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MARCH, 1942 

Volume V 

The Association for the Study of 
Negro Life and History 
1538 Ninth Street, N. W., 

Published by | 
Washington, D. C. 

PURPOSE: To inculcate an appre- 
ciation of the past of the Negro. 

Albert N. D. Brooks 
Lois M. Jones 
Florence R. Beatty-Brown 
Carol W. Hayes 
Esther Popel Shaw 
Wilhelmina M. Crosson 
Carter G. Woodson 
Managing Editor 

The subscription fee of this paper is 
$1.00 a year, or 12 cents a copy; but, if 
taken in combinations of five or more 
copies and mailed to one person and in 
one package it may be obtained at the 
rate of 5 bulk subscriptions for $2.70; 
10 for $5.40; 20 for $10.80, and so on. 
Published monthly except July, August 
and September, 1538 Ninth St., N. W., 
Washington, D. C. 

Entered as second class matter Octo- 
ber 31, 1937, at the Post Office at Wash- 

ington, D. C., under the Act of March 
3, 1879. 


By H. V. Feger 

By C. G. Woodson 

Brown E.iorr, ROBERT SMALLS, 


son F. Lona, by B. A. Jones; H. M. 
TuRNER, by C. A. Bacote; Witu1amM H. 
CrRoGMAN, by B. H. 
Hope, by William S. Braithwaite; and 

GipsBs and JosiaAn T. WALLS, by Irene 
A. De Coursey 


RAM R. ReveE.s, B. K. Bruce, JoHNn R. 

DuNN, CHARLES E. Nasu, P. B. S. 
B. Christian 


Tue Necro History BULLETIN 


| HAT are you talking about?” inquired a white clerk 
at work forty years ago in the Chicago Post Office, 
after having heard a fellow worker, a native of the 
South, denounce the Negro as an undesirable. 

“The people from your section,” said he further, “are always 
making uncomplimentary remarks about the Negro. I have traveled 
through the entire South; and the outstanding achievement that I 
found in all that section was the work of a Negro—Tuskegee In- 

A few years later, Mary Church Terrell happened to be in a 
conversation with a young Negro who took occasion to denounce 
Booker T. Washington in scathing terms because of his advocacy 
of practical education for the masses of Negroes. At the close of 
this youthful outburst Mrs. Terrell asked the young man: 

“Have you ever seen Tuskegee Institute? Have you ever 
examined thoroughly what Booker T. Washington has built up 

“No,” was the reply. 

“Then,” said she, “I shall not discuss Booker T. Washington 
with you because you do not know what you are talking about.” 

Not long thereafter the young man availed himself of the op- 
portunity to visit Tuskegee Institute, and so startled was he at 
what he observed that he became an ardent admirer of the founder 
of Tuskegee. 

A few years later this same young man happened to be in 
Frankfort-on-the-Main while traveling in Europe. A friendly 
stranger, seeing that he was having some difficulty with German, ap- 
proached and assisted him as an interpreter to transact the difficult 
problem at hand. This stranger, moreover, invited the young Negro 
to his home, entertained him at dinner, and spent the afternoon show- 
ing him the attractions of that city. At the close of the day when 
the traveler went to the station to take a train for the next point, the 

Nelson; Joun | new acquaintance said in taking leave of the Negro-American: 

“You may wonder why I have been so much interested in you 
and why I have spent so much time with you today. The explana- 
tion is that some years ago when I was a bookseller in Copenhagen, 
I sold a translation of Booker T. Washington’s Up from Slavery, 
and I enjoyed reading it more than I did selling the large number of 
copies that my customers required. I found it one of the most 
charming stories I have ever read. It gripped me so that I could 
not stop reading until I had finished it. When I saw you standing 
in the station I knew that you were one of his people, and I wanted 
to become acquainted with you and to help you in every way that 
I could. You belong to a people who have made much progress, 



and you have a great future which Booker T. Washington has helped 
to build.” 

Marcu, 1942 


ANY years ago there lived in Macon, 
M Georgia, a little girl named Lucy Laney. 
She was born a slave and while she was 
still a small child her father and mother moved to 
Savannah, where they worked for the Campbell 
family to whom they belonged. Her father, be- 
sides doing his daily work on the plantation, was 
the pastor of the Negro church. Lucy was one of 
a very large family—the seventh of ten children. 
As a very small child Lucy showed an aptitude 
for reading and when she was four years old she 
was taught to read and write. Her mother was a 
maid in the Campbell home, and very often Lucy 
went with her mother. As Mrs. Laney busied her- 
self with the housework little Lucy would climb into 
a big library chair and there all cuddled up and 
comfortable she would soon be lost in stories so 
charming to children. In this way she learned 
about people and places in other parts of the world. 
This love for reading remained with her all her life. 
When she was fifteen years old she entered At- 
lanta University and was a member of the first 
class to graduate from this now famous school. 
There were four members in the class. The year 
was 1873. She had made a splendid record in her 

Lucy Laney became a teacher in the public 
schools of Savannah, Georgia. Later when her 
health began to fail she moved to Augusta. When 
her health improved she decided to remain there 
and to open a private high school for Negro youth. 
At first she planned to take girls only, but when 
some poor, ragged but eager boys came she took 
them in also. 

In the second year she had enrolled two hun- 
dred fifty pupils. However, she found it very 
hard to keep the school going as she had no money 
and very little help. 

Finally being desperately in need of funds, she 
went to Philadelph’a. Later on and as a result of 
this trip the Freedmen’s Board gave $10,000 for 
the school. It was named the Haines Normal and 
Industrial School after Mrs. F. E. H. Haines, a 
close friend of the founder. 

There were not many good Negro teachers in 
those days, and Lucy Laney decided to prepare 

better ones. Some of her graduates are now 
teachers, Y. W. C. A. workers, and others who 
are filling worthwhile positions, and all of them are 
splendid examples of the work done in this school. 

Lucy Laney was a pioneer. A pioneer, as you 
know, is one who leads the way. A pioneer works 
at a time when the work is hard to do, but Lucy 
Laney had courage and faith in God. She died 
October 23, 1933. She is buried on the campus 
and now sleeps with her head pillowed on the soil 
of her beloved school. People remember her be- 
cause she loved children and believed in them; be- 
cause she had faith; because she lived simply and 
suffered much that others might have an oppor- 

The school still stands, and a great woman’s 
dream still comes true. os YS See 

} ’ 


Tue Necro History BULLETIN 


The Negro in the Lower South 
does not present so much differen- 
tiation in development as in the 
Upper South except so far as in- 
fluenced by peculiar conditions ob- 
taining in certain cities and towns. 
During the early years of the other 
settlements there were no English 
colonies to the South except South 
Carolina. Georgia, until settled in 
1732, was a highway between Brit- 
ish influence in South Carolina and 
Spanish influence in Florida. The 
one opposed the other, As early 
as 1680 Negro slaves began to es- 
eape from South Carolina across 
the frontier to the Spaniards in 
Florida where they were welcomed 
and set free in order to weaken the 
British. So many of such refugees 
came that the Spaniards settled 
them at a point not far from St. 
Augustine at what was called Mosé. 
They established a fort there for 
the protection of the frontier and 
assigned these Negro fugitives a 
priest to instruct them in religion. 
This community continued until 
after Georgia was founded in 1732 
and developed enough force to 
press down on Florida and destroy 
this settlement. 

At first Georgia had little to do 
with Negroes. The colonists in the 
beginning did not want them as 
slaves because it was thought they 
would weaken the colony and im- 
poverish it. Later to compete with 
the other colonies the Georgians 
brought in slaves, and then the peo- 
ple had more problems than the 
other states. Negro slaves contin- 
ued to flee across the frontier 
where they joined the Indians af- 
ter the Spaniards had been re- 
moved. One of the prolonged prob- 
lems before the states after the 
American Revolution was the mat- 
ter of reclaiming fugitive slaves 
who constantly escaped to the In- 
dians. Often the Indians were 
rounded up and told to give up 
these fugitives. This they refused 

to do, since Negro women were es- 
pecially attractive to Indians as 
wives who bore 

them children. 

Sometimes when compelled to give 
up the men and women they would 
go to war before they would suf- 
fer their children by these women 
to be taken back to slavery. These 
Indians said, ‘‘They are bone of 
our bone, flesh of our flesh, and 
blood of our blood; and we will die 
before we permit them to be taken 
from us.”’ 

This situation continued as a 
vexing question as long as the In- 
dians were in Florida and in the 
territory between the Georgia 
frontier and the Mississippi River. 
It finally culminated in a bloody 
conflict. Some bold slave-catching 
agents invaded an Indian camp 
where Osceola had made himself a 
great leader among the Indians 
and took away his Negro wife. He 
appeared before Johnson, the In- 
dian Agent on the ground, and pro- 
tested so boldly against the act that 
Johnson took umbrage at Osceola’s 
words. Osceola, likewise stirred 
up, stuck his dagger in Johnson’s 
desk, and defied him, Osceola was 
soon captured, but by a ruse he es- 
eaped and organized the Indians 
against the agents of slavery. This 
was the outbreak of the Seminole 
War in which Negroes took an ac- 
tive part with the Indians. At one 
time a troop of Negroes on the fron- 
tier occupied a fort on the Apa- 
lachicola River and controlled that 

The Indians were defeated, how- 
ever, and Osceola and his Negro co- 
horts who were not exterminated 
during the war had to yield. The 
outcome was that the Indians who 
had long resisted the attempt to 
move to the area west of the Mis- 
sissippi, where most of them still 
remain, had to yield by 1838 and 
go out of the territory directly west 
of Georgia. With these Indians went 
a considerable number of Negroes, 
many of them being classified as 
Indians themselves, and their de- 
scendants are still with them. Some 
Negroes became prominent among 
these Indians. The most noted of 
these was probably Negro Abra- 

ham, who served the Indians for a 
long time as an _ interpreter in 
their dealings with the Federal 
Government in Washington and 

With the Indians removed, the 
Lower South felt more secure with 
their slaves and could participate 
more freely in the effort to make 
cotton king. The Cotton Kingdom 
as a whole was one and the same 
picture regardless of the state bor- 
ders—large plantations cultivated 
by slaves under overseers and driv- 
ers concentrating on the one crop. 
This product Whitney’s cotton gin, 
invented in 1793, had made a staple 
of universal value. The wealth of 
the South was reckoned in cotton 
and slaves. Social position and po- 
litical advancement were deter- 
mined by one’s status with respect 
to these possessions. 

Inasmuch as the Lower South, 
with little exception, was developed 
after the invention which brought 
new life to cotton production, the 
plantation life could be organized 
there on a larger scale than in the 
Upper South, where land was less 
abundant; and in this new region 
the one-crop system had not had 
the chance to wear out the soil, A 
great boom followed. The Upper 
South profited by having the op- 
portunity to dispose of surplus 
slaves no longer needed on worn 
out lands. The migration of 
younger slaveholders carrying their 
bondmen to these new and inviting 
fields, is a long chapter in the his- 
tory of the South. 

This development is evident 
when one notes the rapid produc- 
tion of cotton during these years. 
In 1791 only 38 bales of cotton were 
produced in this country. By 1809 
the production had reached 218,723 
bales. In 1816 the country export- 
ed $24,106,000 worth of this staple. 
The production of cotton was 
doubled by 1820, doubled again by 
1830; and still again by 1840. The 
census of 1790 showed that in all 
the West exclusive of Georgia there 
were only 109,368 inhabitants, but 


Marca, 1942 

by 1815 the same territory had a 
population of 1,600,000. The peo- 
ple of the Lower South so rapidly 
inereased in both wealth and popu- 
lation that states were soon carved 
out of this area. Mississippi came 
into the Union in 1817, Alabama in 
1818. Louisiana came into the 
Union in 1812, but its early admis- 
sion, somewhat like that of Texas 
much later, was due to its develop- 
ment in foreign hands. In Louisi- 
ana as in some other parts of the 
South corn also was important for 
home consumption, and that state 
was especially adapted to the ecul- 
tivation of sugar and rice. 

In this land of systematized cot- 
ton culture based on Negro forced 
labor slavery reached its most un- 
desirable stage. Hardships for the 
slaves increased in the proportion 
as men grew all but mad in the ef- 
fort to produce the largest cotton 
crops possible. Owners were hard 
on their drivers and overseers, and 
they in turn bore down cruelly 
upon the slaves. An overseer was 
sometimes rewarded in proportion 
to what he could produce. This ac- 
counts for the temptation to over- 
work the slaves. Absentee owner- 
ship, moreover, which often left 
the slaves at the mercy of these 
overseers sometimes brought things 
to a terrible state and justified the 
picture of the Simon Legree type 
of cruelty. 

Here and there, however, were 
exceptions to this rule. Z, Kings- 
ley in Florida was known to be 
kind to his slaves. Jefferson Davis 
and his brother conducted their 
plantations on a more humane or- 
der than their neighbors, and so did 
Leonidas Polk and MecDonogh of 
Louisiana. Exceptions to the rule 
of cruelty were found in all the 
slave states, but these were shining 
lights in the depths of darkness. 
The system at best offered the slave 
very little hope for a brighter day. 
The rule in this area was to treat 
the slave more as property than as 
a human being. 

Just as there were plantations on 
which the Negro slaves received 
some consideration so were there 
towns and urban centers where 
they likewise fared better—cities 

like Charleston, Savannah, Mobile, 

and New Orleans. While the state 
of South Carolina showed some of 
the worst tendencies under slavery 
Charleston had a more kindly dis- 
posed element which permitted 
there a progressive group of free 
Negroes. Savannah in the state of 
Georgia, likewise referred to for 
eruel practices during those days, 
was very much like Charleston. 
The favorable conditions in Mobile 
and especially in New Orleans re- 
sulted for two reasons. In the 
first place, it was provided under 
the treaty of purchase of Louisiana 
that the privileges which the citi- 
zens of that territory had enjoyed 
under France should be enjoyed 
when the territory became a part 
of the United States. When the 
slaveholding rulers later tried to 

curtail the privileges of the free . 

colored people of the state the lat- 
ter cited the treaty in their de- 
fenee, and their rights were tem- 
porarily respected. In the second 
place, some of these people of color 
while under the French and Span- 
ish in Louisiana had risen to a high 
level as merchants and planters 
owning slaves themselves and were 
too influential to be kept down. 
When the pinch came some of them 
moved to France. The close rela- 
tions of the quadroon and octoroon 
elements to whites in their social 
functions in New Orleans furnish 


more romance than this short story 
can present. 

The free people of color in the 
cities had made themselves essential 
to their communities. In _ those 
parts, where the well-to-do whites 
held themselves above work and de- 
spised the poor whites in almost all 
capacities, the free colored people 
made themselves indispensable as 
mechanies and artisans. They built 
the homes, made the furniture, 
fashioned the clothes and produced 
the shoes worn by the people. Lo- 
eal manufacturing was largely in 
the hands of these colored people. 
Some effort was made to develop in- 
dustry with slave labor in the 
South, but the Civil, War came be- 
fore that experiment had a good 

The Civil War brought emanci- 
pation and the consequent upheav- 
al in the social, political and eco- 
nomic order in the South. The Ne- 
gro had proved to be a good soldier 
fighting for his freedom, and now 
he was to have a new day. Most 
Negroes when declared free re- 
mained on the plantations where 
they were to serve their former mas- 
ters who in an impoverished state 
had very little to give but what 
they could return in kind. Not a 
few Negroes, however, felt that in 
order to become actually free they 
should go as far away as possible 
from the plantations where they 


had been held in bondage. This 
ereated a new problem for the rea- 
son that these refugees had no par- 
ticular place to go and nothing to 
sustain them on the march. Some 
few made their way to the free 
states. At first most of those set in 
motion migrated to nearby cities 
and towns. Poverty and disease 
overtook them there, and in certain 
localities a considerable number 
died out rapidly. Persons struck 
with this condition predicted that 
the Negroes in America would soon 
die out altogether. 

This situation did not become so 
alarming in the Lower South as in 
the Upper South or Border States 
where the migrating Negroes could 
more easily pass into the North and 
find help or employment. The Low- 
er South was so far removed from 
that apparently more favorable 
area that Negroes there were more 
rapidly integrated in the new eco- 
nomie order. The Lower South, 
moreover, was a more promising 
agricultural area than the Upper 
South where the lands had been 
worn out for lack of scientific agri- 

Soon came some improvement 
from a gradual readjustment. The 
Negroes received a new boom in se- 
euring help through the Freed- 
men’s Bureau and the Reconstruc- 
tion measures of Congress which 
made Negroes citizens who could 
vote and hold office. The most nat- 
ural thing to do was to use the gov- 
ernment to their own advantage. 
This could be easily done for the 
time being since the Reconstruction 
measures prohibited the participa- 
tion of the active Confederates 
when they enfranchised the Ne- 
groes. Negroes, then, in cooperation 
with native whites and others who 
eame from the free states to try 
their fortunes in the South con- 
trolled for a few years some of these 
states. They elected members of 
their race and friends of their cause 
to the state legislatures in order to 
enact laws favorable to the freed- 
men. One of the most important 
laws which they passed provided 
for the education of all children at 
publie expense. These Negro voters 
not only controlled local and state 


offices in some of these parts, but 
also sent 23 Negroes to sit in the 
United States Senate and the House 
of Representatives. 

Only in South Carolina and Mis- 
sissippi did the Negroes and their 
friends have complete control for 
any considerable time. In _ those 
states the Negro population was 
larger than that of the whites. In 
Florida, Alabama, Louisiana and 
Arkansas, too, the participation of 
the Negro in the government was 
considerable though much less than 


Tue Necro History BULLETIN 

in Mississippi and South Carolina. 
To name all who held important po- 
sitions would make a rather long 
story. Sufficient unto our purposes 
here will be the mere mention of 
the most outstanding. In Georgia 
and Texas the Negroes did not ad- 
vance far in polities. 

Some of the highest positions at- 
tained should be noted. In South 
Carolina F. L. Cardozo served as 
Secretary of State and again as 
State Treasurer. Henry E. Hayne 
served there also as Secretary of 
State. J. J. Wright became Asso- 
ciate Justice of the State Supreme 
Court. Both Alonzo J. Ransier and 
R. H. Gleaves attained the position 
of lieutenant governor. Joseph H. 
Rainey, Robert Brown Elliott, Alon- 
zo J. Ransier, Robert C. DeLarge, 
R. H. Cain, Robert Smalls, Thomas 
Miller and George W. Murray rep- 
resented South Carolina in the 
United States Congress. A few Ne- 
groes, chief among whom was H. 
M. Turner, were elected in stormy 
fashion to the Georgia legislature, 
and Jefferson F. Long was elected 
to Congress. A larger number 
reached the Florida Legislature and 
Josiah T. Walls was elected to Con- 
gress. A still larger number sat in 
the Alabama Legislature ; and Ben- 
jamin F. Turner, James T. Rapier, 
and Jeremiah Haralson were elect- 
ed to the United States Congress. 
James Lynch became Secretary of 
State of Mississippi, a number of 
Negroes were sent to its General As- 
sembly. John R. Lynch represented 
the state three terms in the United 
States House of Representatives. 
Hiram R. Revels was sent to the 
United States Senate to fill out an 
unexpired term of two years and 
B. K. Bruce to serve a full term in 
that body. In Louisiana Dubuclet 
was elected State Treasurer ; Oscar 
J. Dunn, C. C. Antoine and P. B. 
S. Pinchback were elected as lieu- 
tenant governors, and Charles E. 
Nash to serve in the United States 
House of Representatives. Pinch- 
back was elected to the United 
States Senate but he was not seat- 
ed. No such high positions were 
reached by the Negroes in Texas, 
but a few of them, among whom 

(Continued on page 140) 


soe Kivecdmes. « 

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Marcu, 1942 



Joseph H. Rainey 

Joseph H. Rainey achieved the 
distinction of being the first Negro 
to serve in the United States House 
of Representatives when he took his 
seat as a member of Congress on 
December 12, 1870. He was born 
of slave parents at Georgetown, S. 
C., June 21, 1832. He received 
a limited education. He began life 
as a barber, but he learned much 
by observing the educated men with 
whom he thus came into contact. 
The Civil War worked a change in 
his career. He was compelled, in 
1862, to work on Confederate for- 
tifications. From this work he es- 
eaped, going to the West Indies, 
where he remained till the end of 
the war. 

In the West Indies he applied 
himself to further study. Upon his 
return to the United States, he en- 
tered politics and was chosen to 
serve in first one local office and 
then in another. He grew in favor 
with the public and was elected to 
the 42nd, 43rd, 44th, and 45th Con- 
gresses. In Congress Rainey made 
a favorable impression. James G. 
Blaine highly praised him in the 
Senator’s Twenty Years in Con- 
gress. Rainey made several speeches 
in trying to advance the cause of 
the oppressed. His most important 
utterance in that assembly was his 
informing discourse on the value of 
education. He died at Georgetown, 
S. C., August 1, 1887. 

Robert Brown Elliott 

Probably the most brilliant Ne- 
gro to serve in the United States 
House of Representatives was Rob- 
ert Brown Elliott. He was born in 
Boston, Massachusetts, August 11, 
1842. He was educated at Eton 
College in England, and upon his 
return to the United States entered 
into the politics of the State of 
South Carolina. Mr. Elliott was 
elected to the 42hd Congress and 
resigned before the term had ex- 
pired ; he was re-elected to the 43rd 
Congress and again resigned, this 


time to accept the office of sheriff 
at home. In thus changing his po- 
sition so often he was trying to 
serve where he could do the most to 
advance his party and the cause of 
his people. In Congress Elliott 
proved to be excellent in debate 
with those who were not yet pre- 
pared to grant the Negro full citi- 
zenship. His outstanding speech 
was his reply to Alexander H. Ste- 
phens in discussing the Civil Rights 
Bill. When defeated in South Car- 
olina Elliott settled to the practice 
of law in New Orleans and there 
he died. 


Robert Smalls 

Robert Smalls was born a slave 
at Beaufort, South Carolina, April 
5, 1839. The law of that day did 
not permit him to attend school, 
but he availed himself of such lim- 
ited educational advantages as were 
possible. In 1851, he moved to 
Charleston, worked as a rigger, and 
thereafter led a seafaring life. 

In 1861, Smalls became connect- 
ed with the Planter, a steamer ply- 
ing in the Charleston Harbor as a 
transport. With the daring of a 
soldier for freedoni he took this ves- 
sel over the Charleston bar in 1862 
and delivered it to the commander 
of the United States blockading 
squadron. This was one of the most 
thrilling incidents of the war, and 
Smalls was long hailed as a hero. 
He was appointed a pilot in the 
Quartermaster’s Department of the 
United States Navy, and remained 
in the service till 1866. Meanwhile 
he rose to the rank of Captain. 

In 1868 Smalls entered politics 
and was later elected to the 44th, 
45th, 47th, 48th, and 49th Con- 
gresses. Sir George Campbell, a 
member of the British Parliament, 
often visited Smalls when traveling 
in South Carolina. He found 
Smalls to be a gentleman whom he 
stamped as well qualified to repre- 
sent those people in Congress. 

In the State militia of South Car- 
olina, Smalls held successively the 
commands of _lieutenant-colonel, 
brigadier-general, and major-gen- 
eral, the latter terminating with the 
reorganization of the militia in 
1877. Smalls was a delegate to sev- 
eral National Republican Conven- 
tions. His last public office was 
that of collector of the port of 

George Washington 
George Washington Murray was 

born of slave parents, September 
22, 1853, near Rembert, Sumter 


South Carolina. At the 
age of eleven years, he found him- 


self free, bereft of parents, com- 
pletely dependent upon his own re- 
sources. His early life, therefore, 
was one of great trials and sacri- 

Possessed, however, of a determi- 
nation to live and learn, young Mur- 
ray availed himself of every oppor- 
tunity to improve his meagre stock 
of knowledge. So well did he sue- 
ceed that his first day in school was 


spent as teacher rather than as a 
student. In later life, he acquired 
a good education, entered into the 
service of the public schools of his 
county and was finally elected to 
the 53rd Congress. Murray was 
elected also to the 54th, but secured 
his seat only after a successful con- 
test with a leading Democrat of his 

Murray, of course, faced a more 
determined opposition than his Ne- 
gro predecessors because hostility 
toward the Negro was mounting by 
leaps and bounds in his day. He 
was a fearless fighter, however, and 
the only way his political enemies 
could get rid of him was by 
trumped up charges which a cor- 
rupt court sustained. Murray left 
the state and settled in Chicago 
from which he went forth as a lec- 
turer on Negro affairs. He re- 
mained there in business until his 
death from general decline. 

Thomas E. Miller 

Thomas E. Miller was born in 
Beaufort County, South Carolina, 
at Ferrybeeville, June 17, 1849. He 
had some opportunity for early 
schooling as did most free colored 
people of that state. He completed 
the course at Lincoln University in 
Pennsylvania in the class with Dr. 
Walter H. Brooks, the pastor of the 
Nineteenth Street Baptist Church 
in Washington, D. C. Miller stud- 
ied law, but gave most of his atten- 
tion to education and business. 

After acquiring a good educa- 
tion, he entered politics. Miller 
held many loeal and State offices, 
and was nominated by his party, 
in 1878, for the office of Lieuten- 
ant-Governor of the State. Due, 
however, to riotous actions of the 
Democratic party throughout the 
elections that year, the ticket was 
withdrawn. Miller was elected to 
and was seated in the 51st Con- 
gress after a contested election with 
Col. William Elliott. He made sev- 
eral attempts thereafter to reach 

Tue Necro History BULLETIN 


Congress again but he was always 
defeated or counted out. 

In 1896, he was elected president 
of the State Colored College at 
Orangeburg, South Carolina, and 
achieved much good there in organ- 
izing this first institution estab- 
lished by the State for the eduea- 
tion of the Negro. Miller was gen- 
erally prosperous, maintained his 
family above want and died in com- 
fort at his home in Charleston on 
April 9, 1938. 


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Marca, 1942 


Jefferson Franklin 

Jefferson Franklin Long was 
born a slave in Knoxville, Georgia, 
on March 3, 1836. At an early age 
he moved to Macon where he ob- 
tained a job in the firm of Robert 
Salisbury, a merchant-tailor. Here 
he acquired a meager education and 
an expert knowledge of tailoring. 
During the Civil War he operated 
a tailor shop in the back room of 
what is now the home of the Macon 
Telegraph. After the Civil War he 
became interested in politics, and 
it was not long before the qualities 
of leadership which made him the 
recognized leader of the Republi- 
can party in middle Georgia came 
to be known. 

In 1870 Long was nominated to 
run on the Republican ticket as the 
Congressional Representative from 
his district which included Bibb 
and Crawford counties. Already 
Ku Kluxism was rampant in Geor- 
gia and the local Klan was deter- 
mined to prevent his election. On 
the night before the election, sched- 
uled for December 20, Long ad- 
dressed a meeting of Negroes in 
Macon. In a fiery speech, during 
which he reviewed the many out- 
rages committed against Negroes in 
Macon, Long declared, ‘‘If you will 
stand by me we will take the polls 
tomorrow and we will hold them.”’ 

On the following day, the day of 
the election, the Negro voters gath- 
ered in a long line before the City 
Hall and, upon the appearance of 
Long, marched in a ‘‘solid pha- 
lanx’’ toward the Courthouse. On 
the way there the Negroes were at- 
tacked by a group of white people 
and a fierce fight followed. 

When the battle ended, seven 
persons lay dead and among the 
several missing Negroes was Long, 
who had been the object of the furi- 
ous attack. At the beginning of the 
battle Long had sought refuge in 
the belfry of the Courthouse, and 
it was from this shelter that he was 
rescued by members of his family 
and spirited away through an un- 


completed sewer section. He re- 
mained in seclusion until the race 
feeling had subsided. 

Despite the brutal attack by the 
whites Long carried Bibb county, 
of which Macon was the county 
seat, by a majority of 50 votes and 
the entire district by a majority 
vote of more than 900. He thus led 
the fight for the right of his people 
to full citizenship ; and, although it 
was a great risk, he won that battle. 
Others, following his example, like- 
wise stood their ground. 

On January 16, 1871, Jefferson 
Franklin Long took his oath as the 



first and only Negro Congressman 
Georgia has ever had. On February 
1, 1871, he rose to make his first 
major speech in‘ Congress. This 
speech was made in opposition to a 
proposed law removing the test- 
oath required of all Confederates 
before they could take public office. 
Long described the conditions in 
Georgia and told of the way in 
which lynch law had grown to such 
proportions that it was no longer 
safe to be a loyal citizen in Geor- 
gia. ‘‘Already,’’ he said, ‘‘since 
emancipation, over five hundred 
loyal men have been shot down by 
disloyal men there, and not one of 
those who took part in committing 
these outrages has ever been 
brought to justice. If this 
House removes the disabilities of 
disloyal men by modifying the test- 
oath, I venture to prophesy you 
will again have trouble from the 
very same men who gave you trou- 
ble before.’’ In commenting on the 
speech, the New York Tribune de- 
clared, ‘‘In a manner he was per- 
fectly self-possessed. His voice was 
full and powerful, filling the Hall 
with ease, while his enunciation was 
quite good.’’ 

While in Congress, Long sup- 
ported the enforcement of the Fif- 
teenth Amendment, universal suf- 
frage in the District of Columbia 
and a number of other proposed 
laws which were of benefit to the 
nation as a whole. In March, 1871, 
at the expiration of his term, Long 
retired from Congress and never 
again sought public office. Instead, 
he devoted himself to his business 
as a merchant-tailor and the fur- 
ther development of his cultural in- 
terests. He did find time, however, 
to attend several political conven- 
tions where he continued to give 
wise counsel. 

On February 5, 1900, Long died 
at his home in Macon. At the time 
of his death he had ‘‘accumulated 
a magnificent library and was a 
constant reader of fine literature.’’ 

Atlanta University 


Henry McNeal Turner 

Henry MeNeal Turner was born 
in Newberry Court-House, South 
Carolina, on February 1, 1833. 
When he was quite young his par- 
ents moved to Abbeville, South 
Carolina, and young Turner, al- 
though his parents were free, was 
bound out to a slave owner. Here 
he was required to work side by 
side with slaves until he was fif- 
teen years of age. In this work he 
suffered many abuses from cruel 
overseers but not without resisting 
them, for he was determined that 
no man should inflict harsh punish- 
ment upon him without his making 
some effort to defend himself. 

When Henry was fifteen years 
old he ran away from his master 
and hired himself out to some law- 
yers in Abbeville. It was while 
working in this law office that he 
was able to acquaint himself with 
such subjects as history, theology, 
and law. Turner always regarded 
this as the most beneficial experi- 
ence during his early days. 

Turner joined the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, South, in July, 
1848, on six months’ probation. 
Evidently Turner was not ready 
for the church at that time, be- 
cause, as he said himself, he was the 
‘‘worst boy at Abbeville.’’ It was 
not until he heard a sermon deliv- 
ered by the Reverend Samuel 
Leard, a missionary in the South 
Carolina Conference, in 1851, that 
he was led ‘‘to the feet of the par- 
doning Jesus.’’ In 1853 he was 
licensed to preach at Abbeville 
Court-House. On a visit to New 
Orleans in 1857 he met the Rever- 
end H. R. Revels, under whom he 
transferred his membership from 
the Methodist Church, South, to 
the African Methodist Episcopal 
Chureh. He was admitted to the 
Missouri Conference in 1858 and 
then transferred to the Baltimore 
Conference. While here he estab- 
lished better cultural contacts by 
enrolling in Trinity College, Balti- 
more, Maryland. In 1860 Turner 
was ordained deacon by Bishop 
Payne in Washington, D. C.; and 
two years later was made an elder. 


At the General Conference which 
met in St. Louis in 1880, Turner 
was elevated to the bishopric. 

His religious activities were va- 
ried and interesting. He was the 
first Negro to be appointed a chap- 
lain in the United States Army, re- 
ceiving the appointment from Pres- 
ident Lincoln in 1863. In the fall 
of 1865 he was mustered out of 
service, but President Johnson im- 
mediately recommissioned him as a 
United States chaplain, being as- 
signed to the Freedmen’s Bureau 


THe Necro History BULLETIN 

in Georgia. Turner believed, how- 
ever, that his services were needed 
more in the church and thus re- 
signed his commission. In 1876 the 
General Conference of the A.M.E. 
Church elected him manager of the 
Publication Department of that 
body. When he became bishop he 
built up the largest Negro confer- 
ence in the world. 

Turner’s interest was not lim- 
ited to the church. In the field of 
polities he was to become almost as 
prominent as he was in religion. 
In 1867 the National Republican 
Executive Committee appointed 
hira to superintend the organiza- 
tion of Negroes in Georgia. Turner 
knew that the salvation of the new- 
ly emancipated Negroes rested in 
their use of the ballot. He organ- 
ized political clubs and wrote many 
campaign documents. He served as 
a member of the Georgia Constitu- 
tional Convention of 1867 and 1868 
and in the legislature from 1868 
until 1870. 

In spite of his busy life Turner 
found time to write several books 
and numerous articles. During his 
lifetime such national publications 
as Harper’s Weekly and Frank 
Leslie’s Weekly honored Bishop 
Turner by printing short sketches 
of his achievements. 

Atlanta University 

Dr. William H. 

A scholar, ‘‘living-teacher,’’ and 
an inspirer of youth—these were 
the accomplishments of William H. 
Crogman who gave fifty-three of 
his ninety years of life for the up- 
lift of the Negro race. 

William H. Crogman was born a 
Negro on St. Martin’s Island, Brit- 
ish West Indies, May 5, 1841. His 
parents were people of ordinary 
means and common ancestry. Mis- 
fortune left him an orphan at the 
age of twelve. The need of support 

(Continued on page 142) 

Marcu, 1942 


Jonathan C. Gibbs 

The portrait of Jonathan C. 
Gibbs hangs in the foyer of the Ad- 
ministration Building at the Flor- 
ida Agricultural and Mechanical 
College. A glance at a small white 
ecard will give one some under- 
standing of the worth of the man 
whose mere facial expression de- 
mands respect and admiration. 
Pupils in the Elementary Training 
Schol hear the name of Jonathan 
C. Gibbs in the early stages of their 
development; in later years the 
name is still heard. By this time 
the piece-meal facts become a whole 
life story and the character, per- 
sonality of the man takes on addi- 
tional meaning. 

Jonathan C. Gibbs was born in 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He 
finished the course at Kimball 
Union Academy, Hanover, New 
Hampshire, in 1848, at Dartmouth 
College in 1852 and at Princeton 
Theological Seminary in 1854. He 
was tall, and his general manner in- 
dicated the influence of New Eng- 
land culture. In a rare book found 
in the library collection at the Flor- 
ida Agricultural and Mechanical 
College one will note that he was 
installed as pastor of the Liberty 
Street Presbyterian Church, Troy, 
New York, in 1855. 

His far-sightedness and eager- 
ness to help his people in a larger 
field led him to Florida. He soon 
entered politics, and in 1868 he was 
a member of the constitutional con- 
vention. William W. Davis, in his 
book, Civil War and Reconstruction 
in Florida, states: ‘‘The most eul- 
tured member of the convention, 
probably was Jonathan Gibbs, a 
Negro.’’ Under the Republican 
Governor of Florida he served as 
Secretary of State. He filled this 
office for four years. On January 
23, 1873, he was appointed State 
Superintendent of Public Instruc- 
tion, He died while in office. 

Jonathan C. Gibbs’ son, Thomas 
Van Gibbs, was one of the co-found- 


ers of the State Normal School, now 
the Florida A. and M, College. 

Because of Jonathan C. Gibbs’ 
valuable contributions in the field 
of religion, politics and education, 
he will continue to be one of the 
idols of his race. 

In the Gibbs family was another 


prominent member, M. W. Gibbs, 
the brother of Jonathan. This 
brother was not so well educated as 
the statesman in Florida, but he 
was a man of great force and enter- 
prise and educated himself. M. W. 
Gibbs went in the Gold Rush to 
California where he accumulated 
wealth and later to Vancouver in 
another such rush where he also did 
well. He studied law and settled 
in Little Rock, Arkansas, where he 
was elected municipal judge and 
established himself in business. 

Josiah T. Walls 

Josiah T. Walls was born at Win- 
chester, Virginia, on December 30, 
1842. He was born of very poor 
parents and therefore his opportu- 
nities were limited. He moved to 
Florida. Through determination 
and ambition he was able to receive 
a common school education. He was 
a farmer, but having the forward 
movement of his people as the thing 
nearest his heart, he also spent some 
time delving successfully in poli- 
tics. In 1868 he was elected a mem- 
ber of the State Constitutional Con- 
vention. In the same year he was 
elected a member of the House of 
Representatives of the State Legis- 
lature. After serving one year, he 
was elected to the State Senate for 
four years. Finally he was elected 
to the Forty-Second Congress as a 
Republican from the state of Flor- 
ida in 1872, 

W. W. Davis in his text, Civil 
War and Reconstruction in Florida, 
speaking of J. T. Walls states that, 
‘*Negro leaders from practical ex- 
perience in polities were gaining in 
aggressiveness and independence. ”’ 
In another section of the same book 
he asserts that, ‘‘At this time Ne- 
groes played an important role in 
dictating party nominations.’’ 

Josiah T. Walls was a man of 
vision and foree. He did a good 
work in his adopted state. 

Florida A. & M. College 


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13M. JONES — 


MarcuH, 1942 


A Calendar to Color 

‘*PickIna CoTTON’’ 

The calendar pictures the cotton 
pickers harvesting the crop. If hec- 
tograph copies are made for each 
child, the following color scheme 
may prove helpful. Crayon or 
watercolor may be used. The man 
in the foreground wears a blue 
shirt, brown hat and trousers, yel- 
low suspenders and black shoes. 
The woman wears an orange blouse, 
a purple skirt and a yellow hat. 
The two women in the distance 
wear dark blue skirts, pink or green 
blouses and yellow hats. The man 
wears black trousers, a white shirt 
and a dark brown hat. All cotton 
sacks and baskets are brown. Out- 
line the cotton plants with a pale 
blue, the twigs and complexions are 
brown. The cotton remains white. 
Tint the trees in the distance a soft 
green. The clouds are white and 
the sky is a pale blue. The path is 

Render the lettering and num- 
bers in brown. The birthday dates 
may be in orange. They are as fol- 

MARCH 1. The Abyssinians de- 
feated the Italians at Adowa, 

MARCH 1. B. K. Bruce, United 
States Senator, born, 1841. 

MARCH 1. Cudjoe, leader of the 
Maroons in Jamaica, brought the 
Jamaican Government to terms 
in 1738. 

MARCH 5. Crispus Attucks, a Ne- 
ero seaman, fell in the Boston 
Massacre, 1770. 

MARCH 7. Little Stephen, a Ne- 
ero, set out to explore the South- 
western part of the United 
States, 1539. 

MARCH 10. El-Hadj Omar, Tuku- 
lor Conqueror, started his empire 
with the capture of Segu, 1861. 

MARCH 12. Benjamin Banneker 
came with L’Enfant to lay out 
Washington in the District of 
Columbia, 1791. 

MARCH 14. Menelik became ruler 
of Abyssinia, 1889. 

MARCH 17. Texas, as a republic, 

abolished the slave trade, 1836. 

MARCH 18. Gabriel de la Concep- 
cién Valdes (Placido), poet, born 
in Havana, Cuba, 1809. 

MARCH 23. The abolition of slav- 
ery in Porto Rico, 1873. 

MARCH 25. Slave trade abolished 
by British Parliament, 1807. 

MARCH 25. Samori, the builder 
of the Wasulu Empire, signed 
with the French the Treaty of 
Bisandugu, 1887. 

MARCH 28. Samuel Sewall, anti- 
slavery author, born, 1652. 

MARCH 28. Thomas Clarkson, 
British abolitionist, born, 1760. 

MARCH 30. Promulgation of the 
Fifteenth Amendment, 1870. 

About Cotton 

1. Where does cotton grow? 
2. How is it planted? 
3. What do you know about its 
growth ? 
4. What happens to the cotton af- 
ter it is picked? 
What is done to the cotton after 
the seeds are taken out? 
6. What are some of the uses of 
cotton ? 



1. Cotton grows on plants in the 

2. The cotton seed is planted in 
rows very much as corn is plant- 
ed. April is the month for 
planting. After a two week pe- 
riod the plants are thinned and 
kept free from weeds through- 
out the summer. 

3. The little green ball that is left 

after the blossoms drop off is’ 

ealled the ‘‘eotton boll.’’ It 
turns brown in autumn and has 
a hard shell. This shell splits 
into five parts and out comes 
the fluffy white ball of cotton. 
4. After the cotton is picked it is 
put into baskets or bags which 
are stored in the sheds until 
they can be sent away to have 
the seeds taken out. 
After the cotton comes from 
the ginnery where the seeds 
have been taken out, it is baled. 



Questions on the Feb- 
ruary Issue 

1. Compare and contrast the struggle 
of the Negro in the Upper South 
with the struggle and achievements 
of the Negro in the Border States, 
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and 
New York. 

2. Comparatively speaking do you 
think it is just as hard or harder 
for a Negro to find employment in 
some lines of work today as it was 
during slavery? 

3. What was the Scotch-Irish belief 
in freedom and opportunity as far 
as the Negro was concerned? What 
was the significance of this? 

4. Note the pioneer progress made by 
the Negro in the Upper South in 
politics, secial work, education, re- 
ligion, and the professions. 

5. In one sentence state the contribu- 
tion of the following to the part 
played by the Negro in the devel- 
opment of American culture: John 
Chavis, George Moses Horton, John 
S. Leary, Henry Plummer Cheat- 
ham, George H. White, John Mer- 
rick, J. W. Hood, Samuel L. Low- 
ery, Josiah T. Settle, Joseph C. 
Price, Samuel A. McElwee, James 
C. Napier, Richard H. Boyd, John 
Wesley Work, Sr., and Isaac Lane. 

6. What have you done all the year 
toward the integration of the his- 
tory of the Negro and World Cul- 
ture or American Culture in pre- 
paring for Negro History Week? 

Book of the Month 

Big Ben (Philadelphia: The West- 
minster Press, 1942), by Earl Schenck 
Miers. Interest indicated by a second 
biography of a man now living is 
tribute indeed. To Paul Robeson this 
merited tribute has been paid. 

First, Mr. Robeson’s life story was 
told by his wife, Eslanda Goode Robe- 
son. Big Ben, Earl Schenck Miers’ 
second, fictionalized version of the 
singer’s college life, leaves the more 
complete story made possible by later 
years to another writer. Miers tells 
the life of Robeson (“Ben”) on the 
athletic field, at his studies, finding 
through human kinship his character 
moulded and triumphant over adver- 

The author of Big Ben is himself a 
Rutgers man, to whom the Robeson 
tradition has a special sacredness. In 
this, his third novel he shows both that 
impress and a special skill in writing 
fiction for younger readers; this skill 
probably was developed under tutelage 
of fellow alumnus Earl Reed Silvers. 

Miers had Paul Robeson’s counsel 
and confidence during composition of 
Big Ben, which has some weaknesses 
in item and philosophy, and is the in- 
tended tribute to the largeness of its 
hero’s soul. In impact, Big Ben is a 
wholesome and forceful contribution 
in racial relations. It is a whooping 
good yarn, should be picturized, and 
should not be sold short. 

Victor Lawson 

Benjamin Sterling 

Alabama does well to remember 
Benjamin Sterling Turner. He was 
a substantial citizen who by energy 
and perseverance showed his worth 
to his community. He was born a 
slave at Halifax, North Carolina, 
March 17, 1825. In 1830, he moved 
to Alabama, where by clandestine 
study he obtained a fair education. 
He became a prosperous merchant 
whom the people highly respected. 
When the Negroes became free and 
attained citizenship Turner was 
brought forth as a leader. He was 
elected to various local offices in 
which he made a fine record for 
honesty and sincerity of purpose. 
Next the people of his district de- 
cided upon him as the proper man 
for still higher honors. He was ac- 
cordingly nominated and elected to 
the 42nd Congress. He was defeat- 
ed for the 43rd. Thereafter he con- 
fined himself to his business at 
which he was very successful. 

James T. Rapier 

James T. Rapier was another dis- 
tinguished Negro member of Con- 
gress. He was born at Florence, 
Alabama, in 1840. At an early age 
he was sent to Canada to be edu- 
eated, and while there was given 
the opportunity to recite before 
King Edward VII, then Prince of 
Wales, who was at that time visit- 
ing the United States and Canada. 
Rapier was one of the best pre- 
pared leaders of his day. 

Prior to his election to Congress, 
Rapier held several local offices in 
Alabama and also aspired to become 
Secretary of State. In this contest 
he was defeated by Nicholas Davis, 
a white man. Rapier was a parti- 
san in the split in the Republican 
Party in his State, aligning him- 
self with Spencer, a Republican 
leader. Failing in this contest, he 
lost also his ability to win votes and 
accordingly was defeated in his at- 
tempt to secure his re-election to 
the 44th Congress. Thereafter, Ra- 


pier gave his attention exclusively 
to farming at which he was highly 

William Hooper 

William Hooper Council was an 
educator. He was born of slave 
parents July 12, 1849, at Fayette- 
ville, Cumberland County, North 


THE Necro History BULLETIN 


Carolina. His father escaped to 
Canada where he hoped to earn the 
money with which to purchase his 
family; but he could never do it, 
and the mother and children passed 
from the hands of one owner to an- 
other. The mother all but died 
heartbroken for being separated 
from two of her sons after all the 
remainder of the family had been 
sold into Alabama at Huntsville. 
On the death of the remaining 
brothers as well as the mother, Wil- 
liam was left alone. When the 
Union Army invaded North Ala- 
bama, he reached the Federal lines. 
He entered a Freedmen’s school at 
Stevenson, Alabama, and made rap- 
id progress in learning. At the 
close of the war William worked as 
the attendant of an officer for a 
year’s food, clothing, and school- 
ing. By 1886 therefore he was able 
to take charge of a school. 

His troubles, however, had not 
ended. The Ku Klux Klan was ac- 
tive. This agency of disorder inter- 
fered with all efforts to help the 
Negro to rise. Council operated for 
some time with another secret or- 
der which eventually broke up the 
Ku Klux Klan in northern Ala- 
bama. Council worked on, however, 
during the summer and attended 
school a few years longer to equip 
himself for more advanced teach- 
ing than that of the fundamentals 
taught in his first school. He stud- 
ied privately. 

Instead of confining himself to 
teaching, he went into polities. He 
became the enrolling clerk in the 
Alabama Legislature in 1872 and 
also in 1874. He was associate edi- 
tor of The Negro Watchman, a Re- 
publican paper, in 1874. That same 
year he became the nominee of his 
party for the Legislature. He was 
one of the secretaries of the Na- 
tional Equal Rights League Con- 
vention in Washington in 1873, In 
1875 he was appointed by President 
Grant as receiver of public monies 
for the northern district of Ala- 
bama, but he declined the position 

(Continued on page 143) 



Marc, 1942 


Hiram R. Revels 

Hiram R. Revels has the distine- 
tion of being the first Negro to serve 
in the United States Senate. He rep- 
resented the state of Mississippi for 
the short term from February 25, 
1870, to March 3, 1871. In the Sen- 
ate he manifested interest in the 
measures proposed to promote na- 
tional development, and he was es- 
pecially interested in the extension 
of amnesty to the Confederates in 
order to heal the breach between 
the sections and strengthen the na- 

Revels was born at Fayetteville, 
North Carolina, on September 1, 
1822. He began his education in 
his home town, but for more thor- 
ough training he moved to Indi- 
ana where he attended a Quaker 
seminary and then to Dark County 
in Ohio. Some say that he attend- 
ed Knox College, but that school 
has no record of such a student, but 
a Revels with different initials was 
once a student there before the Civ- 
il War. 

After completing his education 
Revels became a minister in the 
African Methodist Episcopal 
Church. He preached and lectured 
in Missouri, Maryland, Kentucky, 
and Kansas. While in Maryland 
about the time of the outbreak of 
sectional strife Revels helped to 
form a colored regiment for service 
in the Union Army. He next 
taught school in St. Louis in 1863 
and 1864, and then moved into Mis- 
sissippi. He followed the army, or- 

ganizing churches and opening 
schools. At this task he labored so 

hard that he had to go North to 
recover his health. 

Returning to Mississippi about 
the time that the military Governor 
Ames took charge, Revels was ap- 
pointed to several minor positions 
in which he faithfully discharged 
his duty. Next he was elected to 
the State Senate. His ability dis- 
played in this body convinced the 
Legislature that he was the right 
man to be sent to the United States 
Senate. At the close of this term 


Revels functioned as the president 
of Alcorn College. From this posi- 
tion he went to a pastorate in Rich- 
mond, Indiana. He died January 
16, 1901, at Aberdeen, Mississippi. 

B. K. Bruce 

The State of Mississippi is distin- 
guished for many reasons. One of 
the things for which it should be 
proud is that it sent to the United 
States Senate the only two Negroes 
ever to serve in that body—Hiram 
R. Revels and B. K. Bruce. Revels 
served for an unexpired term of 


two years and Bruce served a full 
term of six years. Bruce was born 
in Farmville, Virginia, on March 
1, 1841. He owed his rise mainly 
to self-education after attending 
school for a limited period. At an 
early age he made his way to Mis- 
sourl. He began his career as a 
teacher, but he proceeded to Mis- 
sissippi by 1868, and there went in- 
to polities. One position of trust 
came to him rapidly after another 
—sheriff, tax collector, county su- 
perintendent of schools, sergeant of 
arms of the State Senate, and com- 
missioner of elections: 

In all these positions Bruce so 
highly pleased his co-workers that 
in 1875 he was chosen by the Legis- 
lature to represent that state in the 
United States Senate. As a mem- 
ber of this august body Bruce took 
an active part in all important mat- 
ters proposed for the advancement 
of the nation, and he originated im- 
portant measures himself. In his 
speeches he showed that he was 
broadminded and liberal. He 
worked for the prohibition of the 
liquor traffic, for the improvement 
of the navigation of the Mississip- 
pi, for the education of the Indian, 
and against the Chinese exclusion 
bills. For his own people who were 
so much in need of assistance and 
protection he introduced various 
measures. He was especially active 
in protecting the interests of the 
Negroes who had made large de- 
posits in the defunct Freedmen’s 

In 1878 Bruce married Josephine 
B. Wilson of Cleveland, Ohio. They 
had one son whom he named for 
Roseoe Conkling, the senator from 
New York, who had the courage to 
show Bruce the courtesy of escort- 
ing him to the desk to take the 
oath when his Mississippi colleague 
failed to do so. At the close of his 
term in the United States Senate, 
Bruce settled in Washington, and 
there served twice as Register of 
the United States Treasury and 
once as Recorder of Deeds in the 
District of Columbia. He died in 
office March 17, 1898. 


John Roy Lynch 

In many of the Libraries is 
found an interesting book called 
Facts of Reconstruction, by John 
R. Lyneh. Who was he? Lynch 
was one of the participants in that 
effort to rehabilitate the former 
slave states. The work was both 
interesting and significant to him, 
and he found so many untruths 
written about the Negroes and their 
friends in that effort that he wrote 
this book to give the real story as 
experienced by one of the impor- 
tant actors in that drama. 

Lynch was born a slave in Lou- 
isiana on September 10, 1847. His 
parents were Patrick and Catherine 
Lynch. Ile was sold with his 
mother to a man in Natchez, Mis- 
sisippi in 1863. There he remained 
until the Union troops got control. 
[Immediately came the opportunity 
to attend school. He studied hard 
privately and thoroughly educated 
himself in the fundamentals. He 
began his career as a photographer 
in 1869, but he had shown so many 
qualities as a leader that when 
Governor Ames took charge of 
things in the state he appointed 
Lynch as a justice of the peace for 
Adams County. 

Before he could finish the term 
of that office Lynch was elected to 
the Legislature that year, and he 
was reelected in 1871. The Repub- 
licans found his record so satisfaec- 
tory that they elected him to the 
3rd Congress and reelected him to 
the 44th. In 1880 he was elected 
to represent his district in the 47th 
Congress. In Congress he con- 
dueted satisfactorily 
that he became a national figure. 
He served as State Chairman of 
his party in Mississippi, and once 
as temporary chairman of the Re- 
publican National Convention. 

himself so 

When the Negroes were reversed 
in polities in the South, Lynch set- 
tled in Washington and practiced 
law. He married Emma W. Som- 
erville, who died early. He mar- 
ried Cora E. Williamson of Chi- 
cago in 1911. He once served the 
Federal Government as Fourth 
Auditor of the Navy, and in the 
Spanish American War as paymas- 


ter with the rank of major. He 
went through life with an honor- 
able record, and died in Chicago 
at the age of 92, respected by all 
who knew him. 

Isaiah T. Montgomery 

Isaiah T. Montgomery was born 
a slave of Joseph Davis, the broth- 
er of Jefferson Davis, the president 
of the Confederacy. Montgomery’s 
owner was not very much of a pro- 
slavery man. He kept abreast with 
things by reading the literature 
on both sides, going so far even as 
to read Uncle Tom’s Cabin after it 
had been proscribed in the South. 

In order to make Isaiah T. Mont- 
gomery useful Joseph Davis dared 
to have him trained in accounting 
to serve as the keeper of records of 
the plantation. 

When freedom came, Isaiah T. 
Montgomery was well prepared to 
function as a self-sufficient citizen. 
His former owner had so much 
confidence in him that he placed 
Isaiah T. Montgomery and Ben- 
jamin Green, another of his for- 
mer slaves, in charge of the planta- 
tion, ‘‘Brierfield.”” They managed 
the plantation successfully, but 
whatever was to be gained was lost 
in the ever recurring floods in the 
Mississippi Valley. Davis decided, 
therefore, to give these Negroes an 

THE Necro History BULLETIN 

opportunity to buy from him cer- 
tain parts of his land and establish 
a settlement of their own. The ex- 
tension of the Louisville, New Or- 
leans, and Texas Railroad through 
that area brought into the proposal 
another factor, Major George Me- 
Innis, of that company. 

In July, 1887, therefore, these 
persons finally reached the conelu- 
sion that it was a good idea to es- 
tablish this proposed settlement 
which later became Mound Bayou, 
Most of the Negroes who first came 
were former slaves of the Davis 
Bend Plantation, and others came 
from Alabama and Georgia. The 
settlement started out under the 
inspiration of Isaiah T. Montgom- 
ery and Benjamin Green, but at 
the end of ten years Green was 
killed, and the guidance of the set- 
tlement came as a duty almost sole- 
ly to Montgomery who lived an ac- 
tive and useful life in that town 
and in the state of Mississippi un- 
til his death in 1924. The town 
increased in population to the ex- 
tent of a thousand and had a peace- 
ful career until the recent family 
trouble which resulted in the death 
of one of Montgomery’s daughters 
and that of E. P. Booze. 


a tn ie ai 

Marca, 1942 


Oscar James Dunn 

Oscar James Dunn was born in 
New Orleans, Louisiana, in 1826. 
He belonged to that class of Ne- 
groes who were known as free peo- 
ple of color. While very young he 
served a rigorous apprenticeship as 
a plasterer. He also learned the 
trade of house-painter. The life of 
an apprentice before the Civil War 
was very much like that of a slave. 
During the time that the appren- 
ticed person was learning his trade 
he might be whipped cruelly, or 
otherwise punished severely. This, 
of course, depended upon the na- 
ture of the person who had con- 
tracted to teach him. Dunn’s life 
was probably no exception to this 

When Dunn was fifteen years of 
age he ran away from the man to 
whom he had been apprenticed. 
His thoughtful brown face seemed 
so mature that his temporary mas- 
ters placed his age between twenty 
and twenty-one when they adver- 
tised a five-dollar reward for his 
eapture. The knowledge Dunn had 
acquired of painting and paster- 
ing enabled him to make a comfort- 
able living for many years. To- 
wards the end of the Civil War, 
however, he opened an employment 
office where ‘‘good servants and 
field-hands’’ were hired out. About 
this same time he also organized a 
bakery company with a capital 
stock of $10,000. 

He took a leading part in the 
early struggle of Louisiana Ne- 
groes for the ballot. He was one of 
the founders of the Universal Suf- 
frage Association, and treasurer of. 
its State Central Committee. In 
1865 he took money from his own 
pockets and gave freely of his time 
in order to carry out the first regis- 
tration of Louisiana Negroes for 
voting purposes. This action on his 
part proved of great importance to 
Negro suffrage throughout the na- 


Because of Dunn’s prominence in 
local Negro affairs, and perhaps be- 
cause of his experience as a labor 
agent, he was given a position by 
the Freedmen’s Bureau as a travel- 
ing agent. He traveled through 
Louisiana in this capacity, visiting 
cities, towns, and _ plantations, 
studying labor conditions. Ne- 



groes, applying for redress against 
wrongs done them by the planters, 
were always received with sympa- 
thy and got immediate action when 
they applied to Dunn. Thus, at a 
time when farm laborers were paid 
$15 a month and often cheated out 
of that, Dunn was very active in 
unearthing many hidden abuses of 
the plantation system. He later 
served as a member of the Advisory 
Committee of the Freedmen’s Bank 
of Louisiana. 

Dunn made entrance into 
polities in 1867 when he became 
one of the first Negroes to serve as 
assistant city alderman. His prom- 
inence among Negro and _ white 
groups fighting for Negro suffrage 
made him the logical choice for a 
high State position when the Re- 
publican Nominating Convention 
met in 1868, and he was nominated 
as lieutenant-governor on the Con- 
servative Republican ticket. He 
was elected to that position in 
April of the same year. Dunn 
served with such striking honesty 
and efficiency as Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor of Louisiana that he won the 
admiration of many of his enemies, 
while his distaste of graft and cor- 
ruption in office made him unpopu- 
lar with the self-seeking «members 
of his own party. 

As lieutenant-governor, Dunn 
was also President of the Senate, 
and as the head of that body exhib- 
ited great knowledge and talents 
which commanded respect and 
praise. It was declared that ‘‘for 
dispatch of business in his official 
chair, few men in the country have 
been his equal.’’ He was not elo- 
quent as a speaker, but he was so 
remarkable for his sound judgment 
and opinions that men of all par- 
ties asked his advice on questions 
of State. No one ever doubted his 
earnestness in the cause of Negro 
suffrage. He placed honesty and 
love of his fellowmen above per- 
sonal gains, and he always re- 
mained a poor man. He once de- 
clared that he ‘‘thought and acted 



for himself,’’ and ‘‘ would not make 
a tool for anyone.’’ 

At the height of his struggle for 
decency, honesty, and equality, 
Dunn died on November 22, 1871, 
after he had served three of his 
four years in the second highest of- 
fice of the State. One of the larg- 
est crowds ever assembled in the 
State attended his funeral the next 
day. Among his pall-bearers were 
three former governors of Louisi- 
ana, the mayor, the postmaster, and 
the Collector of the Port. Confed- 
erate soldiers and generals were 
among those who paid their last re- 
spects to his body. A eulogy de- 
livered in the United States Senate 
declared that ‘‘Duty with him was 
more than riches. A fortune was 
offered for his signature; but he 
spurned the temptation.’’ 

Charles Edmund 

Charles Edmund Nash was born 
at Opelousas, Louisiana, on May 
23, 1844. He left his birthplace— 
possibly because of the strong anti- 
Negro sentiment in the community 

and went to New Orleans, where 
he received a common school educa- 
tion. He next learned the trade of 
bricklaying, and this became his 
means of livelihood until 1863, 
when he enlisted as a private in the 
United States Chausseurs d’Af- 
rique, Eighty-Third Regiment. He 
rose in rank until he finally became 
sergeant-major of his regiment, 
and was honorably discharged af- 
ter the loss of a leg in the storming 
of Fort Blakely. 

Nash was elected to one term in 
the United States House of Repre- 
sentatives in 1874 as Republican 
representative from the Sixth Dis- 
trict of Louisiana. During his two 
vears in that body he served on 
the Committee on Education and 
Labor. He took a positive stand 
against the encouragement of sec- 
tional and racial hatred. On one 

occasion in the House he spoke out 
boldly of political conditions in the 
South, declaring that the old bitter- 
ness of the war was fast passing. 
Like a true statesman of the peo- 

ple, he cried out: ‘‘We are not 
enemies but brethren... . This 
country is our joint inheritance. 

. Over brothers’ graves let 
brothers’ quarrels die. Let there 
be peace between us that these 
swords which we have learned to 


use so well, may if used again, 
strike only at a common foe.’’ 
When his term of office ended in 
1876, Nash returned to Louisiana. 
Ilis party renominated him for a 
second term. But persons who 
wished to use sectional and racial 
hatred for private gain failed to 
understand him, and so he was de- 
feated. Still seeking peace and un- 
derstanding, he withdrew from 
polities. He died on June 21, 1913. 

Pinckney Benton 
Stewart Pinchback 

Pinckney Benton Stewart Pinch- 
back was born on May 10, 1837. He 
was the eighth child in a family of 
ten. His father was a white plant- 
er of Holmes County, Mississippi. 
His mulatto mother had been his 
father’s slave and was later freed 

by him. Pinckney grew up to be a 
handsome boy—fiery, bold, and 
impetuous. When he was nine 

years old he and his oldest brother, 

Tue Nearo History BULLETIN 

Napoleon, were sent to Cincinnati, 
Ohio, where they attended Gil- 
more’s High School. Two years 
later, when his father died, he and 
Napoleon returned home. But the 
children were forced to flee from 
Mississippi to Cincinnati in order 
to prevent their seizure as slaves in 
the settlement of their father’s es- 

Beginning as a cabin-boy of 
twelve on a canal boat, young 
Pinechback worked on steamboats 
from 1854 until 1861, and during 
that time he was promoted from 
cabin-boy to steward. On May 10, 
1862, he abandoned his steamboat 
job, ran the Confederate blockade, 
and reached New Orleans. About 
two months later he enlisted in the 
Louisiana Native Guards which 
were then being raised by General 
Benjamin F, Butler of the Union 
Army. He later aided in the work 
of recruiting Negroes, and was 
promoted to the rank of captain in 
the Second Regiment. His stand 
for equal rights and privileges for 
the men under his command made 
his short stay in the army ‘‘stormy 
and eventful.’’ At that time Ne- 
groes of New Orleans were permit- 
ted to ride only in those street-cars 
which had a large star painted 
upon each side. But Captain 
Pinchback’s bold demand that Ne- 
gro soldiers be allowed to ride in 
any car often held up long lines of 
them while he argued with the 
mule-drivers. Protests such as this 
finally opened up all street-cars to 
Negro soldiers and civilians. He 
left the army when the commissions 
of Negro officers were recalled. 

Pinechback journeyed to Wash- 
ington in 1865 to see President 
Lineoln in regard to raising Negro 
regiments in the North, but such 
plans were abandoned when the 
war ended. Returning to the 
South, he made bold speeches at 
several places concerning the un- 
just treatment accorded his people. 

During his twenty years in poli- 
ties Pinchback held more offices 
than any other Negro in the United 
States. He served as delegate to 
the Constitutional Convention of 
1867-68, and in that capacity intro- 
duced the Thirteenth Article of the 


ce ta 

Marcu, 1942 

State’s constitution which guaran- 
teed civil rights to all persons. He 
was State Senator from 1868 to 
1871. Elected to the lieutenant- 
governorship upon the death of 
Oscar J. Dunn, he served in that 
position until he was called upon 
during 1872-73 to act as governor 
for forty-three days. He was elect- 
ed to the United States Senate in 
1872, but was not seated, although 
that body voted him nearly $20,000 
to cover his expenses. During his 
unsuccessful fight for a seat in the 
Senate, he revived his newspaper, 
the New Orleans Louisianian, and 
published it thereafter for more 
than a decade. Pinchback served 
as State school board director in 
1877, internal revenue agent in 
1879, surveyor of customs at New 
Orleans, 1882-85, and as a member 
of the board of trustees of South- 
ern University, a Negro institution, 
from 1883 to 1885. In this same 
year he entered a law school, and 
upon completion of his studies was 
admitted to the Louisiana bar in 

Pinchback later moved to Wash- 
ington to live. He kept up his in- 
terest in politics, He attended the 
National Republican conventions 
and participated in the quadren- 
nial campaigns. He held no impor- 
tant positions thereafter except to 
serve in the Internal Revenue Serv- 
ice in New York under William H. 
Taft. Pinchback died in Washing- 
ton December 21, 1921. 

James Lewis 

James Lewis was born at Wood- 
ville, Mississippi, in 1832, the son 
of a white man and a mulatto 
woman. While still a baby he was 
earried to Bayou Sara, Louisiana, 
where his early boyhood was 
passed. When he was fifteen years 
old he went to work as a waiter on 
the great steamboats that ran up 
‘and down the Mississippi River. 
Like hundreds of other free men 
of color, he went into the Confeder- 
ate Army when the Civil War 
came, serving under the ‘‘patron- 
age’’ of a white officer for a few 
months. He served as a steward 
on a Confederate transport during 

early 1862, but abandoned his post, 
and made his way to New Orleans, 
then under Federal control. 
When General Benjamin F. But- 
ler sent for a group of free men 
of color in the summer of 1862 and 
asked them why were they fighting 
to keep their own race in bondage, 
the men asked his permission to 
raise Negro troops for the Union 
Army. When their request was 
granted Lewis was among the first 
to raise two companies of Negro 
soldiers. He became a captain in 
the first regiment of the Louisiana 
Native Guards. This was one of 
the three Negro regiments of the 
same name that saw active service 
in many battles, the most glorious 
of which was Port Hudson. They 
were the first Negro troops to serve 
the Union cause in the Civil War. 
After the war he became a trav- 
eling agent of the educational de- 
partment of the Freedmen’s Bu- 
reau. In this position Lewis trav- 
eled all over the State, ‘‘carrying 
light into dark places and opening 
up schools on every hand.’’ His 
life was in constant peril, because 
many of the whites did not want 
the Negroes to learn how to read 
and write. Very often he ‘‘moved 
about in the very jaws of death.”’’ 
He was once seized in North Louisi- 
ana, and barely escaped with his 
life. ‘‘But the seeds he planted, 
the love of learning he instilled, 
brought forth good fruit... .’’ 
Lewis was appointed United 
States customs inspector in 1867 
and served in this position for two 
years, after which he became ser- 
geant of the Metropolitan Police of 
the city. Because of the honest, 
faithful, and efficient manner in 
which he discharged his duties, he 
was promoted to the position of po- 
lice captain within a year. As 
captain of the Fifth Precinct he re- 
ceived high praise from the Metro- 
politan Police Board. Lewis was 
appointed a colonel in the Second 
Regiment of the State Militia in 
1870, and a few months later was 
elected Administrator of Police at 
a salary of six thousand dollars a 
year. He was elected to the post 
of Administrator of Public Im- 
provements in 1872, and ‘‘devoted 


himself to his duties with great 
energy and industry, having con- 
stant care that every dollar expend- 
ed should benefit the city.’’ Al- 
though he was the only Republican 
official in the city council, the 
Democratic mayor was so pleased 
with his work that he not only paid 
him the compliment above, but also 
specified instances wherein Lewis 
had saved the city more than half 
a million dollars during the first 
year of his administration, 
President Hayes appointed Lew- 
is Naval Officer of the Port of New 
Orleans, a position which he held 
until 1880. In that year he at- 
tended the Republican National 
Convention at Chicago, Illinois, as 
a delegate from Louisiana. He 
was later appointed to the superin- 
tendency of the United States 
Bonded Warehouse. In 1884 Lewis 
was confirmed in his appointment 
as surveyor-general of the State by 
the United States Senate. He died 
on July 11, 1914, at the age of 

gm. Marcus B. CHRISTIAN 

Norris Wright Cuney, 
a Son of Texas 

Norris Wright Cuney was a po- 
litical leader. He was born in 
Waller County, Texas, in 1846. 
There he attended school and grew 
to manhood just about the time 
when the Negro had been elevated 
to the status of citizenship and be- 
gan to participate in polities. He 
reached the height of his career be- 
tween 1876 and 1880. Cuney was 
a born leader. He was courageous, 
fearless, and unselfish. Because of 
these qualities, he was highly re- 
spected by the thinking people of 
both races. He participated in 
every movement concerning the Ne- 
gro of that time and fearlessly 
championed the cause of racial 
equality and human rights through- 
out that period. 

He went into politics as a Re- 
publican. There in those circles 
he had a high standing because of 
his influence among the Negroes of 
Texas. It was largely through his 
efforts that Negroes came back to 
the Republican party in Texas in 
1879 after they had been diverted 


to the Populist party, At that time 
as many as eight Negro members 
were elected to the 16th Legislature 
of Texas. Cuney himself was a 
candidate for the Legislature but 
defeated in both 1876 and 

Governor E. J. Davis, how- 
ever, appointed Cuney as sergeant- 
at-arms of the 12th Legislature. 
He held several positions in his 
party organization. 



Cuney was a man who could al- 
ways be depended upon to do what 
he considered to be right. While in 
polities, he did not suffer his con- 
He departed 
from partisanship when a matter 
of right 

science to be seared. 

Once he 
ence to secure for a friend the ap- 
postmaster at Abi- 
lene, Texas, to replace the incum- 
bent, Mrs. Morrow, the daughter 
of Sam Houston. Cuney took the 
high ground that ‘‘the lady who 
is postmaster there is the daugh- 
ter of a man 
behalf of Texas are historical, and 
not only will I refuse to aid any- 

was involved. 

was upon to use his 

pointment of 

whose services in 

one to supersede the daughter of 

General Sam Houston, but I will 
file a protest with the department 
against her removal.’’ Such unsel- 
fishness characterized his entire ca- 
reer, for he received no great com- 
pensation in return for the faithful 
services rendered the Republican 
party except the appointment of 
collector of eustoms at Galveston 
This posi- 
tion passed from his hands when 
the Republican party lost control 
in the South, and his position had 
already been weakened by dissen- 

for a number of years. 

sion with R. L. Smith, another 
prominent political leader whose 
antagonism was such that neither 

faction could long exercise political 
power in Texas. 

Norris Wright Cuney married 
early in his eareer and had some 
children of prominence, His son, 
Lloyd Cuney, settled in Washing- 
ton, D. C.. as a government em- 
ployee and made himself an impor- 
tant factor in the religious life of 
the community, especially through 
the Congregational Church with 
which he was identified. N. Wright 
Cuney’s daughter, Maud, was born 

in Galveston, Texas, February 16, 
1874. She was educated in the New 
England Conservatory of Music. 
She served for a while as director 
of music at the State Deaf, 

Dumb, and Blind School and at 
Prairie View State College. In 

1906 she returned to Boston, where 
she married William P. Hare. 
There she extended her study of 
music, gave coneerts, and lectured 
throughout the country to ineul- 


cate deeper appreciation for mu- 
sic. She finally collected the data 
with which she published in 1936 
Negro Musicians and Their Music. 

Negroes in the Land 
of Cotton 

(Continued from page 126) 

were W. M. Burton, G. T. Ruby, 
Mat Gaines who served in the State 
Senate; and Henry Moore, Richard 
Allen, Goldstein Dupree, J. Mitch- 
ell, Jiles Cotton, A. Wilder, J. H. 
Washington, R. Williams, Henry 
Phelps, Jacob Freeman, Sheppard 
Mullins, Thomas Beck, 8S. Roberts, 
Ed. Brown, B. F. Williams, and J. 

J. Hamilton in the Lower House. 
R. L. Smith and N. Wright Cuney 
became influential political leaders 
but worked their own undoing by 
failing to cooperate. 

Tut Nearo History BULLETIN 

Neither the majority of the peo- 
ple of the North and not even a 
small minority of the whites of the 
South welcomed the full participa- 
tion of the Negro as a voter and an 
office-holder. The southern whites 
organized secret orders like the Ku 
Klux Klan, the Red Shirts and the 
like to overthrow the Negroes in 
polities by illegal methods. Having 
little sympathy with the efforts to 
elevate the Negro in polities North- 
ern aristocrats did not generally 
protest, and in this illegal fashion 
the Negroes were gradually thrown 
out of polities and reduced to the 
position of the free Negroes before 
the Civil War. They could labor, 
earn a living, secure property and 
engage in business, but could not 
thereafter participate in govern- 
ment in sufficiently large numbers 
to change their status. 

The taste of freedom which the 
had experienced during 
these years, however, resulted in 
making them a very much dissatis- 
fied element throughout the South. 
At that time, too, the South was 
impoverished as the result of dev- 
astation of the Civil War and 
the hardships resulting from the 
change from one economic order to 
another. Some of the Negroes left 
these parts of the South for points 
in the North when they could find 
some way to support themselves and 
their families. Many of the former 
political leaders went to Washing- 
ton to occupy almost any position 
at which they could earn a living. 
Thousands of them became clerks 
in the United States Civil Service, 
and this number remained consid- 
erable until they were gradually 
weeded out when race prejudice in 
Washington became so rampant as 
to discourage the appointment of 
Negroes to such positions. 

The only real movement of pop- 
ulation of any consequence, how- 
ever, was the exodus of 1879. Two 
magnetic Negro leaders, ‘‘Pap”’ 
Singleton of Tennessee, the self- 
styled Moses of the exodus, and 
Henry Adams, of Louisiana, stirred 
the Negroes of the Mississippi Val- 
ley to move from the land where 
they had suffered such undoing and 
to flee to Kansas where freedom had 


Marcn, 1942 

great sway. This exodus affected 
especially the Negroes of Louisiana 
and Mississippi. So much so that 
during the first days of May, 1879, 
planters, alarmed at the loss of 
their labor supply, called a meet- 
ing in order that the leaders of both 
races might confer and formulate 
some plan for a more harmonious 
cooperation of the planters and Ne- 
gro leaders of the Mississippi Val- 
ley. This situation was alarming, 
too, because after repeated efforts 
to encourage the immigration of 
foreigners into the South to take 
the places of Negroes who migrated 
considerably immediately after 
freedom, such endeavors had failed. 
Foreigners, coming into the coun- 
try preferred to go West where 
they could become independent 
farmers themselves. However, 
hardly more than a hundred thou- 
sand Negroes, although some say 
that as many as two hundred thou- 
sand, actually left southern planta- 
tions for the plains of Kansas. In 
the effort to go so far with such a 
little and in such large numbers to 
one place they suffered about as 
much in fleeing from the evils that 
they had in facing those they had 
not expected. The majority of the 
Negroes settled down to making the 
most of what they had in the South. 

During these years, however, the 
real reconstruction had been going 
on, and this could not be undone. 
The most significant reconstruction 
was that which was carried out in 
the churches and the schools. For- 
tunately Negro ministers could 
build upon the foundation laid be- 
fore the Civil War by white relig- 
ious leaders who even during the 
dark days of slavery believed that 
the Negroes should have religious 
instruction, namely, Bishop Wil- 
liam Meade in Virginia, Bishop Wil- 
liam Capers in South Carolina, the 
Rev. Josiah Law and the Rev. C. 
C. Jones in Georgia, and Bishop 
Leonidas Polk in Louisiana. The 
outstanding Negro workers who 
thus figured among the freedmen 
were Bishop W. H. Miles, Bishop 
R. H. Vanderhorst who first served 
the colored Methodist Episcopal 
Church, established in 1870; Bish- 
op L. H. Holsey of Georgia, a work- 

er of the same faith; Bishops A. W. 
Wayman, R. H. Cain, and H. M. 
Turner, in various places in the 
South; J. P. Brockenton and J. J. 
Durham laboring for the Baptists 
in South Carolina; W. J. White of 
the same denomination in Georgia; 
and W. R. Pettiford, a worker of 
this faith in Alabama. Along with 
these toiled scores of others too nu- 
merous to be mentioned here. 
Those interested in religion, more- 
over, were at the same time stimu- 
lating the efforts of those who es- 
tablished the first schools for Ne- 
eroes in the South. These came 
through the Freedmen’s Bureau 
and the Freedmen’s Relief Asso- 
ciations of the various churches be- 
fore education at public expense 
was provided through the modern 
system of public schools. As a cul- 
mination of these efforts among the 
masses came institutions to provide 
for the higher education of the Ne- 
ero in the Lower South as well as 
elsewhere. Avery Institute at 
Charleston ; Ballard Normal School 
at Macon, Georgia; Trinity at Ath- 
ens, Alabama; Talladega in Ala- 
bama; Emerson at Mobile in the 
same state; Storrs at Atlanta and 
Beach at Savannah came from the 
efforts of the American Missionary 
Association. From the same source 
developed also Knox at Athens in 
Alabama; Burrell at Selma, now at 
Florence; Straight University at 
New Orleans; Tougaloo in Missis- 
sippi; Lineoln at Marion, Ala- 
bama; Dorchester at McIntosh; and 
Albany Normal in Georgia. Sig- 
nificant also was the establishment 
of the Penn School by friends at 
St. Helena Island ; the Laing School 
at Mount Pleasant near Charleston ; 
the Schofield Industrial School at 
Aiken; the Vorhees School at Den- 
mark; and the Southland College at 
Arkansas. Along came also Atlanta 
University. Knox Academy at Sel- 
ma, Alabama; and Stillman Insti- 
tute at Tuscaloosa were established 
by the Presbyterians. Lucy Laney, 
educated at Atlanta University, 

founded later Haines Institute in 
Augusta. The Baptists opened the 
Atlanta Baptist College in Georgia 
and Leland in New Orleans. From 
the teachers and products of these 


schools came most of the light shed 
on the pathway of the Negro dur- 
ing the first two generations of his 

Even with such a stimulus, how- 
ever, Negroes were still unable to 
cope with the serious situation 
which they daily faced. They had 
accepted the advice of those who 
urged the race to seek religion as a 
solution. Next the Negroes had 
sought education as the panacea for 
their ills; but still the world treated 
the race as a problem and denied it 
equality and justice. The acquisi- 
tion of material things facilitated 
by technical training next 

This attitude was greatly popu- 
larized by one of the most dramatic 
men in the history of the United 
States, Booker T. Washington. He 
was a Virginian who had been 
trained at Hampton and Wayland 
Seminary. After teaching a few 
years in West Virginia and at 
Hampton, he established Tuskegee 
as an industrial school in Alabama. 
He made popular the idea of pre- 
paring the Negro by educating the 
hand to work with skill while devel- 
oping the power of the brain to plan 
and think. He easily made a favor- 
able impression with this idea and 
established himself internationally 
in his famous address at the Atlan- 
ta Exposition in 1895 when the ma- 
terial progress of the Negro since 
emancipation was placed on exhi- 
bition in that city. 

In the address Booker T. Wash- 
ington won the whites by disclaim- 
ing any desire of the Negro to force 
himself socially upon any race and 
urged only that opportunity be giv- 
en for the fullest economic coopera- 
tion and industrial progress. Tal- 
ented Negroes denounced such 
teaching. For many years thereaf- 
ter the Negroes were thus divided 
as to what should be the best plan 
of education for the Negro to adopt 
for his own good. 

During these years, however, the 
Negro made considerable material 
progress. While all of these efforts 
were not due to any particular per- 
son or any specific teaching, those 
who advocated the progress of the 
Negro along material lines had 



much in their favor when by 1900 
Negroes could report the establish- 
ment and operation of 25 banks, 82 
insurance companies, the ownership 
of more land than the area of Bel- 

vium and Holland combined, and 

the possession of more than a bil- 

lion dollars’ worth of property. As 
the result of such progress the bur- 
dens imposed upon the Negro by 
segregating them on the railroads, 
street cars, and places of amuse- 
ment were somewhat alleviated here 
and there. A few Negroes had suf- 
ficient means to escape some of 
these humiliations, and some whites 
in the South became sufficiently lib- 
eral not to enforce rigidly such 
measures. There has come about 
even in the South in more recent 
years, moreover, the tendency to es- 
timate men not so much according 
to their race, as according to their 
efficiency. Race distinctions as a 
rule, however, are still maintained. 

This continuous progress was un- 
fortunately brought almost to an 
end when this country and the en- 
tire world experienced the upheaval 
from the mechanization of indus- 
try which displaced so many of the 
laboring class while bringing tre- 
mendous profits to those who con- 
trolled the machines. The world 
economic order rapidly broke down 
in the serious depression which fol- 
lowed and contributed to the pres- 
ent international self-exterminating 
conflict. Negroes like a consider- 
able number of whites suffered so 
severely that they had to accept 
publie assistance, and many of the 
enterprises which they organized 
years and conducted success- 
fully for generations collapsed in 
this panicky state. These effects, 
however, were not so apparent in 
the Lower South as in urban cen- 
ters of the North to which the Ne- 
groes migrated in large numbers to 
supply the demand for labor in in- 
dustries during the first World 
War. In the Lower South food 
could still be obtained in some way 
more easily than at the congested 
centers, and it has been necessary 
sometimes for those seeking their 
fortunes elsewhere to return to the 
lower South where the pinch of 
hunger is not so severe. 


Dr. William H. 

(Continued from page 130) 

made him decide to go to sea when 
he was sixteen years of age. He 
followed the sea for eleven years. 
This proved to be a fortunate thing 
for young Willie Crogman. It gave 
him an opportunity to visit many 
lands and learn the ways of many 
people. It also gave him a chance 
to gain a wide knowledge which 
would otherwise have been denied 
him. Moreover, he gained the life- 
long friendship of Mr. Broomer, a 
native of Massachusetts and mate 
on the vessel on which Crogman 
served. After eleven years on the 
sea, Crogman went to live with the 
Broomer family in Massachusetts. 

When he was twenty-five years 
of age, Crogman desired to attend 
school, a desire which his benefac- 
tor, Mr. Broomer, encouraged. He 
saved his earnings for two years 
and in 1868 entered the Pierce 
Academy in Massachusetts for his 
first formal training. After com- 
pleting the academy course, Crog- 
man decided to come South and 
help educate and elevate the Negro 
race which was just then emerging 
from the darkness of bondage and 
servitude. He knew the Negro 
needed the guidance and sympa- 
thies of trained teachers. 

During the next ten years Wil- 
liam Henry Crogman taught at 
Claflin University, attended Atlan- 
ta University (where he completed 
the four year classic course in three 
years), and was appointed profes- 
sor of Latin and Greek at Clark 

It was as a teacher at Clark Uni- 
versity, beginning in 1880, that Dr. 
Crogman rendered his most valua- 
ble service to the Negro race. He 
served as a teacher there from 1880 
to 1903; and in recognition of his 
service and ability was appointed 
the first Negro president of Clark 
University. He served in this posi- 
tion until 1910 and then became a 
teacher again, teaching until he was 
retired by the University in 1921. 
He died in 1931 at the age of nine- 
ty years. 

Dr. Crogman made his greatest 

Tue Necro History BULLETIN 

contribution to the Negro race 
through the influence which he had 
upon the many students who sat at 
his feet and sought his guidance 
during fifty-three years as a teach- 
er. The classroom was his field and 
arena for service. He felt that the 
education of the Negro should have 
a deep spiritual meaning and 
should inelude training in the high- 
er arts and culture. He opposed 
those Negro leaders who appeared 
to overemphasize industrial educa- 
tion for the Negro. 

John Hope 

In a difficult period of education- 
al opportunity and growth for Ne- 
gro youth John Hope was an in- 
spiring leader. From a stimulating 
teacher in the class-room to the ex- 
ecutive wisdom and tact of a col- 
lege and university presidency, his 
career was woven into the ideals 
and aspirations of both the racial 
and national life, through which 
his personality shone with a moral 
energy and unselfish service. 

Born at Augusta, Georgia, June 
2nd, 1868, John Hope was edueat- 
ed at Worcester Academy, in Mas- 
sachusetts, and Brown "University. 
From the latter institution he re- 
ceived an honorary A.M., and elee- 
tion to Phi Beta Kappa. Ilis dis- 
tinguished service to education was 
recognized by the bestowal of hon- 
orary degrees from many of the 
leading colleges and universities in 
the country. 

He became associated with More- 
house College, Atlanta, Georgia, as 
a teacher in 1898, and served as its 
president from 1906 to 1931. Dur- 
ing the First World War he served 
in France, with the Y. M. C. A., in 
the interest of the Negro troops. 
His work on the Council of the 
Y. M. C. A. during the post-war 
years of rehabilitation was of high 
value and lasting influence. Few 
men of the race during the last 
three decades were of such high 
consultive, as well as practical, val- 
ue towards the inter-racial good- 
will and progress of the South, as 
was John Hope. 

Marcu, 1942 

As a teacher of Negro youth, he 
knew its hopes and aspirations, as 
well as its limitations and oppor- 
tunities; and he strove with an un- 
derstanding inspired by that inde- 
finable quality and zeal we call 
genius, to compose and resolve these 
varying elements into progressive 
action and achievement. When the 
aims of this achievement came into 
conflict with the prejudices and de- 
nials of Southern opposition and 
customs, he possessed both the fore- 
sight and power to transmute the 
differences into a workable program 
that served the interests and co-op- 
eration of both races for the com- 
mon good. 

The monumental achievement of 
John Hope as an educator, was the 
directing into an affiliation, of sev- 
eral academic units, the Atlanta 
University system, and the wisdom 
with which, as its first president he 
served, during the earlier years of 
its existence. In this he laid the 
permanent foundation for the 
growth of the greatest academic 
centre for the education of Negro 
youth in the South. 

Following his death in February, 
1936, his eminent career was recog- 
nized by the posthumous award of 
the Spingarn Medal. 

Atlanta University 

John Wesley E. 

In any sketch of distinguished 
Negroes of the South John Wesley 
E. Bowen must be ‘included. He 
was born in New Orleans. His fa- 
ther, a free Negro carpenter, had 
moved from Washington to New 
Orleans to work at his trade. There 
the son was born December 3, 1855. 
Young Bowen studied at New Or- 
leans University, taught two years 
at Walden College, and then con- 
tinued his education at Boston Uni- 
versity. There he finished the 
course leading to the degree of 
Bachelor of Divinity in 1885. In 
1886 he received from that institu- 
tion the degree of Doctor of Philos- 
ophy. He specialized in Hebrew, 
Philosophy, and Metaphysics. 

Bowen pastored a church while 
studying in Boston, and later served 

Methodist congregations at Newark, 
Baltimore, and Washington, D. C. 
Next he functioned as Secretary of 
the Foreign Mission Society of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church. Then 
he went to Gammon as a professor 
of Historical Theology and as Sec- 
retary of Stewart Missionary Foun- 
dation for Africa. At Gammon he 
served for forty years, training 
hundreds of men to preach. For 
four years he was president and for 
several more vice-president. He 
was a scholar, a fluent speaker and 
a popular lecturer of the thinking 
class. He led a life of self-restraint 
consecrated to Christian service. 
He died July 20, 1933. 

William Hooper 
(Continued from page 134) 
to become principal of the colored 
city schools of Huntsville. 

Going back to the schoolroom was 
the turning point in Council’s ca- 
reer. In 1876 he was elected presi- 
dent of the State Normal and In- 
dustrial School at Huntsville. Yet 
he was still a man of many inter- 
ests. He was a minister of the Afri- 
ean Methodist Episcopal Church. 
From 1878 to 1883 he edited The 
Huntsville Herald. He became a 
lawyer and was admitted to prac- 
tice before the Supreme Court of 
Alabama in 1883. He devoted 
much time to Sunday School work. 
Yet after 1876 his chief interest 
was education and with this school 
as a base he did much for the train- 
ing of the Negro in northern Ala- 
bama. Save Booker T. Washington 
no one left a deeper impression on 
the educational system as it con- 
cerned Negroes in that state. 

In 1884 Council married Maria 
H. Weeden of Huntsville. Several 
children came from this union. One 
of them, a daughter, married W. S. 
Buchanan, a Harvard graduate, 
who succeeded Council but later 
moved to Pittsburgh to engage in 

Land-Grant Colleges 

In the South have slowly devel- 
oped the Negro Land-Grant Col- 
leges. The South never looked 


favorably upon the education of 

the Negro by Northerners. The 
‘Yankee School Marm’’ was hated 
as much as the Carpetbagger, but 
the South was so indifferent and 
poor that for about two generations 
the higher education of the Negroes 
was provided by philanthropists. 
Finally came the allocation of funds 
from income accruing to the Fed- 
eral Government from its lands as 
provided in the Morrill Act. This 
sum was meagre, and what was due 
the Negro for his share was often 
illegally diverted. In the meantime, 
however, Negro State Colleges had 
been established in all these states 
and were contending for this aid. 
In addition to what the Federal 
Government distributed most of the 
States appropriated sufficient funds 
to assure at least slow development. 

The story of one of these schools 
is practically the story of all. That 
of Missouri claims to be the first in 
that it opened in 1866. The Land- 
xrant Colleges in Arkansas, Ala- 
bama, Virginia, Mississippi, and 
Texas emerged during the seven- 
ties, but did not make much more 
progress than those of Louisiana, 
Florida and Kentucky which fol- 
lowed in the next decade. The lat- 
est to be established were those of 
Georgia, West Virginia, South Car- 
olina, Oklahoma, and Tennessee. 
The date of founding had no par- 
ticular significance. With the 
World War of 1914 came renewed 
interest in the education. Through 
these Land-Grant Colleges, the Ne- 
ero, the weakest link in the national 
chain, was to be strengthened. 

In some states the interest was 
greater than in others. West Vir- 
ginia, Louisiana, North Carolina, 
Tennessee, and Texas first modern- 
ized the equipment of their schools 
and provided better salaries to se- 
eure adequately prepared persons 
to instruct the youth. All the states 
with Land-Grant Colleges soon fol- 
lowed a similar policy. Within less 
than two generations, therefore, 
these schools have become the best 
institutions for the education of the 
Negroes in the South—the greatest 
achievement in education since the 
day of Booker T. Washington. 


Tue Necro History BULLETIN 

Negro History Week Lingers as Negro History Year 

ITH the people throughout the coun- 

try Negro History Week grows as a 

national effort of great significance. 
The State Departments of Education and the 
school authorities in the large cities have given the 
effort more and more official support as the years 
have gone by, but the rural schools now bid fair to 
outstrip those in the cities. 

The most significant step thus taken was the 
action of Governor Lehman of New York who 
proclaimed the observance as fitting for all citizens 
in order to inculcate more appreciation of the Ne- 
gro’s contribution to the making of America and 
to learn how this race has become entitled to share 
with other elements of the population the benefits 
of democracy. Thus he showed how we can weld 
this nation into the strong unit now desired for the 
defense of America and the triumph of its ideals. 

At various points in the country the observance 
assumed different aspects. Of course, there were 
those chiseling organizations which take advantage 
of everything that comes along to exploit the pub- 
lic. In most centers of educational progress, how- 
ever, the theme of the occasion was not forgotten. 
The people themselves have advanced sufficiently 
in recent years to direct their efforts in the right 
way, and know how to avoid the abuses of the ex- 
ploiter who is always on hand to profess interest in 
the advancement of the Negro race when he is 
merely trying to advance himself. The teachers 
and students in the schools are now the best judges 
as to when they are properly served by those offer- 
ing their tongues for the usual fee, or working up 
exercises for personal gain. 

The most fortunate aspect of the celebration was 
that there was less public speaking than ever. The 
speaker of the hour has become less and less in de- 
mand. The public is now devoting more time to 
what can be developed locally as a demonstration 
of what it has learned about the Negro throughout 
the years of the study of this long neglected work. 
Certain centers, however, did close or open their 
exercises with appropriate addresss which were in 
keeping with the other features of the program of 
these seven days. All these addresses have not been 

reported to the national office and cannot be men- 
tioned here. 

It is known at this date, however, that Dr. 
Charles H. Wesley opened the Week in Pittsburgh. 
Dr. Mercer Cook likewise served Detroit. Dr. L. 
D. Reddick filled engagements at St. Augus- 
tine and Shaw in Raleigh. The Director of the 
Association and the Haitian Consul, M. Rulx de 
Leon, closed the exercises of the New York area 
with addresses at the Annual Negro History Week 
Breakfast on the 15th when 350 or 400 persons 

A most desirable result from the celebration is 
the growing dissatisfaction with those who would 
restrict the attention given the Negro to just one 
week of the year. Both parents and teachers are 
approaching boards of education for the proper in- 
tegration of the study of the Negro with the social 
science program of the regular curriculum. Some 
go much further in demanding that the same at- 
tention be given the Negro that we give to the 
Hebrew, the Greek, the Latin and the Teuton. We 
study these nations seriously in one way or another 
from the time we enter the kindergarten until we 
leave the university, and they have not done any 
more to bless the world than the Negro has. They 
have conquered, exploited, and destroyed more peo- 
ple than Negroes have, but such crimes and misfor- 
tunes do not make the world any better. These 
nations have not done any more than the Negro has 
done to lift man from drudgery unto ease and com- 
fort, and out of selfishness unto altruism. Herein 
lies the test of the good which a nation actually 

It is encouraging that both state and local boards 
of education are adopting more and more books on 
the Negro to make possible this more extensive 
study of the race. When we think of the fact that 
South Carolina has adopted five of such books, 
Virginia six, Philadelphia six, New York City thir- 
teen, and that Chicago and Dayton, preparatory 
to the same, are working out courses on the Negro, 
we are convinced that some of the schools mean to 
take up the study of the Negro in a systematic way. 
In this effort members of the staff are active.