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Volume VIII Number 2 

Published by 

The Association for the Study of 
Negro Life and History 

1538 Ninth St., N. W. 
Washington, D. C 

PURPOSE: To inculcate an appre- 
ciation of the past of the Negro. 


Albert N. D. Brooks 
Esther Popel Shaw 
Annie E. Duncan 
Wilhelmina M. Crosson 

Carter G. Woodson 
Managing Editor 

The subscription fee of this paper is 
$1.00 a year, or 15 cents a copy; bulk 
subscriptions at special rates have been 
discontinued. Bound volumes, seven of 
which are now available, sell for $2.15 

Published monthly except July, August 
and September, at 1538 Ninth St., N. W., 
Washington, D. C. 

Entered as second class matter Octo- 
ber 31, 1937, at the Post Office at Wash- 
ington, D. C., under the Act of March 
3, 1879. 

Learning to Fly 

Man Unper His Own VINE 

AND Unper His Own Fic 
By C. G. Woodson 

By Seymour J. Schoenfeld 

By W. Sherman Savage 
By A. K. Nyabongo 
Famous WomEN IN Haitian History 
By Jean F. Brierre 



A Boy Hero 

Book OF THE MontTH 

Tue Necro History BULLETIN 

Every Man Under His Own Vine 
ost Under His Own Fig Tree 

HIS is an old expression borrowed from the Orient where 

the vine and the fig tree were considered essential to life. 

Grapes grew in abundance in those parts and so did figs. In 
that unsettled state where men moved from place to place with 
their herds they had sometimes for a considerable period. 
It was advisable for them to dwell even temporarily near some place 
where they could enjoy the products of the vine and fig tree. Here 
they would have grapes during the warm season and figs that re- 
mained on the trees during the winter. For this reason this term 
became the symbol of the home. A man’s vine and fig tree became 
the designation of his permanent dwelling place. 

On what ground could a man claim the vine and fig tree as his 
home? A man’s home is his property. But what is property? John 
Locke gave a good definition of it when he said that property is 
what man has taken from a state of nature and mixed his labor 
with. If he took this vine and fig tree from the wilds and planted, 
cultivated and nurtured them unto the point of bearing fruit, the 
vine and fig tree, according to natural law, became his; and no one 
had a right of any kind to disturb him in the enjoyment of what 
he reaped from that harvest, for this was his home—his permanent 
attachment to the community in which he lived. 

In our day a home is secured in a different way; and yet the 

_procedure is the same. When a man sells his home to another he 

merely conveys to him what some one in times far back did to mix 
his labor with what he took from a state of nature, and thereafter 
labored to improve. By custom and law, therefore, he is permitted 
to transfer to another individual what he has acquired from the origi- 
nal owner, or his successors and heirs. In this case he is not merely 
selling the vine and fig tree but the improvements which have been 
made in the fruits produced and the facilities offered there for the 
enjoyment of these products. This, of course, included the land on 
which the vine and fig tree grew. 

The custom in those days was to consider the individual as secure 
in his premises as long as he could show his connection or succession 
to the persons who originally established and improved these prem- 
ises. Any one disregarding these rights was considered an intruder— 
a criminal and could be dealt with accordingly. The right to prop- 
erty was considered a most important sanction of human society. 
To disregard this right meant a step backwards to disorder and 
social chaos. 

This order of the social system, though primitive, was far in 
advance of what we have in the so-called United States of America. 

The other day it was discovered that a Negro in Mississippi had oil 
(Continued on page 47) 

NoveMBER, 1944 


NE of the significant develop- 
() ments of the present war is 
the failure of the expensive 
policy of segregation.. Both the 
United States Army and Navy 
have learned that segregation does 
not solve any problem but rather 
creates a problem. In fact, segre- 
gation is a declaration of war it- 
self. When one element of the pop- 
ulation says to another you cannot 
associate with us because we are 
your superiors and you are our in- 
feriors, the one caste thus estab- 
lished declares war on the other 
just as slavery was a state of war. 
When a church says to a human 
being we do not want you in our 
circle and we are going to provide 
for you a makeshift system on the 
outside for you to get to glory the 
best you can, that church declares 
war on the principles of Jesus of 
Nazareth. When a Young Men’s, 
or Young Women’s, Christian As- 
sociation says to such a proscribed 
person we cannot have you among 
us and you must repair to another 
building where you may imitate us 
the best you can from afar, this so- 
ealled Christian body, segregating 
persons in the name of God, thus 
wages war on the very principles 
which it is established to promote. 
When a school system turns away 
the Negro child and orders him to 
an inadequately equipped building 
and sometimes to inefficient teach- 
ers, that system thus wages war on 
education, the foundation on which 
real democracy must be _ based. 
Such a policy thus impedes the 
progress of the country by keeping 
a large part of the population in 
ignorance and consequently in pov- 
erty, squalor, disease and crime. 
And so it has worked in both 
the Army and Navy of the United 
States. The United States Govern- 
ment drafted Negroes, designating 
the race in all cases in order to 
earry out thoroughly the policy of 
segregation. No Negro was to 
serve except in a subsidiary or 
menial capacity. The segregated 


By C. G. Woopson 

Negro units, the 9th and 10th Cav- 
alry and the 24th and 25th Infan- 
try, had already been demilitarized 
in keeping with this purpose. Some 
Negroes were trained for officers, 
but they faced the fortune of serv- 
ing as foremen in the labor bat- 
tallions to which most Negro sol- 
diers were sent. Segregation under 
such circumstances was a declara- 
tion of war on the home front. To 
expect one-tenth of the population 
to acquiesce in carrying out such a 
policy was an evidence of military 
ineptitude, and the course thus fol- 
lowed led to more problems than it 

To hold the Negro soldiers in 
subordination, however, further 
segregation was required to keep 
them separate and distinct from 
the white officers placed over them. 
The military forces had to incur 
the expense of separate latrines, 
separate dormitories, separate din- 
ing facilities, and separate amuse- 
ments. Separation often meant 
nothing at all for Negroes. These 
provisions were carried out re- 
ligiously outside of the regular 
area of the Jim Crow in the United 
States and on foreign soil. In Eng- 
land Negro soldiers were not per- 
mitted to mingle freely with the 
people there in whose homes they 
were permitted to spend their fur- 
loughs. A white soldier seeing a 
Negro with an English woman 
would slap the Negro in the face 
and take the woman away from 

Enforcing such a policy of segre- 
gation naturally produced many 
minor clashes and not a few dis- 
turbances which assumed riotous 
proportions. The Negro soldiers 
thus protesting, of course, were 
tried by court martial and sen- 
tenced by their white superiors to 
imprisonment and sometimes to 
death, but this did not stop the 
outbreaks against the agents of the 
easte of color. Many Negro sol- 
diers felt that they had just as well 
die fighting for democracy in the 

United States as to die for the 
cause abroad. Segregation, there- 
fore, proved to be a very expensive 
policy. In addition to the cost in 
material things it entailed a tre- 
mendous loss in morale. No mili- 
tary force with such problems on 
its hands can be efficient, and no 
country devoted to the maintenance 
of such medievalism can keep 
apace with the progress of the 

Segregation has failed, too, be- 
cause of the failure of the argu- 
ment in support of it. The Negroes 
have been charged with being so- 
cially unfit for association with the 
other races which are considered 
more advanced. Race, however, it 
has been discovered, has nothing to 
do with the matter. The faults of 
Negroes lie mainly at the door of 
those guilty of segregation. If the 
Negro is dirty, he was not so when 
brought from Africa. The African 
takes a bath daily, sometimes twice 
a day, morning and evening. If 
the Negro suffers from social dis- 
eases, he was not thus afflicted in 
his native habitat in Africa. These 
evils have been introduced among 
Negroes by their enslavers, for in 
their tribal life of Africa every 
man and every woman must keep 
sexually clean. If the Negro is un- 
educated it is not his fault, the laws 
of this country once prevented him 
from acquiring an education and 
the laws and customs of certain 
areas in the United States prevent 
his acquiring an education today. 
If the Negro is impoverished, the 
charge cannot be placed to his ac- 
count, for trades unions prevent 
him from working for high wages, 
and capitalistic combinations block 
his way in the business world. Any 
people on earth, regardless of the 
race to which they belong, manifest 
all these weaknesses when thus 
handicapped. The causes are purely 
environmental, and since the segre- 
gationists determine the environ- 
ment the resulting evils must be 
charged to their account. 


Segregation has failed in that 
those adhering to that policy are 
proportionately decreasing. Both 
in the military forces and in civil- 
ian life are millions of adherents 
to this medievalism—a majority of 
the people of the United States, but 
the strong minority consisting of 
the Negroes and white friends of 
democracy who have greatly in- 
creased in recent years has become 
so militant that it is impolitie for 
the Federal Government to enforce 
it rigidly any longer. The present 
national functionaries are gradu- 
ally trying to lead the nation away 
from the practice in spite of the 
vociferous demands of the expo- 
nents of the Jim Crow to the con- 
trary. This at least is one distinct 
gain, for in advancing an argu- 
ment for discrimination, as in the 
ease of Berea College in Kentucky 
which in 1904 prohibited the co- 
education of the races there, states 
have pointed to such acts of the 
United States Government as that 
of maintaining separate schools for 
Negroes in the District of Colum- 
bia. Why should not the States 
do what the Federal Government 
does ? 

It should be noted, moreover, 
that a considerable number of those 
fighting segregation are soldiers 
who have seen service on foreign 
shores where the weak have tre- 
mendously suffered. This very ex- 
perience of lifting the heel of the 
oppressor from the necks of unfor- 
tunate foreigners has reacted on 
some of these veterans in favor of 
the Negro. They have been unable 
to escape the thought that some- 
thing should be done also to re- 
move the disabilities from the Ne- 
groes in their own country where 
they have thus suffered for three 
centuries. Not every white soldier 
has thus seen the light, and there 
will be some returning to stage 
race riots and massacres of Negroes 
as such men did at the close of the 
first World War, but they will find 
some opposition in their own ranks, 
probably enough of it to prevent 
the recurrences of those distur- 
bances which disgraced the country 
a little more than a generation ago. 

Segregation, moreover, has re- 

ceived its heaviest blow from the 
Negro himself. The Negroes of to- 
day are far in advance of what they 
were in 1919. They are better edu- 
cated and more experienced in the 
methods of advancing their re- 
forms. Among the Negroes, more- 
over, the Uncle Tom leadership of 
the race has been discredited and 
would be entirely eliminated but 
for the possibility of financing 
these sychophants with positions 
and funds at the disposal of those 
who fearlessly contend for the per- 
petuation of segregation. Those 
speaking effectively for the Negroes 
today are financed by the Negroes 
themselves, and the rank and file 
of the race have learned to combine 
and sacrifice for the common good. 
For example, in the City of De- 
troit alone the local branch of the 
National Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Colored People raised 
$25,000.00 in one campaign. All the 
Negroes of the country would not 
have raised a much larger sum for 
this purpose twenty-five years ago. 

The Negroes of the country have 
finally discovered the power which 
they have and they are beginning 
to use it. The Negroes now hold 
the balance of power in twelve 
pivotal states and will decide the 
national election of the President 
of the United States and the sena- 
tors and representatives from these 
states who will be associated with 
him in the administration of the 
national government. No segrega- 
tionist can become the President 
of the United States because 
neither of the major parties would 
dare nominate such a man for the 
office of chief executive if the Ne- 
groes protested. He would be de- 
feated before nominated. The at- 
tachment of the segregating area to 
its idol of the caste of color will 
thereby keep that section a non- 
entity in national politics. Some 
of that unfortunate section have 
seen the light of day and are try- 
ing to effect the democratization of 
that backward region in order that 
it may enjoy the liberty of other 
parts of the country. 

Both the War Department and 
the Navy Department have had to 
abandon some of their race dis- 

Tue Necro History BULLETIN 

crimination, and no administration 
which bows to the demands of 
medievalism can hope to continue 
in office. The clamor for a mixed 
Army and Navy, then, is not the 
raving of men of idle dreams. The 
nation must take this matter into 
account and square itself with its 
own liberal citizens and with those 
with whom it claims to be cooper- 
ating abroad for modern democ- 
racy. Soldiers in some of the camps 
have made some striking recom- 
mendations for bringing about 

these desirable changes. 

Negro History Week 

HE Association for the Study 

of Negro Life and History is 
frequently appealed to these days 
for Negro History Week literature. 
Most of these requests come from 
persons who imagine that the his- 
tory of the Negro can be given in a 
brief pamphlet and that it is to be 
distributed free of charge. This is a 
reflection on the past of the Negro, 
or a manifestation of misinforma- 
tion by those making these appeals. 
The celebration of Negro History 
Week was established by the Asso- 
ciation in 1926 to give opportunity 
for the schools and clubs to drama- 
tize what they have learned about 
the Negro during the year, the aim 
being not to make a boastful dis- 
play, but to stimulate the study of 
the Negro in other fields not yet 
invaded and to arouse those who 
are still apathetic. 

To give intelligent direction to 
the celebration of Negro History 
Week the Association launched in 
1937 The Negro History Bulletin 
in which appear annually the pro- 
gram of studies for the year which 
are supposed to reach a culmina- 
tion the second week in February 
when the celebration takes place. 
This year the dates are February 
11 to 18. 

During the year 1943-44 the pro- 
gram was to study the Negro .in 
the present war. This year the pro- 
gram is to study the developments 
from the war. In the October issue 
the topic discussed was the exten- 

(Continued on page 39) 

NoveMBER, 1944 



S a result of the various en- 
A vironmental factors often 
discussed, we find that on 
induction into the armed forces the 
Negro is often highly suspicious, 
often frightened, and at times 
somewhat resentful of this new and 
apparently inhospitable life he is 
called upon to lead. All the past 
repressions; discriminations, segre- 
gations, insults, and inequalities 
are recalled and relived when he 
considers if this country has earned 
the right to ask him to make the 
supreme sacrifice. 

Despite all of these elements that 
might tend to make a minority dis- 
loyal to the nation at a time like 
this, the Negro has proved his abil- 
ity to understand the basic issues 
that are at stake in this global con- 
flict. Despite the attempts of Japa- 
nese propaganda to convince the 
Negro that this is a war against 

white domination of the world the 
Negro has reached the decision that 
this war is one in which the United 
Nations are fighting for the best in- 
terests of all groups which are 

striving for greater democracy 
throughout the world. The Negro 
people have once again demon- 
strated their maturity of judg- 
ment and loyalty on the home front 
and in the military organizations 
of the nation. Although the Negro 
has been inducted into the armed 
forces and the regulations govern- 
ing these forces are quite well 
known many difficulties have arisen 
which reflect the old racial conflicts 
that he had every right to feel were 
left behind in civilian life. These 
racial conflicts are of course carry- 
overs from those prevalent in all 
parts of the Nation’s civilian life. 
It now becomes the duty of the 
military to consider these difficul- 
ties and eliminate them as a source 
of military inefficiency. 

It will be profitable in initiating 
this phase of the study to consider 
the manner in which the military 
euthorities have solved many of the 


By Seymour J. ScHOENFELD 

acute problems that arose in the 
early days of the military mobiliza- 
tion and training. It is also neces- 
sary to approach this matter from 
the correct perspective and realize 
that the military organizations are 
a part of our democratic govern- 
ment and as such are governed by 
their respective regulations which 
have been approved by Congress. 
The Army and Navy Regulations, 
as any one familiar with them 
knows, represent the principles of 
democracy which govern and pro- 
tect all phases of the life of the 
citizen soldier. 

In our consideration of these 
problems it is necessary for us to 
realize that the many unpleasant 
incidents that have occurred in the 
various military areas, have not 
been the result of any stated mili- 
tary policy by the War and Navy 
Departments, but on the contrary 
have resulted from the faulty in- 
terpretation of regulations by indi- 
viduals who were not competent to 
solve these problems as a result of 
lack of understanding or because 
they were blinded by race preju- 
dice. It is also of primary impor- 
tance to realize that in this war as 
in past wars there are many indi- 
viduals who, despite the open dec- 
larations of the Commander-in- 
Chief and his Secretaries of War 
and Navy and their subordinates, 
have undertaken to interpret situ- 
ations and conditions in a manner 
contrary to previous pronounce- 
ments, and regulations. 

In the rapid military expansion 
that was necessary to make up for 
the decades of military unprepared- 
ness, the Army had to make several 
important decisions. One was to 
locate most military training camps 
in the South where a greater num- 
ber of training days could be de- 
pended on due to the favorable 
weather conditions. Another fac- 
tor in the military organization 
that had to be temporarily over- 
looked in the need for rapid mobili- 

zation was the large number of re- 
serve officers that had been trained 
in the southern colleges. These 
factors are partly responsible for 
the maintenance of many of the 

However, many military men are 
concerned over this problem. This 
concern has been reflected by the 
military analysis carried in the In- 
fantry Journal some time ago. The 
Army War College made excerpts 
from one of these issues, and oth- 
ers were supplied to officers along 
with a selected list’ of articles and 
books on the race problem. 

It has been my privilege in the 
past three and a half years in the 
naval service to have the op- 
portunity ashore and at sea to note 
the interest and zeal with which 
many of our high ranking naval 
officers have administered these 
problems within their commands in 
the best of naval traditions and 
have encouraged their subordinates 
to do likewise. In the naval service 
I have come into close contact with 
my fellow citizens of the Negro 
race and have had an opportunity 
to learn their problems in the ser- 
vice. When occasion arose I have 
been able to rely on the Navy Reg- 
ulations as a guide to proper han- 
dling of problems arising from race 
relations in the service coming 
under my cognizance, and when 
the letter and spirit of these regu- 
lations were followed I have noted 
that there were no basic problems 
which were within the jurisdiction 
of the officers on the spot that could 
not be solved. 

It has also been my experience 
that those officers who referred in 
a sneering fashion to the Negro and 
to executive order No. 8802 were 
the ones who had disciplinary 
troubles with the Negro sailors. 

With this short introduction it 
is now proper to study the ad- 
vances in race relations that have 
been made in the armed forces and 
their associated organizations. 


As the program for the forma- 
tion and organization of the armed 
forees became publicized various 
organizations indicated through 
their publicity media the desirabil- 
ity for more complete utilization of 
Negro manpower. As in other mili- 
tary and civilian phases of the war 
effort, there was a great waste of 
manpower through confusion, lack 
of experience, cumbersome and un- 
clarified directives from the organi- 
zations handling the nation’s man- 
power problem, as well as from the 
malicious efforts of the unpatriotic 
minority to utilize the nation’s pre- 
occupation in the general mobiliza- 
tion to keep the Negro relegated to 
a minor role in the war effort. As 
the result of concentrated study 
and efforts by the military as well 
as public spirited citizens these 
facts were carefully investigated. 
Many practices were discontinued 
and greater opportunities for the 
Negro in the services were opened 


It is from a study of these in- 
novations and advances in dealing 
with these problems that the ser- 

vices are gaining much valuable 
experience, as never since the 
American Revolution have certain 
policies been in effect in the Army. 
This is indeed a great tribute to 
the military men of the nation and 
indicates a high degree of initiative 
that many critics of the profes- 
sional soldiers of the nation did not 
feel they possessed. It is also highly 
indicative of the basic change in 
outlook on the part of the Ameri- 
ean people who have supported 
these changes. 

While discussing these changes 
it must be borne in mind that since 
the American Revolution the Army 
has maintained a strict policy of 
segregation of the Negro soldier in 
its units. Nearly all the changes 
made by the Army have as yet not 
altered that basic organizational 
pattern. The Navy up until 1920 
maintained a policy of permitting 
mixed crews aboard its ships with 
colored men eligible for all ratings. 
However, since that time this policy 
has been discontinued with the ex- 
ception of the steward’s branch. In 
addition the Navy has not trained 

any Negro officers at any time until 

As a result of the need for offi- 
cer personnel the Army initiated a 
training program to include Negro 
officer candidates in the classes with 
white candidates. The racial ‘‘ex- 
perts’’ predicted that the. program 
would fail for a variety of reasons. 
It is of interest to note that these 
candidates met the same require- 
ments, and undertook the same 
studies as the white officer candi- 
dates. The program has succeeded. 
There has been no racial animosity 
in these classes. The work pro- 
ceeded smoothly after the first feel- 
ing of strangeness wore off. The 
success of this program indicates 
that the former principle of mili- 
tary segregation is not as important 
as was thought. This is indeed the 
first wedge to be driven into the 
principle of military segregation. 
It indicates that the Army is be- 
ginning to change its attitude to- 
wards this policy, as one which is 
unnecessary in military organiza- 
tion. This is, of course, a small 
start, but if military segregation 
was such a sacred cow the place to 
uphold it would be in training of 
the officer groups. 

The Navy for the first time in 
its history is training Negro offi- 
cers. It is at present intended to 
use these officers in segregated 
naval units. However, the training 
of officers in the Navy is indeed a 
revolutionary change. In addition 
the Navy is training specialists for 
commission in the Medical and 
Dental Corps. These officer candi- 
dates as in the Army are often be- 
ing trained in mixed groups. This 
is as significant for the Navy as for 
the Army. 

The Merchant Marine training 
program for officers and enlisted 
men has been set up in a similar 
manner and has also proved suc- 
cessful. It is interesting to note the 
uniform success in race relations 
that these training courses repre- 

In the ranks of enlisted person- 
nel in the Navy I have observed 
white and some Negroes serving to- 
gether in different stations with 
great success. This was a great 

Tue Necro History BULLETIN 

surprise to me and I took the 
trouble to question the personnel, 
both white and black. Their atti- 
tude towards each other was very 
friendly and cooperative, which re- 
flects the sincere belief of Ameri- 
cans in the American way of life 
and our national ideals. 

Various small vessels are in- 
tended for use by colored crews 
when there are adequate personnel 
and officers trained to take them 
over. In the meantime the training 
is done by having colored sailors 
serve with the more experienced 
white crews. These mixed crews 
mess and sleep together. At a-cer- 
tain station I had the opportunity 
to see these men on these ships in 
the close contact that life aboard 
ship entails, and here as elsewhere 
these men were in the friendliest 
relationship in their daily duties. 

This not only speaks well for the 
enlisted men but reflects a high de- 
gree of leadership on the part of 
the white commissioned officers of 
these ships. Several of these offi- 
cers thought so well of their Negro 
men that they recommended them 
as officer candidates. 

In England where our colored 
troops have been treated, with few 
exceptions, in the same hospitable 
fashion as have our white troops, 
the military authorities have been 
wise in using mixed M. P. patrols 
and in certain areas these patrols 
usually consist of two M. P.s, one 
white and one colored. 

Of course, it would be too idyllic 
to think that no friction develops 
from time to time. At one such 
occasion when a Negro was un- 
justly brought to Captain’s mast at 
a certain station, a close examina- 
tion of the charges by Captain 

indicated that the man 
was being framed by a petty officer. 
The charges were dismissed and at 
the following inspection the entire 
personnel received a straightfor- 
ward talk on American principles. 
It is officers of the calibre of this 
captain, who are doing much to 
make these programs and first at- 
tempts to use Negroes in their 
proper capacities successful. These 
men, firmly grounded in American 

(Continued on page 43) 




. ‘HE anti-slavery agitation be- 
came very intense during the 
decade from 1835 to 1845. 

James G. Birney and Elijah P. 
Lovejoy distinguished themselves 
by undertaking the establishment 
of printing presses and the publica- 
tion of newspapers. Public ques- 
tions were to be discussed in these 
newspapers. It was only natural 
that these periodicals would make 
mention of the anti-slavery ques- 
tion, because it was one of the most 
important issues of the day. It is 
obvious, therefore, that the princi- 
ple of the freedom of speech and 
the press would be tied up with the 
controversy over the mails and the 
right of petition. These papers took 
an active part in the discussion 
of slavery and became known as 
abolition papers. 

James G. Birney, a native of 
Kentucky, whose father was re- 
puted to be one of the wealthiest 
men in the state, had all the advan- 
tages which wealth could give. He 
was graduated from Princeton 
where he received a sound training 
that later helped him to carry on 
the work of newspaper editing. 
Among his many activities he was 
both planter and politician; a 
fighter for, and a firm believer in 
gradual emancipation. He was one 
of the most active members in that 
organization which had been estab- 
lished to do away gradually with 
the institution of slavery. His prog- 
ress from a gradual to an immedi- 
ate abolitionist was slow. By 1835 
the society for gradual emancipa- 
tion had been abolished, and James 
G. Birney had to seek a new associ- 
ation because he began to realize 
now that gradual emancipation was 
of little value for the purpose he 
had in mind. On March 19, 1835 
he organized in his own home town’ 
of Danville, Kentucky, an auxiliary 
to the American Anti-slavery So- 

This period is of great impor- 
tance in the life of Birney and the 

1W. Birney, James G. Birney and His 
Times, 4. 

2A. E. Martin, Anti-slavery Movement 
in Kentucky Prior to 1850, p. 74. 



slavery agitation in Kentucky. In 
the agitation of 1835 was laid the 
germ of the ‘‘Liberty Party.’’ The 
motto which prevailed at that time 
was to vote for no man who stood 
against the right of petition, trial 
by jury, or the freedom of speech 
and the press.* Birney became one 
of the leaders who wished to make 
the anti-slavery crusade a political 
issue, and he became one of the 
leading spirits in the formation of 
the Liberty Party in Ohio. It was 
at this time that the new crusade 
for political abolition came to the 
fore. He would apply the test of 
immediate abolition to each person 

3W. Birney, James G. Birney and His 
Times, 201. 


who hoped to be a member of the 
Kentucky legislature in order that 
the question of slavery might be 
discussed throughout the state.* 
By 1835 Birney had become a 
national figure on account of his 
outspoken expression and, too, be- 
cause he had freed his own slaves. 
He decided to publish a paper in 
Kentucky which was to be called 
the Philanthropist.’ There was a 
mass meeting held in Danville, 
Kentucky, which was the climax of 
several meetings held in Mercer 
County. Here resolutions were pre- 
sented and those present pledged 
themselves to put a stop to the pro- 
posed plan of Birney and take any 
means necessary peacefully or 
forcefully to prevent the publica- 
tion of the Philanthropist.6 A com- 
mittee appointed by this mass meet- 
ing wrote Birney a letter which was 
delivered to him on July 12, 1835. 
It demanded that he cease to pub- 
lish his proposed paper until an 
appeal for rules could be made to 
the Legislature.? This was a strange 
request since the state had already 
set up rules for the establishment 
of papers. The uncompromising 
Birney, of course, did not and 
would not comply with the demand, 
for he considered the freedom of 
the press one of the most precious 
and inalienable rights.* He realized 
as fully as anyone the difficulties 
that were to be met at that time in 
a slaveholding state in starting such 
a paper. He wrote Gerrit Smith 
that he feared the project would 
not go through, but if it did the 
paper would be out about July 15.® 
The publishers, bribed by his oppo- 
nents, would not print the paper, 
and so he was tricked. He realized 
now that his usefulness in Ken- 
tucky was over. He was not even 

4Letter to Lewis Tappan, Feb. 3, 1835, 
W. Birney, James G. Birney and His 
Times, 156. 

‘SW. Birney, James G. Birney and His 
Times, 180. 

8T bid, 

TIbid. The committee consisted of 
thirty-three persons. 

8Letter of Executive, ibid., 181. 



certain that his mail would be de- 
livered to him. Birney, therefore, 
turned his back on Kentucky and 
moved to Cincinnati; the laws of 
Ohio, he thought, would be con- 
ducive to his work. Having decided 
that it would be better not to pub- 
lish his paper in the city of Cincin- 
nati, he moved it to New Richmond, 
a few miles from the city.!° The 
city newspapers gave plenty of pub- 
licity to this matter. One of the 
papers stated that James G. Birney 
was about to start an abolitionist 
paper near that city after having 
failed in both Danville and Cincin- 
nati and insisted that the establish- 
ment of such a paper was an insult 
to the slaveholding states.1! The 
Cincinnati Republican was just as 
hostile as the Cincinnati Whig in 
denouncing Birney. In spite of this 
opposition Birney went on with his 
work and the paper was published 
at New Richmond. The paper was 
so well edited and so moderate in 
tone that it disarmed all opposi- 
tion.’* It was one of the mild papers 
of this period ; it discussed the gen- 
eral topics of the day as well as the 
slave question. 

Birney, misled by the subsiding 
of the violent opposition, moved his 
paper to Cincinnati. He was mis- 
taken in this, for those who had 
opposed him continued to do so 
when he came back to Cincinnati.” 
Things went along quietly, how- 
ever, for a while and the paper 
flourished. Opposition against the 
paper soon broke out anew. The of- 
fice of the Philanthropist was pil- 
laged and ransacked July 14, 1835, 
the printing material thrown in 
the street and the press defaced." 
Birney and his associates appealed 
to the mayor of the city to issue a 
proclamation and offer a reward 
for the apprehension of the person 
or persons guilty of the offence. The 
mayor refused to act until a deposit 

10This shows how 
veyed his location. 

11Cjncinnati Whig, Dee. 21, 1835. 

12H, Wilson, Rise and Fall of Slave 
Power, I, 276. 

13Paper was 
Ohio, April 1836. 

14Niles’ Register, L, 397. 

carefully he sur- 

moved to Cincinnati, 

was made; the paper paid the 
money and the proclamation was 
issued. On July 28 a notice was 
sent out by handbills and news- 
papers by those opposed to the 
paper calling for a meeting to de- 
cide the fate of the Philanthropist 
in the city of Cincinnati. Reso- 
lutions were passed denouncing 
Birney and his attempt to publish 
an abolition paper detrimental to 
the welfare of the sister states. At 
this same meeting a committee was 
appointed to communicate with 
Birney and to determine whether 
the paper would cease publication 
or not. 

A committee of citizens!® met on 
July 28, 1836 and passed a single 
resolution directing the Executive 
Committee of the Ohio Anti-Slav- 
ery Society to show to the Citizens 
Committee in writing by noon July 
29 whether or not it intended to 
continue the publication of the 
Philanthropist..7 When this work 
was done the committee adjourned 
to meet again at noon on July 29 in 
the office of the Ohio Insurance 
Company. This request gave the 
Ohio Anti-slavery Society no 
chance to take the matter under ad- 
visement; it had to say at once 
whether or not it proposed to com- 
ply with the request. The Execu- 
tive Committee along with Birney 
responded at once in these plain 
words that it could not and would 
not comply with the request of the 
Citizens’ Committee: ‘‘ Whilst we 
feel ourselves constrained alto- 
gether to decline complying with 
your request as submitted last eve- 
ning to discontinue the Philan- 
thropist, we think it but just to 
ourselves and respectful to our fel- 
low citizens: generally to offer a 
brief exposition of the reasons that 
persuade us to this course. (1) Its 
compliance would involve a tame 
surrender of the freedom of the 
press, the right to discuss. (2) It 
would be a surrender to the dic- 
tates of the South that slavery shall 

15H. Wilson, Rise and Fall of Slave 
Power, I, 277. 

16Henceforth this body will be known 
as the ‘‘ Citizens. Committee.’’ 

17Xenia Free Press, Xenia, Ohio, Aug. 
6, 1836. 

Tur Necro History BULLETIN 

not be discussed.’’?* 

The question was not closed with 
this reply. The Cincinnati Whig 
insisted that the letter of the abo- 
litionists was insulting to the 
Southern brethren. The North and 
the South had lived happily to- 
gether and observed the national 
compact for more than forty years. 
The paper closed with an appeal to 
the citizens of Cincinnati inquiring 
if they would longer allow such in- 
cumbrances to that peace and hap- 
piness which they had known in 
the past to remain among them. The 
paper was sure that if the people 
tolerated this action they had more 
forbearance than it had antici- 
pated.® It would seem that this 
was nothing more than an appeal 
to violence. Had it been the plan 
of the people of that city to allow 
the paper to remain it would have 
been difficult indeed, for here was 
a direct appeal to the city to get 
rid of the paper. 

When the answer was received 
from the Executive Committee by 
the Citizens Committee of which 
Burnet was chairman, the latter 
committee published a resolution 
giving the reason for its assuming 
the responsibility which was in- 
volved in this affair. It was not to 
allay the excitement which was 
prevalent at the time. Then it 
closed by telling how helpless the 
committee had been in its use of 
persuasion. In this same letter it 
condemned the use of violence and 
asked the citizens to abstain from 
it.2° This was almost an appeal to 
violence for the committee had por- 
trayed to the people how deter- 
mined the abolition society was to 
preserve these rights and privi- 

The resolution was published on 
July 30, and that same night the 
office of the Philanthropist was 
raided again, the material de- 
stroyed, the press dragged through 

18The answer came the next day, July 
29. The committee was composed of 
James C. Ludlow, Isaae Colley, William 
Donalson, James G. Birney, Thomas May- 
lin, John Milandy, C. Donaldson and 
Grant Bailey. 

19Cincinnati Whig, quoted by the Xenia 
Free Press, Aug. 6, 1836. 

20Niles’ Register, L, 398. 

NovemsBer, 1944 

the streets and thrown into the 
Ohio River. The search was made 
then for Birney and Donalson, but 
fortunately they could not be 
found; Birney was a fearless indi- 
vidual and no doubt would have re- 
fused to hide from the mob and ul- 
timately would have been handled 
violently. The rioters, not finding 
these most prominent abolitionists. 
turned their attention to the Ne- 
groes and tore down some of their 

This violence in Cincinnati 
linked the question of slavery with 
the freedom of the press which the 
constitution and the laws of Ohio 
had guaranteed. The Birney riot 
brought others to the rescue of this 
fundamental right. Among those 
who were thus aroused to protest 
was Salmon P. Chase.?? This action 
brought Chase to a realization of 
the importance of the slave ques- 
tion. He decided to give it serious 
consideration, although he was not 
an abolitionist. John Rankin, one 
of the most prominent citizens of 
Ohio, was another who continued 
his condemnation of slavery which 
he had begun before this episode. 
He held that slavery was contrary 
to the Bible and that it destroyed 
the very souls of men.** Another 
citizen came out for the cause and 
expressed himself by condemning 
slavery and speaking for the free- 
dom of speech; this was Charles 
Hammond, editor of the Cincinnati 

After the Birney riot Hammond 
called together a meeting which 
was taken over by the slavery 
forces and all he could do was to 
publish his protest.2* He agreed, 
as so many before him had, that 
slavery was a state matter and be- 
longed exclusively to the state 
where it was found and that no 
state had a right to interfere with 
it. While he agreed to this doctrine 
and would not suffer those things 
to be violated, he could not see the 

21The action followed closely the ap- 
peal made in the paper. 

224A, B. Hart, Salmon P. Chase 
(American Statesmen Series), XXVIII, 

23John Rankin, ‘‘Pamphlet on Slav- 
ery,’’ Oberlin Library Collection, No. 56. 

24W. H. Smith, Charles Hammond, 61. 

constitution and laws trampled in 
the dust. This right, the protest 
stated, was the bulwark of all the 
rest; namely, the right of free dis- 
cussion, and the right of every 
citizen to write, speak and print 
upon any subject he thought prop- 
er.25 The responsibility for these 
principles was to be found, he 
thought, in the law. It can be seen 
that this matter was looked upon as 
a contest over the freedom of speech 
and the press. The writer thought 
the right was too sacred to be given 
to any mob and that every free 
man should attack those who would 
destroy this sacred right.*° This 
gives an idea of the importance of 
this riot in the city of Cincinnati. 
It was not a question of the de- 
struction of an abolition paper 
owned by Birney, but the right of 
the freedom of speech. 

The press soon passed from the 
hands of Birney to the hands of 
Dr. Gamaliel Bailey, who conducted 
the paper in the city where it had 
been destroyed by the mob.”* This 
was not done without difficulty for 
twice his press was demolished. 
This helped to bring about the free- 
dom of the press, 

Birney thought that the majority 
of persons living in the city were 
in favor of the freedom of speech 
and had no part in the destruction 
of the press. The nearness of Cin- 
cinnati to Kentucky made it easy 
for those from that state to come 
over and take part in the affair.”* 
The fact that the paper was still 
being published and that Birney 
could return to the city without a 
hand being laid upon him is sig- 
nificant, and shows that the city 
was not as hostile as has been sup- 
posed. James G. Birney, however, 
had become one of the most impor- 
tant apostles of the freedom of 

Another person who gave his life 
in the interest of the freedom of the 
press was Elijah Parish Lovejoy. 

257 bid., 62. 

26Xenia Free Press, Xenia, Ohio, Aug. 
13, 1836, quoted by the Cincinnati Daily 

27Oliver Johnson, William Lloyd Gar- 
rison and His Times, 22. 

28W. Birney, James G. Birney and His 
Times, 22. 


He was the son of a Presbyterian 
minister and a graduate of Albion 
College, Waterville, Maine, in 1826. 
He entered early upon the profes- 
sion of teaching. In 1826 he heard 
the call of the West and moved to 
St. Louis where he engaged in 
teaching and newspaper work.?® 
He was impressed ih January 1832 
by a revival and decided to enter 
the ministry. Having sensed the 
necessity of further training for 
his new work, he returned to 
Princeton to study theology. He 
was called back to St. Louis to edit 
a religious paper known as the St. 
Louis Observer. This marked a new 
phase of activity in the life of 
Lovejoy and began another chapter 
in the contest over the freedom of 
speech and the press. 

It must not be supposed that 
Lovejoy was an abolitionist or that 
he espoused their cause. From the 
beginning of his career he under- 
stood the feeling of men who had 
been reared in the midst of slavery 
from their earliest infaney and 
who had always thought of slaves 
as a part of their estate handed 
down to them. He understood that 
their right to own slaves was guar- 
anteed by the constitutions of their 
states and that the constitution of 
the United States considered slaves 
the same as any other property.®° 
He could see why anyone would be 
excited when he was asked to give 
up this right on ethical grounds. 
This act would destroy the wealth 
of any individual so situated. In 
his early days he was ready to 
agree with the abolitionists in their 
effort to educate public opinion. 
He, however, feared they would 
not stick to their program of edu- 
cation, but would stir up strife and 
prejudice.*4_ The thing which he 
feared eventually came to pass; 
namely, that abolition societies by 

(Continued on page 41) 

29N. D. Harris, Negro Servitude in 
Illinois, 68. He contributed to the Mis- 
souri Republican and the St. Louis Times. 
He was assistant editor from Aug. 1830 
to Feb. 1832. 

30Memoirs of the Reverend E. P. Love- 
joy, 118. Hereafter this work. will be 
cited as Lovejoy, Memoirs. 

317 bid., 120. 

Tue Necro History BULLETIN 


T this particular period of 
A world history, men are try- 
ing to work out their own 
solutions in every walk of life. 
While preparing this article the 
writer received a letter from Afri- 
ea stating: 

‘‘Kigambo Kyakweunya nyo mu- 
naku zino abantu bazeyo mubiro 
ebyeda nga bakomaga Embugo era 
nga bawala Amaliba gabwe, Olwo- 
kubanga Engoye _ tezikyalabika. 
Abantu beunya nga bebuzaganya 
nti Omuzungu anaba Antya? Yee, 
fee, tunakola tutya?’’ 

It is surprising to all of us in 
these days that people are going 
back to their former ways of the 
old days, making the bark cloth 
and tanning hides for wearing ap- 
parel. This is due to the fact that 
clothes are so hard to get. People 
are wondering and asking among 
themselves, ‘‘What is the matter 
with the white man, and what 
shall we do for ourselves?’’ They 

express it in African philosophy: 

(Akuwa ekigya. Takusuza kika- 
dekyo) which means, he who gives 
you a new garment let him not 
make you throw your old one away. 
So therefore the African will keep 
his old way of doing things as well 
as keep the Western ways that he 
has learned. 

Millions of years ago man knew 
nothing of garments, nor did he 
think in terms of supplying himself 
with an artificial supplement of his 
hair-covered body. At what stage 
man began to supplement his natu- 
ral hairy coat through the use of 
something artificial in the way of 
clothing, it would be difficult to 
say. Even in the time of Neander- 
tal man the only evidence bearing 
on this subject is the omnipresent 
flint scraper, a tool admirably 
adapted to the cleaning and pre- 
paring of skins presumably for 
clothing; these were thrown over 
the shoulders and secured in some 
simple manner. 

With the coming together of men 

1George G. MacCurdy. The Coming of 
Man, p. 101. 

By A. K. Nyasonco 

into small communities, the mode 
of life underwent a decisive change. 
Thus man experienced his first eco- 
nomic and industrial knowledge. 
He had prior to this, created his 
simple implements—It had been 
shown before that economic and in- 
dustrial experience came to stand 
for matter-of-factness and knowl- 
edge. There is familiarity with the 
forms, habits, and behaviour of 
plants and animals with certain of 
the more obvious and humanly sig- 
nificant movements of the celestial 
bodies, with the exhilarating and 
distracting peculiarities of local 
climate. To this equipment must 
be added a thorough-going acquain- 
tance with the materials available 
for industry as well as with the in- 
dustrial processes themselves. In 
the techniques of industry, more- 
over, according to Boas, motor hab- 
its develop which are rooted in 
knowledge and fed by experience 
often of a personal sort, soon to be- 
come mechanized by practice. Other 
bits of information, perhaps less 
objective but equally relevant and 
significant, accumulate about the 
ways of man himself. In this vast 
domain of culture, then, there is 
abundant evidence of knowledge 
and common sense, persistent ob- 
servation, and at least incipient 
generalization. Here also logic 
rules within limits, and invention 
on occasion sows its germinating 

It must here be noted that in in- 
dustry, technique, and matter-of- 
fact activities generally, the indi- 
vidual is alone with some aspect of 
physical nature. He may, to be 
sure, be engaged in a communal 
enterprise. In hunting and build- 
ing, in agriculture and herd-tend- 
ing, one frequently finds coopera- 
tion, group labor, not uncommonly 
accompanied by those rhythms of 
communal work, in act and sound, 
of which Buecher wrote so elo- 
quently—rhythms which, operating 
through psychic channels, greatly 
further the activities and joys of 

labour. But even so, the individual, 
technically speaking, remains alone 
with his task. When engaged in 
manufacturing a pot, basket, or 
blanket, tilling the soil, hunting or 
fighting an animal, man faces an 
individual technical task. In indus- 
try he must overcome the resistance 
of the material, master the mechani- 
eal difficulties; in war, raid,. or 
chase, he must become expert in a 
great variety of movements and 
tricks by means of which the prey, 
or enemy, are to be sought, cap- 
tured, or killed. The worker, hunt- 
er, or warrior here faces natural 
conditions with an implied willing- 
ness to learn from experience. As 
a consequence he does learn, ac- 
quires knowledge, becomes familiar 
with effective ways of using it. In 
all this the individual functions 
alone; others may provide a set- 
ting, example, stimulation, but no 
more. Experience, learning and ac- 
quiring skill, are personal, individ- 
ual matters. The only active com- 
panions of the individual here are 
the objective conditions, and these 
pull him along towards matter-of- 
factness, sober thinking, and effec- 
tive action.” 

Man, wherever he is found, 
whether in Africa, Asia, Europe, 
or America, has at one time or an- 
other passed through a primitive 
state of culture. If he inhabited 
Northern Europe, Northern Asia 
or North America, he tanned hides 
for his clothes. So is the same true 
of man in Africa. 

Climatic and geographical condi- 
tions play an important role in 
shaping man’s destiny. In time 
man, whether he inhabits Africa, 
Asia, Europe or America, will con- 
quer and control the environment 
nature provided for him. Though 
at different times and in different 
ways each man wherever he is. 
found will eventually achieve this 

For one thing the Eskimo lives. 

2Alexander Goldweiser, Anthropology,. 
p. 410-1. 


in a land of almost perpetual cold, 
interrupted by relatively short pe- 
riods of milder weather. Survival 
here necessitates protection against 
the extreme low temperature, and 
so we find the Eskimo probably the 
most warmly clad of primitive 
groups, with the possible exception 
of the natives of Northeastern Si- 
beria. This attire, very similar, for 
men and women, is made of rein- 
deer hide and comprises trousers, a 
shirt, an upper garment in the 
shape of a lengthy jacket provided 
with a hood which can be either 
pulled over the head or pulled back 
so that it rests on the shoulders and 
back. In addition there are hide 
mittens and hide boots made of the 
same material. This attire is cut 
to pattern and sewed together by 
the women. In many instances the 
several parts of the garment are 
decorated by geometrically pat- 
terned pieces of hide. These deco- 
rations in dark and light colour, 
provide the borders of Eskimo, as 
well as Karyak and Chukchee cos- 
tumes. The material used for thread 
is thin string of hide or sinew, and 
the long needle used for sewing is 
of bone. These needles, highly 
prized by the women are kept, 
when not in use, in special ivory 
needle cases, of which there are 
many varieties and which are usu- 
ally highly decorated by surface 

After Barkcloth we come to an- 
other article of dress—leather. “The 
art of working leather has been 
known for many generations be- 
cause hides and skins were formerly 
the principal articles of clothing 
and the people learned to dress 
them, so that they became as flexi- 
ble as kid. At that time skins were 
not only required for clothing, but 
also to sit upon. When barkcloth 
had to some extent displaced skins 
as clothing, they were still required 
as mats. ... In the early days of 
the country skins were scarcely ever 
dressed beyond being dried in the 
sun, stamped on and rubbed with 
the hands, to make them soft 
enough to use as loincloths; ante- 
lope and goat skins, were chiefly 
used. Later on the people learned 

3Tbid., p. 74-3. 

to dress skins, and the art gradu- 
ally became more and more ad- 
vanced. When a man wished to 
dress a skin, he chose a clear place, 
free from weeds or grass and 
pegged out the hide there leaving 
a space under it, so that the air 
might circulate, and that the skin 
might be protected from insects, 
which would have eaten holes into 
it, if it had been on the ground. It 
was taken in by night, lest wild 
animals should carry it off. In two 
days’ time it was fairly dry. A 
cow’s hide was scraped in thick 
places with a knife, and if it was to 
be used for clothing it was mois- 
tened with water, and worked by 
stamping on it, and afterwards by 
rubbing it, butter being smeared on 
it while it was being worked. The 
labour was continued until the hide 
was soft enough to be rolled into a 
ball. If it was too thick it was 
stretched out on a frame eight 
inches above the ground, and 


seraped with a sharp knife to the 
desired thinness; during the scrap- 
ing process the skin was kept in 
the sun to bleach. The skins worn 
by gate-keepers were worked until 
they were as soft as calico.’”* 

There are many different forms 
of leather work, and many ways in 
which the skins are worn. 

Mbwera is the long leather gar- 
ment worn by grown up people and 
it is as soft as cloth. 

Omurubate is a garment worn by 
young people. 

Akasatu is a small garment worn 
by little boys and girls sideways. 

Ekyahe is the skin used as a 
eover for the bed, usually to lie 

Enketo is the skin used for peo- 
ple to sit upon the floor. 

Ekthu is the ceremonial rug kept 
in the home of chief and never 

(Continued on page 41) 

4Roseoe J. The Baganda, p. 408. 


Tue Necro History BULLETIN 


Lucienne, a Haitian schoolgirl 
Marie, a Haitian schoolgirl 
Sanite Belair 
Suzanne Simon (Mme. Toussaint 
Henriette St. Marc 
Claire Hewreuse (Mme. Dessalines) 
Mme. Pageot 
Marie Jeanne 
Défilée, an old woman 

ScenE ONE 
(Two little girls, Lucienne and 
Marie, are taking a walk in the 
country, not far from Jérémie. It 
is a holiday. They enter on stage 
singing ‘‘When Our Ancestors 

Broke Their Chains.’’) 
LuciENNE. Isn’t nature beauti- 

ful this morning? 
Marie. Very. When things are 

so beautiful around me, I always 
feel like doing something great. 

LucreENNE. What do you mean 
by ‘‘something great’’? 

Marte. Something out of the or- 

higher ? 

Marte. Let’s stay here. It’s so 
pretty, with the barracks, the 
mountains, and the sea! From here 
we might even see the airplane 

LuctENNE. But you haven’t ex- 
plained what you mean by ‘‘some- 
thing great.’’ 

Marie. Well, Lucienne, every 
day I am busy studying my lessons. 
My whole life centers aromnd 
school, my doll, and my home. But 
on certain days, like today, I should 
like to escape from all that. Don’t 
you understand ? 

LucIENNE. But we have escaped. 
We are now out in the country, 
several hundred meters from the 

Marie. Of course we are, but 
the same life still holds us impris- 
oned. I should like to be a charac- 
ter in a legend, have wings like 

Shall we climb up 


(Translated from the French 
by Mercer Cook) 

that pretty butterfly, know what 
happens in the heart of the roses, 
whether they suffer and really die. 

LucrENNE. How could you know 
those things? 

Marte. Doesn’t a butterfly know 
them, and a bee? 

LuciENNE. You’d have to lose 
some weight... 

Marie. That’s it exactly. I’d 
like to leave off this corporeal en- 
velope, everything that makes us 
heavy, everything that keeps us 
from hearing and understanding 
the thousand little dramas of the 
blade of grass and the ant, every- 
thing that makes us prisoners of a 
narrow universe. 

LucIENNE. Maybe you’d like to 

Marre. It would be a kind of 
easy death which would allow me 
to hear the earth’s heartbeat mere- 
ly by placing my ear to the ground. 
I believe in the miraculous, I do. 
This morning, for example, I should 
like to meet on the scene of History 
the great men who founded the na- 

LucIENNE. Who, for instance? 

Marre. Toussaint Louverture, 
Dessalines, Pétion, Lamartiniére. 

LucIENNE. There is something 
unjust about the teaching of his- 
tory in Haiti. As teacher was say- 
ing yesterday, they always talk 
about the men and forget about the 
women, just as if the men could 
have founded the nation all by 

Marie. You’re right! Wouldn’t 
you like to meet some of those fa- 
mous women this morning? 

LucrENNE.. Which ones? 

Marte. Oh, Sanite Belair, Suz- 
anne Simon, Marie Jeanne, Défilée. 

LucIENNE. But how could we 
meet them ? 

Marre. Simply by asking them 
to remove their shroud of fatigue 
and to come back to talk with us, 
to counsel us. Their life is an edu- 
cation which we hardly understand, 

and an example the greatness of 
which escapes us. Don’t you be- 
lieve that they have something to 
tell us? I should so like to see them 
this morning, to speak to them, to 
touch them. ... 

LucriENNE. What a lugubrious 
idea! You give me goose pimples. 
The mere thought that I might see 
Défilée makes me almost die of 
fright. Let’s move on. 

Martz. No. They are our vener- 
able Ancestresses who have woven 
with their courageous and untiring 
hands the glorious colors of our 
flag. In the name of all little Hai- 
tian girls, let us try, with all our 
heart, to call to those century-old 
women who are like mothers that 
have long been lost and whom we 

LuctenneE. Let me sleep a while, 
my dear. As for your Ancestresses, 
I prefer to see them with my eyes 

Marie. All right! Let’s go to 

(They start humming a sad mel- 
ody, which gradually dies away. 
They are asleep. There is a deep 
silence. The lighting creates an 
atmosphere of umnreality on the 

Scene Two 

(An energetic woman with a gun 
hanging over her shoulder comes on 
the scene.) 

Sanite. Do you recognize me, 
children ? 

Marte. Unless I’m mistaken, you 
are Madame Sanite Belair. 

Sanite. How did you recognize 

Marie. We learned in the his- 
tory of Haiti that you were a fear- 
less woman with a proud air, the 
image of female bravery. 

Sante. It is consoling that after 
a century, little Haitian schoolgirls 
are hearing of Sanite Belair. 

LucrENNE. Tell us something 
about yourself. Madame. 

(Continued on page 38) 

NoveMBER, 1944 


A Boy Hero 

Josiah Henson, who led more 
than a hundred fugitives from 
slavery in Kentucky across the 
wilds of Ohio to freedom a century 
ago, tells the interesting story of 
his fourteen-year-old brother. After 
making his escape from slavery 
Henson tried to remain content in 
Canada and enjoy his freedom, but 
his conscience tormented him with 
the thought that he had left his 
brothers to die in slavery, and he 
could not be happy. 

Henson returned in disguise, to 
Kentucky, therefore, and on a Sat- 
urday evening he set out with his 
brothers for Cincinnati across the 
Ohio. They would not be missed 
until Monday when they were sup- 
posed to report for work. They 
crossed the Ohio unfortunately at 
a point above a swollen stream be- 
tween them and the city. The only 
way to get across was to wade 
through the water which in the 
midst of the winter was extremely 
cold. The older persons in the party 
stood the shock of the cold water 
all right, but the boy of fourteen 
could not throw off its effects. He 
was immediately seized with ‘‘ jerks 
and serious pains,’’ and they had 
difficulty in getting him into the 
home of a sympathetic friend in 
Cincinnati to treat him. There they 
tarried two days before the boy 
_was well enough to proceed further. 

Finally they started on the way 
along the old road toward what was 
then the ‘‘Ohio Wilderness’’ and 
made such good time that they 
thought that they would be success- 
ful in the dash for freedom. On 
the way, however, the boy was 
seized again with ‘‘jerks and seri- 
ous pains’’ and could not go any 
further. What to do they did: not 
know, for they knew that by this 
time the slave catchers were well 
on their trail. Finally the boy in 
his heroism found a solution of the 

He said, ‘‘ You have already lost 
two days because of my condition, 
and if you delay longer you will 

lose the dash for freedom. Go on 
to Canada. Leave me here in the 
wilderness. Let me die, and let the 
wolves devour my body! I am not 
worth the price of your freedom!”’ 

‘*Teave you to die like a beast in 
the field? We cannot do such a 
eruel-thing! Better would it be for 
all of us to die fighting our pur- 

**Go on, I pray you, go on. I can- 
not live, and you will live on free 
soil and will help others to come 
unto you. Go on!”’ 

And they took leave of the sick 
boy at his urgent request, and sad 
indeed was the parting. Before 
they had gone more than three 
miles, however, Henson’s_ con- 
science spoke to him again. 

‘*Henson, you cannot. leave your 
own brother to die like that in the 
wilderness. The principle which 
you sacrifice is worth more to you 
than your freedom.”’ 

Immediately Henson said to the 
party, ‘‘We must go back and get 
that boy, freedom or no freedom. 
He is a human being, and we can- 
not abandon him like that. 

They rushed back toward the 
spot, and on the way saw from afar 
a white man whom they suspected 
was one of their pursuers, but they 
went on boldly to meet him think- 
ing that they would not be taken 
as fugitives inasmuch as at that 
time they were going in the direec- 
tion of Kentucky rather than to- 
ward Canada. Approaching the 
man .with their hearts all but in 
their mouths, they spoke to him po- 
litely, and he replied, inquiring, 
‘*How is it with thee, this morn- 

They knew from his language 
that he was a Quaker, one of the 
religious sect friendly to the fugi- 
tive slaves, and they told him their 
story. This friend took them in 
his wagon to the spot where they 
found the boy still alive. 

**Go on your way to freedom,’’ 
the friend said. ‘‘I will nurse this 
boy back to life, and some day he 
will rejoin you in Canada.’’ 

And so he did. By means of the 

Underground Railroad this friend 
sent the boy in good health to his 
people on free soil in Canada. He 
lived to enjoy his freedom and also 
to lend a helping hand to other 

Questions on the 
October Issue 

1. What right is the most essential 
to the existence of man? In what ways 
is the right often violated? 

2. Give a brief history of the strike 
and show the stages in its development 
from the Old to the New World. 

3. What evident development of 
the present war may be considered as 
having reached the factual stage and 
how has it affected the people of the 
United States? 

4. What are the prospects of Li- 
beria in view of the present trend in 
the war? What of Abyssinia? 

5. How would you dispose of the 
territory conquered by the Allies in the 
present war? What would be your ar- 
gument advanced to sustain the posi- 
tion you would take? 

6. What do we mean when we refer 
to such matters as the following: 
colony, dependency, protectorate, man- 
date, sphere of influence? 

7. Are the natives’ of the West In- 
dies prepared for self-government? 
Are the Filipinos in a position to main- 
tain the independence of that archi- 

8. What do you think of the role 
played by Felix Sylvestre Eboué in the 
present war? What other choice had 
he in the crisis through which he 

9. What lesson may we learn today 
from the career of Anthony Bowen 
and his coworkers in the District of 

10. Does the story of Claflin Col- 
lege supply a strong or weak argument 
for the coeducation of the sexes? 
What special value has this story for 
the school? 

11. What does the celebration of 
Negro History Week mean to you? In 
what ways have you seen it observed? 

12. What is the cause of depres- 
sions? What was the Jewish method 
of dealing with depressions? 

Book of the Month 

Middle America (a production of 
W. W. Norton and Company in New 
York City, 1944) is one of the many 
books now appearing to supply infor- 
mation on our neighbors to the south 
of the United States. The author for- 
tunately does not try to cover all Latin 
America as so many other ambitious 
writers try to do. He confines himself 
to Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, 
Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and 

Panama. The reason for treating of 
these in particular is that they are 
near us and produce raw materials 
upon which trade and industry in the 
United States must depend. The book, 
therefore, has an economic point of 
view, but it is sufficiently descriptive 
and simplified to interest both young 
and old readers. A number of striking 
illustrations help the author to tell 
his story of the interdependence of 
that area and their big neighbor to the 

In showing the importance of cor- 
rect information of this part of the 
Latin area the author makes a good 
case with his statistics. They buy from 
us more than three-fourths of their 
imports and sell us more than four- 
fifths of their exports. They are, 
therefore, our allies in both peace and 
war. To acquaint us better with them, 
then, he tells us about the Indian ori- 
gin of the people who mixed with 
Spaniards and later received Chinese, 
East Indians and Negroes to make a 
melting pot. The author next tells us 
about their quinine, rotenone, hemp, 
tropical oils, gum, spices, rubber, tim- 
ber and fruits. The author shows, how- 
ever, that their methods of production 
are crude, and improvements in agri- 
culture and transportation must be 
made before these crops can be devel- 
oped unto full fruition. He believes 
that the agricultural laboratory set up 
in Honduras is the proper step in this 

Famous Women in 
Haitian History 

(Continued from page 36) 

Sanite. I spent my entire youth 
in slavery. Ah! slavery, my chil- 
dren, was an unspeakable torture 
in which a whole race of men al- 
most disappeared. This island was 
justly called ‘‘that Inferno, Saint 
Domingue.’’ If the very cradle of 
our nation is bloodstained, it is be- 
eause our hands, our poor black, 
mashed, mutilated, our tired hands 
have never stopped bleeding. You 
know my story. You know my 
name, but there are thousands upon 
thousands of other women who 
were just as great, just as coura- 
geous as Sanite Belair. 

Marie. And what lesson should 
we learn from your life, Madame 
Sanite Belair? 

Sanite. To know how to share 
worthily the ideal of one’s mate. 
Like Charles Belair, the uncompro- 
mising fugitive slave who stead- 
fastly refused to bow his head be- 
fore the arrogant and tyrannical 
planters, I owe my reputation to 
the fact that I too was an uncom- 

promising leader of the insurgents. 
Facing the firing squad beside the 
bullet-riddled body of my husband, 
I refused to be blindfolded, I gave 
the command ‘‘Fire!’’ and, like a 
man, I returned to the granite 
arches of Guinea.’ Little Haitian 
girls, be courageous, and remem- 
ber the lesson of Sanite Belair: To 
know how to share worthily the 
ideal of one’s mate. (She exits) 
(Enter Suzanne Simon) 

SuZANNE. Wasn’t that the shade 
of Sanite Belair that I just saw 
leaving ? 

Marie. Yes, Madame. Did you 
by any chance know her formerly? 

Suzanne. Yes, during the War 
of Independence. The fortitude 
with which she braved death has 
stood as an example not only for 
the women but also for the men of 
Saint Domingue. In Sanite Belair, 
my children, you must salute a 
great man. 

LucrENNE. Who are you, then, 
Madame, and from what country 
do you come? 

Suzanne. I come from the coun- 
try of shadows. I have seen one of 
the most dazzling military careers 
in the entire world, that of Gaou 
Guinou’s grandson, born in slavery 
on the Bréda plantation, but be- 
coming in America the glorious op- 
ponent and rival of Napoleon. 

Marre. So, you’re Suzanne Si- 
mon, the remarkable wife of Tous- 
saint Louverture? 


LuctIENNE. How glorious it was 
for you to have been the wife of 
‘*The First of the Blacks’’! 

Suzanne. Oh! The glorious part 
of my réle is very pale. I never 
took part in battles. But I fought 
adversaries called Anxiety, Dis- 
couragement, Cares, and Fatigue. 
You see, children, when Toussaint 
Louverture would come home, he 
was no longer General Louverture, 
but a man who often was tired, and 
who sometimes needed to be under- 
stood, encouraged, loved. That pow- 
erful brain which conceived the 
greatest dream that has enlight- 

ened the world since Bethlehem: 

1The slaves believed that after death 
they would return to their native Africa. 

THE Necro History BuLLETIN 

the emancipation of the Black 
Race, that broad brow of a deter- 
mined thinker and patriot some- 
times found repose on a woman’s 
shoulder. My only glory, children, 
comes from my having understood 
that it was necessary to fan the 
flame of his energy, the fire of his 
patriotism, the ardor of his genius, 
and to answer his mute question- 
ing. In the days of misfortune, 
during the somber hours of his ar- 
rest, during the painful, icy exile, 
homesick and sorrowful, I wanted 
to remain, and I did indeed remain, 
in spite of every disaster, the 
chosen companion of Toussaint 

LuciENNE. That must have been 
difficult, Madame. 

Suzanne. It was sometimes 
tragic. When the last snows of the 
Jura Mountains had covered his 
great silence, I began my unending 
widowhood, the chosen Vestal Vir- 
gin of a great dream and of a great 

Scene Four 
(Henriette St. Marc arrives) 

HENRIETTE. Good afternoon, 
Great Shade of Madame Louver- 

Suzanne. Good afternoon, Hen- 
riette. Girls, may I introduce Hen- 
riette St. Mare Henriette, these 
are two pupils from the Pétion La- 
forest School,? and they are desir- 
ous of meeting the Ancestresses. 
Tell them about your death. (She 
exits. ) 

Henriette. Children, I was 
beautiful and young as you are, 
and seductive, too, according to the 
French historian, General Pam- 
phile de Lacroix. Under the govern- 
ment of Rochambeau—that jackal 
with a human face, that monster 
who required each day wagon loads 
of corpses and buckets of blood— 
my role was to provide the insur- 
gents with gunpowder and bullets 
that I would take from the white 
officers who made love to me. They 
led me to the gallows, but at the 
very instant when they beheaded 
me, I experienced the inexpressible 
joy of hearing my bullets, my shells 
explode under the feet of the plant- 


2A school for girls in the eity of 

Jérémie, in the south of Haiti. 

NovEMBER, 1944 

ers and on Rochambeau’s palaces. 
(She exits) 
Scene Five 
(Enter Claire Heureuse) 

Marre. You seem to be looking 
for something, Madame. 

CuairRE. Ever since they assassi- 
nated him at Pont Rouge, I have 
been searching for the African 
charm my husband wore on his 

reuse ! 

LucIENNE. Madame Dessalines? 

CuarrE. Yes, children. The 17th 
of October, 1806 may be a fatal 
date for this country, but for the 
heart of a woman and a widow, it 
is a dagger that sinks ever deeper. 

LucIENNE. You who were so kind 
to the French after Independence 
was declared. 

Marie. That very kindness is 
your greatest claim to glory. 

CuairE. What glory do I deserve 
for having been kind? I caused 
children, innocent people, priests, 
physicians, scientists to be spared. 
Or rather I requested their pardon, 
which the Emperor granted. For, 
if the Emperor avenged his race 
and the sufferings of Saint Do- 
mingue, he also had a heart, he was 
understanding. And, as a matter 
of fact, it wasn’t Claire Heureuse, 
it was the Emperor who spared 
their lives. Here is Madame Pageot 
who knew the General well. 

Girits. We are delighted to see 
you and to know you, Madame 

Pacrot. Good afternoon, Your 
Majesty ; good afternoon, Girls. 

LucIENNE. Were you the one who 
saved Dessalines in 1802? 

Paaeort. I had that good fortune, 
children. I was Father Videau’s 
servant. Dessalines had been in- 
vited to lunch at the parish house. 
Major Andrieux had been ordered 
to arrest him. Dessalines was seated 
‘at the table. Understanding at a 
given moment that Dessalines was 
in danger of being captured, I went 
to the door and signaled him to 
make his escape. Thus, mine was 
the glory of having made possible 
Dessalines’s triumphant march to- 
ward Independence. (Pageot and 
Suzanne exit.) 

Why, it’s Claire Heu- 

ScENE Six 

(Enter Marie Jeanne, singing the 
Marseillaise. ) 

LucIENNE. What, Madame, you 
are singing the Marseillaise? 

Marig JEANNE. Yes, my child, 
just as I did at the Créte 4 Pierrot.* 

Marre. It’s Marie Jeanne. 

MarilE JEANNE. Before becoming 
one of the defenders of the fort, I 
fought for liberty in the ranks of 
the insurgents. In the great deci- 
sive hours of a nation’s existence, 
there is no difference in sex, dresses 
to one side and trousers to the 
other. There are simply men re- 
solved to sacrifice their all in order 
to merit the name of men. History 
is amazed today on finding me 
among the soldiers at the Créte, yet 
my presence in the fort seemed 
quite natural to the Monpoints, the 
Magnys, the Lamartiniéres, and the 
other Haitian heroes who fought 
beside me. I was not a woman; I 
was a comrade, a soldier, an insur- 
gent, struggling for independence. 
And so, my children, do not forget 
that you must be courageous in 
soul, in spirit, and at heart. 

(She exits, singing the ‘‘ Marseil- 


(Enter an old lady; her arms are 
folded as though she were car- 
rying something.) 

LucIENNE. Old lady, what are 
you carrying in your arms? 

DeEFILEE. Why, girls, don’t you 
recognize the remains of the Em- 
peror. I have just come back from 

Pont Rouge. See how they muti- 

lated him! You didn’t know the 

Emperor? He was so handsome, 

the Emperor was! Under his im- 

perial cloak, he was a bronze god 

from the land of Guinea. His silver 
spurs sounded like little bells. 

When he walked, his steps made the 

world tremble. And, on the morn- 

3In March 1802, the French Army, 
twelve thousand strong, under General 
Leclere, surrounded the fort at Créte a 
Pierrot, where Dessalines had about one 
thousand men. One of the bravest of 
those ‘‘men’’ was Marie Jeanne, the wife 
of Louis Lamartiniére, who was also a 
member of the besieged army. After 
thirteen days, during which the French 
tried to starve them out, the Haitians 
fought their way through Leclere’s 



ing of October 17th, you should 
have seen his horse rear up at the 
sound of the treacherous bullets. 
Dessalines was a god who refused 
to remain in the heavens. They mu- 
tilated him, children, they muti- 
lated him, I tell you. And I am 
carrying his sacred remains back to 
the earth that he bequeathed to us. 
Ah! History calls me Crazy Défilée, 
but, in truth, children, on the scene 
of Pont Rouge, on October 17, 1806, 
there was only one sane person, and 
that was Crazy Défilée. The others 
were criminals and fools. 

(She exits, singing a sad song. 
The children lie down again. Then 
they wake up, and it is understood 
that they have been dreaming.) 

Scene’ E1eut 

LucrENNE. How long have we 
been sleeping ? 

Marie. Did you dream anything? 

LucIENNE. Yes, and you? 

Marte. I, too. First there was 

silence, and then Sanite Belair 
came. She said: 
LucIENNE. ‘‘To know how to 

share worthily the ideal of one’s 
mate.’’ And then all the famous 
women of Haitian History: Suz- 
anne Simon, Marie Jeanne, Pageot, 
Henriette St. Mare, and finally Dé- 
filée. Défilée said : ‘‘ There was only 
one sane person at Pont Rouge on 
October 17, 1806, and that was 
Crazy Défilée. The others were 
criminals or fools.’’ 

Negro History Week 

(Continued from page 28) 

sion of the influence of the United 
States abroad and the ‘evident re- 
sults with respect to the Negro. In 
the November issue the topic is the 
failure of segregation as a national 
policy. Another development will 
be discussed in the December issue, 
and so on until every aspect is thus 
treated. Here then is an excellent 
opportunity not only to study what 
we are trying to do abroad but 
what other nations are thinking 
and doing with respect to our atti- 
tude toward the Negro and their 
own attitude toward the race in 
(Continued on page 41) 

HE present war like that of 
1914-19 has driven home the 
importance of the health of 

all the citizens of the United States. 
Education likewise has been pro- 
claimed as the need of a large pro- 
portion of our citizenry. It is evi- 
dent, however, that the first need of 
man is to know how to keep alive 
as long as possible, for sickly and 
shortlived people cannot be de- 
pended upon to discharge the func- 
tions of a progressive population. 


With health assured education will 
have a better foundation to rest 
on than it has had heretofore with 
a part of the population diseased 
and menacing the health of those 
with sound bodies. 

The experience of officers in the 
military forces lead to the conclu- 
sion that the health problem is a 
national concern. It is so far reach- 
ing that the states working indi- 
vidually cannot be depended upon 
to do what is required to safeguard 
the health of the entire nation. 
Ilere appears a snag, for the states 
are now clamoring for less inter- 
ference from the Federal Govern- 
ment even when such interference 


is helpful as in the case of health. 
They fear that the Federal Gov- 
ernment may soon deprive the 
states altogether of what is com- 
monly known as ‘‘sovereignty,’’ 
and the politicians would lose con- 
trol. In this case, they believe, it 
would be better to die soon enjoy- 
ing the right of state exploitation 
than live long to do the biddings 
of the Federal Government. The 
states loudest in their objections to 
the Federal control of such matters 
are not able to do much for health 
or anything else constructive, and 
they do not do what little they can. 
Yet to obviate the necessity for the 
central authorities to invade the 
domain of the states with improve- 
ments the states themselves in some 
eases have begun to do more for 
health and other matters which 
they have long neglected. 

It was hardly any such motive 
which actuated West Virginia to 
establish at the West Virginia State 
College the outstanding Health 
Building among the Negro colleges 
of the country. In fact, there are 

Tue Necro History BULLETIN 

few large universities with such a 
building on their grounds. This re- 
cently completed building, costing 
about one-half a million, is the 
pride of the campus. It is a solidly 
built and spacious structure which 
deeply impresses the observer with 
its grandeur and beauty in the 
midst of simplicity. And it is not 
merely a building. It is well 
equipped with everything required 
by the staff of physical directors, 
doctors and nurses employed to 
parallel the development of the 
body along with that of the mind. 
The spacious swimming pool and 
the gymnasiums of regulation di- 
mensions are so inviting that both 
professors and students enjoy life 
around the center and avail them- 
selves of every opportunity to ex- 
ercise themselves to keep physically 
fit. The building is a new chapter 
in health education in West Vir- 

We are assured by President 
John W. Davis, of the West Vir- 
ginia State College, that West 
Virginia was not moved by the 


NoveMBER, 1944 

promptings operating in the minds 
of the authorities in some other 
states with respect to the health of 
its citizens. West Virginia, although 
handicapped by separate schools, 
has usually tried to treat its Negro 
citizens with a much larger mea- 
sure of justice than what is cus- 
tomary in other former slavehold- 
ing areas. It is difficult to discuss 
West Virginia with a Negro citizen 
without having him refer to the 
pleasant relations existing between 
the races. While bitterness has 
tended to develop in other parts 
the brotherly attitude shown to the 
Negroes in West Virginia has as- 
sured recent gains in the advance 
toward a real democracy. 

Negro History Week 

(Continued from page 39) 

their dependencies and possessions. 
Such weighty problems cannot be 
disposed of in a week as so many 

This misconception is due to the 
fault in the education of the Negro. 
The record of the Negro is just as 
creditable and honorable as that of 
any other race, but those who have 
set up the system for the education 
of the Negro have branded the race 
as inferior and suppressed its rec- 
ord as without noteworthy achieve- 
ment. Negroes drilled in this doe- 
trine in the social sciences in our 
colleges and universities develop 
this attitude toward their own peo- 
ple and become worthless misfits 
without hope. The more the Negro 
acquires of the education generally 
provided for him the worse off he 
is. The useful and great men of 
the Negro race are those who did 
not get much of this education. 

Leather Industries 

(Continued from page 35) 

Akasatu, a tiny garment with 
bells all around it, is used by royal 

Akasatu Kasaraine is worn by 
royal children of both sexes when 
they are about four years old, this 
is made of many different colours 

of calfskin in a patch work design. 

Endyanga is the bag made from 
the pelt of a small goat. To make 
this bag the head of the animal is 
eut off, and then the pelt is drawn 
off as one skins a rabbit. The hole 
where the head was cut is sewn, 
and the opening of the rectum is 
used as the mouth of the bag. The 
two black legs are joined by cord, 
and this hangs over the neck of the 

Oruhago is the bladder. As soon 
as the animal is killed the bladder 
is removed and stamped on until it 
grows longer and tougher. Then it 
is cleansed with soil and afterwards 
well washed and dried. After cur- 
ing it is used as a tobacco pouch. 

Leather is used for sandals, usu- 
ally the skin of a buffalo, Enkaito 
Zebibya. These shoes are shaped 
like a long oval and are hollow. 
There is a soft leather band across 
the instep and a loop to hold the 
big toe. These bands in the case of 
the royal family are of leopard 
skin. The hollow of the shoe is cut 
and dyed in patterns, the colours 
are red and black. 

Enkaito sandals for ordinary 
people, have two leather straps 
across the foot going in reverse di- 
rections, and one leather band go- 
ing around the heel, and another 
strap going across the instep. 

Africans use leather not only in 
making garments, but also for re- 
ligious, festival, and ceremonial 
purposes. They tan leather which 
is wrapped around ceremonial 
drums, religious symbols and tribal 
emblems. This leather is painted in 
the colors suited for its particular 
usage. Africans make bright col- 
ored festival leather, and the som- 
ber brown of the ceremonial drum 
leather. Not only is leather used 
for these purposes, but so are the 
lizard, leopard, and sheep skins 
used for similar purposes. 7 

Emambo are the pegs used to 
stretch a skin by pinning it down 
to dry, and they are driven in 4 
inch apart. 

Three kinds of animals are re- 
served for the use of the royal fam- 
ily, those of the lion, leopard and 
entahura. The last mentioned is a 
small animal about the size of a dog 


with an unusually hard hide. The 
spear of the hunter must be thrown 
with great force otherwise it will 
not penetrate the hide. 

The leather industry is of great 
importance and most of the work is 
earried on by men. Women take 
a part in the'very delicate work 
such as sewing bells for babies gar- 
ments, and making designs and cut- 
ting patchwork, and rounding the 
skins, and sewing, but sandal-mak- 

ing is entirely a man’s job. 

A Defense of the 
Freedom of the Press 

(Continued from page 33) 

insisting upon their rights would 
stir up hostility. 

The fearless manner in which 
Lovejoy spoke in his editorials was 
not satisfactory to the people of St. 
Louis. The one question which 
brought this matter to the front 
was the use of the mails.** On Oc- 
tober 15, 1835, a group of citizens 
met and suggested to Lovejoy that 
he change the temper of his paper, 
for the interference of the North- 
ern brethren with Southern social 
relations and the excitement of the 
public mind made it such that the 
people would not endure sound doc- 
trine.** The citizens said they did 
not wish to prescribe the course of 
Lovejoy but hoped he would concur 
in their desire. He published his 
reply to this request in the St. 
Louis Observer, November 5, 1835 
under the title ‘‘To My Fellow Citi- 
zens.’’ He showed how fickle the 
public was in allowing a right to 
pass one day and demanding it the 
next. He saw that in yielding one 
single inch a way would be opened 
to lose all. Lovejoy said that he felt 
that he stood upon firm ground and 
he had no intention of giving up, 
no matter what happened.** He, 
like Birney, was a fearless fighter 
and when he had taken a position 
he had no intention of abandoning 
it unless shown absolutely that he 
was wrong. 

32This was the controversy over the 

33Lovejoy, Memoirs, 137. 

34N,. D. Harris, Negro Servitude in 
Illinois, 73. 


The citizens having passed a set 
of resolutions agreed that the free- 
dom of speech existed under the 
Constitution, the one thing for 
which Lovejoy fought. They in- 
sisted that this principle had a 
fundamental reservation by the 
people in their sovereign capac- 
ity.5 This did not imply a right 
on the part of the abolitionists to 
discuss the question of slavery 
either orally or through the press. 
One wonders how the abolitionists 
could be exempted from the privi- 
leges which others enjoyed. The 
answer came in this same docu- 
ment. It was one too closely allied 
to the interests of the Southern 
States to be discussed publicly. The 
work of the abolitionists is not con- 
stitutional but seditious in its wid- 
est sense. The action of the aboli- 
tionists was caleulated to paralyze 
every social tie which united the 
sections, it was claimed.** In spite 
of all this excitement Lovejoy was 
not harmed and he thus went on 
with his work. He did not agree 
with the resolutions and could not 
see why there should be one law for 
the abolitionists and another for 
other citizens.** 

During the period from 1835 to 
1836 Lovejoy passed from a grad- 
ual*to an immediate abolitionist. 
He, like John Quincey Adams, had 
not been a violent abolitionist but a 
mild opponent of slavery. It was 
the freedom of the press which he 
saw imperiled. The real change did 
not come until the years 1836 and 
1837 when he agreed to publish the 
request for persons to sign the peti- 
tion for the abolition of slavery in 
the District of Columbia.** This in- 
dicates as well as anything can the 
change in attitude which Lovejoy 
had taken toward the whole matter. 

At the time when Lovejoy was 
passing through this period of 
change and while there was much 
excitement over the publication of 
the St. Louis Observer, an unusual 
affair happened which changed the 
whole history of anti-slavery senti- 

35Lovejoy, Memoirs, 138. 

367 bid., 139. Lovejoy thought the reso- 
lution set forth the freedom of the press 
on the terms of the slaveholding states. 
87Tbid., 80. 

387 bid., 82. 

ment in Missouri. In April 1836 a 
Negro, Francis MelIntosh, killed 
two officers to avoid arrest.*® This 
was looked upon as a horrible crime 
and he was burned at the stake.*° 
The matter was taken up by the 
grand jury of St. Louis. Judge 
Lawless who was in charge of the 
case charged that the jury, in deal- 
ing with a case of this sort, must 
take into consideration the circum- 
stances of those who were forced to 
live among Negroes. They had a 
great deal to fear from these Ne- 
groes, he thought.4! The Judge in- 
timated that Negroes were danger- 
ous and at any time might kill their 
masters. He made it plain to the 
jury that ordinary criminal pro- 
eedure would not work and the 
matter was beyond the bounds of 
human law.** This was the same 
as saying to the lawless citizens 
that as individuals they could not 
be punished by any law because 
what they had done was not a 
crime, but an act committed by a 
mob. Lovejoy denounced this 
charge to the jury as fallacious doc- 
trine. He could not see that what 
was wrong for the individual 
should not be also wrong for the 
multitude.** He denounced also the 
act itself. His criticism rested up- 
on the right of free discussion and 
the constitution. This bold speech 
brought about, as it might have 
been expected, an attack on the 
property of the St. Louis Observ- 
er.4* The mob destroyed his press, 
and he moved to Alton in the state 
of Illinois. 

The move to Alton, Illinois, 
marked a new phase in this contest 
over the freedom of the press. Love- 
joy did not rid himself of the mob 
law by moving to Alton. His press, 
when it landed there, was broken 
and destroyed. This action shows 
how the people of Alton felt to- 

39J. F. Darby, Personal Recollections, 

490, Johnson, Garrison and His Times, 

41§t. Louis Argus, July 1, 1836. 

42He did not hesitate to advance this 
dangerous precedent. 

43Lovejoy, Memoirs, 174. He gave no- 
tice in the same paper that he expected 
to remove his paper to Alton, Illinois. 

44N. D. Harris, Negro Servitude in Illi- 
nois, 76. 

Tue Necro History BULLETIN 

wards the paper and the abolition- 
ist group. Yet certain citizens of 
Alton felt it was their duty to re- 
imburse Lovejoy for the destruc- 
tion of his press.** One attack after 
another came until his second press 
was destroyed. In the contest which 
followed in Alton, Lovejoy acted 
upon the advice of his friends.* 
The action cannot be called wholly 
his own. He proposed to his friends 
that he be allowed to withdraw, for 
he believed that the work might be 
done better if in the hands of some- 
one else. At the Presbyterian Synod 
in November, 1837 at Springfield 
the matter was thoroughly dis- 
cussed. It was decided that Love- 
joy should remain as editor of the 
Alton Observer. The decision was 
reached with one dissenting vote.*? 
This sacrifice was asked of Lovejoy 
by his friends, for the great princi- 
ple of the freedom of the press was 
at stake. Lovejoy considered this 
as the voice of God. In a public 
meeting held November 3, 1837, he 
said that he was impelled to the 
course which he had taken by a 
fear of God. He realized the sacri- 
fice which he was making when he 
pledged himself to continue the 
contest to the last.** This shows how 
passionately Lovejoy pledged him- 
self to his work and how he linked 
his religious beliefs with the anti- 
slavery cause. He further pledged 
himself to remain in Alton and die 
if need be and be buried in Alton 
if death for the cause should be his 

A letter was written to the fol- 
lowing towns in reference to re- 
éstablishing the Alton Observer: 
Quiney, Jacksonville, Springfield, 
Alton and Chatham. The notice 
stated that, after consulting the 
path of duty, it had been decided 
to reéstablish the Alton Observer. 
The editor rested his rights upon 
the laws of the state and the nation 
and could not and would not yield 

450, Johnson, Garrison and His Times, 

46C, P. Koford, Article in Illinois State 
Histori¢al Society Publication No. 10, 
1905, 311. 

47Tbid., 312. 

480, Johnson, Garrison and His Times, 

497 bid., 225. 

NovemBer, 1944 

to any mob. There is a religious 
sentiment evident in the letter, for 
it closed with the same note which 
ended the address before the citi- 
zens. Through the fear of God the 
supporters of the Observer deter- 
mined to sustain the laws and 
guard the freedom of the press.°° 

The friends of free speech and 
the press in Ohio gave Lovejoy a 
third press.°! This was the very act 
which brought on the final episode 
in the contest for the freedom of 
speech led by Lovejoy. At almost 
the same time the meeting was 
called for the purpose of establish- 
ing an anti-slavery society, but 
this was not conducive to the wel- 
fare, peace and harmony of Alton. 
The meeting was captured by the 
pro-slavery forces. In the midst of 
this turmoil the announcement that 
the new press was about to arrive 
caused even greater excitement. 
Lovejoy and Beecher remained to 
supervise the storing of the press. 
The editor and the abolition friends 
made provisions for protecting 
their property.52 The action of 
these individuals made it conveni- 
ent for those who were opposed to 
the abolition societies to attack 
them. The mayor admitted that a 
request for protection was made to 
the common council but that the 
demand was declined.® 

It seemed rather strange that, 
since a request for aid had been 
made and since the council itself 
knew that there was much confu- 
sion and uproar, no aid was offered 
to help the situation. The mayor 
does not tell us why the request 
was declined. If he had seen fit to 
tell us it probably would have been 
interesting indeed. The mayor, 
however, tells us that he and the 
police authorities did visit the 
building after they had heard of 
the violence. He places the blame 
upon those within the building for 
killing the first person. This is 

50Letter from E. P. Lovejoy to E. 
Young in Journal of Illinois State His- 
torical Society, 1905, XX, 333. 

51Article in Illinois State Historical 
Society Publication No. 10, 1905, 311. 

52Niles’ Register, LIII, 196, quoted 
from Alton Spectator, Nov. 9, 1837. 

53Mayor J. M. Krum of Alton gives 
an interesting account of the riot. Niles’ 
Register, LIII, 196. 

probably true, but it must ever be 
kept in mind that this affair might 
have been avoided at this time if 
the council had been willing to take 
a little precaution. 

The fact was that the civil au- 
thorities did little to protect the 
property or to disperse those on 
either side. This negligence re- 
sulted in the death of Elijah P. 
Lovejoy and Bishop, a member of 
the pro-slavery party.** It was 
unfortunate at the time, for it could 
be looked upon other sense 
than that Lovejoy was one who had 
given his life for the freedom of the 
press. From the other side of the 
question some consideration for the 
action which had been taken must 
be given. The opposition looked 
upon this as an interference with 
the rights that belonged exclusively 
to them. They also thought a paper 
of this sort would destroy the peace 
and harmony of the city and the 

In general the papers of the 
Northern States condemned the ac- 
tion at Alton and some of the 
Southern papers were just as out- 
spoken. The Louisville Herald 
stated that the spilling of the blood 
of Lovejoy was far worse than 
‘‘sowing dragons’ teeth,’’ and that 
every drop would cause a new abo- 
lition society to spring up.™ This 
publication was as ready as any- 
one to condemn the abolition pub- 
lications, but this murder seemed 
like going a bit too far. It could 
find nowhere in the moral or legal 
code a justification for such action. 
There were papers which, though 
absolutely pro-slavery in sentiment, 
condemned this attack upon the 
freedom of the press.5® 

The Columbus, Ohio, Journal 
and Register stated, speaking edi- 
torially, that it could find no words 
to paint the abhorrence which it 
felt at such an outrage on property 
and person.®* The editor was will- 
ing to wait and see what the city 
of Alton would do to redeem its 
fair name. It could punish those 

54Niles’ Register, LIII, 197. 
55Cincinnati Daily Gazette, Nov. 16, 
1886, quoted from the Louisville Herald. 
56N. D. Harris, Negro Servitude in 
Illinois, $6. 
57Nov. 16, 1837. 


who committed the crime by bring- 
ing them to justice. This paper saw 
in this affair something like the 
Birney riots in Cincinnati. 

There were other individual ex- 
pressions on the seriousness of the 
crime. One prominent person, at 
a later date, said Lovejoy was de- 
liberately and systematically has- 
tened to his death for no other rea- 
son than that he insisted that slav- 
ery was a sin.®® Lovejoy, Greeley 
thought, had come to the conclusion 
that slavery and freedom could not 
exist in the same place and there- 
fore felt it his duty to destroy 
slavery. John Quincy Adams 
thought such religious men as Love- 
joy were often doomed to die as 
martyrs. Such, then, was the fate 
of Lovejoy, who had given his life 
in the cause of human freedom.*® 
The motive that actuated Lovejoy 
was religious duty; he felt that it 
was a call of God to edit his paper 
and distribute it. Those who were 
opposed to him knew that to per- 
mit the paper to be printed was to 
allow its distribution, which must 
be prohibited at all hazards. Alton 
was much too close to St. Louis for 
a paper of the same type to be 
started as the one previously pro- 
hibited in the city. It was bad 
judgment which brought on this 
catastrophe. Had the paper been 
started in some city farther away 
from St. Louis it might have fared 
better. It was especially bad policy 
which caused Lovejoy and his 
friend to undertake to defend their 
press. If they had followed the 
method of Birney, there would 
probably have been no loss of life. 
It must be understood that in both 
cases it was a contest over the free- 
dom of speech. 

Present Status of the 
Negro in the Armed 

(Continued from page 30) 

ideals and military traditions are 
doing much to improve the effi- 
ciency of our fighting forces and 
to improve military morale. 
Perhaps with the success the 

58Horace Greeley, Recollections, 287. 
59Nevins, Diary, 489. 


Navy is meeting in these cases 
where mixed crews and station per- 
sonnel are serving with such har- 
mony, it may be considered worth- 
while to continue and enlarge 
rather than curtail these activities. 
It certainly would make the person- 
nel problems of securing ships’ 
complements and other related mat- 
ters much simpler. 

In the Merchant Marine we ob- 
serve that there are several noted 
examples of mixed crews serving 
together on a regular basis under 
Negro as well as white officers. Sev- 
eral of these ships have colored cap- 
tains who are respected by their 
mixed white and colored crews. 

Recently the Army Nurse Corps 
opened its ranks to Negro nurses on 
a non-segregated basis. This is one 
of the very few known cases where 
Army personnel both white and 
eolored are serving together. This 
new policy of the Army will do 
much to supply the 5,000 nurses 
who are needed by the Army by the 
end of the year to care for the 
many Americans who have fallen 
casualties on the widespread fight- 
ing fronts. 

The Marine Corps has been ac- 
cepting Negroes since June 1942. 
Colonel Samuel A. Woods, Jr., 
stated: ‘‘I have found that any 
soldier anywhere will respond to 
his duties if treated like a human 
being. The same is true of the Ne- 
gro Marines as of all other persons 
in the service.’’* 

In addition to these specific 
ehanges and increased opportuni- 
ties for Negroes there has been a 
steady improvement in conditions 
throughout the camps in the U. 8. 
In a recent conversation with an 
official of the National Association 
for the Advancement of Colored 
People I was informed that the 
recreation facilities and other con- 
ditions in the camps had noticeably 
improved since 1943. 

This war has also witnessed the 
inclusion of the Negro in all the 
various branches of the Army, 
something that was not done in the 
last war. We can see that the Negro 
in this war has advanced far since 
the last war, and is making steady 

*The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 
XII, Summer 1943, No. 3, pg. 348. 

strides. However, in order to make 
these beginnings more effective and 
to raise the morale of the Negroes 
throughout the country there are 
several things that require immedi- 
ate attention, since they do not con- 
form to the principles of good mili- 
tary administration and are not 
conducive to the maintenance of 
high morale among the troops of 
the white and black sections of the 

These are mainly matters of local 
military administration in which a 
definite improvement has _ been 
noted even in the past year. How- 
ever, we still read of local friction 

between white and Negro soldiers. 

and between white civilians and 
Negro troops in the South. It is 
along these lines that the next 
phase of this study is directed, 
so that we may see what improve- 
ments may be made under the pres- 
ent military policies and organiza- 

Potential Status of the Negro: Im- 
provements Possible under 
Present Military Policies 
and Organization 

The main improvements possible 
under present conditions are in the 
field of race relations in the Army 
and between the Negro troops and 
white southern population. 

Perhaps increased quotas of Ne- 
gro troops in the various technical 
branches of the services are also 
required, but since the matters of 
personnel assignments are vital 
military information and the sta- 
tistics are unavailable this is not 
a question the writer feels he is in 
a position to discuss. 

Though the incidents of race vio- 
lence in the military services have 
decreased considerably there is 
much room for a more basic under- 
standing between the white and 
colored troops. This understanding 
ean be made more satisfactory by 
increased education. In case some 
take this idea too lightly and con- 
sider it a too utopian prospect they 
must be reminded of the success 
of various army pocket guides to 
instruct the military personnel how 
to act towards various peoples, and 
to acquaint them with their virtues 
and similarities to ourselves as well 

Tue Necro History BULLETIN 

as the significance of their culture 
and the necessity to cultivate their 
good will to insure the success of 
the military undertaking that 
brings our troops to their home- 
land. Such a pamphlet is the guide 
to West Africa, where the popula- 
tion is Negro and in a less devel- 
oped stage of industrial advance- 
ment than our own Negro troops. 
This education could take the form 
of an indoctrination course. It 
should include a basic understand- 
ing of anthropology, and the rela- 
tionships of the various races, their 
apparent differences and their ac- 
tual similarities in mental ability 
as well as other abilities. 

This will do much to correct 
many of the erroneous and unsci- 
entific impressions and ideas that 
have been prevalent about the Ne- 
groes which have existed for many 

A study of the role of the Negro 
in the military history of the na- 
tion will help his fellow soldier to 
accept him as a comrade in arms 
on whom he can depend. 

By studying the contribution the 
Negro has made to American civili- 
zation a firmer understanding will 
be developed between the white and 
colored Americans in the armed 

Such a course can be made short 
but interesting and will pay divi- 
dends in preventing wasteful mis- 
understanding in the military or- 
ganizations, race frictions in the 
military areas,-and in the post-war 
era will act to stabilize race rela- 
tions and minimize the possibility 
of race riots. 

The dangers of race hatred to the 
war effort and the republican form 
of government are understandable 
to almost every man in the ranks 
when discussed in the proper fash- 
ion. It has been my experience that 
Southerners in both the Army and 
the Navy are capable of appreciat- 
ing and putting into practice in 
race relationships the principles of 
democracy when the subject is 
properly presented. 

A special course for all officers 
should precede any indoctrination 
for the men in the ranks so that 
they may be prepared to discuss 
these questions with their men and 

NoveMBER, 1944 

by their example strengthen the de- 
sire on the part of their men to act 
towards their fellow Americans as 
they should. In addition all officers 
should be directed to utilize fully 
the technical abilities of all men in 
their command. 

An important factor in the mo- 
rale is the segregation of blood do- 
nated for use as plasma. The entire 
practice is a ridiculous one since 
there is no difference between blood 
from Negroes and blood from 
whites. Both races have the four 
identical blood types. In many of 
the city hospitals of the northern 
cities thousands of lives are saved 
annually through the use of blood 
of the opposite race, blood donors 
are accepted as they appear from 
the blood donor services with no 
thought given in the matter of race. 
The plasma I have seen used in the 
Navy has not been marked with the 
race of the donor. It is safe to con- 
clude that the dry plasma is dehy- 
drated from common stocks of 
mixed blood plasma. There is no 
medical reason to segregate blood. 
It only complicates the entire prob- 
lem and wastes time, materials, and 
effort at a time when we are all 
urged by the Government to avoid 
such waste. The most sensible thing 
to do would be for the military au- 
thorities to direct the Red Cross to 
cease its ridiculous and unscientific 

Coupled with this it is advisable 
to impress on all military personnel 
the importance of this phase of the 
war, and for all commanders to 
make certain that the military reg- 
ulations are applied with fairness 
to all personnel. 

In addition any personnel guilty 
of stimulating or participating in 
racial intolerance or violence should 
be punished as quickly and as 
sternly as the regulations permit. 
In order to minimize interracial 
feeling, officers in charge of Negro 
units should be specially chosen, as 
this type of command requires a 
high degree of understanding. In 
Negro units the best results will 
probably be observed by the more 
widespread use of Negro officers 
including the higher positions of 
command. The indiscriminate use 
of southern M.P.s and S.P.s in 

areas where Negro troops are sta- 
tioned should be looked upon with 
disfavor. ‘A more widespread utili- 
zation of Negro M.P.s and §.P.s 
who will be able to maintain order 
among Negro servicemen more eas- 
ily than whites who, as a result of 
the association in the mind of the 
Negroes with some civilian police 
forces, cause only a deep resent- 
ment based on the old suspicion 
stemming from the segregation 
evils. The white and colored M.P.s 
should receive short courses to- 
gether so as to get to know one an- 
other and to establish proper pro- 
cedures for the cooperation in 
maintenance of order and the 
minimizing of racial friction. 

Wherever possible Negro troops 
should be stationed outside the 
Southern States, as experience has 
shown that most interracial vio- 
lence oceurs there. When Negro 
troops are stationed in the South 
state laws should be explained to 
the men in a proper manner in or- 
der to minimize friction with the 
local population. The army public- 
ity departments should carry on 
through the local press a program 
of public education in the role of 
the Negro in the war. This should 
also be extended to the local cham- 
bers of commerce with emphasis on 
the economic value to the commu- 
nity of the nearby army camp. Lo- 
eal business men are stable ele- 
ments in the society of the southern 
towns and their influence on the 
press and the local town and city 
governments is considerable. 

In this respect it is important to 
note that the large body of South- 
erners are not the irresponsibles 
who are causing racial strife. How- 
ever, they can be aroused by skill- 
ful fanatics and native fascist ele- 
ments by the use of the familiar 
patterns of racial propaganda. By 
the cooperation of the military au- 
thorities with the respectable ele- 
ments in the Southern communities 
the small irresponsible elements 
will be held in check and discred- 

In the few cases of communities 
that fail to respond to this ap- 
proach, and where violence against 
men in uniform occurs, several al- 
ternatives are available to the local 


commander. The first is the power 
to declare the community ‘‘out of 
bounds.’’ This should be done for 
both white and colored troops so as 
to exert the maximum economic 
sanction against a community so 
unpatriotic as to be unwilling to 
aid in this phase of the war effort. 
A change of attitude usually will 
follow as a result of pressure from 
the business elements of the com- 
munity. Where this measure does 
not prove satisfactory strong repre- 
sentations should be made by the 
commander to the military authori- 
ties in Washington with a request 
for an investigation by the F.B.I. 
so that the elements that are vio- 
lating any of the wartime statutes 
dealing with impairing the morale 
of the armed forces can be swiftly 
apprehended and brought to jus- 

Any officer who permits acts of 
violence against members of the 
armed forces to go unchallenged or 
attempts a weak policy of appease- 
ment in the face of these challenges 
to the authority of the Federal Gov- 
ernment is as guilty as the actual 
mob that commits them. These acts 
of violence against men in uniform 
are in effect rebellions against the 
national authority and should be 
handled as such. Any officer who 
has not the courage to challenge 
this violence against the men of his 
command has no respect for his na- 
tion’s uniform and has little right 
to wear it. 

In foreign countries all comman- 
ders should be scrupulous about the 
feelings of the inhabitants on 
whom the success of a military op- 
eration and post-war peace may 
depend. They should adopt the 
American principle that national 
racial theories are not for export. 
They should never interfere in the 
voluntary social relations that any 
American troops regardless of race 
have with any inhabitants of a 
country on whose soil the army is 
operating. These relations have no 
bearing on the military campaign, 
and are solely the business of the 
persons involved. Such attempts in 
the past which have never been 
sanctioned by the War or Navy De- 
partments can only embarrass the 
High Command and the United 


States Government. 

There is, as we can see, much im- 
provement in race relationships 
that can be instituted or encour- 
aged by the armed forces for the 
protection of the white and colored 
man in uniform and for the raising 
of the morale of all. 

Complete Integration of the Negro 
in the Armed Forces 

We have seen what can be done 
under the present conditions in the 
armed forces and ean appreciate 
how such steps would immeasur- 
ably advance our war effort and 
our post-war international relation- 
ships. However, much as this will 
aid in reaching our goal it is far 
from adequate. The military situ- 
ation calls for a more complete in- 
tegration of the Negro in our fight- 
ing forces. In effect, this means 
nothing less than mixed military 
units. At first there will be a ten- 
dency to deprecate the military 
value of such units. In order to 
demonstrate the value of such or- 
ganizations in military operations 
we must review some of the basic 
considerations which are motivat- 
ing the various peoples of the world 
in their respective attitudes during 
this global struggle. 

Let us first examine the Japanese 
military propaganda line and its 
effect on the Asiaties in the early 
phases of the war. Large sections 
of Asia were held as colonies by 
various European nations who are 
white. These nations instead of 
permitting the colonial peoples to 
share in the defense, the govern- 
ment and the profit of the colonial 
enterprises drew the color line and 
excluded non-whites which meant 
all native people. These people are 
of a proud and sensitive nature. 
Though not all of the Negro race, 
they are all colored. The Japanese 
appealed to these suppressed peo- 
ples under the slogan of ‘‘ Asia for 
the Asiatics’’ and other slogans 
that were derogatory to the white 
race. This was very effective as can 
be seen during the campaigns for 
Burma, Singapore, and the Dutch 
East Indies. The native popula- 
tions were at best apathetic in the 
defense of these colonies but just 
as often they sabotaged, spied on 

military operations, formed guer- 
rilla bands to harass the retreating 
colonial troops, assassinated planta- 
tion owners and any white men 
they found. Had they been inte- 
grated in the various government 
agencies and military organizations 
these acts would not have occurred 
and the fall of at least some, if not 
all of these strategic areas would 
have never occurred. Others would 
never have collapsed so rapidly. 
These people will quickly organize 
their forces to help drive out the 
invader who has failed in his prom- 
ises if they are convinced that they 
will not be returned to the low and 
despised status they held previ- 
ously. They can act for us as sabo- 
teurs, spies, guerrillas, and auxili- 
aries. To convince them that this 
should be done, actions speak loud- 
er than words. 

Such an action as the use of 
mixed units will do more than a 
bookful of promises. Such help will 
be greatly needed, as we shall be 
operating in difficult country and 
terrain. We can not be as sure of 
the support of these people as we 
were of the natives of New Guinea, 
Gaudaleanal, ete., who were never 
intensively exploited by the white 
man. The former are quite familiar 
with the ways of the white man and 
will require tangible proof of a 
change in attitude. The latter are 
unsophisticated aborigines who suf- 
fered under the Japanese and were 
prepared to welcome any invaders. 

In the war against Germany the 
Nazi propagandists still hold out 
the hope to the German people that 
we are a divided nation and they 
themselves believe that there is still 
hope for an easy peace as they are 
convinced that the various elements 
of the American population are 
hostile to one another. Any severe 
blow to that philosophy will knock 
out another psychological prop 
from under the German war ma- 
chine. This can only stimulate the 
growing defeatist sentiment in the 
German army and hasten its col- 

As this is being written the dis- 
integration of the German armies 
is progressing rapidly on all fronts. 
However, the Nazi high command 
is looking forward to the. peace 

Tue Nearo History BULLETIN 

table. It hopes that internal strife 
through racial and religious mis- 
understandings can be utilized to 
weaken the Untied States. Mixed 
units will crush this hope effec- 

Men volunteering for these 
mixed units will be of a high cali- 
bre and desirous of proving the 
validity of this principle of mili- 
tary organization. This will make 
for exceptionally high morale. 
Troops of this type having an ag- 
gressive democratic background 
and high morale, may be used for 
dangerous missions and at crucial 
points on the battle field. 

The military value of this type 
of organization is inealeulable, and 
adequate use of these units will 
help reduce American and Allied 
casualties to a minimum. Any pro- 
gram which will accomplish these 
ends deserves fullest consideration, 
and must not be hampered by do- 
mestic prejudices. 

Since this is an important weap- 
on of war, we must now explore the 
most productive manner to utilize 
it to its fullest without disrupting 
the prosecution of the war or arous- 
ing the feeling of the Southern see- 
tions of the nation to whom indis- 
eriminate application of this pro- 
gram would be highly unaccept- 

The proper approach to this 
problem would envisage a call for 
volunteers from among the present 
units of the military services to be 
integrated in mixed organizations. 
If the claims of the skeptics are cor- 
rect that the whites will not volun- 
teer and that the Negroes prefer to 
be among their own exclusively, 
then they need not fear such a pro- 
gram as there is no element of com- 
pulsion involved. If, however, there 
are volunteers for the program, 
then we shall have a true indication 
of the feelings of American soldiers 
and we shall have strengthened our 
offensive ability in the directions 
already indicated. 

A certain Negro organization has 
recently advocated the formation 
of one mixed division. From the 
military standpoint as outlined far 
more than one division could be 
used in the theatres of war that 
have been previously indicated. The 


present situation is one of national 
necessity and not one which calls 
for a token military organization, 
in order to sooth the racial pride of 
the American Negroes. The need is 
for as many mixed units as can be 
formed in order that our military 
objectives can be achieved in a man- 
ner that will conserve the greatest 
number of American lives. These 
organizations are as important as 
any other specialized military or- 
_ganizations. Their part as we have 
seen is a military and post-war ne- 
eessity and not a racial or political 
football to be exploited for partisan 

In this program no intelligent 
and patriotic Southerner can find 
cause for objection. There will be 
loud opposition and this must be 
expected. However, this will come 
from men who are the spiritual de- 
secendants of the opponents of our 
founding fathers who in the dark- 
est days of the nation’s struggle 
for freedom utilized this measure 
as the salvation of the Revolution. 

As has been pointed out this is 
not a radical or untried program. 
The British Army has at least one 
division of mixed troops recruited 
from the Caribbean area. The ar- 
mies of the Soviet Union contain 
many units of mixed races. 

It should be the firm conviction 
of every American that what any 
other nation can do the United 
States can do at least as well and 
often better. There is no basic rea- 
son why volunteer units should not 
succeed. We have seen that the 
United States has done it before 
and in certain categories is doing 
it at present. The American citizen 
soldier can be trusted to carry this 
larger program to a successful con- 
clusion as he is doing on the pres- 
ent limited scale. 

In addition this program is in 
conformity with the best American 
military traditions and constitu- 
tional ideals. It is voluntary, and 
cannot be attacked as dictatorial to 
certain of our people whose tradi- 
tions have been contrary to its 

Nothing in this program is aimed 
at forcing individuals to accept so- 
cial contacts they might not wish. 

There are many Americans, and we 

must realize this as a fact, who are 
willing to associate themselves 
with peoples of other religious or 
racial groups during the normal 
business or military pursuits of 
life, but who are desirous of main- 
taining a certain social distance at 
other times. This program would 
not be contrary to the desires of 
these people who have every right 
to choose their social contacts as 
they see fit. 

After serving at stations and 
aboard ship where this problem 
has been present it is my opinion 
that. this question in the armed 
forces can be resolved. This is pos- 
sible because of the patriotic zeal 
and courage, democratic traditions, 
liberal education, and religious 
teachings which form the backbone 
of every American. This heritage, 
as well as the basic desire for an 
understanding which exists among 
the vast majority of white and col- 
ored Americans can and must con- 
tribute to the success of this pro- 
gram without affront to any sec- 
tion of the nation, if we are to gain 
the victory with the fewest casual- 
ties and within the shortest period 
of time. It cannot fail to strengthen 
the democratic foundations of the 
Republic against the efforts of our 
enemies’ fascist propaganda. Such 
a program will lead to greater co- 
operation in the military field by 
our many Asiatic, African, and 
Latin American allies who feel a 
close kinship to our Negro eiti- 
zens. It will also strengthen the 
regard and admiration of these 
people to the end that post-war 
diplomatic and economic relation- 
ships shall be very friendly and 
economically profitable. 

Development of the 
Negro Community 

(Continued from page 48) 

organizing housewives’ leagues and 
civic associations which have done 
more than merely pass resolutions. 
These organizations have stimu- 
lated so much business among Ne- 
groes that the foreign merchants 
seeking to exploit the Negro neigh- 
borhoods have a hard time. In fact, 
these enterprising Negroes have 


made so many of these foreign es- 
tablishments hazardous that they 
have had to give way to Negro en- 
terprises. In this way a Negro 
community may defend itself from 
economic and social degradation. 
A community, like an individual, 
cannot expect others to be drawn 
to it unless it makes itself attrac- 
tive. This is the fatal weapon by 
which segregation may be de- 
stroyed. The Negro can not expect 
to maintain his present attitude 
and bring others unto him. Mem- 
bers of the other race will never 
seek the Negro nor remain in his 
community until the Negro de- 
velops some of the essentials which 
they consider indispensable. 

Every Man Under His 
Own Vine and Under 
His Own Fig Tree 

(Continued from page 26) 

on his land, and his white neigh- 
bors immediately commanded him 
to abandon his claim and hasten to 
some other part of the world, or his 
life would be in danger. Desiring 
to protect himself, the Negro owner 
secured the services of a lawyer; 
and for taking this step he was 
promptly taken from his home and 
lynched by a mob. In the same way 
Negroes and Indians were deprived 
of their lands in the Southwest as 
soon as the greedy landgrabbers 
found out that they were valuable 
oil areas. 

It seems, therefore, that in the 
United States of America, where 
we have attained the leadership of 
the modern world, we are not yet 
beyond the primitive stage. We of- 
ten bring this charge against Ger- 
many, and rightly so; but we are 
not any better off in the United 
States. For centuries the rights of 
the Negroes have been disregarded, 
and now the mob is trying to treat 
in like fashion the Jew, the Catho- 
lies, and other minorities of their 
own race. Germany, it is said, 
should be supervised for the next 
generation to assure a healthful at- 
titude toward modernism, and we 
must conclude that the United 
States of America is in need of the 
same treatment. 


THE Neoro History BULLETIN 


F segregation is to go, as it now seems it must, 

.something done to develop in the 

Negro community an immunity against an- 
other evil which may be its sequel. Segregation is 
the sequel of slavery—the means by which the 
control of the Negro could be assured after he 
ceased to be dealt with as goods and chattels. His- 
tory should warn us, then, against those agents of 
race-hate who even after they become a minority 
may contrive to keep the Negro down in some 
other way. So many of the so-called friends of 
the Negro have supported such movements which 
in the beginning had apparently no menacing as- 
pects but became evils as the years passed by. 

If the Negro will learn to do more for himself 
and depend less on others, he will have a better 
chance for establishing an immunity against an- 
other sort of vicious control. For example, segre- 
gation while restricting the Negro to the ghetto 
permits nevertheless a sufficient number of white 
men to fleece the Negro community through the 
business establishments maintained on the corners 
of the streets and up and down the alleys where 
they are permitted to dwell. Negroes with insufh- 
cient capital and lack of enterprise in most of these 
communities have become adjusted to living out- 
side of the business world and serve the foreign 
traders and peddlers only as objects of exploitation. 

While imitating the exploiter in few of his vir- 
tues the Negroes are permitted to practice all his 
vices without limit. Negroes crowd these stores 
of foreigners, smoking cigarettes, chewing gum, 
drinking pop, gulping down liquor, or carting away 
cases of these beverages to buffet apartments to 
quench the thirst of the inmates after the stores 
have closed their doors for the night. As these 
foreigners prosper, moreover, they acquire the 
property in which their victims live and crowd 
into these run-down structures more families than 
they are built to house and thus reduce the Negro 
community to the slum level to which no members 
of another race desire to go and from which every 
decent Negro tries to escape. In a few years the 
enriched exploiter himself moves out and brings 

to take his place another recently arrived from a 
foreign shore. 

Before the days of the depression when about 
a million immigrants came to the United States 
annually the possibilities of the Negro community 
for exploitation were figured out mathematically 
and information to this effect was made available 
to European prospects for this exploitation. A 
foreigner knew beforehand where Negroes were 
concentrated and how many were necessary to sup- 
port the respective enterprises projected. These 
exploiters figured out how many Negro families 
were necessary to support a local grocery, how 
many for a shoe repairing establishment, how many 
for a restaurant, how many for a fruit stand, how 
many for a laundry, how many for a second-hand 
store, and how many for a loan shark centre. And 
it was seldom that their calculations went awry, 
for millions of these foreigners owe their pros- 
perity in the United States to the economic in- 
eptitude of the Negro. 

These conditions widely obtain. In the rural 
areas where there is not much concentration of 
population the Negro escapes the claws of these 
harpies, but in the large cities they reign supreme 
except in a few centers like Atlanta, Durham, 
Richmond, New York, Detroit, and Chicago. En- 
terprising Negroes in the South have changed 
these conditions here and there, but the Negro 
migrants to the North, as a rule, have not shown 
such capacity. What the Negro has achieved in 
the economic liberation of his peop!e in some parts 
in the North, moreover, has been due in a consider- 
able measure to the ability and perseverance of 
the better selected West Indian Negroes. This 
is especially true of Harlem where they have de- 
veloped most of the businesses to the credit of the 
Negro in New York City. Too many of the na- 
tive Negroes there are content to labor for a 
weekly and monthly handout to be wasted in 
smoke, wine and song over the week-end. 

Detroit, however, may be taken as an example 
of the awakened Negroes who have migrated to 

the North. During recent years they have been 
(Continued on page 47)