  of  our  kings  may  be  confidered  as  a  fort  of  purveyance. 
The  great  fiffi  pool  at  St.  Alban’s  was  the  occafion  of  many  of 
thefe  vifits,  which  were  fo  expenfive  to  the  abbey  that  they  pur- 
chafed  and  drained  it  in  order  to  get  rid  of  fuch  troublefome 
guefts  [at].  To  be  freed  from  purveyance  was  confidered  by  the 
monks  as  a  very  valuable  privilege,  and  fo  it  was,  as  William 
the  Firft  obliged  them  to  find  lodging  and  necefifaries  for  his 
foldiers,  as  well  as  provifions  for  himfelf.  The  abbat  of  Ram- 
fay  and  the  abbat  of  Battle  obtained  charters  of  exemption  from 
purveyance  from  that  monarch,  and  they  became  frequent  in 
after  times  [ y ]•  Edward  the  Third  in  his  firft  year  exempted 


[«]  Phillips,  p.  201,  but  as  the  earl  was  fteward  of  the  houftiold  in  fome 
part  of  this  reign  (fee  Dugd.  Bar.  II.  222.)  he  might  ifiue  thefe  warrants  in 
that  capacity. 

[*]  Chauncey’s  Herts,  p.  431. 

1 y]  Phillips,  p.  177.  I  do  not  find  thefe  charters  in  the  Monafticon.  There 
is  one  granted  by  Edward  the  Confeffor  to  Ramfey,  in  which  are  thefe  words  ; 

“  Relaxamus 

Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor ,  335 

the  clergy  at  large  from  fu  mi  filing  carts  and  vi&uals  for  the 
houftiold  [a}.  In  his  twenty-fifth  year  the  clergy  petitioned 
that  no  commifiion  of  purveyance  fhould  be  granted  without 
excepting  the  fees,  manors,  and  other  places  of  holy  church ;  the 
king’s  anfwer  is,  that  he  has  heretofore  granted  it,  and  he  who 
will  fue  fliall  have  a  writ  in  chancery  [#].  There  were  officers 
called  harbingers  who  preceded  the  king  in  his  progreffes,  and 
took  care  to  provide  lodgings  for  him  and  his  attendants., 
Though  this  bufinefs  has  grown  into  difufe  fince  the  king  has 
ceafed  to  travel  about  the  kingdom,  the  office  remained  till 
1782  when  it  was  abolifhed.  There  was  a  gentleman  harbinger, 
and  five  other  harbingers,  the  former  with  a  falary  of  fixty 
pounds,  the  latter  of  fifty  pounds  each.  The  herbergeours  of 
the  army  preceded  the  troops  to  mark  out  their  quarters,  and 
it  appears  that  great  perfons  attending  on  the  king  had  parti¬ 
cular  quarters  afiigned  them,  fome  for  life,  as  in  the  cafe  of 
Thomas  earl  of  Dorfet,  to  whom  Henry  V.  1414,  afiigned  the 
town  of  Stratford  Langthorn  with  the  parifh  of  Ham  in  Eflex- 
for  life,  for  the  herbergage  of  his  men  fervants  and  horfes 
whilfi:  attending  the  king  at  Weftminfter,  infomuch  that  the 
king’s  harberger  could  not  afiign  it  to  any  other,  nor  take  from, 
thence  grafs,  hay,  horfes,  carts,  carriages,  or  other  necefTaries 
during  his  flay  there;  but  the  earl  was  to  pay  jufily  for  alb 
hay,  horfes,  carts,  &c.  taken  for  his  ufe  [£].  Chriftchurch, 

Relaxamus — exaftiones  regalium  et  epifcopalium  Dugd.  Mon* 

y.  I.  237.  And  Spelman,  under  the  word  angnna,  quotes  a  charter  of  William 
the  Conqueror  to  the  abbey  of  Ramfey,  which  is  probably  that  alluded  to  by 
Phillips,  in  which  are  thefe  words  ;  “  Volo  ut  nullis  unquam  graventur  oneri- 
bus  expeditionum,  nec  pontium  reftrudtione,  nee  furis  apprehenlione,  fed  ab 
omni  angaria  regalium  miniilrorum  et  aliarum  quarunicunque  caufarum  lint 
perpetui  expediti  et  liberi.”  [a]  Ibid. 

[, a ]  Rolls  of  Parliament,  vol.  II.  p.  245. 

[f]  lb.  IV,  p.  22.  94, 


336  Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor . 

Canford  and  Poole  were  granted  for  the  herbergage  of  the  earl 
of  Salifbury  whilft  attending  the  king  in  thofe  parts  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  V.  [c].  Under  William  Rufus  and  during  a 
great  part  of  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Firft,  the  king’s  fervants 
and  court,  and  a  multitude  following  it,  took  and  fpoiled  every 
thing  in  the  way  the  king  went,  there  being  no  difcipline  or 
good  order  taken.  When  they  could  not  confume  what  they 
found  in  the  houfes  they  had  broken  into,  they  made  the  owners 
carry  it  to  market  and  fell  it  for  them  ;  or  burnt  their  provi- 
lions,  or  wafhed  their  horfes  feet  with  the  drink,  and  poured 
it  on  the  ground,  or  other  wife  wafted  it,  fo  that  every  one 
hearing  before  hand  of  the  king’s  coming  would  run  away  from 
their  houfes  [*/]. 

Henry,  however,  when  under  apprehenftons  from  his  brother 
•Robert,  regulated  his  houfhold.  “  Curialibus  fuis”  (fays  William 
of  Malmcfbury)  “  ubicunque  villarum  effet  quantum  a  rufticis 
gratis  accipere,  quantum  et  quoto  pretio  emere  debuiffent,  edixit, 
tranfgreftores  vel  gravi  pecuniarum  muldla,  vel  vitae  difpendio 
afficiens”  [r]. 

This  king,  at  the  requeft  of  the  tenants  of  his  demefnes 
changed  their  rent  which  ufed  to  be  paid  in  corn,  cattle,  and 
provifions,  into  money  [/].  Phillips  thinks  the  markets  at  the 
court-gates  were  difcontinued  in  this  reign  [g].  At  length  the 
abufes  of  purveyance  got  to  that  height,  that  they  make  the 
fubject  of  three  articles  in  the  charter  which  the  barons  ob¬ 
tained  from  king  John  at  Runingmede.  By  the  firft,  the  con- 
ftable  or  bailiff  of  a  caftle  was  reftrained  from  taking  corn  or 
other  chatties  of  any  man  not  of  the  town  where  the  cattle  was, 

[c]  Rymer,  IX.  p.  259. 

[d]  Eadmerus,  lib.  iv.  p.  94. 

[<?]  Malmefb.  lib.  v.  91. 

[/]  Phillips,  p.  60. 

fe]  H.  p.  60. 


Mr.  Br  ay’j  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor.  yyy 

without  making  immediate  payment,  unlefs  the  feller  agreed  to 
wait ;  but  if  the  feller  was  of  the  town,  three  weeks  were 
allowed  for  payment  by  the  firft  renewal  of  this  charter  in 
i  Henry  III.  and  this  was  further  extended  to  forty  days  by  the 
charter  of  the  year  12 ly  (as  Blackftone  calls  it  [6]),  and  that 
of  9  Henry  III.  By  the  30th  chapter  of  John’s  charter,  no 
fheriff  or  bailiff  of  the  “king,  or  any  other,  was  to  take  any  man’s 
horfes  or  carriages  but  by  his  confent ;  the  fubfequent  charters 
add,  “  but  at  the  old  prices  limited,  viz.  a  carriage  with  two 
“  horfes  ten  pence  a  day,  with  three  horfes  fourteen  pence  a 
“  day  [/].”  The  latter  exempts  the  demefne  carts  of  fpiritual 
perfons,  knights  and  ladies  [£].  King  John’s  charter  prohibited 
the  taking  any  man’s  wood  for  the  king’s  caftles.  or  other  ne- 
ceflaries  without  the  owner’s  confent  [/].;  and  this  was  confirmed 
by  the  fubfequent  charters  [; m ] ;  but,  notvvithffanding  this,  it 
appears  that  wood  was  taken,  and  that  money  was  extorted 
from  the  owners  by  demanding  fuch  as  grew  about  the  man- 
fion-houfe  and  could  be  ill-fpared.  The  ftatute  of  25  Edward  III. 
gives  treble  damages  for  taking  fuch  wood  ;  and  the  purveyor 
was  to  be  imprifoned  a  year  and  fore-judged  of  his  office  [«]. 
W  e  hear  however  the  fame  complaint  under  James  the  Firff. 

By  the  charta  foreffiB  (9  Henry  III.  cap.  7.)  it  appears  that 
the  king’s  officers  of  his  forefts  ufed  to  make  fcotali  or  gather 
garb,  oats,  corn,  lamb,  pig,  and  other  things,  as  it  is  thereby 
•forbidden  to  any  forfter  or  be  Jill  to  do  fo  but  by  the  view  and 
oath  of  twelve  men. 


[ft]  Blackflone’s  Great  Charter. 

[zj  Charter  1  Hen.  III.  c.  23.  that  of  1217,  c.  25,  and  9  Hen.  III.  c.  21. 

[ft]  Cap.  26. 

-  [/]  Cap.  31. 

[?w]  1217,  cap.  22.  and  9  Hen.  III.  cap.  21. 

[«]  Stat.  5.  cap.  6. 

Vol.  VIII.  X  x 


33^  Mr,  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor, 

Ill  that  reign  there  was  another  method  of  procuring  provi- 
fious  for  the  king,  which  was  by  writs  direfled  to  the  fherifFs, 
ordering  them  to  make  provifions  of  mutton,  poultry,  eggs,  &c. 
againft  Chriftmas  and  other  principal  feafts  [o],  Thefe  were 
all'o  i fl'ued  for  home  of  the  kings  of  Scotland  and  their  trains,  in 
their  paftage  as  they  came  to  London  to  do  homage  to  our 
kings  [/>].  Sometimes  thefe  writs  were  fent  to  the  chamber¬ 
lains  of  London  to  provide  wine,  fpices,  and  furres,  to  be  paid 
de  denariis  regls ;  at  other  times  to  others,  to  provide  corn,  ba¬ 
con,  & c.  for  fortifying  a  caflle,  promifing  that  the  fheriff  fhould 
make  payment,  and  be  allowed  upon  his  account  out  of  the  pro¬ 
fits  of  the  county  [^].  It  may  be  fuppofed  that  thefe  provifions 
were  taken  at  under  prices. 

It  appears  by  the  ftatute  of  Weftminfter,  a0  3  Edward  I.  that 
the  purveyors  ufed  to  enter  houfes  under  colour  of  buying  for 
the  king,  break  the  doors,  locks,  and  windows,  and  thrafh  out 
and  carry  away  the  corn ;  and  that  they  paid  no  more  regard  to 
the  houfes  of  prelates  than  they  did  to  thofe  of  the  laiety. 

The  fecond  chapter  of  articuli  fuper  chartas  a°  28  Edward  I. 
is  a  long  one  levelled  againft  the  abufes  of  thefe  officers.  The 
grievance  was  fuch  as  to  be  provided  againft  next  after  the  con¬ 
firmation  of  the  great  charter  and  charter  of  the  foreft,  and  re¬ 
cites  that  there  was  a  great  grievance  in  the  realm,  and  damage 
without  meafure,  for  that  the  king  and  minifters  of  his  houfe, 
as  well  aliens  as  denizens,  do  make  great  prizes  (i.  e.  takings) 
where  they  pafs  through  the  realm,  and  take  the  goods  as  well 
of  the  clerks  as  of  the  lay  people,  without  paying  therefore  any 
thing,  or  elfe  much  lei's  than  the  value. 

Edward  the  Second,  in  his  fixteenth  year,  fent  his  writ  to  the 
juftices  of  the  King’s-Bench,  commanding  them  to  puniffi  the 

[a]  Phillips,  p.  60.  130.  [/>]  lb.  p.  131.  [q]\  lb.  p.  60. 


Mr,  Bray’s  Account  oj  the  Office  of  Purveyor .  339 

infringers  of  thefe  ftatutes  [r]  ;  but  the  fteward  of  his  houfhold 
exercifed  his  power  of  purveyance  with  a  high  hand,  even  in 
the  city  of  London,  notwithftanding  the  great  privileges  of  that 
place.  A°  18,  he  commanded  that  no  fifhmonger,  on  pain  of 
imprifonment,  fhould  go  out  of  the  city  to  foreftall  any  fea  or 
frefh  ffh,  or  fend  them  to  any  great  lord  or  religious  houfe,  or 
any  perfon  whatfoever,  till  the  king’s  purveyors  fliould  have 
made  their  purveyance  for  the  king  [j]. 

The  flatute  of  eftreats  in  the  fixteenth  of  this  king  orders, 
that  purveyance  of  wines  he  made  hy  the  view  of  good  men  of 
the  town,  at  lead  of  two  of  the  heft  of  the  place,  and  if  there 
were  any  colleflors  of  the  cuftoms  there,  they  were  to  be  pre- 
fent  [/].  The  forty-third  of  the  following  reign  ftates,  that, 
under  colour  of  this,  the  butler  took  more  wine  than  was 
wanted  for  the  king,  and  fold  it  for  his  own  profit,  and  forbids 
the  doing  fo. 

In  the  fourth  of  Edward  the  Third,  an  aft  ftates,  that  the 
king,  queen,  and  their  children,  opprefled  the  people  by  not 
paying  for  corn,  hay,  cattle,  and  other  vittailes,  which  they 
took,  and  by  taking  twenty-five  quarters  of  corn  for  twenty, 
meafuring  by  heap,  and  taking  hay  and  litter  at  lefs  than  the 
value;  it  direfts,  that  nothin?  be  taken  without  confent  of  the 
owner,  that  corn  be  taken  by  the  Jlrikc  as  men  ufe  throughout 
the  kingdom ,  and  that  the  things  be  taken  at  their  true  value  by 
conftables  and  other  good  men  of  the  vill,  who  fliould  not  be 
enforced  by  menace,  or  durefs,  to  aflefs  any  other  price  than 
their  oath  would  allow. 

So  little  was  this  aft  regarded,  that  another  was  found  necef- 
fary  the  very  next  year  (a0  5.) ;  and  by  that,  a  purveyor  tranf- 

[r]  Phillips,  p.  62.  jh]  Ibid.  p.  421. 

jy]  Append.  RufFhead’s  Statutes,  p,  23. 

X  X  2 


340  Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor, 

greflhig  the  law  was  to  be  punifhed  as  a  thief,  if  the  quantity 
of  goods  require.  But  a  petition  of  the  commons,  a0  28  of  this 
king,  Bates,  that  purveyors  who  had  been  taken  up  under  this 
law  harrafled  thofe  who  ventured  to  take  them,  by  obtaining 
writs  of  privy  feal  to  bring  them  before  the  king  and  council  ; 
they  pray  that  the  purveyors  may  be  put  to  their  action  at  law, 
which  was  granted  ['«]. 

The  aft  of  14  Edward  III.  cap.  19.  contains  further  regula¬ 
tions  as  to  takings  and  payments.  It  direfts  as  to  horfes,  that 
they  be  taken  by  the  fheriff,  that  the  number  be  expreffed  in 
the  warrant,  and  nothing  beyond,  except  a  hackney  for  the 
chief  keeper,  and  one  boy  for  each  horfe,  without  women, 
pages,  or  dogs  accompanying  them.  Purveyances  for  the  king’s 
dogs  were  to  be  made  by  the  fheriff  out  of  the  ifilies  of  his 

No  feverity  of  law  could,  however,  red: rain  the  rapacity  of 
thefe  plunderers,  and  though  in  the  twentieth  year  of  this  king’s 
reign,  feveral  were  hanged  for  tranfgrefling  this  law  [at],  it  was 
found  neceffary  to  re-enaft  it  five  years  after  [y].  One  of  their 
frauds  was  the  taking  fheep  between  Eafter  and  St.  John  with 
their  fleeces  on,  keeping  them  till  (hearing  time,  and  then  tak¬ 
ing  the  fleeces  to  their  own  ufe  [2]. 

A  petition  of  the  commons,  anno  28  Edward  III.  fets  forth9 
that  the  purveyors  of  the  king,  thofe  of  the  queen,  and  thofe  of 
the  prince,  would  come  fucceflively  to  the  fame  houfe,  which 
they  fay  was  too  grievous  [V].  'Phis  petition  and  an  aft  of  the 
fame  year  explain  another  impofition ;  purveyors  were  ordered 

[a]  Rolls  of  Pari.  vol.  II.  p.  260. 
j>]  2  Ink;  546. 

[_y]  25  Edw.  III.  flat.  5.  cap.  1. 

[z]  Ibid.  cap.  15. 

[ a ]  Rolls  of  Pari.  vol.  II.  p.  258. 



Mr,  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor .  341 

to  pay  by  tallies :  thefe  they  gave  payableat  fuch  didant  places, 
that  the  ad  fays,  the  people  fpent  the  value,  and  double,  in  going 
after  them,  before  they  could  get  the  money. 

In  the  thirty-fourth  year  of  this  king,  it  appears  that  the 
great  men  had  affumed  the  privilege  of  purveyance,  and  it  is  by 
an  ad  [3]  retrained  to  the  king,  queen,  and  the  king’s  elded;  fon. 
Two  years  after,  the  latter  was  alfo  taken  away  [e]  :  and  fuch 
was  the  odium  incurred  by  the  purveyors,  that  the  ad  direds 
that  the  heinous  name  of  purveyor  be  changed  into  that  of 
achatour ,  i.  e.  buyer.  This  would  not  have  gone  dir  towards 
remedying  the  evil;  but  it  is  followed  by  many  excellent  regu¬ 
lations.  To  fee  to  the  executions  of  thefe,  com  millions  were  to 
be  made  to  two  good  men  of  every  county,  and  one  of  the 
king’s  houfe,  to  enquire  into  the  condud  of  the  achatours ,  and 
to  hear  and  determine  complaints.  The  deward,  treafurer,  and 
comptroler,  were  to  make  enquiry  into  what  was  taken,  and 
what  was  expended,  in  the  two  houfholds  of  the  king  and  queen; 
and  if  the  achatours  took  more  than  they  delivered,  and  did  not 
pay  for  what  they  took,  they  were  to  forfeit  life  and  limb. 

This  was  to  extend  to  the  purveyors  of  great  horfes  as  well  as 
to  the  buyers  before  named  ;  the  name  therefore  of  purveyor 
was  retained  by  thefe,  and  it  is  again  recognized  in  the  next 

The  fird  of  thefe  ads  (36  Edward  III.  cap.  6.)  dates  it  to  be 
made  of  the  pure  grace  of  the  king,  without  mention  of  the 
great  men  or  commons ;  and  Sir  Edward  Coke  fays,  that  the  oc- 
cafion  of  making  this  ad,  and  that  of  the  twenty-fifth,  was  a 
book  written  to  the  king  in  Latin  by  Simon  Iflip  (archbifhop 
of  Canterbury,  and  before  that  a  fecretary  of  date  and  a  privy 

[£]  Cap.  2.  ' 

[c]  36  Edw.  III.  cap.  2,  3,  4,  5,  6.  •  :  •  • 


342  Air.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor. 

councellor),  fharply  inveighing  againd  the  intolerable  abufes  of 
purveyors  and  purveyances,  and  earnefily  prefling  and  advifing 
him  to  make  remedies  for  thofe  infufferable  oppreflions  and 
wrongs  offered  to  his  fubje<ds.  This  book  the  king  often  perufi- 
ing,  it  wrought  fuch  effe<d  as  at  divers  of  his  parliaments,  but 
efpecially  at  that  in  his  thirty-fixth  year,  he  did  of  his  own  will 
caufe  to  be  made  many  excellent  laws  againd  the  oppreflions 
and  falfehood  of  purveyors  [*/]. 

But  notwithftanding  this  aflertion  in  the  a£l,  repeated  by  Sir 
Edward  Coke,  it  appears  by  the  Rolls  of  Parliament,  that  the 
a&  of  the  thirty-fixth  was  founded  on  a  very  drong  petition  of 
the  commons,  fetting  forth  the  great  charges  and  mifchiefs 
they  fuffered  in  his  time,  and  the  misfortunes  which  had  hap¬ 
pened  by  divers  pedilences  of  wind  and  water,  and  mortality  of 
men  and  cattle  j  they  flate,  that  the  outrages  and  grievances 
done  by  the  purveyors  of  the  king,  queen,  and  their  elded  fon, 
and  of  other  lords  and  ladies  to  the  commonalty,  cannot  be  re- 
d refled  nor  amended  without  the  king’s  gracious  aid,  and  then 
they  pray  in  words  which  are  nearly  copied  into  the  a£t  [«?]. 
But  it  is  obfervable  that  in  one  indance  the  king  goes  beyond 
their  petition,  redraining  the  purveyors  to  the  fervice  of  the 
king  and  queen,  exclufiveof  the  prince,  which  they  did  not  afk; 
the  change  of  the  name  of  purveyour  into  that  of  achatour  is 
fuggeded  in  the  petition. 

In  fa£t  there  had  been  many  petitions,  before  this,  praying  re- 
drefs  of  thefe  grievances:  the  anfwers  were,  that  order  fliould  be 
given  [jf]  ;  that  the  datutes  fhould  be  kept  [g]  ;  that  one  cafe 
was  on  great  necefiity  with  confent  of  the  prelates  and  great 

\d]  2  Inft.  545. 

[>]  Rolls  of  Pari.  vol.  II.  p.  269. 

[/]  Id.  vol.  II.  p.  140.  a°  17  Ed.  III.  id.  vol.  II.  16 1.  169,  a0  20  Edw.  III. 

[«•]  Id.  vol.  II.  p.  242.  a°  25  Edw.  III. 


Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor.  343 

men,  and  fome  of  the  commons  then  prefent,  but  fhould  not  be 
drawn  into  confequence  [/:?]. 

A  tranfcript  of  this  book  of  Klip’s  is  now  amongd  the  Har- 
leian  MSS.  at  the  Mufeum,  N°  62 37.  The  good  archbifhop  ufes 
the  plained:  language  to  the  king,  and  does  not  confine  his 
complaints  to  the  article  of  purveyance;  he  enumerates  many 
other  grievances ;  he  tells  the  king  that  his  own  debts,  and  thole 
of  his  father  and  grandfather  are  unpaid  ;  and  that  he  retains 
poffefiion  of  the  lands  of  many  of  his  fubjedts;  that  there  is  uni- 
verfal  lamentation  in  the  country  on  hearing  of  his  approach, 
univerfal  joy  on  his  departure,  and  this  notwithdanding  the 
king  himfelf  is  humble,  affable,  mild,  and  innocent,  but  his  fer- 
vants  take  the  people’s  goods  without  their  confent,  and  for  lefs 
than  the  value;  then  they  muff  go  five  or  fix  miles  for  their 
money,  day  a  day,  and  perhaps  not  receive  it  unlefs  they  give 
part;  that  his  fervants  take  men,  horfes,  and  cattle,  laboring  in 
agriculture,  and  keep  them  two  or  three  days,  which  is  not 
lawful  even  in  war;  that  they  come  and  demand  men,  horfes, 
and  carriages,  in  a  parifh,  take  half  a  mark,  or  more,  to  excufe 
them  :  the  next  day,  or  even  the  fame  day,  come  others  to  the 
fame  place,  and  take  the  men,  horfes,  and  carriages,  notwith¬ 
danding  the  compofition.  He  adjures  the  king  with  great  fo« 
lemnity  and  earnednefs  on  behalf  of  Almighty  God,  of  holy 
church,  of  the  people  of  England,  and  for  the  health  and  fafety 
of  his  foul,  to  make  a  law  that  no  one  fhall,  under  a  heavy  pe¬ 
nalty,  take  the  goods  of  another  againd  his  will,  but  buy  as  he 
can  agree  with  the  feller,  and  pay  ready  money.  Then,  fays 
he,  all  men  will  bring  all  neceflaries  to  your  gate  as  they  did  in 
the  time  of  Henry  your  great  grandfather,  at  whofe  approach 
all  men  rejoiced.  He  fays  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  there 
fhould  be  fuch  lamentations  in 'the  country,  when  he,  the  arch¬ 
il]  Phillips,  p.  67,  68. 


-44'  -MK  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor. 

btfhop'  himfelf,  on  rumour  of  his  approach,  trembles  on  hearing 
his  horn ,  whether  he  is  in  the  houfe  or  at  mafs ;  when  one  of 
the  kine/s  fervants  knocks  at  the  gate,  he  trembles  more; 
when  he  comes  to  the  door,  dill  more  :  and  this  terror  conti¬ 
nues  fo  long  as  the  king  (lays,  on  account  of  the  various  evils 
done  to  the  poor.  He  thinks  his  harbingers  come  not  on  behalf 
of  God,  but  of  the  devil  ;  when  the  horn  is  heard,  every  one 
trembles;  and  when  the  harbinger  arrives,  indead  of  faying,  as 
the  good  angel  did  to  the  bleded  Virgin*  “  fear  not !”  he  cries,, 
he  mud  have  oats,  hay,  and  litter,  for  the  king’s  horfes — a  fe- 
cond  comes  and  fays,  he  mud  have  geefe,  hens,  and  many  other 
things ;  a  third  is  at  his  heels,  and  demands  corn,  &c. 

He  prays  the  king  not  to  defer  till  the  morrow  the  remedy¬ 
ing  thefe  evils.  The  remedy  is  eafy  ;  let  every  one  be  mader  of 
his  own  goods,  and  let  nothing  be  taken  without  confent.  His 
courtiers  would  tell  him,  he  would  be  no  longer  king  in  his  own 
land,  and  would  neither  get  any  thing  to  eat  or  drink ;  but,  fays 
the  good  archbifhop,  I  tell  you  before  God,  that,  if  the  people 
were  certain  that  their  goods  would  not  be  taken  without  their 
confent,  they  would  bring  all  neceffaries  to  your  gate.  He  fays 
the  curbed  prerogative  of  taking  for  lefs  than  the  value  is  dam¬ 
nable  before  God,  and  was  only  ufed  in  the  time  of  the  king's  fa¬ 
ther  and  grandfather,  and  has  continued  about  forty  years,  but  is 
not  held  of  right,  nor  is  of  any  drength,  being  contrary  to  all 
law  human  and  divine,  and  that  on  this  account  many  fouls  are 
in  hell  [/]. 


[i]  He  mentions  the  king’s  expences  on  great  horfes,  and  fays,  one  great 
horfe  muft  have  at  leaft  one  boy  to  keep  it,  vvhofe  pay  is  one  penny  halfpenny 
a  day  ;  oats  two  pence  ;  hay  one  penny  ;  amounting  to  four  pence  halfpenny  a 
clay,  two  Ihillings  and  feven  pence  halfpenny  a  week,  which  would  keep  four  or 
five  poor  people.  Cap.  8. 

In  cap.  13.  he  tells  the  king,  that  if  he  does  not  amend,  “  ad  mortem  tu 
“  dices  heu!  heu!  lieu!  et  quare  ter  heu,  dico,  dices?  primo  Heu,  quod  un* 

“  quam 

Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor*  345 

We  fee  that  the  king  paid  attention  to  this  honeft  advice,  but 
the  evil  was  only  checked,  for  after  Tyler’s  infurredion  was 
fuppreffed  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  and 
when  ads  of  indemnity  were  paffed  on  that  occafion,  it  was 
thought  necelfary  to  enad,  that  the  (latutes  of  purveyors (hould 
be  kept  [k]  ;  an  objed  of  importance  enough  to  engage  the  at¬ 
tention  of  parliament  at  that  time.  Purveyance  for  great  lords 
and  ladies  again  prevailed,  and  was  further  retrained  the  next 
year  [/]. 

No  flatute  appears  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Fourth,  except 
one  to  extend  the  payment  of  ready  money  to  all  things  of  the 
value  of  forty  (hillings,  or  under  [ni] ;  but  in  the  eleventh  year 
of  his  reign,  the  judges  allowed  the  right  of  taking  provifions 
for  the  king  at  a  reafonable  price,  though  the  owner  fhould  not 
be  willing  to  fell  them '[»]. 

An  ad  of  1  Henry  V.  recites  that  eight  bufhels  was  the  mea- 
fure  of  a  quarter,  and  eight  gallons  of  a  bufhel,  but  that  the 
purveyors  of  the  late  and  prefent  king  took  nine  bufhels  of 
wheat  and  other  corn  for  a  quarter,  often  by  a  meafure  not 
fealed,  and  not  by  frtke ,  againft  the  will  of  the  fellers,  and  with¬ 
out  any  price  fixed  as  it  ought  to  be  by  law,  and  made  the  fel¬ 
lers  carry  the  corn  to  what  place  they  pleafed  without  paying 
for  the  carriage  ;  it  then  enads  that  eight  bufhels  only  be  taken 
by  frike ,  and  the  carriage  paid  for  under  pain  of  imprifonment 

“  quam  natus  fuifti ;  et  quare  ?  quia  Temper  fuit  Heu  ubicunque  in  terrain 
tuam  venifti !  fed  majus  Heu  erit  tibi  quando  anima  tua  feparabitur  a^corpore 
“  et  liberabitur  diabolo  !  fed  maximum  Heu  erit  tibi  quando  anima  tua  porta- 
“  bitur  ad  infernum.” 

[£]  Stat.  6  Rip.  II.  cap.  £. 

[/]  Stat.  7  Ric.  II.  cap.  8. 

[w]  Stat.  2  Hen.  IV.  cap.  14. 
[«]  Brooke  ayd  del  Roy  29. 

Vol.  VIII. 





34-6  Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor'. 


for  a  year,  a  fine  of  one  hundred  {hillings  to  the  king,  aha  a& 
much  to  the  party  [o]. 

The  firfl  of  Henry  VI.  cap.  2.  in  order  that  no  one  might  be 
ignorant  of  the  laws  relating  to  this  matter,  directs  the  ads  to 
be  proclaimed  four  times  a  year  in  every  county. 

A  fubfequent  ftatrute  in  this  reign  authorizes  refinance  011 
taking  to  the  value  of  forty  {hillings  without  paying  ready  mo¬ 
ney,  and  direds  the  ad  of  36  Edward  HI.  to  be  put  in  execu¬ 
tion  [/>]. 

Three  years  after,  about  the  time  of  the  king’s  marriage  with 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  a  ftatute  was  made  to  enforce  thofe  of 
25  and  36  Edward  III.  probably  by  way  of  procuring  fome 
popularity,  and  pleafing  the  people  to  whom  that  match  was 
not  very  acceptable.  It  orders  the  purveyors  to  be  fwofnin 
Chancery  to  take  nothing  from  the  people  contrary  to  the  faid 
ordinances;  and  taking  notice  that  poor  people  had  not  power,, 
and  did  not  dare,  make  refiftance  againft  the  purveyors  or  acha- 
tours ,  nor  fue  them  at  law  when  they  aded  contrary  to  the  fta- 
tutes,  it  ordains,  that  the  appraifers  and  all  the  vill  or  vills 
adjoining  if  need  be,  {hould  ufe  all  their  power  to  refill:  fuch 
achatours  and  purveyors  ading  contrary  to  the  ftatute,  and  to 
execute  the  flatutes  on  fuch  purveyors  if  required,  and  the 
perfon  aggrieved  might  fue  the  vills,  or  any  of  them,  who 
fhould  not  make  refiftance,  or  the  purveyors  or  achatours,  and 
recover  treble  damages  and  cofts,  and  the  ferjeant  of  the  king’s 
accatry  was  to  fatisfy  all  damages,  debts,  and  executions,  reco¬ 
vered  againft  any  purveyor  and  achatour  in  fuch  cafes,  if  he  was 
unable  to  fatisfy. 

In  the  fame  reign  the  innkeepers,  brewers,  and  other  vitail- 
lers,  keeping  hoftries  and  other  houfes  for  retail  of  vittailes, 

[0]  Cap.  10. 

[/>]  20  Henry  VI.  cap.  8. 


Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor ,  347 

purchafed  patents  of  the  king  for  life,  to  take  horfes  and  char« 
rettes  for  carriage  of  the  king  and  queen,  and  under  colour 
thereof  took  them  without  occafion,  and  took  them  to  their 
hoftries  and  kept  them  fecretly,  and  then  made  the  owners  pay 
for  their  keeping  before  they  would  re-deliver  them,  and  fome- 
times  made  the  people  pay  fines  to  avoid  the  fervice.  An  a Oc 
was  paHed  in  the  28th  of  this  king  (cap.  2.)  to  make  fuch  pa¬ 
tents  void,  but  with  a  faving  of  the  king’s  prerogative  and  pre¬ 

Henry  VII.  feems  not  to  have  allowed  his  prerogative  to  be 
queftioned,  as  no  a£t  was  paffed  in  his  reign  relative  to  pur¬ 
veyance;  but  Phillips  fays,  there  was  a  tradition  in  the  houfe- 
hold,  that  he,  for  the  better  government  of  the  expences  of  his 
houfe,  and  their  provifion  of  diet,  put  a  rate  as  well  on  the 
quantity,  as  the  quality  and  price;  that  the  price  was  probably 
little  lefs  than  the  market  price,  and  that  it  continued  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII.  when  Cardinal  Wolfey,  chancellor,  and 
the  king’s  privy  council,  made  certain  conflitutions  touching 
the  well  ordering  and  government  of  the  king’s  houfehold,  al 
honneur  de  Diu  et  a  honneur  et  profit  de  faint  Eglfe ,  et  al  honneur 
du  roy  et  a  fon  profit  et  du  profit  de  fon  peuple  [^]. 

By  a  ftatute  made  in  27  Henry  VIII.  for  recontinping  liber¬ 
ties  in  the  crown,  after  dating  that  divers  of  the  mod  .ancient 
prerogatives  and  authorities  ofjudice  appertaining  to  the  crown 
had  been  taken  from  the  fame  by  divers  grants  of  the  king’s 
progenitors,  it  is  ena&ed,  that  purveyors  adigned  by  the  king’s 
commidioner  for  provifions  for  his  grace,  the  queen,  and  their 
children,  may  provide  corn,  &c.  according  to  their  commifiion, 
as  well  within  liberties  as  without,  any  grants  to  the  contrary 
notwithflanding,  they  obferving  the  datutes  [r]. 

[?]  Phillips,  p.  77,  l B. 

[r]  Cap.  xxiv.  fedt.  10,  ir. 

Yy  z 


348  Mr.  Bray's  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor, 

The  dean  and  chapter  of  St.  Paul’s  afterwards  had  a  charter 
granted  them  with  a  non  obfante  of  this  ftatute,  by  virtue 
whereof  they,  their  tenants,  and  farmers,  were  difcharged  from 
this  burthen  [j].  Soon  after  the  acceffion  of  Edward  VI.  a  law 
was  made,  that  for  three  years  to  come  no  provifion  fhould  be 
taken  without  confent  of  the  owner  and  for  ready  money ;  nor 
fhould  goods  or  other  things  be  taken  for  the  king’s  affairs,  or 
for  the  wars,  except  barges,  fhips,  carts,  and  other  things  necef*  ~ 
fary  for  carriage,  without  confent  of  the  owner,  and  for  ready 
money;  having  poft-horfes*  for  which  a  penny  a  mile  fhould  be 
paid.  The  king  would  allow  for  every  cart  taken  for  his  houf*  * 
hold  four  pence  a  mile,  and  for  the  wars  and  other  carriages  ' 
three  pence  a  mile. 

Queen  Mary,  in  her  third  parliament,  on  great  complaints  - 
being  made,  endeavoured  to  regulate  thefe  obnoxious  officers, 
enforcing  former  laws,  and  adding  further  cautions.  In  the 
fame  parliament  the  two  Univerfities  ftate  that  the  market- ; 
towns  of  Cambridge  and  Oxford,  and  the  circuit  of  five  miles  - 
adjoining,  had  been  time  out  of  mind  free  from  purveyors  of 
viflual,  whereby  thofe  markets  were  more  plentifully  ferved,  . 
and  the  poor  effiate  of  many  fcholars  relieved,  but  that  pur¬ 
veyors  had  of  late  frequented  thofe  markets,  and  made  viduals 
more  fcant  and  dear,  to  the  great  decay  of  the  fcholars,  and 
daily  in  the  then  great  dearth  like  to  encreafe;  whereupon  an 
aft  was  paffed  [/],  that  no  purveyor  fhould  take  or  bargain  for 
any  victual  or  grain  in  thofe  market-towns,  or  within  five  miles 
thereof,  without  confent  of  the  owner,  nor  attempt  to  take  any 
victual  brought  within  five  miles  for  any  college,  under  for¬ 
feiture  of  four  times  the  value,  and  three  months  imprifonment 
without  bail.  But  this  aft  was  not  to  be  in  force  when  their 

[V]  Phillips.  p]  Cap.  6. 


Mr .  BrAy’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor,  349 

sWajefties,  of  the  fuccefiTors  of  the  queen,  ffiould  come  to  either 
Uni verfity  or  withfin  feweh  miles.  ,  : 

In  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth,  fome  of 
the  counties  to  avoid  the  trouble  they  had  in  procuring  their 
money  for  goods  taken  by  the  purveyors,  which  was  not  a  little 
by  reafoti  of  the  many  offices,  cheques,  entries,  and  comptrol- 
nlents  through  which  the  accounts  were  to  pafs,  petitioned  her 
to  accept  the  value  in  money,  to  be  yearly  paid  by  the  counties. 
Phillips  fays  lhe  would  not  hearken  to  this,*  but  did  afterwards 
come  to  an  agreement  what  proportion  feveral  counties  ffiould 
yearly  ferve  in  oxen,  calves,  muttons,  poultry,  corn,  &c.  and 
that  thefe  agreements  continued  all  her  reign,  and  that  of 
James  the  Firft  [#].  In  fettling  thefe,  the  remote  counties 
which  had  lefs  benefit  by  the  royal  refidence,  bore  very  little ; 
the  counties  adjacent  to  the  metropolis  took  the  principal  ffiare, 
which  Phillips  fays  they  could  well  afford,  as  their  rents,  in  the 
time  of  Chafles  I.  were  improved  to  twenty  times  more  than 
they  were  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  and  ten  times  more  than 
they  were  in  the  18th  of  Elizabeth  [*]. 

Thefe  compofitions  were  made  by  the  juftices  of  the  peace 
in  each  county  upon  agreement  with  the  officers  of  the  Green 
Cloth,  for  ferving  a  certain  quantity  of  provifions  at  fuch  rates 
and  prices  as  were  fixed  between  them.  The  difference  between 
that  price  and  the  value  at  market  was  raifed  by  an  affeffment 
in  the  county,  and  paid  to  the  owners  of  the  goods,  but  copy- 
hold  eflates  and  fmall  freeholds  ufually  paid  nothing  towards 
thefe  provifions  [jyJ.  A  pariffi  thinking  itfelf  over-rated  as  to 
quantity  to  be  ferved,  appealed  to  the  Green  Cloth,  from  whence 

»  •  *  1 T  1  •  M  1  <  1  i  i  '  *  r  <  i  •  , 

[w]  Phillips,  p.  78, 

[*]  Id.  p.  80,  81. 

ly]  Id-  p*  313-  329“ 

an  n 


350  Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the' Office  of  Purveyor, 

an  order  was  fent  to  the  Quarter  Seffions  to  examine  into  it  [*]. 
The  royal  prices  were  far  Ihort  of  the  market  prices*  as  will 

appear  by  the  following  Ipecimen 


V  • .  i 

jCj  Tl 


’din  rime 

1  C* 






King’s  price. 

Market  price. 




■-  *  ^  , 




Wheat,  200  quarters  « 







rJ  '  .  -  J  :  L 

Veals,  (  40  • 







l  IOO  .  • 





1  ■ ,  j  0 

\  2 


Green  geefe,  20  dozen  at 







ii  i 1 «  » 


Capons  courfe,  10  dozen 


1 1  >  1 1,  t 




1 6 


Hens,  20  dozen 







Pullets,  20  dozen 

ij  : 






>  «  h,  i 

,  O 

Chickens,  40  dozen  .. 

«  . 






<  i  i  i  ' , 


Hay,  202  loads 







Litter,  180  loads 







Oats,  21 1  quarters,  2  bufhels 







Wood,  200  loads 







The  difference  of  this  upon  the  whole,  in  favor  of  the 
crown,  amounts  to  no  lefs  than  917/.  19  s.  The  difference 
on  the  articles  furnifhed  by  Derbylhire  was  no  more  than 
<254  2  s.  4  d. 

The  cattle  thus  fupplied  were  kept  in  certain  paftures  of  the 
king's*  appropriated  for  that  purpofe  ;  amongft  thefe  were  lands 
•at  Deptford  in  Kent,  and  Creftow  paftures  in  Bucks, 

The  hiking  towns  of  Harwich,  Southwold,  Dunwich,  Yar¬ 
mouth,  Wells,  and  Lynne,  paid  one  hundred  lings  out  of  every 
fhip  load  j  and  Harwich,  Alboro’,  Dunwich,  Walderfwick, 
Southwold,  Yarmouth,  Wells,  Barnam,  and  Lynne,  one  hun¬ 
dred  cods  out  of  each  (hip 



* :  A 

LO  Phillips,  p.  337. 


[z]  Records  at  the  Green  Cloth, 

Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor.  35  r 

An  a<d  of  the  5th  of  this  queen  [£]  for  maintenance  of  the 
navy,  in  order  to  encourage  the  filheries  in  Englifh  (hips,  di- 
reds,  that  no  purveyor  lhall  take  any  herrings  or  other  fifh  in 
the  (hips  of  her  fubjeds  there  mentioned,  without  the  owner’s 
content;  but  the  compofition  fifh,  thentofore  granted  to  the 
queen  by  her  fubjeds  travelling  into  Ifeland,  (hall  be  taken  by 
her  officers  and  purveyors  as  ufed  to  be  done-  It  alfo  referve3 
all  regal  fifhes  for  fuch  recompence  as  thentofore  accu homed. 

This  compofition  for  Ifeland  fifh  has  been  paid  to  the  Green 
Cloth  till  a  few  years  ago.  The  officers  of  that  board  appointed 
a  man  at  Broaddairs,  in  the  Ifle  of  Thanet,  to  colled  it,  and  al¬ 
lowed  him  three  (hillings  in  the  pound.  It  produced  fome- 
fimes  one  hundred  pounds  a  year,  but  generally  much  fmaller 
fums,  and  at  lad  has  been  entirely  difcontinued. 

But  though  Elizabeth  would  not  grant  the  requed  of  the 
co-unties  to  take  money  indead  of  provifions,  (he  hanged  one  of 
her  purveyors  in  her  thirty-fecond  year,  for  forcibly  taking  pro- 
vifions  without  paying  for  them  [c].  Profecutions  were  alfo 
carried  on  in  the  Star-chamber  againd  fome  of  her  purveyors; 
but  (he  ordered  Sir  Thomas  Egerton,  the  lord  keeper,  to  dop 
the  proceedings  there,  as  an  encroachment  on  the  prerogative 
royal  in  her  houfhold,  and  commanded  that  the  matter  fhould 
be  heard  before  the  lord  Buckhurd,  lord  treafurer,  the  earl  cf 
Nottingham,  lord  high  admiral,  Sir  John  Fortefcuer  chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer  (commidioners  for  houfhold  caufes),  Sir 
William  Knollys,  comptroller  of  the  houfhold,  and  the  red  of 
the  officers  of  the  Green  Cloth,  in  the  compting-houfe  ;  and  the 
eaufe  was  heard  there  accordingly  [J]. 

[£]  Cap.  v.  fe£t.  4  and  5. 

[r]  Coke  in  artic.  fup.  chartas  2  Infl.  546. 

[d]  Records  at  the  Green  Cloth. 


352  Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor* 

In  this  queen’s  time  great  complaints  were  made  by  the  city 
of  London,  that  the  purveyors  took  the  firfi:  carts  they  could 
find,  and  frightened  away  thofe  from  the  country  that  ufed  to 
bring  provifions ;  whereupon  a  regulation  was  made,  that  the 
carts  in  London,  and  reforting  to  it,  (hould  ferve  the  queen 
four  times  in  a  year,  and  the  management  was  given  to  the  go¬ 
vernors  of  Chrift’s  Hofpital  [*].• 

When  this  queen  was  at  Nonfuch  in  Surry,  her  purveyor  of 
coals  ufed  to  make  out  a  warrant  to  the  high  conftables  of  fome 
Rape  in  Suflex,  to  warn  carts  for  the  carriage  of  coals  to  Non¬ 
fuch,  appointing  a  meeting  with  them  to  receive  the  returns 
on  the  warrants.  Sometimes  the  carts  went  to  the  places  ap¬ 
pointed,  but  found  no  coals  to  carry ;  but  in  general  it  was  un- 
,  derftood  that  the  meeting  was  the  principal  purpofe,  and  at  that 
time  the  purveyor  took  a  perfon  with  him  to  whom  he  afiigned 
them  over  to  compound  for  their  carriages.  This  man  would 
take  twelve  (hillings  for  every  load,  and  at  lafi:  raifed  it  to  four¬ 
teen  or  fifteen  (hillings.  The  juftices  of  Suflex  complained  of 
this  to  the  Green  Cloth  in  1598  [/]. 

Queen  Elizabeth,  by  letters  patent  14  November,  anno  ly, 
granted  to  Eye  in  Suffolk,  that  the  corporation  and  inhabitants 
(hould  be  for  ever  quit  of  purveyance  of  all  vitayle,  and  of  all 
quick  cattle  or  other  vittaile  live  or  dead  [gl. 

On  the  16  June  1604,  foon  after  the  acceflion  of  James  the 
Firft,  the  commons  determined  on  a  reprefentation  to  the  king 
of  the  grievances  arifing  from  purveyors;  and  Sir  Francis  Bacon 
made  a  long  fpeech  on  the  fubjebl  to  the  king  in  the  with¬ 
drawing  chamber  at  Whitehall.  After  a  proeme,  in  which  he 
foothes  the  royal  ear  with  that  flattery  which  was  (o  acceptable 

f>]  Phillips.  '  ■ 

[/]  Records  at  the  Green  Cloth.  [£■]  Ibid. 



Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  cf  Purveyor.  353 

to  that  monarch,  and  interlarded  with  thofe  quaint  Latin  quo¬ 
tations  in  which  that  learned  king  fo  much  delighted,  he  tells 
him  that  “  there  was  no  grievance  in  his  kingdom  fo  general, 
44  fo  continual,  fo  fenfible,  and  fo  bitter  to  the  common  fubjedf, 
44  as  that  which  he  was  then  fpeaking  of;  that  they  do  not 
44  pretend  to  derogate  from  his  prerogative,  nor  to  queftion  any 
44  of  his  regalities  or  rights;  they  only  feek  a  reformation  of 
44  abufes,  and  a  refloration  of  the  laws  to  which  they  were 
44  born.  He  complains  that  the  purveyors  take  in  kind  what 
44  they  ought  not  to  take  ;  they  take  in  quantity  a  far  greater 
44  proportion  than  cometh  to  the  king’s  ufe,  and  they  take  in 
44  an  unlawful  manner. 

44  They  extort  money  in  grofs,  or  in  annual  ftipends,  to  be 
44  freed  from  their  oppreffion.  They  take  trees,  which  by  the 
44  Jaw  they  cannot  do  ;  timber  trees,  which  are  the  beaut)'-, 
44  countenance,  and  fhelter  of  men’s  houfes;  that  are  a  lofs 
44  which  men  cannot  repair  or  recover.  If  a  gentleman  is  too 
44  hard  for  them  whilft  at  home,  they  will  watch  him  out,  and 
44  cut  the  tree  before  he  can  flop  it.  When  a  poor  man  hath 
44  his  goods  taken  from  him  at  an  under  value,  and  cometh  to 
44  receive  his  money,  he  (hall  have  twelve  pence  in  the  pound 
44  deducted  ;  nay  they  take  double  poundage,  once  when  the 
44  debenture  is  made,  and  again  when  the  money  is  paid. 

44  As  to  the  fecond  point,  he  tells  the  king  that  there  is  no 
44  pound  of  profit  to  him  but  begetteth  three  pound  damages 
44  on  the  fubje£ls,  befides  the  difeontent.  And  to  avoid  a  dif- 
44  covery  they  never  regilder  and  atteft  what  is  taken  as  they  are 
44  required  by  law  to  do. 

44  As  to  the  third,  by  law  they  ought  to  take  as  they  can 
44  agree  with  the  fubjeff ;  by  abufe  they  take  at  an  enforced 
44  price.  By  law  they  ought  to  make  but  one  apprifement  by 
44  neighbours  in  the  country;  by  abufe  they  make  a  fecond 
Vol.  VIII.  Z  z  44  apprife- 

354  Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor . 

44  apprifement  at  the  court-gate  $  and  when  the  fubjefts*  cattle 
44  come  up  many  miles,  lean  and  out  of  plight  by  reafon  of 
44  great  travel,  they  prife  them  anew  at  an  abated  price.  By 
“  law  they  ought  to  take  between  fun  and  fun  ;  by  abufe  they; 
44  take  by  twilight,  and  in  the  night.  By  law  they  ought  not 
44  to  take  in  the  highways,  by  abufe  they  take  in  the  ways. 
44  This  abufe  of  purveyance  if  it  be  not  the  mod:  heinous  abufe, 
“  yet  it  is  the  moft  common  and  general  abufe  of  all  others  in 
44  the  kingdom  [A]/* 

This  reprefentation,  together  with  a  cafe  which  was  folemnly 
refolved  by  all  the  judges  and  barons  of  the  Exchequer,  that  a 
purveyor  could  not  lawfully  cut  timber  from  any  perfon’s  ejfate, 
produced  a  proclamation  [i]  again  It  this  and  other  abufes  of  pur¬ 
veyance;  but  it  did  not  prevent  their  continuing  fuch  praclices, 
as  feveral  offenders  were  punifhed  in  the  Star  Chamber  for  tak¬ 
ing  timber. 

The  right  itfelf  however  of  purveyance  began  now  to  be  quef- 
tioned ;  but  in  the  cafe  of  Richards,  3  James,  purveyance  was 
allowed  by  the  judges  in  the  Star  Chamber  to  be  a  royal  pre¬ 
rogative  [£],  but  they  denied  that  timber  could-  be  cut,  or  fruit- 
trees  tranfplanted,  and  in  the  twenty-eighth  of  that  king,  in  the 
cafe  of  Vaux  and  Newman,  the  judges  allowed  the  legality  of 
taking  cattle  for  the  king’s  houfe,  by  his  commifiion  on  paying 
for  them  [/]. 

This  Richards  on  being  examined  made  a  curious  confeffiou  , 
of  the  rogueries  pra£tifed  by  him  and  his  brethren.  He  men¬ 
tioned  feveral  kinds.  They  charged  ten  times  the  quantity 
wanted,  fold  the  overplus,  and  lhared  the  money.  They  went 

f/7]  Bacon’s,  Works,  vol.  II.  p.  150. 

£/]  Rapin,  vol.  II.  p.  163. 

[£]  Moore’s  Reports,  764. 

{7]  Phillips,  p.  79. 


Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor.  355 

to  the  molt  remote  places  to  make  their  purveyance,  in  order  to 
induce  the  people  to  come  to  a  compofition.  They  confpired 
with  the  high-conftables  to  charge  more  than  enough,  and  took 
half  the  money  of  them,  but  gave  receipts  for  the  whole,  the 
■conftables  taking  the  reft.  The  clerk  of  the  market  fet  the 
prices  below  the  value,  and  fhared  the  gain.  This  confeflion 
did  not  fave  him.  He  had  alfo  extorted  money  under  pretence 
of  having  a  grant  for  compounding  fines  on  penal  ftatutes,  and 
was  fentenced  to  ftand  in  the  pillory  in  Weftminfter,  Cheap* 
fide,  and  three  market-towns  in  Dorfetfhire,  and  three  in  Somer* 
fetlhire  ;  to  lofe  one  ear  at  Dorcbefter,  the  other  at  Wells;  to 
ride  on  a  horfe  with  his  face  to  the  tail,  and  papers  pinned  on 
him  expreffing  his  crime  ;  to  pay  one  hundred  pounds  fine,  and 
to  be  imprifoned  during  the  king's  pleafure  [m], 

Charles  I.  in  the  -beginning  of  his  reign,  claimed  a  right  to 
dig  anywhere  for  falt-petre,  in  order  to  provide  gun  powder  for 
his  foldiers.  The  right  was  contefted,  and  the  opinion  of  the 
judges  taken.  It  is  well  known  how  obfequious  they  were  in 
thole  days  to  the  royal  commands,  but  in  this  cafe  they  feem 
to  have  felt  their  fhame  in  the  refolution  they  gave,  which  was 
to  this  eftedt ;  that  the  king  could  not  prefcribe  for  the  right, 
becaufe  the  art  of  making  of  gun-powder  was  brought  into 
England  within  memory,  viz.  in  the  time  of  Richard  the  Second, 
yet  as  the  fame  concerned  the  defence  of  the  realm,  the  king 
might  take  fufficient  for  that  purpofe  in  the  nature  of  purvey¬ 
ance.  They  laid  however  that  the  right  was  infeparable  from 
his  crown,  and  could  not  be  granted  or  letten  any  more  than 
other  purveyance  ;  that  the  king’s  minifters  for  taking  it  could 
not  undermine  or  weaken  the  walls  or  foundations  of  any  houfe, 
or  out-houfe,  nor  dig  the  floor  of  any  manfion-houfe,  or  barn, 
ufed  for  keeping  corn  or  hay,  but  they  might  dig  the  floors  of 

[w]  Moore’s  Reports,  765. 
Z  Z  2 


35-6  Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor, 

flables,  ox-houfes,  and  the  like,  leaving  fufficient  room  for  thtf 
cattle,,  repairing  them  again  within  time  convenient ;  they 
might  dig  in  the  floors  of  cellars  or  vaults,  leaving  room  for 
the  wine,  beer,  &c.  they  might  dig  any  mud.  walls,  not  parcel 
of  the  manfion-houfe,  order  being  taken  that  the  manffon-houfs 
be  as  well  defended  as  it  was  before ;  they  might  dig  in  ruins 
and  decayed  places  not  ufed  for  habitation  of  men  ;  they  wrere 
to  make  the  place  as  commodious  as  it  was  before ;  to  work 
only  between  fun.  rife  and  fun  fet ;  not  to  fire  any  furnace,  or 
veffels,  in  a  houfe,  without  the  owner’s  confent;  but  the  owner 
of  the  place  could  not  be  retrained  from  digging  for  his  own 

Thefe  refolutions  were  delivered' in  writing  24  June,  1625, 
to  the  lords  and  others  of  the  privy  council,  and  read  before 
them,  and  were  approved  and  allowed  as  conlbnant  to  the  right 
of  the  crown,  and  laws  of  the  realm  [»]. 

In  1627  the  deputy  Lieutenants  of  counties  were  directed  not 
only  to  billet  foldiers,  but  alfo  to  advance  them  a  weekly  allow¬ 
ance  of  three  (hillings  and  fix  pence  each,  and  to  furnifh  fuch 
as  fhould  march  through  their  county,  eight  pence  a  day. 
They  we-re  alfo  to  advance  condufl  money.  Goat  and  conduGd 
money  had  been  required  by  queen  Elizabeth  [0"). 

In  the  petition  of  right  3  Charles  I.  it  is  enadled  and  declared 
that  the  people  of  the  land  are  not  by  the  laws- to  be  burthened 
with  foldiers  againft  their  wills. 

On  the  Reftoration,  letters  were  written  to  the  counties  of- Ox¬ 
ford,  Berks,  Wilts,  and  Hants,  (and  probably  to  all  other  coun¬ 
ties),  offering  them  their  choice  of  buffering  the  king  to  take 
his  pre-emption  and  purveyance,  or  to  pay  the  compofitions.. 

[«]  Hark  MS.  No.  1039.  in  Ayfcough’s  Cat. 

[0]  Letters  in  the  Paper-Office  from  the  Deputy  Lieutenants  of  Surrey,  com¬ 
plaining  of  the  burthen,  they  having  coated  fix  hundred  men. 


Mr,  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor, 

Thofe  counties  chofe  the  flatter  [/>]»>  but  the.  whole  was  foon 
after  put  an  end' to  by  the/aChof  1.2  Charles  II.  1 6 6  j ,  cap.  xxivv 
which  amongffc  other  grievances  totally  abolifhed  this  heavy 
one.  *  ■■  o‘i ; 

It  recites  that  by  experience  itr  hath  been  found  that  though 
divers  good,  drift,  and  wholefome  laws  have  been  made  in  the 
times  of  fundry  of  his  majedy’s,  progenitors  (fome  extending  fo 
far  as  to  life),  for  redrefs  of  the  oppreflions  committed  by  per- 
fons  employed,  for  making  provifions  for  the  king’s  houfehold, 
carriages,  and  other  purveyance  for  his  majedy  and  his  occa> 
(ions;  yet  divers  oppreflions  have  been  (fill  continued,  and  feve- 
ral  counties  have  fubtititted  themfelves  to  fundry  rates,  taxes* 
and  compofitions,,  to  redeem  themfelves  from  fuch  vexations 
and  oppreflions ;  and  finding  that  fuch  remedies  are  not  fully 
effectual,  and  that  no  other  lemedy  will  be  fo  effeftual  and  juft 
as  to  take  away  the  occalion,  efpecially  if  fatisfaftion  be  made 
to  his  majefty.,  It  then  enacts  that  all  purveyance- of  provifion, 
carriage,  &c.  (hall  ceafe,.  that  there  (hall  be  no  pre-emption  ; 
but  this  not  to  extend  to  the  ltannaries  of  Devon  and  Corn¬ 
wall,  nor  to  prejudice,  the  ancient  duties,  of  butlerage  and  prU 
zage  of  wines* 

In  lieu  of  this,  the  court  of  wards,  & c.  the  excite  was  granted 
and  made  perpetual. 

It  fee  ms  that,  the  lords,  though  they-  paffcd  this  bill,  gave- the 
king  fome  intimation  of. the  facrifices  he  was  making,,  for.-  whild 
it  was  in  agitation,  he  in  a  meffage  to  both  houfes  mentioned 
that  he.  was  well  informed  of  the  value  of  his  conceffions,.  but 
adds,  that  he  was  fo  well  fatisfied  of  the  commons’ affections,., 
that  he  would  not  infid:  on  any  particular  which  they  defired  he 
ihould  releafe  [^]. 

[/>]  Phillips,  340. 

[q]  Pari.  Hid.  vol.  I.  p.  19. 




Mr.  Bray's  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor, 

But  as  thfe  want  of  carriages  wbuld  be  very  inconvenient  to 
the  king  in  his  progrefies  and  removals,  the  next  year  an  a£t 
was  p ailed  [r],  im powering  the  clerk  or  chief  officer  of  his  ma* 
jefly’s  carriages,  by  warrant  from  the  Green  Cloth  to  provide 
carts,  &c.  for  his  majefly’s  nfe,  and  perfons  refilling  to  ferve 
were  made  liable  to  a  penalty.  No  hories  or  carriages  were  to 
travel  above  a  day’s  journey,  nor  without  pay  of  ready  money  ; 
the  rates  of  horfe-meat,  and  diet  for  his  majefty’s  lErvants,  rates 
and  prices,  to  be  fet  down  by  two  juftices  on  notice  given  by  the 
Green  Cloth. 

Charles  the  Second  intended  to  have  made  a  progrefs  into  the 
-country  in  the  fummer  of  1661,  beginning  with  a  vifit  to  Wor- 
cefler  [5],  but  Phillips  fays  that  the  want  of  the  ancient  pur¬ 
veyance  prevented  him  [/]. 

This  author  in  the  height  of  his  zeal  exaggerates  the  advan¬ 
tage  derived  to  the  crown  from  purveyance,  to  the  incredible 
fum  of  140,000  /.  a  year,  though  he  fays  the  people  were  not 
thereby  charged  above  65,000  /.  [«]<,  In  another  place  he 
fays,  the  king  expended  in  his  houfehold  and  liable  provifions 
73,607/.  14.  s.  yd .  a  year  more  than  he  did  when  he  had  his 
purveyances  [^],  and  fays  the  counties  alledged  that  they  loft 
by  compositions  above  40,000/.  per  ann.  [jy].  This  was  nearly 
the  truth. 

As  to  the  1 40,000  /.  it  feems  beyond  all  credibility ;  but  if 
the  advantage  to  the  crown  was  no  more  than  40,000  /.  it  will 
appear  that  the  expence  of  the  royal  houfehold  under  the  frugal 
management  of  Elizabeth  was  little  fhort  of  what  it  is  now,  or, 

[/]  13  Cha.  II.  cap.  8. 
p]  Pari.  Hift.  vol.  I.  p.  3$. 
i£0  Phillips,  p.  292. 

[a]  Ibid.  p.  304. 

[x]  Ibid.  p.  134.. 

J7]  Ibid.  p.  224. 


Mr.  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor,  3 59 

IF  the  different  valife  of  money  is  taken  into  coilfideration,  it 
may  be  faid  to  have  far  exceeded.  In  the  beginning  of  heF  reign 
her  houfehold  expenses  were  fomething  under  40,000/.  per  aim. 
towards  the  end  of  it,  they  got  up  to  55,000/.  James  1.  fet  out 
at  the  rate  of  77,000  /.  belides  the  prince’s  houfehold,  which, 
was  computed  at  16,000  /.  and  in  which  no  commifiion  or  com- 
pofition  was  ufed  ;  in  his  4th  year  he  got  it  up  to  97,000  /.  [&], 
In  fa£t  the  benefit  accruing  from  purveyance  and  compofition  in 
the  time  of  James  was  computed  at  39,000  /.  which  added  to 
Elizabeth’s  expence  will  make  a  fum  fully  equal  to  the  cofl  of 
his  prefent  majefty’s  houfehold  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign, 
and  added  to  that  of  James,  will  make  the  latter  far  exceed  tho. 
highefl  expence  of  the  late,  or  prefent,  king:, 

Another  aft  wa-s  paffed  in  13  Charles  II.  providing  for  the 
imprefs  lervice  for  the  navy  and  ordnance,  but  this  Was  to  con¬ 
tinue  only  to  the  end  of  the  firft  feffion  of  the  next  parliament.. 
It  was  revived  in  1  James  II.  for  feven  years,  was  continued  by 
other  afis  of  William  and  Mary,,  and  has  been  ever  ffnce  pro¬ 
vided  for  in  the  yearly  mutiny  a 61s..  By  an  aft  of  31  Charles  II.. 
no  foldier  was  to  be  quartered  on  any  fubjeft  of  any  degree,., 
quality,  or  profeffion  whatever;  but  by  the  fubfequent  mutiny 
afts,  publicans  are  obliged  to  provide  hay  and  draw  for  horfes 
belonging  to  the  army,  and  diet  and  fmall  beer  for  the  officers- 
at  two  {hillings  and  one  (hilling  a  day,  according  to  their  rank, 
and  for  the  men  at  four  pence  a  day,  or  inffead  of  viftuals,  are- 
to  allow  gratis,  candles,  vinegar,  fait,  five  pints  of  fmall  beer 
or  cyder,  and  fire  to  drefs  the  provifions.  The  allowance  for  a>. 
horfeman  is  fix  pence  a  day,  and  fix  pence  for  his  horfe.  For 
carrying  their  baggage,  the  juftices  on  producing  an  order  from- 
his  majefty,  the  general  of  his  forces,  or  the  mafier  or  lieute¬ 
nant  general  of  the  ordnance,  are  to  iffue  warrants  to  the  con^- 

[3]  Records  at  the  Green  Cloth* 

t  • 


fl  aides 

j-  6  o  Mr.  Brat's  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor. 

iiables  to.  imp  refs  waggons  and  carts  to  go  one  day’s  journey; 
for  a  waggon  and  five  horfes  with  a  driver,  the  owner  is  to  be 
paid  one  (hiding  a  mile,  for  a  cart  and  four  horfes  nine  pence, 
and  any  extra  expence  is  to  be  made  good  out  of  the  county 

rates*  .  .  r 

Thus  have  we  taken  fome  view  of  the  rife,  progrefs,  and  ex¬ 
tinction  of  an  office  which  fub filled  for  ages,  without  producing 
to  the  crown  a  return  at  all  adequate  to  the  burthens  it  im- 
pofed  on  the  fubjedt.  We  fee  archbifhop  Iflip’s  words  fulfilled; 
the  abolition  of  purveyance  has  not  occafioned  any  want  of 
provisions  in  the  king’s  houfe,  and  in  (lead  of  his  people  flying 
from  his  approach,  they  fly  to  meet  and  welcome  him  when¬ 
ever  he  viflts  the  country. 

P.  S.  There  is  an  officer  belonging  to  the  New  Forefl,  in 
Hants,  called  a  purveyor,  whofe  bufinefs  it  is  to  look  out  fuch 
timber  there  as  is  fit  for  the  royal  navy  ;  and  to  fet  out  fuch 
timber  as  is  allowed  for  repairs  to  thofe  who  have  a  claim  to 
fuch  allowance  by  the  tenure  of  their  eftates. 

.  v  .  *  •  y  J  t  jl.  i  »4  *  «y  *  -  -  -  -  1  «  *  *•  r  V  C.  .  ■  i  •  Wi  i  v  .  ,  *.  > 

.f  .  •  .  ' 

.  i  ;  :  '  •  .  .  ■  „ 

>  ■  ,  •  •  *  r*  j  2'..:  ;  , 

it»  j  o.  .i'j'’  irm  ir  ;.v  .  >  •  j  x 

•i.'Q5)'  '/  ,'ftt  i' 

f  ■  f  *  *  *  *  *  *  »  *•  r  ■  •  -  •  1  1 


•  10.1  :  ;  (ij  oil!  ;  .1!  yp  ‘ 

rti  ...  ^  .  ne  j  ::l  <  ..  . 

'{  « -  oif:  .  <  ■;/  ;d  li.  li  rcu 

■  ’nr,.  ;  r  j  ,  ic-noi;.  nr 


Mr*  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purvey' on  361 

£  ,  p  •’ 

Form  of  'the  king  s  warrant  to  the  Lord  Chancellor  for  making 
out  tommifjions  of  purveyance ,  and  form  of  the  *commiffions } 
referred  to  p.  333. 

“  James  by  the  grace  of  God,  &c,  to  our  right  trufty  and  well 
beloved  Thomas  lord  Ellefmere,  and  chancellor  of  England, 
greeting.  We  will  and  command  you,  that  upon  the  fight 
hereof,  and  by  virtue  and  authority  of  the  fame,  you  direct 
forth  under  our  great  feal  of  England,  according  to  the  form 
and  effect  hereafter  enfueing  all  fuch  commiflions  for  all  man¬ 
ner  of  provisions  of  our  houfehold,  and  for  all  manner  of  car¬ 
riages  thereunto  belonging  as  our  clerk  of  our  crown  fhall  from 
time  to  time  receive  order  and  diredtiou  for,  by  warrant  to  be 
figned  by  our  cofferer  and  one  of  our  clerk  comptrollers  for  the 
time  being.  And  thefe  our  letters  fhall  be  fufficient  warrant 
and  difcharge  in  this  behalf.  Given  under  our  hand  at  our 
manor  of  Greenwich  this  13th  day  of  June,  in  the  4th  year  of 
our  reign  of  England,  France,  and  Ireland,  and  of  Scotland,  the 
nine  and  thirtieth.” 

James  by  the  grace  of  God,  &c.  To  all  and  lingular  our  juf- 
tices  of  peace,  mayors*  fheriffs,  bailiffs,  conllabies,  hedboroughs, 
and  all  other  officers,  minilters,  and  fubjedls,  to  whom  thefe 
prefents  fhall  come  greeting.  We  let  you  witt  that  we  have 
authorifed  and  appointed,  and  by  thefe  prefents  do  give  full 
power  and  authority  unto  our  well  beloved  fervant  J.  F.  yeo¬ 
man,  purveior  within  the  office  of  our  A.  and  to  his  fufficient 
deputy  bearer  hereof  in  his  name  according  to  our  right,  and 
the  laws  and  ftatutes  of  this  realm  in  that  behalf  made  and 
provided,  to  take  up  and  provide  for  us,  and  in  our  name  for 
the  onely  provision  of  our  houfehold  in  all  places  as  well  within 
liberties  as  without,  viz.  for  our  reafonable  prices  and  payments 
Vol.  VIII.  A  a  a  to 

362  Mr,  Bray’s  Account  of  the  Office  of  Purveyor. 

to  be  made  in  that  behalf  according  to  our  right,  and  the  faid 
laws  and  ftatutes  in  that  behalf.  And  further  we  do  give  full 
power  and  authority  by  thefe  prefents  unto  our  faid  fervant, 
and  his  faid  deputy  bearer  hereof,  to  dire&  his  precept  to  every 
high  conftable,  petty  conftable,  or  hedborough,  of  every  parti¬ 
cular  town,  parifh,  or  hamlet,  where  he  fhall  think  it  mod 
convenient  to  make  provilion  as  is  aforefaid  of  any  of  the  pre- 
iaifes.  Wherefore  we  will  and  command  you  and  every  of  you 
by  thefe  prefents  to  be  aiding,  helping,  and  aflifting  to  our  faid 
fervant,  and  his  faid  deputy  bearer  hereof  in  the  due  execution 
of  this  our  commiflion,  as  ye  and  every  of  you  tender  our  plea- 
fure,  and  will  anfwer  to  the  contrary  at  your  uttermoft  perils. 
In  witnefs  whereof  we  have  caufed  thefe  our  letters  of  com- 
miftion  to  be  fealed  with  our  great  feal,  and  to  continue  until  the 
end  of  fix  months  next  enfuing.  Witnefs  ourfelves  at  Wcft- 

r  *  ' )  <  f 

’ll'/  »•  .• 

*i'/}  x  ■■  i 

*  * 

.bur cA-  bn: 

,  '  -!  y 

;;  :  it5 ;  .  v.v  •  ■  iO'io 

:  f-  ::  <o  . 

V  .  tw 

f  •  r  *  •  r 

■  n  *  i  •  I  -t 

1 1  I  >  2  1  •  i  ^  '  • 

■  '  }o  1  obi  70  n:;. 


■J . . 

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,  m. 

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.  4  . :  ml  ■  -•  3  'jftioo  II 

:  v  ,  In:  7:  7'i';a  !■;: 

{} ;  ,  1  "  ’  liiOfh'Ji; 
.  '  e:riio  07 ’  nmliY4 
•  1  n  ;  .fl  r  r  1  f  ’■ 

t  r,  1  Ml  :  c  y.uifii «  ! 

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(  >oxvo  1C 


..  T'v 




[  363  ] 


*  r  „  r 

Mi  c  b 

»  t 

XXXII.  An  Account  of  the  Remaim  of  two  Roman 
Villae  difcovered  near  Mansfield  Woadhoufe,  in 
May  and  O Sober,  1786.  By  Hayman  Rooke,  Efq. 
F.  S.  A.  In  a  Letter  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Norris,  See. 

!  Ill  ,  1  »  .  .  •  ‘  •  ’JX  V  J 

/  .  Read  January  1 8,  1 7-3  7 » ; 

l  t  i  v  •  1  i  .  *  i  *  *  »  *  '  ' 

' :iw  -izk  i loir  J-  win;  :  ,  :  c:  c.. 

Dear  Sir, 

I  am  happy  in  having  the  honor  to  communicate  to  the  So* 
ciety  an  account,  illuftrated  with  drawings,  of  fome  very 
curious  remains  of  Roman  antiquities  in  this  neighbourhood. 
Thefe,  with  fome  fpecimens  of  painted  ftucco,  and  cubes  of 
teffellated  pavements,  are  inclofed  in  a  box,  which  goes  from 
Mansfield  to-morrow  by  the  Leeds  Fly,  directed  for  you  at  So- 
merfet  Place. 

Had  this  difeourfe  fallen  to  the  lot  of  a  more  able  antiquary, 
the  memoir  would  have  had  a  better  claim  to  the  notice  of 
the  Society  ;  as  it  is,  I  can  only  fay,  I  hope  it  will  be  found 
to  be  accurate.  Iam 

Dear  Sir,  c 

Your  mod  obedient  fervant, 

H.  ROOKE., 

*  * 


A  a  a  2 

364  Mr.  Rooke’j  Account  of  the  remains  of  two  Roman  Villae 

THIS  part  of  Nottinghamfhire  not  being  in  the  vicinity  of 
any  Roman  Ration,  or  road,  there  was  little  to  induce  the  an¬ 
tiquary  to  fearch  after  Roman  antiquities  ;  nor  fhould  I  have 
ventured  on  lo  precarious  an  undertaking,  had  I  not  feen  fome 
fmall  Rone  cubes  about  an  inch  fquare,  which  the  country 
people  called  fairy  pavements ,  faid  to  be  found  in  the  north 
fields,  about  a  mile  from  Mansfield  Woadhoufe  ;  where 
many  Rones  and  bricks  had,  at  different  times,  been  taken  up, 
to  prepare  the  fields  for  cultivation,  and  repair  the  fences.  Se¬ 
veral  of  the  bricks  I  difcovered  to  be  Roman.  This  was  fuffi- 
cient  inducement  for  a  thorough  inveffigation and  in  May  laft 
(1786)  I  fet  three  men  to  clear  away  and  fearch  for  walls, 
which  they  came  to  about  a  foot  from  the  furface,  and  by  fol¬ 
lowing  them  foon  difcovered  feven  rooms,  [fee  the  plan  of  villa 
(A)  in  PI.  XXII.  fig.  1],.  which  I  think  I  may  venture  to  fay  will 
appear  to  be  an  elegant  villa  urbana .  ( a ).  In  removing  the  earth, 
which  was  near  a  foot  deep  to  the  floor,  it  was. perceptible  the  walls 
of  moff  of  the  rooms  had  been' fluccoed  and  painted,  many  frag¬ 
ments  being  found  in  different  places  on  the  floors,  which  muft 
have  fallen  from  the  upper  parts, of  the  walls  :  the  remaining 
lower  part  had  the  painted  flucco  perfefl  in  many  places,.  The 
compofition  was  near  two  inches  thick,  made  chiefly  of  lime 
and  fand ;  on  this  was  laid  a  very  thin  body  of  flucco,  painted 
in  Rripes  of  purple,  red,  yellow,  green,  and  various  colours. 
In  the  centre  room,  marked  (a)  in  the  plan  (A)  (20  feet  5  inches 
by  19.)  is  part  of  a  very  elegant  Mofaic  pavement.  See  the 
plan,  No.  2)  ( b ).  The  other  part  was  probably  torn  up  about  ten 

[d]  A  villa,  according  to  Columella,  (I.  6.)  confided  of  three  parts,  viz.  urbana , 
rujlica ,  and  fruituarla  ;  the  firft  of  which  was  that  part  of  the  houfe  fet  apart  for 
the  mailer’s  ufe;  the fecond  was  for  the  cattle  and  fervants  that  tilled  the  land,, 
and  were  employed  in  the  more  ordinary  fervices  of  the  houfe  ;  the  lail  confiiled 
only  ofrepofitories  for  corn,  wine,  oil,  &e. 



Mr  </  iixY  ]rJ  IJIA  /"A 

iw.  xxr/r.p. 

T.  CLzr/ce  cfel . 

(  Q  /  ////.;  a  U  i  . 


«•  //////.  s/ss/s/  // r  '2. 

at  Mansfield  Woadhoufe,  in  Nottingham  (Lire.  365 

years  ago  in  rooting  up  fome  trees  and  brufh  wood  which  co¬ 
vered  this  fpot,  at  which  time  feveral  fmall  cubes  were 
found  [r],  As  there  is  no  appearance  of  a  fire  place,  or  marks 
of  fire,  this  is  likely  to  have  been  the  lummer  apartment.  There 
being  a  greater  fpace  between  the  Mofaic  pavement  and  the  wall 
on  the  weft  fide  than  on  the  eaft,  it  is  not  improbable  but  it 
was  intended  for  the  three  beds  or  couches,  and  that  this  was 
the  triclinium,  or  dining  room. 

The  walls  of  the  rooms,  marked  (b)  in  the  plan,  were  painted, 
but  had  not  teflellated  pavements  the  floors  were  ftucco,  which 
appeared  to  be  made  of  lime,  brick  pounded,  and  clay.  Afhes, 
and  other  appearances  of  there  having  been  fires,  were  vifible 
towards  the  centre  of  thefe  rooms.  The  entrance  of  this  villa 
feems  to  have  been  on  the  eaft  front,  into  a  narrow  porticus, 
or  rather  cryptoporticus  [ d ],  about  fifty- four  feet  in  length,  and 
eight  wide,  marked  (c)>  with  painted  walls  and  a  tefiTellated 
pavement ;  the  cubes,  near  an  inch  fquare,  of  light  ftone  co¬ 
lour,  formed  a  border  of  two  feet  round  the  room,  within 
which  were  fquares  of  about  a  foot,  of  the  fame  fized  cubes, 
but  of  a  greyifh  colour.  On  the  fight  hand  half  of  this  floor 
as  you  enter  the  fquares  appears  rather  larger,  but  not  eafily 
diftinguifhable.  A  lime- kiln  placed  at  (d),  not  many  years 
ago,  has  deftroyed  great  part  of  this  pavement.  At  one  end 
of  the  cryptoporticus  is  a  fmall  room,  fixteen  feet  eight  inches 
by  twelve.  At  the  other  is  a  hypocauft,  marked  (e)  in  the 
plan;,  the  ftues  one  foot  wide,  and  fourteen  inches  deep;  at  the 
.end  of  the  flue  marked  (-f  )  was  a  kind  of  tile,  about  fifteen  inches 
high,  and  twelve  broad,  fee  figure  (1)  in  PI.  XXII.  fig.  3.  This 

fc]  See  thefizeofthe  cubes  which  formed  the  Mofaic  pavement  in  Pi.  XXII.  fig.  2  ° 

\_d]  This  room,  as  its  name  fignifies,  was  an  enclofed  or  private  porticus,  fo 
called  to  diftinguifh  it  from  the  porticus  whofe  roof  was  fuppcrted  by  pillars. 
Caftell’s  Villas  of  the  Anticnts,  p.  4,  note  (b), 


fee  rm 

3&5  Mr.  RookeV  Account  of  the  remains  of  two.  Roman  Vfat 

feems  intended  to  lift  up  occafionally,  to  let  in  the.  heat  coil* 
veyed  through  an  arch  under  the  wall  from  the  other  fide,- 
where  the  fire  was  made,  and  a  quantity  of  afhes  found  ;  no 
remains  of  a  wall  appeared  round  it.  Joining  the  hypocauft  is 
a  fmall  room,  eleven  feet  by  nine,  which  might  have  been  a 
cold  bath,  but  no  pipe  nor  any  paffage  for  conveying  the  water 
out,  could  be  fee n.  From  this  there  is  a  door- way  into  a  large 
room,  twenty-four  feet  fquare,  marked  (f)  in  the  plan.  The 
door,  which  was  flucco,  had  the  marks  of  fire  in  two  or  three 
places ;  in  this  room  was  found  the  top  of  a  lamp,  made  of  a 
very  fandy  kind  of  light-coloured  pottery,  and  a  fmall  piece  of 
a  cullender,  fee  fig.  3  and  4,  PI.  XXIV.  from  whence  we  may 
fuppofe  this  to  have  been  the  kitchen.  It  is  remarkable  that 
only  two  door-ways  appear  from  thefe  rooms,  therefore  there 
mud:  have  been  fteps  from  one  room  to  the  other,  the  floors 
being  one  foot  below  the  prefent  height  of  the  walls,  as  before 

The  end  walls  of  the  hypocauft,  marked  (g)  in  the  plan, 
and  of  the  room  at  the  other  end  of  the  cryptoporticus,  are  five 
feet  thick.  In  fome  places  it  appears  as  if  an  additional  wall 
had  been  built  againft  the  other,  which  I  am  apt  to  think  has 
been  the  cafe  ;  but  for  what  purpofe  no  one  can  pretend  to  fay. 
The  reft  of  the  outer  walls  are  about  two  feet  fix  inches ;  the 
party  walls  one  foot  fix.  The  conftrudtion  of  the  walls  isrepre- 
fented  in  PI.  XXI.  fig.  4.  which  was  taken  from  the  infide  in 
the  room  marked  (h)  in  the  plan.  Figure  2  is  the  fe&ion  of  the 
wall  of  the  room  marked  (f)  in  the  plan,  which  is  built  dif¬ 
ferent  from  the  reft.  I  muft  not  omit  a  fmall  building  marked 
^i),  about  fourteen  feet  from  the  north-weft  end  of  this  villa, 
the  walls  Irregular,  one  fide  being  twelve  feet,  the  others  eight 
^nd  ten  ;  in  one  end  is  a  hollow,  four  feet  deep,  and  feven  in 
length  ;  the  floor  adjoining  was  paved  with  flat  ftones,  nothing 



j  Af// //I  ///  thu/////>//.  tr 

at  Mansfield  Woadhoufe,  in  Nottinghamfhire.  36*7 

found  under  them,  from  whence  it  may  be  fuppofed  to  have 
been  a  neceflary  convenience. 

The  Romans  paid  great  attention  to  the  fituation  of  their 
villae,  which  does  not  appear  to  have  been  neglefled  in  the 
fite  of  this  ;  the  front  ftands  a  little  to  the  fouthward  of  the  eaft, 
commanding  an  extetifive  and  plealing  view.  To  the  north,  at 
2bout  four  hundred  yards  diftance,  on  the  other  fide  of  a  brook 
which  parts  Nottinghamfhire  and  Derbvfhire,  is  Plenfly  Park, 
a  large  wood  on  a  hill  ;  to  the  weft  and  fouth-weft  the  ground 
gradually  riles  fufficient,  in  fome  meafure,  to  fhelter  the  villa 
from  ftorms  from  thofe  quarters. 

»  I  am  now  to  confider  what  I  think  mav  be  called  the  villa 
Tufhca ,  marked  K  in  the  plan,  PI  XXL  which  might  have  been  part, 
but  certainly  belonged  to  the  villa  urbana,  though  no  jumftion 
at  this  time  appears,  the  diftance  being  only  ten  yards  from  the 
north-eaft  end,  in  the  politioji  of  this  building  [*].  No  regard 
has  been  paid  to  uniformity,  as  it  vifibly  ftands  in  a  diagonal 
line  from  the  other,  which  is  parallel  to  the  hedge  reprefented 
in  the  plan  by  a  dotted  line  ;  the  wall  of  the  weft  front  is  forty- 
fix  feet  in  length,  and  interfe&ed  by  the  hedge.  From  this 
wall  two  fide-walls*  extend  one  hundred  and  forty-two  feet; 
the  inclofed  fpace  is  divided  into  rooms  at  the  eaft  and  weft  ends, 
with  a  court  in  the  centre,  marked  (k).  The  three  rooms  -  in 
the  weft-front  marked  (1)  have  no  painted :  walls,  nor  are  there 
any  teflellated  pavements ;  the  floors  are  all  ftuccoed.  Thefe 
rooms  are  divided  from  the  reft  by  a  very  thick  or  double  wall, 
limilarto  thofe  above-mentioned;  the  room' marked  (‘m),  \Vhich’ 
w-as  the  largeft  in:  this  villa,  being  eighteen  feet  by  feventeeny 
liad  painted  walls,  with  a  very  fmooth  ftucco  floor  ;  the  next 

.  •  r  •>  » 

room  marked  (n)  in  the  fouth' fide  (feventeen  feet  by  eleven) 

f/|  I  difeovered  tbis  villa  in -Oftobsr  laft,  -■  t  • 


5*3  3  Mr.  Hook k’j  Account  of  the  remains  of  two  Roman  Villae 

had  likewife  painted  walls ;  the  red  in  this  front  had  none, 
though  the  walls  feem  to  have  been  drawn.  In  the  eaft  end 
are  two  rooms  (marked  o  and  p),  two  hypocauAs  (q  and  r), 
with  their  fire-places  (s),  a  bath,  and  cellars  (t).  The  centre 
room  (marked  o')  had  very  elegant  painted  walls,  the  colours 
remarkably  bright  [/].  In  clearing  out  the  hypocauA  marked  (q),  I 
came  to  a  floor  made  of  large  flat  Aones :  on  removing  which,  the 
flues  appeared  filled  with  earth  ;  a  proof  that  this  part  was  in¬ 
habited,  after  the  Romans  left  it,  by  perfons  of  inferior  rank, 
who  could  not  indulge  themfelves  in  all  the  luxuries  of  that 
people.  The  flues  of  this  hypocaufl  are  very  perfect;  one  foot 
fix  inches  deep,  and  one  foot  two  inches  wide  at  the  entrance, 
but  grow  narrower  towards  the  walls.  At  the  end  of  every 
flue,  within  three  or  four  inches  of  the  top,  and  fixed  in  the 
wall,  was  a  hollow  kind  of  cafe,  made  of  coarfe  baked  earth, 
(fee  N°  2  in  fig.  3.)  ;  thefe  were  evidently  intended  as  chim- 
nies  to  carry  off  the  fmoke.  Several  fragments  of  the  fame 
kind  were  found  in  the  hypocaufl:  of  the  other  villa  ;  but  I  could 
never  difeover  their  ufe  till  I  opened  this,  nor  could  I  get  any 
that  were  quite  perfedt  - 

That  hypocaufls  were  ufed  by  the  Rcftnans  for  warming 
rooms,  as  well  as  their  baths  and  fudatories,  appears  by  Pliny’s 
letter  .to  Apollinaris,  where  he  fays,  “  this  cubiculum  is  ex- 
44  ceeding  warm  in  winter,  as  it  has  a  great  deal  of  fun  ;  joined 
41  to  it  is  a  hypocauAum,  fo  that  when  the  weather  is  cloudy, 
41  by  admitting  its  heat  you  may  fupply  the  want  of  the  fun  [g].r# 
Hence  there  is  reafon  to  fuppofe  that  this  hypocaufl,  and  that 
in  the  villa  urbana,  were  Intended  folely  for  the  above  pur- 

f /]  The  antients  ufed  to  lay  their  colours  on  wet  plafter,  which. does  not  fade, 
;but  continues  perfeft  for  ever.  Vitruvius,  lib.  vii.  cap.  iii. 

CaAcJl’s  Villas  of  the  Antients,  p.  24, 


at  Mansfield  Woadhoufe  in  Nottinghamshire.  369 

pofe,  particularly  as  the  other  in  this  villa  marked  (t)  in  the 
plan  is  larger,  and  almoft  exactly  on  the  fame  plan  as  that 
mentioned  by  Mr.  Hay  in  his  account  of  a  Roman  hypocauft 
difcovered  near  Brecknock  [A],  This  therefore  I  have  reafon  to 
fuppofe  was  defigned  to  heat  the  fudatorium,  and  bath  built 
over  it. 

From  what  remains  of  the  pillars  that  fupported  the  upper 
floor  they  appear  to  have  been  made  of  layers  of  bricks  ;  that 
for  the  bafe  is  one  foot  fquare,  and  two  inches  thick  ;  a  lefler 
one  was  laid  over  this  of  nine  inches  fquare;  thefe  paits  now 
remain  in  their  proper  pofitions.  Next  the  wall,  at  the  eaft 
end,  marked  (w),  are  four  pillars,  made  of  Rone;  thefe  formed 
flues  of  one  part,  which  were  probably  intended  to  carry  off 
the  fmokc.  The  prefent  height  of  the  wall,  two  feet  ten 
inches ;  length  of  the  hypocauft  to  the  long  flue  marked  (x), 
which  appears  to  have  been  arched,  and  through  which  the 
heat  was  conveyed,  twenty-two  feet  five  inches ;  length  of  the 
flue  eight  feet  three  inches  ;  width  one  foot  eight  inches.  This 
opened  into  a  room  of  eleven  feet  by  eight,  in  which  there 
was  a  fpace  of  five  feet,  where  the  fire  was  made  ;  the  fides 
Hoped,  and  were  covered  with  flat  ftones.  In  this  hollow, 
marked  (s),  was  found  a  great  quantity  of  allies.  Joining  to 
this  hypocauft,  and  furrounded  by  a  very  thick  wall,  is  a  little 
cold  bath,  marked  (u)  in  the  plan,  five  feet  fix  inches,  by  three 
feet  two,  width  of  the  ftep  ten  inches,  prefent  depth  one  foot 
ten  inches ;  the  fides  and  bottom  were  ftuccoed  ;  a  leaden  pipe 
(fee  NQ  5.  in  fig.  3.)  one  foot  fieven  inches  long,  and  two  inches 
diameter  in  the  bafe,  was  fixed  in  the  wall  within  about  three 
inches  of  the  bottom.  This  carried  off  the  water  into  a  nar¬ 
row  kind  of  trough  in  the  wall,  marked  (y),  feven  feet  in 

.  "  m  Archseologia,  vol.  vii.  p.  205. 

Vol.  VIII.  B  b  b  length, 

37°  Mr.  Rooke’s  Account  of  the  remains  of  two  Roman  Villae 

length,  two  feet  wide,  and  about  two  deep ;  from  whence  it 
ran  off  through  figures  in  the  rock,  which  appeared  at  the  bot*^ 
tom.  In  clearing  out  the  above  hypocauft,  feveral  large  pieces 
of  cement,  made  of  lime  and  pounded  brick,  harder  than  hone, 
were  found  near  the  bottom  ;  one  part  feemed  to  be  hollowed 
out,  and  made  fmooth.  Whether  thefe  were  part  of  the  floor  of 
the  room  above,  or  for  what  purpofe  they  were  defigned,  it  is 
now  impoflible  to  fay.  Other  pieces  of  the  fame  compofition, 
only  nearer  to  the  refemblance  of  pillars,  were  found  in  the 
hypocauft  of  the  other  villa  ;  fome  were  eight  inches  high,  and 
nine  diameter,  fome  larger.  Joining  to  the  other  hypocauft  in 
this  villa  ruftica,  marked  (q),  is  a  little  room,  nine  feet  by 
eight,  in  which  was  a  fmall  irregular  place  for  the  fize,  from 
whence  the  heat  was  conveyed  through  an  arch  in  the  wall  to 
the  flues  ;  here  afhes  and  feveral  pieces  of  coal  were  found.  The 
two  rooms,  marked  (t),  next  to  this,  from  their  fize,  I  fhould 
fuppofe  might  have  been  cellars,  being  only  eight  feet  by  four. 
In  thefe  were  found  fifteen  fmall  pieces  of  copper  Roman  coins, 
three  of  Conftantine  very  perfect  (fee  N°  i  2,  PI.  XXIV)  :  the 
heads  of  the  others  hardly  perceptible,  except  one  of  Claudius 
Gothicus,  and  one  of  Salonina.  A  radiated  crown  appeared  on 
feveral.  Ten  more  of  the  fame  kind  were  taken  up  in  different 
parts  of  this  building. 

In  the  infide  wall  (next  the  court)  of  the  little  rooms  above  men¬ 
tioned,  were  fixed  two  oblong  bafes  of  pillars,  marked  (z)  in  the 
plan,  two  feet  eight  inches,  by  one  foot  (even  j  height  ten  inches. 
On  the  tops  were  grooves,  one  meafured  one  foot  feven,  by  ten 
inches  and  a  half ;  the  other  at  the  end  of  the  wall,  one  foot 

1  < 

fix  inches,  by  nine  inches  and  a  half  within  the  grooves.  Thefe 
being  in  very  finguiar  pofitions,  make  it  difficult  to  affign  their 
ufe ;  had  they  been  intended  for  pillars,  it  is  natural  to  fuppofe 
the  tops,  where  the  ffiafts  were  to  be  placed,  'would  have  been 
of  equal  dimenfions ;  it  is  therefore,  I  think,  not  improbable 


Voi.  vmri.  xxv  v.  37 1. 


IW.  im-P/JDCVZ p.371 

at  Mansfield  Woadlioufe  in  No  1 1  i  n  g  h  a  m  (h  i  re .'  37  % 

but  that  they  might  be  defigned  for  altars  [/].  From  the  fide 
of  the  hypocaud,  marked  (q),  and  the  adjoining  room,  two 
walks  project  about  fix  feet ;  thefe  do  not  appear  to  be  fides  of 
a  room.  Having  thoroughly  examined  the  ground  at  the  ends, 
where  no  walls  can  be  found,  it  might  poffibly  have  been  an 
open  porch. 

I  found  fome  difficulty  in  tracing  out  the  walls  of  this  villa, 
from  their  being  in  many  places  taken  up  from  the  foundation, 
owing  probably  to  the  walls  laying  near  the  furface;  thefe  parts 
are  diftinguiffied  in  the  plan  by  dotted  lines. 

The  out-lioufcs,  dables,  and  other  appendages  to  this  farm, 
mud  have  been  dedroyed  long  ago,  owing  to  the  rock  being 
fo  near  the  foil,  which  in  many  places  in  this  and  the  adjoining 
field  is  not  above  fix  or  feven  inches  deep.  Thefe  walls  would, 
of  courfe,  be  taken  away  when  the  ground  was  fird  ploughed. 
In  examining  thefe  fields,  large  dones  were  found  in  many 
places,  but  as  yet  no  more  walls  have  been  difcovered.  At  the 
north  end  of  thefe  grounds  is  a  deep  bank,  full  of  trees  and 
underwood,  which  dopes  down  to  the  brook  called  Pleafley 
Water.  Here  a  great  many  dones,  which  evidently  appear  to 
have  been  in  buildings,  have  been  tumbled  down.  In  clearing 
out  thefe  villae,  many  dates  were  found  with  holes  in  them  ; 
in  one  was  a  nail,  which  fhews  their  method  of  fixing  them  on 
the  roof  in  the  form  of  N°  6.  fig.  3. 

At  about  one  hundred  yards  fouth-ead  of  the  villa  urbana  I 
difcovered  two  fepulchres.  See  (a)  and  (b),  PI.  XXVI.  No¬ 
thing  remains  of  (a)  but  the  foundation  ;  the  walls,  being  near 
the  furface,  were  probably  dedroyed  by  the  plough.  The  other 
was  more  perfeft.  The  remains  of  the  fide  walls  were  about 
one  foot  underground.  In  clearing  two  feet  of  earth,  I  came 
to  a  ducco  door,  which  covered  the  dones  marked  (1)  in  the 

[»]  See  a  perfpe&ive  view  of  the  pofition  of  the  bafes  in  Pi.  XXV. 

B  b  b  2  plan 

372  Mr,  Rooke’s  Account  of  the  re  wains  of  two  Roman  Villas' 

plan  (b).  Thefe  were  laid  over  a  ciA  or  little  vault,  feven 
feet  long,  two  wide,  and  one  foot  fix  inches  deep  :  fee  the  per- 
fpedtive  view  (c).  This  was  full  of  a  very  light  kind  of  earth  ; 
in  the  bottom  Rood  an  urn  containing  afhes,  which  had  been 
cracked  by  the  weight  of  earth,  and  fell  to  pieces  on  being  re.- 
moved  :  fee  fig.  3.  PI.  XXVJ.  Two  fmall  bones  of  the  arm, 
two  rib  bones,  and  four  or  five  joints  of  the  back  bone,  lay 
fcattered  in  the  bottom  ;  the  floor  was  made  of  three  drefled 
Rones,  on  the  fides  of  which  the  walls  were  built. 

Finding  unburnt  bones  with  an  urn,  is  a  Angular  circum- 
Aance,  and  not  to  be  accounted  for,  unlefs  we  may  fuppofe 
thefe  bones  had  efcaped  the  fire,  and  were  afterwards  depolited 
with  the  urn  :  but  this  I  mufl  leave  to  the  better  judgment  of 
the  Society.  ,  - 

The  roof  of  this  fepulchre  mufl:  have  been  covered  with  flat 
red  tiles,  of  which  a  great  many  were  found  in  clearing  the 
walls ;  they  were  one  inch  thick,  fifteen  long,  and  eleven 
wide  ;  the  two  fides  were  raifed  one  inch  and  a  half  y  fee  fig.  4. 
PI.  XXVI.  Among  thefe  were  feveral  ridge  tiles  ;  one  now  in 
my  pofleflion,  quite  perfedl,  is  fifteen  inches  long,  and  fix 
inches  diameter  at  the  widefl:  end,  (fee  fig.  5.  PI.  XXVI).  Thefe 
tiles  feem  to  be  of  the  fame  kind  as  thofe  mentioned  by  Dr. 
Burton  in  his  account  of  a  Roman  fepulchre,  found  near  York 
in  1768  (£),  where  they  covered  the  roof.  Between  the 
two  fepulchres  is  a  pavement,  feven  feet  fquare,  marked  (d). 
In  the  centre  was  a  kind  of  pedeflal,  marked  (c),  part  of  it 
broken  ;  on  this  probably  was  placed  a  flone  with  a  fepulchral 
infcription,  fragments  of  which  were  found  in  clearing  away 
the  earth  from  the  pavement,  but,  not  having  been  able  to  re¬ 
cover  them  all,  the  infcription,  I  am  afraid,  cannot  be  made 
out ;  fee  fig,  6.  PI.  XXVI. 

[£]  Archseologia,  vol.  II.  p.  177. 



at  Mansfield  Woadhoufe  in  Nottinghamftiire.  373 

The  pofition  of  thefe  fepulchres  feem  to  have  been  much  at¬ 
tended  to,  both  being  different  from  the  fquare  pavement  above 
mentioned,  that  marked  (b)  being  exa<ftly  eafl  and  weft,  the 
other  nearly  fo. 

Many  fragments  of  paterae  and  pots  of  different  kind  of  Ro¬ 
man  ware,  were  picked  up  in  clearing  out  the  rooms,  fome  of 
a  dark  colour,  thin,  hard,  and  elegantly  ornamented  with  in¬ 
dented  work  ;  a  fmall  patera  of  the  bed  kind  of  red  ware  had 
ALB  VS,  the  maker's  name,  in  Roman  capitals,  at  the  bottom  ; 
a  brick  had  the  impreffion  of  a  calf’s  foot ;  another  had  the  fore 
and  hind  foot  of  a  dog;  a  tile  that  of  a  fheep  ;  feveral  pieces  of 
a  large  flag’s  horns  were  found,  fome  had  been  fawed  off,  one 
piece  in  particular  had  been  fawed  and  fmoothed  on  each  fide, 
and  damped  with  a  circular  mark.  See  PI.  XXIV.  fig.  ir. 
Many  bones  of  animals,  boars’  tufks,  and  fome  remarkable 
large  teeth,  fuppofed  to  have  been  horfe’s,  were  found  in  both 

Antiquities  found  in  the  villae  reprefented  in  PI.  XXIV. 
Fig.  i.  An  ivory  pin,  the  fize  of  the  drawing.  This  exadfly 
refembles  one  found  in  the  Roman  camp  on  Caffle  Hill .  in 
Lydney  Park  [/]. 

Fig.  2.  Top  of  a  lamp,  the  fize  of  the  drawing. 

Fig.  3.  A  pair  of  nippers.  Ditto. 

Fig.  4.  A  piece  of  a  cullender.  Ditto. 

Fig.  5.  An  iron  chifel,  nine  inches  long,  much  corroded  ;  on 
the  top,  marked  (a),  is  a  fmall  bit  of  glafs,  fo  firmly  fixed  in 
the  ruft  as  not  to  be  feparated. 

Fig.  6  and  7.  Fragments  of  hand  mills ;  that  marked  (b)  muft 
have  been  thirteen  inches  diameter  when  perfed,  and  two 
inches  and  a  half  thick. 

.  .  _  1  f  >  \  |  ,  >1  0  *  r  c 

Ci  •  * 

[/]  Antiquarian  Repertory,  Vol,  I.  p.  134. 


374  A/r.  Rooke’j  Account  of  the  remains  of  two  Roman  Villas 

Fig.  8.  and  9.  Two  pieces  of  brafs,  the  fize  of  the  drawing  ; 
probably  parts  of  a  fibula  ;  that  marked  >(8)  appears  to  have 
been  highly  polifhed.  ?  : 

Fig.  10.  Part  of  a  circular  ornament,  fize  of  the  drawing,  with 
a  heart  in  the  centre  ;  it  has  the  appearance  of  green  enamel, 
with  a  narrow  border  of  a  yellow  metal,  but  notv  much 
defaced.  ,  -  J  '  >  r  ,1  t;iin:  v, 

Fig*  11.  Piece  of  a  Rag's  horn  j  the  ends  haVe  been  fawed  off, 
fmoothed  on  each  fide,  and  Ramped  with  a  circular  mark, 
fize  of  the  drawing.  j  . 

Fig.  12.  Roman  coins.  ,  1  ;  ,  , 

There  are  many  places  in  England  unqueftionably  Roman, 
which  yet  do  not  lie  in  a  Roman  road.  This  is  a  fa<R  we  are 
affured  of,  by  comparing  the  geographer  of  Ravenna  with  the 
itinerary  of  Antoninus.  Thefe  places,  not  lying  on  the  military 
routs,  cannot  now  be  inveftigated  with  any  tolerable  certainty  ; 
yet,  when  we  find  roads  and  lanes  that  have  Roman  names,  we 

may  venture  to  affure  ourfelves  of  their  having  been  made  or 
ufed  by  that  people.  The  narrow  flreet  coming  out  of  Mans- 
field,  and  which  goes  directly  to-  Woadhoufe,  one  mile,  is 
called  Leming  Lane  ;  this  is  clearly  a  very  ancient  name.  Thus 
in  Yorkfhire,  fays  Dr.  Stukeley,  another  Roman  road  is  called 
Leming  Lane,  from  its  Rony  composure.  Lhe  fignifies  a  way, 
Mean  in  Britifh  a  Rone  \m\.  This  road  is  likewife  on  a  rock 
which  appears  in  many  places  011  the  furface.  From  Woadhoufe, 
■a  road  formerly  went  in  a  direct  line  to  the  held  in  which  the 
villa  ruRica  Rands.  Some  old  men  in  the  village  remerhber  hav- 
i up*  feen  l'ome  remains  of  it,  but  now  there  are  no  traces  of  it 

P  .  r  J  .  Cj  r|  -  *  T  {  *  i  *  '  l  *  L  i {  )  '  "*  ’  *  '  '  1  /  '  C  J  C  \|r/  r  ’ 

I  muR  beg  leave  to  obferve  further,  that  as  the  Romans 
continued  in  Britain  till  after  the  year  423,  and  for  a  great 

J  ;.jV  U5il*BpiJ**A  P] 

[w]  Itinerarium  Curiofum,  Vol.  !.  Iter  5.  p.  132. 



at  Mansfield  Woadhoufe  in  Nottinghamfhire.  375 

part  of  the  time  Were  matters  of  the  country,  and  lived  in  a 
very  flourifhing  ftate,  it  is  obvious  to  conceive,  that  the  moft 
opulent  rank  amongft  them,  perfons  diftinguifhed,  and  perhaps 
dignified  with  polls  and  titles,  would  be  trying  to  follow  and 
import  the  manners  of  Italy,  and  ftriving  to  imitate  the  ex¬ 
amples,  as  far  as  the  difference  of  climate  would  admit,  of  the 
rich  citizens  of  Rome.  The  great  men  of  that  capital,  we 
know,  had  moft  of  them  villae  in  the  vicinity,  or  at  no  great 
diftance  from  the  city  ■[«],  to  which  they  occafionally  reforted. 
No  one,  I  believe,  who  has  the  leaftlkill  and  judgment  in  thefe 
matters,  will  ever  read  the  defcription  of  the  above  difcoveries 
at  Mansfield  Woadhoufe,  , .hut  will  inftantly  agree  with  me  in> 
pronouncing  them  Roman..  The  hyppcaufts,  bath,  teflellated 
pavements,  tiles,  painted  ftucco,,  coins,.  &c.  all  confpire  to 
attign  them  fo  unequivocally  to  that  people,  that  no  other  ancient 
nation  whatever  can  pretend  to  lay  any  claim  to  it.  This 
country  was  altogether  a  foreft  in  the  time  of  the  Romans, 
and  made  part  qf  the  great  Caledonian  wood,  as  Mr.  Pegge.has 
fhewu.  [0]  y  but.  neverthelefs  the  Romans  had  unqueftionalffy 
frequented  thefe  parts,,, and  even  inhabited,  them;  for  about 
A.  D.  1  77.4,  ap  unvfilled  with  denarii  was  actually  found  on 
a  hill  the  other  fitjg  of  the  brook,  not  more  than  half  a  mile 
diftant  from  thefe  coins.  Two  very  perfect  ones  I  have  feen, 
Antoninus  and  Fauftina. 

,  1  J  S'  .  1  ,  ...  ' »  •  i  1  '  1  1  1  /  ^  > 

As  there  certainly  never  was  any  Roman  road  through  this 
part  of  Nottinghamfhire,  thefe  ruins  could  not  be  connected  with 
any  ftation.  It  mutt  neceflarily  have  been  a  villa  of  fome  per- 
fon  of  great  note  and  confideration,  and  I  refer  to  the  feveral 
defcriptions  of  the  Roman  villae  above  cited,  as  a  clear  and 

[«]  Caftell’s  Villas  ofthe  Antients. 

[4]  See  Ills  Letter  to  Matthew  Duane  on  the  feat  of  the  Coritani,  added  to.- 
liis  Elfay  on  the  Coins  of  Cunobaliiu 


Mr.  Rooke1.*  Account  of  the  remains  of  two Roman  Villaey  &c . 

certain  proof  that  thefe  fplendid  remains  muft  have  been  a  villa, 
and  nothing  elfe.  We  are -lure  there  never  was  an f  thing  like  a 
town  here  at  Herculaneum  or  Pompeii.  It  may  be  objected, 
perhaps,  that  no  well  or  fpring  appears  at  the  place  j  but  in 
anfwer  to  this  I  alledge  there  might  have  been  a  well  here, 
though  now  fo  long  filled  up,  that  not  the  lead  traces  of  it  can 
be  found  ;  befides,  it  does  not  neceffarily  follow,  that  they 
could  not  fubfift  without  a  well>  fince  the!  brook  called  Pleafley 
Water  runs  in  a  little  valley  at  the  bottom  of  the  field,  about 
three  hundred  yards  from  the  villa,  and  was  fufficient  for  every 
purpofe,  for  all  do,mefHc  ufes,  and  the  fupply  of  the  bath. 

The  antiquary  has  to  lament  the  frequent  devaluation  made 
among  the  curious  remains  of  antiquity  (if  I  may  be  allowed  to 
fay)  from  a  too  eager  delire  for  cultivation  ;  but  I  have  the  fa- 
tisfacHon  at 'this  time  to  acquaint  the  Society,  that  the  above- 
mentioned  villa  urbana  is  upon  the  eflate  of  John  Knight,  Efq. 
of  Langdld,  who  has  obligingly  expreffed  his  intentions  of  erect¬ 
ing  a  building  over  the  teffellated  pavements  for  the  infpeCtion 
of  the  curious  ;  the  villa  ruftica,  and  fepulchres,  are  on  the 
eftate  of  my  worthy  neighbour  Mr.  Mompeflbn,  who  is  equally 
defirous  of  preferving  thefe  curious  remains  of  Roman  anti¬ 
quity.  It  may  be  neceflary  to  mention  thifc  the  rooms  with 
teffellated  pavements  are  now  filled  up  with  earth,  the  only 
means  of  preferving  them  till  the  buildings  can  be  ereCted. 

-•  •»  j  •  -  ♦  -  •  . . -  " 

.  ,  4  *  .  '  J4  ,  f  '  ,  V,  *  •  f  , 

i  i  -C I  - »  J  J  «  •-  I  r  *  , 


'll  I  T/  Of1  .  I  ;  t  '  /  .  .  %  i  •i  r*  1  r*  i 

XXXIII.  Account  of  fome  Roman  Pottery ,  found  at 
Sandy,  in  Bedfordfhire,  and  at  Lincoln,  together  with 
a  Roman  Speculum .  By  Governor  Pownall.  In  # 
Letter  addrejfed  to  the  Rev .  Dr.  Lort,  V.  P, 

*  1-  <  -  .)  >  >  .  I  -/  ')',  Off!  £>  ;  :  ?  ,  I  '  r'  . 

1 1  j  r  ■ »  1  #;  •  1  *  / 

Read  January  25,  1787. 

i  /  i  '  ?  )  O  '  *  T :  ’  .  '  . A  *  ’  f  ft* 


THIS  letter  brings  to  your  hands  and  accompanies  fome 
curious  fpecimens  of  Roman  antiquities  found  at  Sandy 
in  Bedfordfhire,  and  at  Lincoln  ;  fuch  as,  I  believe,  are  quite 
novel  and  nondefcript  as  to  England. 

Sandy  is  a  village  at  the  foot  of  a  high  point  6f  high  land 
called  Everton,  and  Everdon  in  the  old  maps,  and  is  in  Saxon 
Haber,  or  Haver-dun,  a  common  appellation  taken  from  the  na¬ 
ture  of  the  foil,  as  fignifying  what  culture  it  was  beft  originally 
fuited  to,  and  means  Oat-downs. ,  in  the  fame  manner  as  other 
trails  of  the  like  foil  are  called  Haver-land  and  Oat-lands, 
This  village  lying  between  this  high  land  and  the  marfhy  vale 
through  which  flow  ieveral  branches  of  our  river,  muff  have 
been  formerly  a  pafs ;  and  was  a  Roman  Ration  or  camp,  polled 
on  an  elevated  piece  of  fquare  ground  called  to  this  day  Chejler, 
Field,  This  was  known  by  the  Roman  name  Salimc,  This 
name  Salina  was  applied  equally  to  the  falt-works,  and  to  the 
public  ware-houfes  whence  fait  was  delivered  out  by  the  offi¬ 
cers  of  government,  charged  with  a  duty,  Veftigal,  of  which 
there  were  many  at  Rome,  in  Italy,  and  in  the  provinces.  I 
.  Vol.  VIII.  C  c  c  take 

378  Gov .  Pown all’s  Account  of  Tome  Roman  Pottery . 

take  this  Salirue,  or  Salndy ,  as  Mr.  Camden  calls  it,  to  have 
been  one  of  thofe  falt-offices.  It  is  placed  at  the  head  of  a  na¬ 
vigable  ftream  next  the  interior  of  the  country.  On  the  banks 
of  the  mouth  of  the  river  upon  lands  part  of  my  eftate  at  Old 
Lynn  are  Hill  remaining  the  ruins  of  feveral  old  falt-pans.  There 
are,  upon  the  point  of  the  high  land  above  the  village,  ieveral 
fortified  camps  and  polls.  I  (hall  not  in  this  letter  enter  into 
any  defcription  of  thefe,  nor  even  ftate  my'  doubts  whether  they 
be  Roman  or  not ;  they  require  more  accurate  examination  than 
I  have  been  as  yet  able  to  give^hem,.  When  I  have  leifure,  I 
will  meafure  and  examine  them  ';  and,  if  I  can  form  any  decided 
opinion,  I  will  fend  to  you  an  account  for  the  information  of 
the  Society.  ,  ,  . 

At  prelent  1  lend  you,  that  you  may  exhibit  to  the  Society, 
feme  curious  fpecimens  of  ancient  pottery  fouiicl  at  Sandy,  and 
alfo  fome  of  the  fame  fort  found  la, ft  year  at  Lincoln,  and  given 
to  me  by  my  brother. 

The  pieces  lot  A.  i,  3,  3,  4,  5,  I  have  been  able  fo  to  put  to¬ 
gether  as  to  obtain  the  Cxadt  form  of  the  veflel  of  which  they 
are  fragments ;  and  have  made  a  drawing  of  them  fo  put  toge¬ 
ther,  compleat  ing,  by  a  pricked  line,  the  fhape  of  the  veflel  as  in 
ts  perfect  ftate,  a  copy  of  which,  made  by  a  young  lady,  I  alfo 
enclofe  [<?]. 

This  kind  of  pottery,  the  Society  will  obferve,  is  made  of  very 
fine,  clofe,  pure  clay,  cleared  of  all  heterogeneous  fand„  gravel, 
or  grit,  and  wrought  to  a  perfedl  uniform  pafte,  and  baked  alfo 
with  fuch  experienced  art,  as  to  be  of  an  equal  hardnefs  rand , co¬ 
lour  throughout.  - 

The  lot  B.  1,2,  3,  are  fragments  of  another  veflel,  of  the  fame 
fort  and  form,  though  larger,  but  with  exactly  the  fame  mould¬ 
ing,  defign,  and  Ornaments.  ,  •. .  >  .? 

;  •  »  11  •  'n 

•  :  0  V(,d  !.  7(U  r  ;  e 

[a]  See  VU  XXVII. 

1  7  ■  ]Lot 


Vol.  V///.F/.XXV//.  p.  370. 

Gov .  Pownall’s  Account  of  fome  Roman  Pottery ,  ^9 

Lot  C.  i,  2,  are  fimilar  fragments  of  another  like  vefTel  : 
all  thefe  were  found  in  the  Chefter  Field  at  Sandy  fome  years 

90 irif/f?  ef  J  nr 

s  vis)  do 

V  Y  ?  jl'-  OC 


The  Lot  E>.  i,  2,  3,  were  found  laft  fumraer  in  the  Caftle 
yard  at  Lincoln.  The  compofition  of  this  lot  is  exactly  of  the 
fame  quality  as  the  others  above :  '  the  mouldings  and  ornaments, 
efpecially  of  N°  1,  2,  are  however  of  a  better  defign  and  executed 
in  a  more  mafterly  manner.  j  v 

I  muff  now  inform  the  Society,  that  pottery  of  this  very  fa- 
brique,  with  exactly  fimilar  mouldings  and  ornaments,  is  at  this 
day  found  in  Provence  and  Languedoc,  particularly  at  Aix  and 
Nifmes ;  at  Vienne  inDauphine;  and  in  many  parts  of  France  ; 
as  alfo  in  many  parts  of  Switzerland.  Count  Caylus  has  given  an 
account,  with  drawings,  of  fome  of  thole  in  his  Recueil  des  An - 
liquids ;  alfo  Monf.  Menard,  in  his  feventh  volume,  quarto,  of 
his  Hiftory  of  Mimes ;  alfo  Mr.  Schmidt,  a  member  of  our  So¬ 
ciety,  of  like  pottery  found  at  Avanche,  Culm,  and  Zurich,  in 
Switzerland.  I  have  had  ,an  opportunity  of  examining  thofe 
pieces  of  pottery  at  moil  of  thefe  places;  and  can  venture  to ‘re¬ 
peat,  that  (one  or  two  pieces  excepted)  they  are  exactly  fimilar, 
in  every  particular  above  noticed,  to  thefe  I  now  fend  you. 

Sir  Andrew  Fountaine  had  an  intire  vefTel  of  this  fame  red 

t  vy « #>  \  f  f  •  T  -  *  *  *  ' *  IT  ’ S  *  *  f  iVmiIVV  J 

pottery.  You  may  fee  a  drawing  of  it  in  the  fecpnd  volume 

of  the  Hiftorite  Romans  Scriptores,  folio.  To  confirm  what 
1  have  faid  of  the  compofition  of  the  fabrique,  I  will  quote 
Monf.  Menard’s  words.  Speaking  fir  ft  of  the  home-made  pot¬ 
tery  of  Nimes  (he  fays)  “  tantot  elle  eft  blanchatre,  tantot 
noire,  tantot  rouge  melee  avec  marquefites,  &  tout  celle  d,e 
ces  trois  coleures  eft  mal-cuiteP  But,  as  to  the  other  he  fays, 
“  c’efl:  bien-cuite  &  travaillee  tres  delicatement.  La  cuite 
donne  a  celled  1111  coleur  rouge  clair  &  peu  fonce.  Cette 
terre  au  furplus  etoit  une  argile  tres  fine,  depouille  du  fable 

C  c  c  2  par 

380  Gov.  Pownall’s  Account  offome  Roman  Pottery l 

par  le  lavage,  elle  fe  travailloit  avec  une  extreme  facilitefuf  le 
tour  ainfi  fur  le  roue.”  -  L 

The  Society  will  obferve  in  the  numbers  1,2,  of  lot  A 9 
Und  in  the  numbers  1,  2,  3,  of  lot  B,  that  the  mouldings  arc 
of  a  lingular  fpecies  of  ovolo,  more  like  the  feftoons  of  a  va¬ 
lance  than  what  our  common  workmen  call  the  egg  and  anchor  ; 
that  they  are  all  of  the  fame  model  exactly,  as  are  all  the  reft 
which  are  found  in  every  other  part  of  Europe.  Thedefigns  of 
the  ornaments  are  uniformly  the  fame  reprefentation  of  thechace 
of  the  lion,  except  one  or  two  of  thofc  found  at  Culm  and 
Avanch,  which  reprefent  the  chace  of  the  lionefs.  That  of 
Sir  Andrew  Fountaine’s  is  alfo  varied  in  the  figures,  but  the 
moulding  is  exactly  the  fame  as  thofe  now  exhibited. 

The  two  numbers  1,  2,  of  lot  D,  found  at  Lincoln  laft  fun> 
mer,  afford  curious  fpecimens  of  mouldings  and  ornaments  of  a 
better  defign,  and  more  delicately  wrought  than  isufually  to  be 
met  with  in  this  fabrique* 

This  fabrique  was  ufually  called  the  Samian,  mentioned  by 
Pliny,  xxxv.  46.  In  a  former  paper  I  referred  to  this  as  the 
fort  which  the  Romans  imported  into  their  provinces.  It  was 
in  vogue  throughout  the  Roman  empire  :  it-  was  originally  made 
at  Samos  ;  but  was  afterwards  made,  of  the  fame  compofition, 
and  after  the  fame  patterns,  at  Rome.  I  find  myfelf  confirmed 
in  this  opinion  by  Monf.  Menard  and  others.  The  chace  of  the 
lion  and  lionefs  is  not  likely  to  have  been  thought  of,  or  to 
have  been  fo  known  as  to  be  defcribed  by  an  European  potter. 
Befides-  there  is  as  much  difference  betwixt  the  compofition  of 
this  fabrique  and  the  home-made  pottery  of  ancient  Europe,  tire 
grey,  black,  and  brick- red  pottery  found  every’  where,  as  be¬ 
tween  the  porcelaine  of  China,  and  the  common  fayance  of 
Europe,,  The  fragments  cf  thefeveffels  here  exhibited  were  ge¬ 

Gov .  Pownall’s  Account  of  /owe  Romau  Pottery.  381 

xie  rally  the  furniture  of  the  elelothefon  of  the  baths,  and  were 
chiefly  ufed  as  the  unguent  art  a. 

It  is  not  more  Angular  that  a  moulding  of  fuch  a  model,  fo 
different  from  the  falhion  of  any  members  in  ornamental  archi¬ 
tecture,  fhould  be  ufed;  than  that  this  with  fo  little  variation 
ihould  be  lo  conftantly  adhered  to,  as  is  found  to  be  the  cafe  in 
all  the  different  pieces  difeovered  in  fuch  widely  diftant  parts  of 
Europe.  I  throw  out  my  conje£ture  ;  but,  exhibiting  at  the  fame 
time  the  fpecimens  themfelves,  I  fubmit  the  matter  to  the  better 
judgmenc  of  others. 

There  have  been  found  alfo  in  this  fame  Cheffer  Field,  for 
many  years  back,  great  number  of  coins.  Sir  Philip  Monoux, 
to  whom  the  eflate  belongs,  has,  though  not  a  regular  feries, 
yet  a  large  number  of  thefe  coins,  from  the  Flavian,  family 
down  to  Conflantine,  with  one  of  Caraufius ;  alfo  one  of 
Fauftina  the  emprefs,  wife  of  Antoninus  Pius  ;  one  of  Lucilla,. 
the  wife  of  L.  ^Elius  Verus,  and  fifler  of  Marcus  Aurelius  An¬ 
toninus  ;  one  alfo  of  Julia  Mammaea,  the  mother  of  Alexander 
Severus.  Mr.  Pym,  whole  feat  is  in  this  parifh  of  Sandy,  has  a 
coin  of  Fauflina,  found  in  this  fame  place,  one  of  the  fineft  I 
have  feen,  and  in  great  prefervation.  It  hath  the  ufual  reverfe, 
which  fhe  had  engraved  on  her  coins,  a  Venus  holding  in  her 
hand  the  apple  of  Paris.  I  may,  perhaps,  take  fome  time  or 
other,  an  opportunity  of  exhibiting  thefe  coins  to  the  Society, 
with  fome  explanation  of  them.  In  the  mean  time  I  fend  you 
a  drawing,  fo  far  as  the  outline  goes,  of  the  coin  of  Fauflina, 
which  I  hope  will  be  found  an  exact  portrait  of  it. 

There  was  dug  up  from  this  field,  fome  years  ago,  a  cinerary 
Turn,  of  the  dark-brown  or  black  fort.  It  contains  bones  and 
afhes,  and  leveral  articles  of  a  lady’s  toilet.  There  was  in  it.  a 
hair-pin  of  that  fort,  called  the  hafa  recurva .  This  is  now  Iofle. 
But  there  ftill  remains  a  curious  mirrour,  or  fpeculum,  which 


Gov.  Pownall’s  Account  of fame  Roman  Pottery. 

my  friend  Sir  Philip  Monoux  is  fo  obliging  as  to  permit  me  to 
fend,  together  with  the  pottery,  for  the  infpe'&ion  of  the  So¬ 
ciety.  I  believe,  you  will  find  it  to  be  of  a  mixt  metal,  cop¬ 
per,  filver,  and  iron.  If  I  was  in  town  I  would  have  it  afiayed, 
by  cutting  off  a  little  piece  at  that  corner  which  is  already  broken. 
I  meafured  it  two  inches  five  lines,  by  two  inches  four  lines. 
It  is  furprifing  that  it  hath  preferved  its  polifh  to  fo  great  a 
degree,  after  lying  buried  fo  many  hundred  years. 

Thefe  mirrours,  or  fpecula,  certainly  made  part  of  the  toilet  of 
the  Roman  ladies ;  and  one  meets  with  frequent  mention  of 
them.  This  is,  however,  the  firft  exemplar  which  I  have  feen. 
Several  members  of  the  Society  may  have  had  opportunities  of 
feeing  others.  In  Smetii  “  Antiquitates  Neornagenfes,”  p.  118, 
1 1 9,  mention  is  made  of  one  being  found  in  the  year  1647  at 
Neomagus,  which  is  thus  defcribed  ;  “  fpeculum  chalybium , 
cujus  diameter  pollices  Romanos  quinque  aequet the  accuracy 
of  the  defcription  I  do,  however,  a  little  doubt. 

It  is  not  only  from  incidental  paflages  in  the  ancient  authors, 
but  from  the  buffos  and  coins,  that  we  learn  in  fa£t  that  the 
Roman  ladies  were  as  curious  and  as  finical  precieufes  about  their 
coefure,  and  were  as  much  devoted,  and  devoted  as  much  time, 
to  the  grand  bufinefs  of  the  toilet,  as  any  of  our  fineft  modern 
ladies  of  Europe ;  but  exceeded  them  infinitely  in  their  tafte, 
fludying  to  adorn  and  give  a  relieve  to  the  beauties  of  nature, 
not  to  difguife  her  forms,  and  to  deffroy  her  proportions.  To 
make,  however,  amends  for  giving  this  preference  in  this  in- 
flance,  I  will  give  from  Martial’s  Epigrams  [Z>]  an  inftance  of  a 
Virago  knocking  down  her  hair-drejjer  with  the  mirrour,  only 
becaufe  one  curl  of  the  whole  frifure  was  not  well  pinned  j  an 
example  which  our  modem  ladies  are  incapable  of  giving  : 


[£]  II.  66. 


Gov.  Fownall’s  Account  of  fome  Roman  Pottery.  383 

Unus  de  toto  peccaverat  orbe  comarum 
Annulus,  inferta  non  bene  fixus  acu. 

Hoc  facinus,  Lelage  fpeculo,  quo  viderat,  ulta  efl  ^ 

Et  cecidit  fedflis  i£la  plecufa  comis.  ' 

Define  jam,  Lelage,  trifles  ornare  capillos ; 

Tangat  &  infanum  nulla  Puella  caput. 

Hoc  falamandra  notet,  vel  fawa  novacula  nudet  5 
Ut  digna  fpeculo  fiat  imago  tua. 

I  will  note  one  more  inftance  as  appofite  to  this  bufinefs  or 
tile  mirroui  and  th©  toilet.  Ii  is  ihc  example  ot  a  devotee  de¬ 
dicating  her  mirrour  to  Venus,  an  example  which  I  would  ven¬ 
ture  to  recommend  to  our  modern  old  ladies,  if  there  was  any, 
filch  being  now-a-daies  exifling. 

Lais  anus  Veneri  fpeculum  dico,  dignum  habet  fe 
'  »  '■  #  .  _ 

XEterna  aeternum  forma  minilrerium  ; 

At  mihi  nullus  in  hoc  ufus ;  quia  cernere  talem 
Qualis  fum  nolo;  qualis  eram  nequeo. 

Au fon.  Epig.  lib.  liv.  1, 


'  L' 



\  i  n 

Everton  Houfe, 
jan.  i,  1787. 

I  am,  with  my  rcfpefls  to  the  Society, 

<  it  lj».  -i  ,  * .  t  i , ;  .  i  :  1/ 1  tti  5 1  "i  U  Q  i  3  e  1 1  1  \ 1  >  ,1  -  j. . 

Sir,  your  moft  obedient  humble  fervanty 

T.  P  OWN  ALL 



iC.'ftf  ( 

XXX I  w 

r  -• 

- - S 

t  384  3 

c'  rv*V 

4  ;  *  ;  s.  / 

XXXIV.  Defer  iption  of  the  Druid  Temple  lately  dif- 
covered  on  the  top  of  the  Hill  near  St.  Hillary  in  Jer- 
fey.  Communicated  by  Mr .  Molfe worth. 

Read  January  11,  1787. 

.  i  .  •  ..  .  1  . 

*  f  r  M  T  ‘  r*  •  -  •*  •/•»  r-  t  ■  ■  ■  '."•*"  /  -  4  . . '  .  a  < -  *  .  ..  .  ,  ’  .  -\r  t 

IT  is  fixty-fix  feet  in  circumference,  compofed  of  forty-five 
large  ftones,  meafuring  feven  feet  in  height,  fix  in  breadth, 
four  in  thicknefs,  containing  four  perfeft  lodges  [or  cells]  and 
one  deftroyed.  The  fuppofed  entrance  in  it  may  be  called  a 
fubterraneous  pafiage,  faces  the  Eaft,  and  meafures  fifteen  feet 
in  length,  four  feet  two  inches  and  a  half  in  breadth  from  the 
infide  of  the  two  outward  pillars  or  ftones,  in  height  two  feet, 
each  pillar  being  one  foot  nine  inches  and  a  half  thick. 

The  infide  of  the  pafiage  meafures  five  feet  three  inches  in 
breadth,  four  feet  four  inches  in  height,  and  the  firft  covering 
ftone  three  feet  in  thicknefs ;  it  gradually  decreafes  the  length  of 
the  fifteen  feet  before-mentioned. 

The  vacancy  on  the  North  fide,  which  appears  to  have  been 
the  real  vacancy,  meafures  in  breadth  fix  feet  nine  inches. 

The  greateft  lodge,  facing  nearly  the  Eaft,  or  fubterraneous 
pafiage,  meafures,  both  in  depth  and  length,  four  feet  three 
inches  ;  the  next  on  the  left  four  feet  in  breadth,  four  feet 
three  inches  in  length,  and  three  feet  feven  inches  in  height. 
The  diftance  from  one  to  the  other  is  tw’o  feet  lixteen  inches  ; 
the  third,  at  the  diftance  of  five  feet  nine  inches  from  the  fe- 
cond,  meafures  in  breadth  twro  feet  fixteen  inches,  in  length 
two  feet  nineteen,  in  height  four  feet. 


voi.vm.  fi.  xxvni.  p.  $s4. 

Voi.  vi/z fi . xxzx. />.  3fis. 

_  S/s///  "/  //r  ss/s/v//  >  y*' 

/’■'/////Sf’  /// 



Mr .  Molesworth’s  Defcription  of  a  Druid  Temple .  385 

The  fubterraneous  pafiage  in  the  infide  of  the  temple,  de- 
fcribing  a  perfect  lodge,  diftant  from  the  third  ten  feet,  and  the 
fourth  joining  both  Eafl:  and  North  pafiages,  in  breadth  mea- 
fures  two  feet  four  inches,  and  two  feet  one-eighth  in  depth. 
The  eaftern  cavity  is  ftill  filled  up  with  the  fame  rubbilh  that 
covered  the  temple. 

Two  medals  were  found  in  this  temple,  one  of  the  emperor 
Claudius,  and  the  other  fo  worn  by  time  as  to  render  it  unin¬ 

About  fifty  yards  South  from  the  temple  are  five  places  in 
the  form  of  our  graves,  mafoned  on  every  fide,  but  not  paved, 
and  lying  E.  and  W.  A  done  quite  alone  lies  five  feet  from 
the  fubterraneous  paflage. 

/  * 

Vo L.  VIII. 



[  386  } 

i>  i  . 

tv; ' 

i-  '  w  i ■■ .  •  ...  ,  s .  i . 

■  r  ;  i ; •  ’  M'in  j.  Mi il  t>: 

boi  f  >  r  i  r. 

XXXV.  Defer ipt io?2  of  a  Druidical  Monument  in  the 
Ijland  of  Jerfey ;  in  a  Letter  from  the  Right  Ho¬ 
nourable  Henry  Seymour.  Conway,  Governor  of 
Jerfey,  to  the  Earl  of  Leicefter,  P .  S,  A . 

Read  March  8,  1787. 

,b  >7i  *  ■  .•  -hi.  v  r-.Q  banoifjrr;  -'Ovr.g  i:,o  io  :oi  :*»vJ 

*  » 

1  *V  *  *  .  r  k  ,  f  r  {  '  I  *  f  • 


My  Lord, 

I  Have  the  honour  to  tranfmit  herewith  the  model  of  a  Druifl 
Temple,  difcovered  fome  time  ago  on  the  top  of  a  pretty 
high  rocky  hill,  near  the  town  of  St.  Helier,  in  the  Ifland 
of  Jerfey.  I  am  forry  to  have  fo  long  delayed  executing  the 
promife  I  made  to  fend  it  your  lordfliip ;  but  it  having  been 
tranfmitted  to  me  without  a  fcale,  I  did  not  care  to  trouble  you 
till  that  material  defedf  was  remedied.  By  the  fcale  which  I 
have  now  received,  and  which  is  of  three  feet  to  an  inch, 
your  lordfhip  will  fee  the  dimensions  are  not  great,  but  I  ima¬ 
gine  it  to  be  the  moft  intire  and  perfect  monument  of  this  kind 
exiting  in  this  part  of  the  world. 

I  fnall  not  u  empt  to  fay  any  thing  of  the  nature  or  ufe  of 
thefe  extraordinary  ftrudtures  ;  your  lordfhip  and  the  gen¬ 
tlemen  of  your  learned  Society  having  full  knowledge  of  all 
that  can  be  faid  on  the  fubjedh 

By  the  very  imperfedt  accounts  we  have  of  the  hiftory  and 
antiquities  of  that  ifland,  there  is  reafon  to  think  it  has  been 
very  particularly  the  feat  of  the  Druids  and  their  worfhip.  Mr. 
Bindextre,  who  wrote  fome  tradts  on  the  affairs  of  Jerfey,  and 


Defcription  of  a  Druid  Monument  in  Jerfey.  387 

-  L 

died  in  the  year  1691,  fays,  there  were  exiting  in  that  fin  all 

ifland  no  lets  than  fifty  of  thefe  Druid  temples,  or  altars,  in 

his  time  ;  of  which  the  greater  part  were  demolifhed  when 

Falle  publifhed  his  Hifiory  of  Jerfey  pretty  early  in  the  pre- 

fent  century.  He  mentions  a  fingle  altar  of  large  dimenfions 

then  ftanding  on  the  fame  hill  of  St.  Helier,  the  top  fione  of 

which  was  fourteen  feet  long,  feven  and  an  half  broad,  and 

three  in  thicknefs,  and  near  it  a  circle  of  other  flones,  of  which 
‘  :  r  >*’  m  * 

there  remained  but  one  when  he  wrote,  the  ref  having  been 

broken  to  make  a  wall  hard  by. 

From  the  above  it  is  plain  that  the  prefent  complete  ftruc- 
ture  was  not  known  at  that  time,  though  there  was  another 
large  altar,  or  temple,  and  another  circle  of  flones,  feen  on  the 
fame  hill. 

The  prefent  temple  remained  intirely  covered  with  earth  till 
the  fummer  1785  ;  having  the  appearance  of  a  large  barrow  or 
tumulus,  in  which  form  I  had  conffantly  feen  it  when  in  the 
ifland.  It  then  happened  that  the  colonel  of  the  St.  Helier’s 
militia  wanting  to-  level  the  ground  for  the  exercife  of  his 
corps,  the  workmen  foon  flruck  on  the  flones,  and  the  temple 
thus  difcovered  was  afterwards  cleared  as  it  now  ftands. 

There  is  no  trace  of  the  time  when  it  was  covered  up;  not 
improbably  in  that  of  the  Romans,  by  the  Druids  tbemlelves, 
to  prefer ve  it  as  their  mofl  facred  temple  from  the  violence  or 
profanation  of  that  people,  who  frequently  perlecuted  them, 
and  who  certainly  had  pofleflion  of  the  ifland,  as  appears  from 
its  Latin  name  of  Ceefarea,  and  from  feveral  names,  and  fome 
fmall  veftiges  remaining,  as  well  as  from  the  coins  found  pretty 
often  in  different  parts  of  the  ifland. 

I  do  not  know  whether  it  may  be  thought  of  any  confequence 
to  mention  the  particular  polition  of  the  temple,  or  the  bearings 
of  the  feveral  cells,  or  altars,  refpe&ively ;  but,  knowing  it  is 

D  d  d  2  the 

388  Defer  ip  ton  of  a  Druid  Monument  in  Jer  fey. 

the  opinion  of  fome  learned  perfons  that  they  are  objects  worthy 
of  fome  confideration,  I  had  them  taken,  and  herewith  fub- 
join  a  ground-plan  of  the  whole,  fet  out  to  the  points  of  the 
compafs  ;  as  alfo  three  drawings  of  the  temple,  as  it  appeared 
foon  after  the  difeovery,  together  with  a  plan  of  it  [<*]. 

There  have  very  lately  been  difeovered,  as  my  lieutenant* 
governor  informs  me,  five  graves  on  the  fame  hill,  and  about 
170  feet  from  the  temple;  one  of  them  has,  he  fays,  fome- 
what  of  a  curved  form,  but  that  they  have  no  other  peculiarity 
except  that  of  their  being  lined  with  a  kind  of  rubble  flone. 

The  above  are  the  chief  particulars  I  have  been  able  to  learn 
on  this  fubje£f,  and  I  fhall  be  happy  if  they  give  any  fatisfa&ion 
to  your  Lordlhip,  or  the  Society.  I  am,  my  lord,  with  great 
efteem,  your  lordfhip's  moft  faithful  and  obedient  fervant, 

H.  S.  CONWAY. 

Little  Warwick  Street, 

-Jeb.  20,  1787. 

[«]  See  Plates  XXVIII.  XXIX. 

>  0 

f  :  '  p  \  •  K.  \  <  '  f  ■  (  •  •  •  •  ’  | 


.  10  .e;  ■  .>5  I/ 1.  ■.  1;':  V* 


[  3®9  ] 

XXXVI.  On  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England.  By 

Mr.  John  Caley,  F.  A.  S. 

■  *  .  *  *  j  1 1  .  .i. 

•  r  -  '  , 

4  !  ”  •  <  ,•  [  ^  T  <  »  /'  .  ■*  . 

Read  March  15,  1787. 

<  1  ‘  ■  *  ■  '  •  •  .  ‘1-  >  i.i  (  •  1  '■  •  ••  c.  ’  *■  .  4  #  „  /  .  . )  »  *  ,  i 

AT  what  period  the  nation  of  the  Jewa  firft  obtained  a  fet- 
tlement  in  England,  is  a  quedion  involved  in  confider- 
able  obfeurity ;  ariling  as  well  from  the  didance  of  time  when 
this  event  is  fuppofed  to  have  happened,  as  from  the  few  me¬ 
morials  that  have  been  (lince  their  difperfion)  tranfmitted  down 
to  us  concerning  them. 

It  hath  been  conje&ured,  that  they  were  here  as  early  as  the 
time  when  this  ifland  was  fubjedt  to  the  Romans  [^] ;  but  if 
we  attentively  refledl  on  the  uncultivated  and  barbarous  date  of 
Britain  and  its  inhabitants  in  that  didant  age,  we  can  hardly 
be  induced  to  believe,  that  a  people  accudomed  to  a  more  fa¬ 
vorable  climate  and  more  foftened  manners,  would  leek  a 
country  of  the  above  defeription,  and  undertake  what  mud 
have  been  to  many  of  them  a  long>  and  in  the  infancy  of  navi¬ 
gation  a  dangerous  voyage. 

Some  weight  indeed  may  be  added  to  the  conje&ure  that 
has  been  formed,  if  credit  can  be  given  to  the  fydem  of 
Jewifh  chronology  called  "in  P!D¥  Tfemach  David,  publifhed 
by  Rabbi  David  Ganz;  of  which  there  is  a  Latin  trandation  by 
Vordius  [3];  from  whence  we  learn,  that  Julius  Casfar  was  a 

[<?]  By  Mr.  Waller  in  the  preface  to  Leland’s  CoIIe&anea. 

[£]  Lugd.  Bat.  4to.  1644. 



390  Mr.  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England. 

great  encourager  of  the  Jews,  and  in  ftri&  amity  with  them  ; 
fo  that  if  other  circumftances  accorded,  there  might  be  fome 
ground  for  a  prefumption,  that  he  firft  introduced  them  into 
Britain.  . 

\,  f.*  O  ' 

This  fuppofition  would  however  be  liable  to  many  objec¬ 
tions,  fuch  as  (among  others)  the  recent  devaluation  which  had 
been  made  in  this  bland,  and  the  continual  inroads  which  were 
to  be  dreaded  from  the  neighbouring  nations;  both  which  muft 
operate  as  llrong  reafons  againfl  the  probability  of  an  afylum 
being  afforded  the  Jews,  who  have  in  almofl  all  ages  derived 
their  foie  fupport,  from  the  commerce  of  the  countries  they  in¬ 

Certain  it  is,  that  however  great  a  friend  this  emperor  might 
be  to  them,  none  of  the  fubfequent  ones  feem  to  have  imitated 
him  in  this  particular  ;  on  the  contrary,  Conflantine  the  Great, 
who  is  faid  to  have  been  born  in  Britain,  and  who  firft  tolerated 
the  Chriflians,  appears  to  have  had  an  implacable  enmity  againfl 
the  Jews  [c]. 

As  it  is  therefore,  from  the  reafons  that  have  been  affigned, 
by  no  means  likely,  that  the  Jews  would  have  even  wifhed  for 
a  fettlement  in  a  country  where  there  exifted  fo  fmalt  a  profpeCl 
of  encouragement ;  fo  neither  is  it  probable,  that  a  total  filence 
refpe&ing  them  would  have  prevailed  among  the  hiflorians  of 
thofe  days,  when  treating  of  Britifh  affairs,  had  any  portion  of 
them  been  then  eflablifhed  in  Britain. 

The  firfl  information  that  can  be  relied  on  with  any  degree 
of  certainty,  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Jews  in  this  kingdom,  oc¬ 
curs  not  until  about  three  centuries  after  the  introduction  of  the 
Saxons ;  when  it  being  perhaps  feared,  that  they  might  gain 
too  many  converts,  and  become  more  numerous  than  was  con- 


{V]  See  an  epiftle  of  this  emperor  in  Spelman’s  Councils,  vol.  I.  p.  43. 


Mr.  CaleV  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England.  391 

fiftent  with  the  fafety  of  the  church,  a  canon  was  iffued,  direct¬ 
ing  “■  Ut  nullus  Chriftianus  judaizare  praefumat  nec  conviviis 
eorum  participare  [V]  ”  This  canon  is  ftili  extant  among  the 
excerptions  of  Egbert  archbifhop  of  York,  who  is  reported  to 
have  been  brother  to  Eadbert,  king  of  the  Northumbrians,  and 
to  have  attained  the  archiepifcopal  dignity  about  the  year 
735:  he  held  the  fee  of  York  thirty-fix  years,  during  which 
time,  it  may  be  prefumed,  thefe  excerptions  were  collected  by 
him,  from  the  body  of  canons  and  ecclefiaftical  regulations  then 
in  force. 

It  may  be  deemed  not  a  little  extraordinary,  that  none  of  the 
ordinances  of  the  Anglo  Saxon  monarchs,  make  any  provisions 
for  the  government  of  the  Jewrs,  or  take  any  notice  of  them  ; 
with  the  exception  only  of  one,  among  thofe  generally  known 
by  the  diftinCtion  of  the  laws  of  the  Confeffor,  and  which  were 
afterwards  confirmed  by  William  the  Conqueror;  wherein  is 
this  remarkable  claufe,  “  Sciendum  eft  quoque,  quod  omnes 
Judaei  ubicunque  in  regno  funt,  fub  tutela  et  defenfione  regis 
ligea-debent  efle,  nec  quilibet  eorum  alicui  d iviti  fe  poteft  fub- 
dere  fine  regis  licentia  :  Judasi  enim  et  omnia  fua  regis  funt  : 
quod  li  quifpiam  detinuerit  eos,  vel  pecuniam  eorum,  perquirat 
rex  (fi  vult)  tanquam  fuum  proprium  [*].*:'  If  this  law  and  the 
preceding  canon  are  genuine,  they  effectually  deftroy  a  pofition 
that  has  been  maintained  by  feveral  of  our  hiftorians ;  viz.  that 
the  Jews  were  firft  introduced  by  William  the  Conqueror.  The 
authenticity  of  the  latter,  has  not  as  yet  (that  I  know  of)  been 
called  in  queftion  ;  the  former  has;  but  by  a  writer  [y'],  whofe 
violent  prejudices  and  inaccuracy,  have  rendered  him  the  fub- 

■jV]  Spelmanui  Concil.  vol.  I.  p.  275.  Wilkins  Concil,  vol.  I.  p.  in. 

{e~\  Spclrn.  Concil.  wl.  I.  p.  623.  Lambarde,  Leg.  Saxon,  p.  133,  Wilkins 
Concil.  vol.  I.ip.  313.  i 

[/]  Prynne,  in  his  2d  Demurrer,  printed  1636. 


39  2  Mr.  Cai.ey  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England. 

je£t  of  frequent  and  fevere  animadverfion.  The  materials  upon 
which  he  founds  his  objection,  are  inferted  in  an  ingenious  tra£c 
written  by  a  late  learned  member  of  this  Society  [g]  ;  who  like- 
wile  perfectly  agreed  with  him  in  opinion  upon  this  fubjedt, 
they  are  thefe : 

66  This  law  relating  to  the  Jews,  is  inferted  in  the  Confeffor’s 
or  rather  William  the  Conqueror’s  laws  in  Hoveden,  p.  604, 
and  is  printed  by  Sir  Henry  Spelman  in  his  Councils,  p.  623,. 
from  a  MS.  which  he  fays,  agrees  with  the  copy  in  Hoveden  ; 
but  it  is  not  in  the  true  original  copy  of  the  Confeffor’s  and 
Conqueror’s  laws  of  Abbot  Ingulphus  (who  flourifhed  in  that 
age,  was  prefent  at  their  confirmation,  and  then  brought  them 
to  Cropland  Abbey)  publifhed  by  Mr.  Selden,  nor  yet  in 
Brompton.  Therefore,  fays  Prynne,  I  cannot  but  rejedt  it  as 
counterfeit ;  and  efteem  it  rather  a  declaration  of  the  Jews  con¬ 
dition  in  England  in  Hoveden’s  time,,  inferted  by  him,  as  well 
as  fome  other  things  of  punier  date,  among  thefe  laws,  rather 
than  any  law  of  or  in  the  ConfeiTor’s  days ;  wherein  I  can  find 
no  evidence  of  any  Jews  refidence  here ;  but  only  this  interpo¬ 
lation,  and  forged  law,  which  Mr.  Selden  wholly  omits  in  his 
colledtion  of  his  laws.” 

From  thefe  reafons  of  Mr.  Prynne’s,  which  favour  a  little, 
of  the  general  perverfenefs  obfervable  in  his  writings,  it  is  ap¬ 
parent,  that  he  not  only  pofitively  denied  the  authenticity  of 
the  law  in  queflion ;  but  alfo  was  of  opinion,  that  no  Jews 
exifted  in  this  kingdom,  during  the  reign  of  the  Confeffor. 

The  account  which  Ingulphus,  who  was  an  Englifhman,  and 
fecretary  to  the  Conqueror,  gives  us  of  that  copy  of  the  code  of 

[£]  The  queftion.  whether  a  Jew  bom  within  the  Britifh  dominions,  was 
before  the  making  the  late  a&  of  parliament,  a  perfon  capable  by  law  to  pur- 
chafe  and  hold  lands  to  him  and  his  heirs,  fairly  hated  and  considered.  By  a 
gentleman  of  Lincoln’s  Inn,  (P.  C.  Webb,  Efq.)  4to,  1753. 


Mr.  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England.  393 

laws,  which  he  has  inferted  in  his  Hidory  of  Cropland  Abbey, 
as  being  the  authentic  one;  is  in  truth  fuch,  as  mud  imprefs  us 
with  a  more  favorable  idea  of  it,  than  we  fhould  perhaps  other- 
wife  have  entertained;  he  fays,  “  that  he  brought  from  Lon¬ 
don  to  his  monadery,  the  laws  of  the  mod  juft  king  Edward, 
which  his  lord  the  renowned  king  William  had  proclaimed  to 
be  authentic,  and  to  be  always  inviolably  obferved  under  pain  of 
the  fevered:  penalties  [£].” 

But  whild  the  authenticity  of  this  latter  code  is  admitted,  it 
is  by  no  means  a  neceflary  conclulion  that  the  other  fhould  be 
fpurious,  and  it  mud:  be  obferved,  that  at  bed:  Ingulphus’s  copy 
is  only  a  trandation  of  the  laws,  from  the  language  in  which, 
they  were  originally  compofed,  into  the  Norman  French ;  and 
fo  apprehenfive  was  the  Conqueror,  of  a  mifinterpretation  of 
them,  that  according  to  Ingulphus  himfelf,  he  commended  them 
to  his  judices  in  the  original,  left  through  ignorance  they  might 
be  midaken  [/]. 

May  it  not  be  prefumed,  that  this  was  a  fele&'ion  only  of  fuch 
of  the  Confeffor’s  laws  as  were  entirely  conformable  to  the  fade 
of  the  Conqueror?  He  had  bound  himfelf  to  govern  the  Englidi 
by  their  ancient  laws  ;  but  fome  of  thefe  were  now  grown  oh- 
folete,  and  others  perhaps  militated  againft  the  Norman  cus¬ 
toms;  this  therefore  might  only  include  fuch  as  were  imme¬ 
diately  adapted  to  the  times,  and  neceflary  to  be  then  inforced. 

Mr.  Prynne’s  argument  tends  to  prove,  that  as  no  Jews  were 
in  England  during  the  reign  of  the  Confeflor,  of  courfe  that 
part  which  relates  to  them  among  the  laws  of  that  king,  mud: 
fufficiently  betray  its  own  impodure,  and  be  a  manifed  decep¬ 
tion  invented  by  Hoveden ;  but  herein  he  feems  to  have  totally 

[h~\  Hiftoria  Ingulphi  inter  Galei  Rerum  Anglic,  fcriptores,  I.  88. 

[;]  Ubi  fupra. 

Val.  VIII,  Ee  e 


394  Mr.  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England. 

differed  from  the  very  learned  editor  of  the  <c  Concilia,”  who 
affixes  no  precife  time  to  the  laws  which  pafs  under  the  name 
of  Edward  the  Confdfor,  not  thinking  them  to  have  been  infti- 
tutcd  by  him,  but  rather  by  his  anceftors,  particularly  Canute 
as  William  of  Malmefbury  llippofes  :  66  Non  refero  (fays  Spel- 
man)  ConfetToris  has  leges  ad  certum  regni  ejus  annum  aliquem, 
quod  non  ah  eo  inflitut as  cenfeo,  fed  ex  antecefforum  fuorum 
legibus  (praefertim  regis  Canuti,  ut  animadvertit  Malmefburius) 
du&ae  plerunque  eflent  et  promulgate :**  and  he  ftrengthens  his, 
opinion  by  their  very  title,  “  Incipiunt  leges  S.  Edwardi  regis, 
quas  in  Anglia  tenuit,”  his  obfervation  upon  which  is  “  id  eft, 
obfervavit ;  non  quas  tulit,  hoc  eft,  inftituit  [/£].” 

Allowing  then  Mr.  Prynne’s  hypothefis  in  part  to  be  well 
founded,  or  rather  fo  much  of  it  as  denies  the  reftdence  of  the 
Jews  in  England  in  the  Confeflor’s  reign,  the.  following  infer¬ 
ence  may  be  reafonably  drawn  from  it;  that  as  none  of  them 
at  that  time  dwelt  here,  fo  there  was  no  neceflity  they  ftaould! 
be  noticed  in  the  code  of  jurifprudence  to  be  adopted  at  the 
Conqueft,  for  the  future  government  of  the  realm,  from  the  an¬ 
cient  fyftem  of  laws  then  extant.. 

This  being  admitted,  it  cannot  afterwards  be  argued  with  pro¬ 
priety,  that  the  omiftion  of  this  law  in  the  Norman  tranflation,, 
is  to  the  exclufion  of  its  validity;  fince  both  copies  may  be  in, 
mod  refpeds  genuine;  the  one  calculated  for  the  more  imme¬ 
diate  purpofes  of  the  times;  the  other  containing  fuch  laws  as 
were  in  general  not  admiftible  from  the  caufes  above  afligned. 

It  muft  not  however  be  concealed  that  all  thefe  laws  publilhed. 
as  the  Confeflor’s  do  not  bear  the  marks  of  genuinenefs.  The 
twelfth  law  in  particular  which  treats  of  Danegeld,  Mr.  Webb 
has  demonftrated  to  be  a  forgery  [/] ;  fince  it  mentions  what: 

[£]  Spelm.  Concil.  vol.  I.  p.  625. 

[/]  Mr.  Webb’s  Treatife,  p.  32. 




Mr.  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England.  395 

palled  in  the  reign  of  William  Rufus.  This  pafTage  had  been 
before  objected  to  by  the  learned  Editor  himielf  (Sir  Henry 
Spelman)  who  has  noted  in  the  margin  [w],  “  videtur  hoc  ca- 
put  additum  efle  tempore  Henrici  fecundi  but  he  no  where 
iignifies  any  doubts  refpe&ing  the  law  “  de  Judahs.”  According 
to  the  teiTimony  of  a  Jewifh  hifforian,  quoted  by  Bafnage  [«], 
the  Jews  were  banifhed  this  realm,  though  he  is  filent  as  to  the 
occalion  of  their  expulfion,  early  in  the  eleventh  century.  If 
this  writer  is  accurate  in  point  of  time,  this  circumftance  is  an 
additional  reafon  why  they  are  totally  omitted  in  the  Con¬ 
queror’s  laws,  as  they  were  in  all  probability  not  re-eftablifhed 
antecedent  to  the  compilation  of  that  code.  Enough  perhaps 
has  been  advanced,  if  not  to  induce  general  convidlion,  yet  at 
leafl  to  juflify  the  afTertion,  that  fome  portion  of  the  Jews  had 
fettled  themfelves  here  anterior  to  the  Norman  Conqueff  ;  n®t 
to  multiply  quotations  which  might  be  deemed  fuperfluous,  one 
more  fhall  be  adduced,  which  ought  properly  to  have  been  men¬ 
tioned  before. 

About  the  year  833  Witlaf,  ^king  of  the  Mercians,  granted  a 
charter  to  the  monks  of  Croyland,  which  is  recited  at  large  in 
Ingulphus;  wherein  he  confirmed  to  them,  not  only  fuch  lands 
as  had  at  any  time  been  given  to  the  monaftery  by  the  kings 
of  Mercia,  but  alfo  all  their  pofiefiions  whatever,  whether  they 
were  originally  bellowed  on  them  by  Chriflians  or  Jews* 
“  Omnes  terras,  et  tenements,  et  eorum  peculia,  quae  reges  Mer- 
ciorum,  et  eorum  proceres,  vel  alii  fideles  Chriftiani,  vel  Judaiy 
di£fis  monachis  dederunt  [<?].” 

Dr.  Tovey,  the  ingenious  Author  of  “  Anglia  Judaica,”  after 
the  infertion  of  this  pafTage,  makes  this  remark :  “  It  is  reafon- 

[w]  Spelm.  Concil.  vol.  I.  p.  621. 

[«]  Hiftoire  des  Juifs,  tom.  v.  p.  1660. 

0]  lngulph.  p.  857, 

E  e  e  z 


Mr.  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England. 

able  to  fuppofe,  that,  Since  the  Jews  are  mentioned  in  this  char¬ 
ter  as  having  lands  to  give,  or  alienate,  they  muft  have  been 
fettled  here  fome  confiderable  time  before  they  could  have  pur- 
chafed  them  themfelves  [/>].” 

Inconclusive  as  fome  of  thefe  authorities  may  be  imagined, 
and  uncertain  as  others  may  appear,  Still,  from  their  concurrent 
teftimony,  and  no  proof  to  be  advanced  on  the  contrary  but 
what  hath  merely  conjedture  for  its  foundation,  it  will  become 
difficult  for  thofe  to  fupport  their  argument  who,  concurring  in 
opinion  with  fome  of  our  hifrorians,  aSfert  that  the  Jews  were 
frf ft  introduced  by  William  the  Conqueror. 

The  motives  which  adluated  this  monarch,  in  their  re- esta¬ 
blishment,  are  not  very  favorable  to  his  charadter.  The  Magde- 
burgh  Centuriators  fay,  it  was  effedted  in  consideration  of  a 
gratuity  of  a  pecuniary  nature,  ob  numeratum  pretium  [y];** 
According  to  HollinShed,  the  Conqueror  brought  them  from 
Rouen  in  Normandy,  and  appointed  them  a  place  to  inhabit  and 
occupy  [r]  ;  but  it  is  not  indicated  in  what  particular  year  of  his 
reign  this  event  happened. 

Hitherto  we  may  obferve  historical  information  refpedting 
them  to  be  remarkably  defedtive;  but,  fubfequent  to  this  reign, 
many  particulars  are  recorded,  which  tend  to  the  illuftration  of 
their  hiftory,  and  it  were  to  be  wiShed  to  the  honor  of  ours  ;  but 
the  reverfe  of  that  is  too  well  authenticated  to  be  doubted,  as 
every  one  may  quickly  perceive  who  will  take  the  pains  to  pe¬ 
rn  fe  that  valuable  work  before  noticed,  published  by  Dn  Tovey, 
under  the  title  of  “  Anglia  Judaica.’5 

In  this  work,  the  Style  whereof  may  be  however  thought  to 
defcend  in  fome  few  instances  beneath  the  dignity  requisite  to  ? 

[/>]  Anglia  Judaica,  p.  3. 

[7]  Cent.  11.  cap.  14. 

jy]  HollinShed’s  Chronicle,  vol.  III.  p.  1^, 


Mir .  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England.  29T' 

hiftory,  may  be  round  many  curious  fadts  concerning  the  Jews ; 
with  an  ample  detail  ofthe  various  forms  of  cruelty  and  extor¬ 
tion  pradtifed  upon  them,  fometimes  under  the  fpecious  pretext 
of  religion,  but  more  frequently  by  attributing  to  them  crimes 
they  could  have  no  idea  of  committing. . 

For  who  can  ferioudy  believe  the  many  ftories,  fo  afliduoufiy 
propagated  againft  them,  of  their  having-  crucified  Chriftian 
children  ?  The  author  laft-mentioned  feems  entirely  to  rejedt 
the  evidence  produced  on  thefe  occafions,  as  infufficient  and 
groundlefs,  and  with  great  reafon  obferves,  that  they  are  never 
faid  to  have  pradtifed  it,  but  at  fuch  times  as  the  king  was  ma-  • 

nifeftly  in  great  want  of  money  [j]. 

•'  *  '  »  . 

Of  the  fame  opinion  was  Fuller,  who  in  his  Ecclefiaftical 
Hiftory,  fays,  “  How  fufficiently  thefe  crimes  were  witnefled 
againft  them,  I  know  not.  In  fuch  cafes,  weak  proofs  are  of 
proof  againft  rich  offenders;  and  we  may  well  believe,  that,  if 
their  perfons  were  guilty  of  fome  of  thefe  faults,  their  eftates 
were  guilty  of  all  the  reft  [/].” 

Among  other  oppreftions,  the  well  known  ftory  which  Mat¬ 
thew  Paris  relates  [«]  of  the  Jew  at  Briftol,  from  whom  king 
John  exadled  ten  thoufand  marks,  a  prodigious  fum  of  money  ! 
and  whofe  refufal  of  complying  with  fo  arbitrary  an  impofitioii- 
drew  upon  him  an  order,  that  he  fhould  lofe  a  tooth  every  day, 
until  he  complied  with  the  demand,  is  not  the  greateft  inftance 

of  barbarity  that  might  be  advanced  on  this  fubjedt. 

■  '  -  1 1  m 

Our  ancient  records  and  hiftorians  unanimoufly  agree,  that 
the  condition  of  the  Jews  in  England  in  early  time  was  vafta-  - 
lage :  the  words  in  the  above  law  of  the  Confeftor’s  have  a 

[^]  Anglia  judaica,  p.  ii.<, 
w  Fuller,  book  iii.  p.  87. 

[»]  Matt.  Paris,  ad  ann,  i2iQv 

Mr.  Caley  on  the  Origin  cf  the  Tews  in  England. 

ftrong  tendency  to  that  effedl ;  hut,  if  they  are  to  be  confidered 
in  that  light,  how  much  more  fo  is  the  following  paffige  in 
Bradloti  de  legibus  [w]i  ‘4  Judaeus  verb  nihil  proprium  habere 
poteft,  quia  quicquid  acquirit,  non  fibi  acquirit,  led  regi  ;  quia 
non  vivunt  fibi  ipfis,  fed  aliis,  et  (ic  alits  acquirunt  et  non  libi 
ipf is.” 

If  fuch  was  the  current  law  of  the  realm,  we  may  well  fup- 
pofe  that  their  fituation  muft  have  been  highly  difagreeable ; 
expofpd  to  all  the  ignominy  which  their  difference  in  religion 
muff  have  rendered  them  liable  to,  and  to  all  the  infults  which 
are  attendant  upon  fervitude,  Mr.  Webb  fufpe&ed  this  paflage 
was  not  BraCfoifs,  but  an  interpolation,  and  for  that  reafon  in- 
fpe&ed  a  copy  in  the  library  of  Lincoln’s  Inn,  which 
had  been  presented  to  that  Society  by  Ralph  Cholmeley,  who 
was  recorder  of  London  in  1 553  ;  whereby  his  conjecture  was 
confirmed,  no  fuch  paffage  exifting  therein. 

Upon  careful  examination,  however,  of  feveral  MSS,  of  Brae- 
ton  am  the  Britifh  Mufacum,  I  am  inclined  to  think  the  reading 
of  the  printed  copies  to  be  right;  iince,  though  of  eight  jYj, 
which  remain  in  that  repolitory,  three  only  have  this  exception¬ 
able  part  extant,  yet  in  point  of  antiquity  thefe  are  much  to  be 
preferred  to  the  others,  in  which  it  is  omitted  :  but  whether 
the  paffage  is  genuine  or  not,  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  it  is  a 
very  arbitrary  and  unreafonable  one,  and  fcarcely  allowable  even 
by  the  feudal  iylfem. 

The  humiliating  lituation  in  which  the  Jews  were  then  placed 
may  be  fairly  affigned  as  a  reafon  why  no  charters  of  very  early 

[w]  Bradlon,  1569,  lib.  v.  tra&  4.  cap.  6.  fe£t.  6. 

[at]  Seven  of  thefe  are  in  the  Harleian  library,  Numbers  653.  656.  763.  Si  7. 
1242.  3416.  3422.  whereof  the  firfl  and  fifth  numbers  retain  the  paflage,  as 
does  alfo  a  very  fair  copy  in  the  Royal  library  marked  in  Cafley’s  Catalogue 
9.  E.  15. 


Mr.  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England.  499 

date  are  difcoverable,  wherein  they  appear  as  parties;  for  being 
vafrkls  of  the  crown,  and  having  no  property  of  their  own  worth 
confideration,  they  could  have  no  power  of  conveying  any  to 
others :  but  this  mull;  be  only  underftood  of  fuch  Jews  as  were 
natives  of  the  country,  it  being  hardly  to  be  imagined,  that 
the  property  of  foreign  Jews  was  immediately  transferable  to 
the  king  upon  their  arrival  in  this  ifland..  As  the  nature  of  the 
Jewifh  charters  is  perhaps  not  generally  known,  it  may  not  be 
confidered  ufelefs  to- inve frigate  that  matter  fhortly  in  this  place, 
efpecially  as  feveral  erroneous  notions  feem  to  have  crept  into 
our  glofiaries  and  dictionaries  of  the  law,  in  the  definition  they 
give  of  them. 

That  great  orientalift  Mr;  Selden,  who  is  juftly  reputed  one  of 
the  befr  fcholars  England  ever  produced,  informs  us  [jy],  “  that 
in  ancient,  time,  when  a  contract  was  made,  two  deeds  were 
Written  5;  one  containing  the  contract  at  full,  with  all  covenants 
and  conditions*,  which  was  folded  up,,  and  fealed  with  the 
buyer’s  feal ;  the  other  containing  a  general  recital  of  what 
thing  only  the  contract  was  j  and  this  laft  was  (hewn  open  to 
witnefles,  who  infcribed  their  names  on  the  back  of  both,  that 
lb  the  witnefles  or  ftanders-by  might:  not  know  the  fum,  time 
of  redemption,  or  fuch  like,  yet  be  able  tojufrify  the  infrrument 
comprehending  them,  by  the  infcription  of  their  names.  The 
leal  they  called  CATT,  chethorn ,  and  the  deed  or  infrrument  writ¬ 
ten  fepher ,  which  is  a  book  alfo :  but  the  rabbins  exprefs 
their  deeds,  releafes,  obligations,  and  the  like,  by  the  name  of 
*\W.,Jbetar,  or  fetar ,  whence  the  word  f  arrum  or  farre ,  is  ufed 
for  acquittances  or  written  teftimonies  of  contracts.” 

Such  is  the  account  Mr.  Selden  gives  of  their  charters  p  and 
if  Dr,  Cowell,  the  author  of  the  Interpreter,  had  but  followed- 
this  definition,  he  would  not  have  led  his  fucceflors  [2],  who 

[ y ]  Titles  of  Honor,  4to,  1614,  P*  328. 

[2]  Manley,  Jacob,  &c. 


400  Mr.  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England. 

have  uniformly  copied  from  him,  into  errors;  but  in  that  work, 
in  other  refpedts  worthy  commendation,  under  the  article  Star , 
lie  thus:  .  j 

“  Star.  Starrum.  A  contfadtion  from  the  Hebrew  Shetar9 
which  fi  guides  a  deed  or  contradt.  All  the  deeds,  obligations, 
and  releafes  of  the  Jews,  were  anciently  called  fars9  written 
for  the  mod:  part  in  Hebrew  alone,  or  elfe  in  Hebrew  or  Latin  ; 
one  of  which  yet  remains  in  the  Treafury  of  the  Exchequer, 
written  in  Hebrew  without  pricks  [a],  in  King  John’s  reign,  &c.” 

Againd  this  explanation,  I  mud:  firft  objedt,  that  far  is  not  > 
derived  from  the  Hebrew  language,  but  the  rabbinical  or  Chal- 
daic,  no  fuch  word  being  vidble  in  the  Bible,  the  only  true 
ftandard  of  Hebrew  ;  for  wherever  occasion  required  a  word  of 
that  import,  fepher  is  ufed,  and  not  fetar9  which  is  a  word 
invented  with  many  others,  by  the  rabbinical  writers,  on  ac¬ 
count  of  the  few  radical  words  which  the  Hebrew  language 

Sebadian  Munder  in  his  Didtionary  of  the  Chaldaic  Tongue  [^"j, 
after  noting  feveral  meanings  which  this  word  conveys,  adds 
“  fhetar  ed  indrumentum  literarum,  literae  alicujus  con- 
tradlus,  cautio  in  qua  debita  vel  aliquis  contradlus  fcribuntur 
and  fays,  it  is  frequently  to  be  met  with  in  the  Commentaries, 
by  which  he  means,  without  doubt,  thofe  comments  which  the 
Rabbins  have  written  upon  the  Sacred  Scriptures. 

In  the  next  place,  all  the  charters  of  the  Jews  were  not,  as 
Cowell  aderts,  called  fars.  Their  writings  and  deeds  were  fre¬ 
quently  the  fame  as  the  Chridians  made  ufe  of,  and  like  them 
were  dyled  chart re  and  chirographa  [c]  j  and  where  a  contradt 
was  made  by  cyrograph  between  a  Chridian  and  a  Jew,  the 

[a]  More  properly  vowel  points. 

[£]  Bafil,  4°.  1527,  p.  401. 

£cj  Madox’s  Hift.  of  Excheq.  p.  161. 

•fe  verity 

Air.  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England.  40  r 

ieverity  of  the  law  at  that  time  was  fuch,  that,  if  the  counter¬ 
part  of  the  cyrograph  was  not  found  depoflted  in  a  ched  kept 
for  that  purpofe,  the  Jew  was  to  lofe  his  debt.  • 

As  many  of  thefe  Jewifh  charters  have  been  publifhed  at 
length  by  Selden,  Madox,  and  other  writers,  it  will  be  unne- 
cefiary  to  add  to  the  number  by  the  infertion  of  any  in  this  pa¬ 
per  :  it  may  be  fufficient  to  obferve,  that  they  were  very  fel- 
dotn  in  Hebrew  alone,  but  generally  in  Latin  with  the  Hebrew 
underneath,  and  frequently  in  Latin  or  in  French,  without  the 
addition  of  any  Hebrew. 

The  language  in  which  thefe  Hebrew  contracts,  or  ftars,  was 
generally  written,  was  a  compound  of  pure  Hebrew  and  Chaldee, 
intermixed  with  a  variety  of  words  in  other  languages,  where 
neceflity  demanded  them  ;  which  was  very  often  the  cafe,  on 
account  of  the  introduction  of  new  words  and  phrafes,  totally 
oppofite  to  the  genius  of  thofe  oriental  tongues. 

This  is  candidly  acknowledged  in  a  vocabulary  fome  few 
years  fince  publifhed  in  Hebrew,  Englifh,  and  Spanifh,  by 
Jacob  Moreira,  a  learned  Jew  |T] ;  who  confefies  that  for  fuch 
phrafes  as  were  not  to  be  found  in  the  Holy  Bible,  he  was 
obliged  to  have  recourfe  to  the  rabbinical  writings ;  adding  that 
in  confequence  of  innumerable  perfections,  which  the  Jews  in 
different  ages  have  undergone,  much  of  the  Hebrew  language 
has  been  unfortunately  loft,  fo  that  but  few  veftiges  of  pure 
Hebrew  now  remain. 

In  the  Britifh  Mufaeum  are  feveral  of  thefe  dars  [<?]  ;  and 
many  others  ftiil  remain  in  the  Tower,  Chapter  Houfe  at  Wefl> 
minder,  and  other  repodtories  of  public  records. 

The  Appendix  to  Mr.  Webb’s  Effay  contains  feveral  copies 
of  deeds,  in  which  Jews  are  parties ;  the  mod  ancient  is  a 

[d]  40.  bond.  A.  M.  5533. 
[*■]  Hib.  Cotton.  Nero.  C.  fll. 

Vol.  VIII. 


Ff  f 

402  Mr.  Cal ey  on  i be  Origin- -of  -the  Jexfs  in  England. 

final  concord,  bearing  date ¥ he  Ctph  ye’af  df  Henry  the  Second, 
previous  Aovdhich  reigli  1  kffOv^1,not  of  any  ’deeds  that  are 
printed  fit  lenpthvd^hlrein  fe\Vs  fflftvt&.p?i nc ipals ,  fi'uce  their 
re ff oration  'the Conquer. 

The  Tewifli  charters-  are  very  rarely"  Tedh  with  feals  an- 

'V  i  ‘  o'-  njIV/r  ii  «-*'  ■  Si  '  •  V  c  V  '  i  i 

uiual  pr-actice  ,or  the  time,  than  .from  any.  c.uftom  prevalent 

■  '  V  ‘  "  v  ; ' :  !  '  V  rr  ■' W;  1  'VT  : j;  :y  y: 

among  the  Jews,  or  adding  validity  to  their,  charters,  by  the.ute 

.of  feals. 

.  r  p* 

—  L  l  -J  it  .  1  i  . 

It  is  after, ted  by  Pliny  in  his  Natural  Hiflory  [/'J,.  that  the 
eafbern  nations  contented  themfelves  with  letters,-  omitting  feals : 
but  Selden^  though  he  citespthis  .pafTage  [g],  is  pontive  that 
they  were  anciently  ufed  by  the.  Jews ;  vet  it  is  worthy  of  re¬ 
mark,  that  the  word  CDH,  chethom ,  or  chotham ,  which  this 
learned  author  ufes  in  one  fenfe  onlv,  hath  the  ^unification  both 

..of  a  fignature  and  a  leal. 






None  of  the  ancient  Hebrew  -coins  now  extant  -are  obferved 

r  »  .  •  -  .  ,  er 

to  bear  the  impreffion  of  animals,  which,  formerly,  as  a 

well  informed  writer  takes  notice,  prohibited  both  to.  Jews  and 
Mahometans,  through  fear  of  idolatry  [/?]. 

And  yet  though  the  fame  prohibition  would  have  operated 
equally  upon  feals,  one  is  to  be  feen  -in  Anglia  Judaica  appen¬ 
dant  to  a  deed  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  .Third,  with  the  im- 
preflion  of  fomething  like  a  griffin  ;r  but  To  execrably  done,  as 
to  give  occation  to  the  wdtty  author  of  that  work  to  declare, 
that  the  graven  image  upon  this  feal  could  not  be  thought  a 
breach  of  the  fecond  commandment,  fince,  though,  an  exadt 

v  i . :  i i  - .  ::  ?:>-  T  u 

[/]  Hift.  Nat.  XXXIII.  cap.  i. 

[g]  Titles  of  Honor,  p.  328. 

\h ]  Hettinger,  Cippi  Hebraici,  p.  148.  j  . ,  , 


Mr,  Caley  on  the  •  Origin  of  the  Je  ws  in.  England.  .  40  3 
copy  from  the  original,  it  was  the  likenefs  pf  nothing  that  is  in 

heaven,  earth,  or  water  f/1. 

-■  U  j  -  ‘  A  V  , 

Th's  red  notion,  which  th 

i  /  ■./  « v  >  -  •  * 

the  Jews  but  faintly  obferved  at  that 
time,  h  now  I  believe  wholly  difregarded,  as  being  a  point  in 
which  nTi  don  has  very  little  concern  ;  and  therefore  all  animals 

'  '  >  "  -  r  j  .  ■. 

are  now  inch  fen  minutely  ufed  upon  their  feals,  as  fancy  directs. 
.0  *  borioaqr  ■  i  n: ■  <  .  f  v 

^  _  There  were  many  .repolitories  for  tip  Jewdlh  deeds  edablifhed 

m,  E/'-gund  j.  but  .  the  g reate ft  fof.;.thefe  was  in  a  particular  part 

of  the  /Exchequer  at  Wedminfter,  which,  from  the  ufe  that  was 

made  of  it,  was  called  Scaccarium  Judaeqr*mn ;  and  here  all 

^matters  .111  which  the  Jews  had  any  concern,  were  regulated 

by.. proper  officers,  appointed  to  that  intent  by  the  Kiqg,  under 

t’.<  n:!eof  Jufticesifthe  Jews.  .  '  '  .  , 

_f;  pf  th$fe  officers,  and  the,  nature  of  their  trud,  as  well  as  of 

.the  records  under  their  peculiar  cognizance  apd  jurifdi6fion, 

elaborate  difquifitiou  , -was  infer  ted  by  Mr.  Madox,  indiis  valuable 

Hiftory.of  th^.-E^che^uer  (i).  ,  l-.  t-.y'] 

The  nearnefs  of  this  reppfijtQrydn  the  Exchequer  tp  .the  Star 

Chamber,  occafioned  a  late  very  learned  judge  [/j  to  o^fer  a  cqg- 

iedlure,  that  the  latter  ^received  its  denomination  from  the  deeds 

r.f  '  I  :  J  I  #» 

called  dars  , therein  depofited  ;  and  in  fiipport  of  his  etymology 

he  cites  a  record  of  the  41ft  Edward III.  wherein  it  is  laid,  that 

.  • 

the  Kind’s  council,  his  .chancellor,  treafurer,  judices,  .and 
other  Eges^,  were  adembled  en  la  chaurpbre.  ties ,  edoilles,  pres 
la  refeript  al  V^edminder,  for,  (adds  the  learned  judge)  in  pr.o- 

cefs  of  time,  when  the  -meaning  of  the  Tewidi  dars  wa;s  for- 

-  p  ■  any".,  g; .• .  1  ;  - rtrri 

gotten,  the  word  ltar-chamjbcr  was  naturally  rendered  in. law 

[,']  Anglia- jmS}  >.  ,K;.‘ 

[&]  Folio  edition,  1711,  p.  150. 

[/]  Blackftone,  in  his  Commentaries,  vol.  IV.  p.266.  (;  •  Ji  f 

k  rr  c '  f  ;  r  (  v,  7 

^ :  F  f  f  2  French, 

¥> 4 

Mr.  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England. 


French,  In  chaiifnbre  des  efoilles ,  and  in  law  Latin  camera 
fellata ;  which  continued  to  be  the  ftyle  in  Latin  till  the  diflo- 
lution  of  that  court. 

At  fir  ft  view  this  etymology  feems  plaufible  \  but  it  will  not 
bear  the  tefl  of  examination,  for  the  whole  dalliance  of  time, 
between  the  banifhment  of  the  Jews,  which  happened  A.  D. 
1290,  and  the  41ft  Ed.  III.  when  this  record  is  dated,  is  but 
feventv-feven  years ;  fo  that  it  is  extremely  improbable  that  the 
memory  of  the  Jewifh  tranfadtions  fhould  in  that  fmall  com- 
pafs  of  time  be  entirely  extinguiffied* 

And  to  no  other  caufe  than  abfoiute  ignorance  can  be  afcribed 
the  circumhance  or  this  sepofitory’s  obtaining. the  appellation 
of  la  chaumbre  des  efoilles if  in  reality  it  were  the  fame  with 
the  flar  chamber;  fince  it  is  apparently  very  difficult  to  con¬ 
ceive,  that  the  Jewiffi  inflrument,  ffietar  or  flar,  fhould  ever 
have  been  fo  far  mifunderflood,  as  to  have  been  rendered  in 
French  ejloil,  when  thofe  very  inflruments  were  written  fre¬ 
quently  in  that  language,  and  were  known  by  the  trifling  cor¬ 
ruption  of  eflars. 

There  appears  therefore,  in  the  prefent  inftance,  no  reafon 
to  depart  from  the  ufual  derivation  j  which  is,  that  the  roof 
of  the  liar  chamber  was  anciently  ornamented  with  gilded,  liars ; 
and  though  no  adtual  proof  can  be  at  this  time  produced  of  that 
fadf,  it  is  fupported  by  the  teflimony  of  two  fuch  able  autho¬ 
rities  as  Sir  Edward  Coke,  in  his  Inftitutes  [*»],'  and  Sir  Tho¬ 
mas  Smith  de  Republica  Anglorum  [»]. 

Having  already  trefpafled  conliderably  upon  the  time  of  this 
learned  Society,  by  thefe  imperfedt  obfervations ;  I  fhall  con- 

[wi]  4th  Inftit.  66.  ■!  i  .  : 

[«]  Lib,  ii,  cap.  4. 


Mr,  Caley  on  the  Origin  of  the  Jews  in  England.  405 

dude  them  by  taking  notice,  that  the  18th  year  of  Edward  the 
Fi-rft,  A.  D.  1290,  is  the  aera  of  a  fecond  banifhment  of  t'he 
Jews  from  this  kingdom,  without  any  caufe  being  properly  af- 
ligned  for  their  expulfion  :  and  that  more  than  3 50  years  elapfed, 
before  they  were  again  re-eftablifhed,  fince  which  their  tranf- 
a&ions  are  £0  recent,  as  not  to  require  any  illuft ration* 

j  '  \  •  F  -  i*  ■  "v ''  —  t 


Gray’s  Inn, 

Feb.  26,  178 £. 




the  Proceffion  of  King  Edward  VI.  from  the  Tower 

*•»'*•*  -  •'  'X  *  # 

of  London  to  Weftminfter,  February  itythy  \A.  D. 
1547,  previous  to  his  Coronation .  By  J ohri  Tojpham, 
Efq.  F.  R.  A,  S. 

Read  April  19,  1 787. 

THE  drawing  now  exhibited  is  made  from  one  of  thofe 
curious  hiflorical  paintings  which  have  been  long  fince 

introduced  to  the  notice  of  this  Society  by  our  late  learned 

Vice  Prefident  Sir  Jofeph  Ayloffe,  Baronet,  in  an  account  of 
fome  ancient  hiflorical  paintings  at  Cowdray  in  Suflex,  pub- 
lifhed  in  the  Tranfadtions  of  this  Society,  Archaeologia,  vol.  III. 
p.  239 — 2J2.  In  that  memoir  may  be  feen  a  minute  defcrip- 
tion  of  many  of  thofe  valuable  reprefentations  which  preferve 
feveral  interefting  parts  of  our  national  events,  and  exhibit  to 
our  view  the  hate  of  the  arts,  and  the  dreffes,  manners,  and 
ufages,  which  prevailed  amongh  our  anceflors  about  the  middle 
of  the  (ixteenth  century. 

The  painting  which  is  now  the  objedfof  our  attention  fills 
one  of  the  compartments  on  the  right-hand  fide  of  the  great 

di'nihg-fooLYi  in  that  noble  manfion  ;  and  contains  the  proceffion 

of  king  Edward  VI.  from  the  Tower  of  London  to  Wehmin 
Her,  the  day  preceding  that  of  his  coronation. 



The  Procefften  of  King  Edward  VI.  40  y 

At  the  de'eiafe  of*  king  Henry  VIII.,  Edward  his  foil  and 
flicceflbr  was  but  nine  years  and  three  months  old.  The  young 
monarch  was  then  at  Hertford,  together  with  the  princefs  Eli¬ 
zabeth  his  filler;  and  Edward  Seymour,  earl  of  Hertford,  and 
Sir  Anthony  Brown,  were  deputed  by  the  council  to  inform 
their  new  fovereign  of  the  death  of  his  father,  and  to  con- 
duff  him  to  the  Tower  of  London  ;  where,  upon  his  ar¬ 
rival,  he  was  proclaimed  king,  on  the  3  ill  of  January,  A.  D. 

When  the  regency  was  fettled  in  purfuance  of  the  will  of 
the  deceafed  king,  the  earl  of  Hertford,  uncle  to  the  young 
king,  was  created  duke  of  Somerfet,  and  chofen  proteffor  of  the 
realm,  and  governor  of  the  king’s  perfon.  And  the  funeral  ob- 
lequies  of  king  Henry  having  been  performed  with  great  pomp 
and  magnificence  at  Windfor,  on  the  16th  of  February,  pre¬ 
parations  were  made  to  folemnize  the  coronation  of  king  Ed¬ 
ward.  The  duke  of  Somerfet  was  created  earl  marfhall  of 
England  for  life  ;  Henry  marquis  of  Dorfet  was  appointed  to 
the  office  of  great-conftable  of  England  [ a ]  for  the  19th  day  of 
February  only,  ‘whfch  is  exprefled  in  the  patent  to  be  the  day 
immediately  preceding  the  day  of  folemnizing  the  king’s  in¬ 
tended  coronation  ;  and  John  lord  Rufiell,  keeper  of  the  privy 
feal,  was  appointed  high  lleward  of  England  for  the  20th  day 
of  February  only.  Many  dignities  and  honours  were  conferred  ; 
and  forty  Knights  of  the  Bath  were-  made,  to  add  to  the  fplen- 
dour  of  the  ceremony.  A  new  form  was  drawn  for  the  coro¬ 
nation  [£],  to  relieve  the  young  king  as  much  as  poffible  from 
the  fatigue  which  it  would  necefTarily  occafion  to  one  of  his 
tender  years. 

[H  Rymer,  tom.  xv.  p.  129. 

[£]  See  Burnet’s  Hill,  of  the  Reformation,  vol.  II.  Colled,  p.  93. 


40 8  The  Procejfion  of  King  Edward  VI. 

The  order  for  the  proceffion  from  the  Tower  to  Weftminfter 
is  fortunately  in  being  (Vj,  and  will  afford  great  affiflance  in 
defcribing  the  picture  now  before  us :  and  although  the  whole 
of  the  ceremonial  could  not  be  reprefented  by  the  painter,  yet 
the  manner  of  his  giving  it,  being  a  bird’s-eye  view,  enabled 
him  to  convey  a  more  comprehenfive  reprefentation  of  the 
fcene  than  any  other  mode  of  defcription  would  have  allowed 
him  to  do. 

44  On  Saturday  the  19th  day  of  February  -.(lays  the  order), 
44  about  one  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon, ’the  king’s  majefty 
44  proceeded  from  the  Tower  through  the  city  of  London  in 
44  moh  royal  and  goodly  wife  towaids  his  palace  of  Wehmin- 
44  fter.  The  hreets,  through  all  the  way  where  the  king  fhould 
44  pal's,  were  well  gravelled  in  every  place,  and  railed  on  the 
44  one  tide  from  Grace  Church-hreet  to  the  Little  Conduit  in 
4C  Cheap,  to  the  intent  that  the  horfes  fhould  not  hide  on  the 
44  pavement,  nor  the  people  be  hurt  by  the  horfes  in  the  high 
44  hreets.  Within  thefe  rails  hood  the  crafts  along  in  their  or- 
44  der,  to  the  Little  Conduit  aforefaid,  where  hood  the  alder- 
44  men.  On  'the  other  fide  the  hreets,  in  many  place?, 
44  hood  priehs  and  clerks  with  their  crofles  and  cenfers,  and 
44  in  their  beh  ornaments,  to  cenfe  the  king;  and  all  the  way 
44  where  the  king  fhould  pafs,  on  either  fide,  were  the  win- 
44  dows  and  ways  garniflied  with  cloths  of  tapehry,  arras, 
“  cloths  of  gold  and  of  filver,  with  cufhions  of  the  fame,  gar- 
“  nifhed  with  hreamers  and  banners,  as  richly  as  might  be  de- 
■“  vifed.  In  many  places  were  ordained  pageants  and  devices, 
44  and  therein  goodly  melody,  and  eloquent  fpeeches  treating  cf 
44  noble  hihories,  to  the  joyful  welcoming  and  refpedl  of  fo 
“  noble  a  kins.” 


ff]  See  it  in  Leland’s  ColJeftan,  vol.  IV.  p.  310,  printed  from  a  MS.  for¬ 
merly  belonging  to  William  Le  Neve,  Norroy. 


from  the  Tower  of  London  to  Weflminfter.  409 

The  order  of  the  proceffion  is  then  declared  to  be  as  followeth : 
Imprimis.  The  king’s  meflengers,  two  and  two. 
Gentlemen,  two  and  two. 

Strangers,  ambafTadors’fervants,  two  and  ttvo. 
Trumpeters,  cloathed  in  red  damaik,  two  and  two. 
Chaplains  without  dignity. 

Gentlemen  and  noblemen’s  fons. 

The  Barons  after  their  eftates. 


Earls’  fons. 

Marquifes’  foils. 

Dukes’  younger  fons. 




The  comptroller  of  the  houfhold  and  the  fecretary  of  Venice. 
The  treafurer  of  the  king’s  houfe,  and  one  of  the  ambaf- 
fadors  of  the  Proteftants. 

The  king’s  almoner,  with  another  ambaffador  of  the  Pro- 

Sir  William  Peters,  fecretary,  with  another  ambaffador  of 
the  Proteflants. 

Sir  William  Paget,  fecretary,  with  duke  Philip  of  Almain. 
The  lord  admiral,  with  one  of  the  Scottilh  ambaffadors. 
The  lord  privy  feal,  with  another  of  the  Scottish  ambaffadors. 
The  lord  great  mafter,  with  Poley,  baron  de  la  Grade  de 

The  lord  chancellor,  with  the  French  king’s  ambafladors. 
The  archbifhop  of  Canterbury,  with  the  Emperor’s  am- 

Sir  Percival  Hart,  knight  harbinger,  bearing  the  king’s 
majefty’s  cloak  and  hat. 




4io  The  ProceJJIon  of  King  Edward  VI. 

.Two  gentlemen  ufhers,  John  Norroys  and  William  Rains- 
ford,  reprefenting  the  two  Rates  of  Normandy  and 
Guyen,  cloathed  in  robes  of  fcarlet,.  furred  with  my- 
never,  and  caps  of  Rate  on  their  heads,  carrying  about 
them  in  bawdrickwife  two  mantles  of  fcarlet  velvet. 

Garter  in  the  king’s  coat  of  arms  on  the  right  hand*  and 
the  mayor  of  London  carrying  a  mace  on  the  left. 

The  fword,  born  by  the  confiable  of  England  for  that 
time,  viz.  the  marquis  of  Dorfet. 

On  the  marquis’s  right  hand,  the  earl  of  Warwick*,  lord 
great  chamberlain  of  England. 

And  on  the  left  hand,  the  earl  of  Arundel,  lord  chamber- 
lain,  fupplying  the  room  as  earl  marfhall,  in  lieu  of  the 
lord  proteRor. 

A  little  before  the  king,  the  duke  ofSomerfet,  lord  protestor.. 

The  king’s  majefly,  richly  apparelled  with  a  gown  of  cloth 
of  filver,  all  over  embroidered  with  damafk  gold,  with  a  girdle- 
of  white  velvet,  wrought  with  Venice  filver,  garnifhed  with 
precious  Rones,  as  rubies  and.  diamonds,  with  true  lovers’  knots 
of  pearls  ;  a  doublet  of  white  velvet  embroidered  with  Venice 
filver  garniihed  with  the  like  precious  Rones  and.  pearls,  and  a> 
pair  of  bufkins  with  white  velvet.  On  his  horfe  was  a  capa- 
rifon  of  crimfon  fattin,  embroidered  with  pearls  and  damafk 

His  highnefs’s  footmen  in  their  rich  coats,  going  about  his 
grace  on  either  fide  of  the  canopy  ;  the  canopy  being  born  by 
knights,  with  certain  afliRants  to  them. 

Sir  Anthony  Brown*  maRer  of  the  horfe,  leading  a  goodly 
courfer  of  honour  very  richly  trapped. 

Sir  Francis  Bryant,  maRer  of  the  Henchmen,  riding  alone*. 
The  penfioners  and  men  of  arms  with  their  poll  axes,  going 
on  either  fide  of  the  way  on  foot  from  the  beginning  of  the  two 

e  Rales 

from  the  Tower  of  London  to  Weft  minder.  41 1 

eftates  of  Normandy  and  Guyen,  and  continuing  till  the  gen- 
tlemen  of  the  privy  chamber. 

Gentlemen  and  grooms  of  the  privy  chamber  riding  two 
and  two.  After  them  the  captain  of  the  guard  riding  alone. 

The  guard,  five  in  a  rank  on  foot,  with  their  halberts  in 
their  hands. 

The  noblemen  and  gentlemen’s  fervants  going  in  order  after 
the  degrees  and  ftates  of  their  mafters  on  foot. 

The  order  of  the  proceflion  then  defcribes  the  temporary 
emblematical  ornaments  and  devices  which  were  placed  at  the 
Conduit  in  Cornhill,  at  the  Standard,  at  the  Great  Conduit