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Vol. 36, No. 2 February, 1939 

Psychological Bulletin 



Fellow in Psychical Research, Stanford University 


In a recent issue of the Journal of Parapsychology (29) the 
editors make the following statement concerning the need for a 
comprehensive review of experimental work on _ extra-sensory 
perception : ° 

“One significant feature stands out in the four years of criticism to 

which the ESP research has been subjected: Up to the present no critic 
has attempted a thorough and a comprehensive evaluation of the research 
asawhole . . . The rapid expansion of the explorations in this field makes 
it particularly urgent that the primary and fundamental question of the 
occurrence of extra-sensory perception be established once and for all, or 
the essential weakness of the claim for it be pointed out by a very much 
more drastic analysis than has yet been forthcoming ”’ (p. 79). 
The present review has been designed to meet this need from 
the standpoint of experimental methodology. The reviewer has 
attempted to evaluate what he considers to be the important methods, 
both historical and modern, and to criticize experimental methods 
with the purpose of improving them. Since the problems of 
telepathy and clairvoyance have been raised again, he believes that 
it is rather important that they should be settled, in so far as they 
are capable of solution, by the application of acceptable scientific 

1 This paper has been read and approved by the Stanford Committee on 
Psychical Research. 

2 The assistance of the late Professor John Edgar Coover in compiling this 
review, given through personal conversations and especially through his com- 
plete card index of titles on the history of telepathy and c!xirvoyance research, 
is gratefully acknowledged. 

8 Defined in the glossary of common terms found at the end of each number 
of the Journal of Parapsychology as: “ Response to an external event (percep- 
tion) not presented to any known sense.” Hereafter referred to as ESP. 





Much of the material to be reviewed under this heading may be 
found in greater detail in Coover’s extensive monograph (22), which 
covers the period from 1882 (establishment of the British Society 
for Psychical Research) to 1917. Prince (81), Bird (9, 10), 
Murphy (73,74), and especially Rhine (83) have also reviewed 
experiments on telepathy and clairvoyance during this period and 
up to the modern work on ESP, which began at Duke University 
in 1930. Without attempting to evaluate these early experiments 
with respect to the ESP hypothesis, it is possible to reconsider them 
from the aspect of their contributions, at the time, to the knowledge 
of unsatisfactory experimental methods in parapsychological research, 
For example, the early work of the British Society for Psychical 
Research served to emphasize the factor of involuntary and unnoticed 
sensory cues as the basis for some positive results in telepathy 
experiments. These involuntary cues were utilized in kinesthetic, 
tactual, auditory, and visual modalities. The work of the British 
and American Societies also brought about a study of “ mental 
habits,” preferences, and “ coincidences” as productive of question- 
able positive results. Finally, some of the recent work of the British 
Society, although it has not received the critical attention due it, has 
illustrated the necessity for making independent records of guesses 
and material-to-be-guessed in telepathy and clairvoyance experi- 
ments. Since Richet’s (91) introduction of methods demanding 
large numbers of trials in telepathy and clairvoyance experiments, 
this point has become of some importance. 

1. Minimal and Subliminal Sensory Cues. 

(a) Kinesthetic and Tactual Cues. According to Jastrow’s 
recent paper (51) on Chevreul’s contributions to the history of 
suggestibility, involuntary muscular movements have been and con- 
tinue to be associated with supernatural causes. Barrett and 
Besterman (4) made an exhaustive study of “ dowsing” or use of 
the divining rod and reached the conclusion that the movements of 
the rod were caused by the dowser’s own unconscious or involuntary 
muscular movements. No good evidence for other than normal 
causes for the movements was obtained. Faraday (31) and 
Chevreul (21) are responsible for the definitive studies on invol- 


untary movements as related to “ psychic” manifestations. Faraday 

showed that “table tipping” and “rapping” were caused by 
unnoticed pressures applied to the table by the sitters; Chevreul, 
that the swings of a pendulum held in a suggestible person’s hand 
were caused by involuntary movements. Suggestions, even though 
the subject was not consciously aware of receiving them, determined 
the direction and amplitude of the swings. 

Involuntary movements also served as uncontrolled cues in 
telepathy experiments. In the middle of the last century, the so-called 
“willing game” was popular. The sender clasped the receiver's 
hand or made tactual contact with some part of the body. The 
receiver then attempted to “ read the sender’s mind.” Sugden (113) 
yave one of the earliest critical accounts of the successes produced 
by involuntary movements and suggested that telepathy experiments 
should be controlled by eliminating tactual contact. 

Another variation of the contact cue was investigated by 
Stratton (105). Stratton’s subject, a professional “ thought- 
reader,” made a specialty of finding hidden articles. He could be 
thoroughly blindfolded but a necessary condition for success was 
found in his use of involuntary kinesthetic cues obtained from a 
“leader.” Another necessary condition for success was found in 
that the “ leader ” himself had to know where the object was hidden. 
The performer was so highly trained at using these involuntary 
kinesthetic cues that contact through a thin watch chain sufficed to 
produce remarkable “ hits.” 

When the receiver is allowed to see the sender, involuntary move- 
ments or signals may be visually apprehended. Apparently these 
cues were used by “ Clever Hans,” the mind-reading horse investi- 
gated by Pfungst (76). The visual apprehension of involuntary 
movements was also proposed by Miinsterberg (71) to account for 
the telepathic feats of Beulah Miller. Her successes decreased to the 
chance level when the family was outside the room. Some suggestion 
of the visual use of involuntary muscular cues is to be found in early 
reports of experiments with the Creery sisters by Barrett, Gurney, 
and Myers(5). It was noted that the successes of the sisters 
increased if the father was included in the group of senders and the 
girls were able to see him. Confessions of fraud (41) further 
invalidate these experiments, although at one time they were con- 
sidered to be unimpeachable evidence by members of the British 
Society for Psychical Research. Button (16, 17, 18) has reported 
high scores in card guessing with the medium “ Margery ” as subject. 
Since, in the majority of the card tests, the sender was in full view 


of the guesser, the question of involuntary cues appears to be of 
relevance. It is generally agreed at present that experimental 
methods which allow contact and use of involuntary muscular cues 
through vision cannot provide serious evidence for any ability beyond 
the learned skill in using minimal and subliminal cues to aid guessing, 

Probably the best example of the use of tactual cues may be 
found in the clairvoyance experiment reported by Verail (117). She 
was able to obtain differential tactual cues from feeling the faces of 
playing cards as she was guessing their denomination. Feeling the 
backs did not produce positive results. 

(b) Visual Cues. As stated above, visual observation of invol- 
untary movement may serve to produce positive results in telepathy 
experiments. Verall (117) found that the faces of playing cards 
could be read with ease if they were dealt out over a polished surface 
or even over a white linen tablecloth. Coover (22) obtained results 
on the use of subliminal (i.e. nonverbalized) visual cues which 
definitely indicate that subjects may unconsciously use these cues to 
produce extra-chance results in guessing experiments and cited other 
experiments in which similar results were found. Since the cues 
may operate below the level of awareness of the subject, every pos- 
sible use of visual cues should be eliminated in telepathy and clair- 
voyance experiments, even though the possibility of using such cues 
appears to be negligible. 

(c) Auditory Cues. The error of unconscious or involuntary 
“ whispering ” cues in telepathy experiments has received little atten- 
tion since 1895 when Hansen and Lehmann (45) advanced this 
hypothesis to explain results obtained by the Sidgwicks and G. A. 
Smith (99), members of the British Society for Psychical Research. 
In the Sidgwick-Smith experiment, extra-chance scores were obtained 
by hypnotized receivers only so long as the sender was in the same 
room. Recalculations with modern statistical methods of the results 
obtained when the sender was outside the room indicate that these 
scores do not deviate significantly from the chance level. Hansen 
and Lehmann assumed that hypnotism produced auditory hyper- 
esthesia in the receiver and that the sender, in concentrating, uncon- 
sciously whispered enough of the material which he was attempting 
to “transmit” to raise the total hit score above chance expectancy. 
In trying to reproduce the conditions of the Sidgwick-Smith experi- 
ment, Hansen and Lehmann used 2 parabolic sound reflectors 
arranged in such a way that involuntary noises made by the agent 
at the focus of one reflector were reflected and gathered at the focus 
of the other reflector where the receiver was stationed. Under con- 


ditions in which the sender was aware of the purpose of the experi- 
ment but reduced his whispering to minimal intensity, scores signifi- 
cantly above the chance level were obtained. Hansen and Lehmann 
also showed that various positions in a closed room were not equally 
good for hearing small noises because of ihe nature of the sound 
reflection. An analysis of most frequent confusions in the Hansen- 
Lehmann and the Sidgwick-Smith experiments seemed to indicate 
to Hansen and Lehmann that errors in both experiments were pro- 
duced by the same cause: namely, the misinterpretation of reduced 
and ambiguous sound cues. Sidgwick (98), however, pointed out 
that a good agreement was found between the modal errors in the 
Hansen-Lehmann experiment and in the trials from the Sidgwick- 
Smith experiment in which the agent was in another room. Sidgwick 
also criticized the Hansen-Lehmann work because the whispering 
was not “involuntary.” Kennedy (60) has recently repeated the 
Hansen-Lehmann experiment with naive senders (blindfolded and 
unaware of the action of the reflectors) and has found confirmatory 
evidence for involuntary auditory cues as a source of error in 
telepathy experiments. 

In an unpublished manuscript answering the critics of card- 
guessing experiments reported in his 1917 monograph, Coover (23) 
claims that the small positive excesses may have been due to the 
subject’s use of involuntary sound cues supplied by the agent. No 
graded effect of the distance was found between agent and percipient 
(in the same room) in 847 trials (p. 77), with distances of 1, 2, 3, 
4.6, 6, and 10 meters. However, the factor of unconscious whisper- 
ing in a few agents might have given slight positive deviations when 
the scores were summed for the total group of 10,000 guesses. 
Coover’s experimental methods were uncontrolled for this source of 

Finally, in evaluating experiments on telepathy and clairvoyance, 
due consideration should be given to opportunity for conscious fraud 
in the experimental conditions. The sequel of the British Society’s 
experiments with the Creery sisters was an exposé of conscious 
signalling (41). The striking successes in the famous Smith- 
Blackburn series of telepathic experiments (42, 43) were attributed 
by Blackburn (12), 30 years later, to ingenious codes which escaped 
detection at the time. 

2. “Mental Habits” and Preferences. 

In much of the early work on telepathy, the material to be trans- 
ferred by thought consisted of simple geometric drawings, familiar 


objects and incidents. The question soon arose as to how much of 
the positive evidence for telepathy was attributable to communality 
of experience and preferences for certain diagrams and orders of 
diagrams. Pickering (77) and Minot (69, 70), members of the 
American Society for Psychical Research, conducted experiments 
relating to mental habits and found that percipients in thought- 
transference situations tended to call numbers and draw diagrams in 
accordance with their habitual preferences. 

The use of simple diagrams and pictures as suitable material for 
telepathy experiments has also been questioned since the judgment 
of a “hit” may be dependent upon the experimenter’s _ bias, 
Minot (70), Hall (44), and Hansen and Lehmann (45) pointed out 
the unsatisfactory character of such judgments in the early work on 
telepathy. Sudre (112) championed the drawing method and was 
answered by Bird (9), who proposed that in future work the material 
to be transferred should be simple enough to make possible the 
application of probability statistics. More recently, the series of 
telepathy experiments reported by the Sinclairs (100), in which 
simple drawings were used, have revived this issue. Prince (81), 
in a review of the Sinclair experiments, failed to consider the prefer- 
ence factor in discussing the results. Warcollier’s (118) experi- 
mental methods were criticized by Socal (101) because the material 
would not allow exact probability estimations. The preference effects 
in these experiments arose when the agent was allowed to choose 
freely or select “mentally” the material to be sent. At present, 
there appears to be general agreement among experimenters that the 
material used in telepathy experiments should be chosen for the agent 
by a method which will insure a random series. Coover’s experi- 
ments (22) illustrate methods and materials in which preference 
factors were successfully eliminated. Cason (20), Troland (115), 
and Estabrooks (30) also conducted experiments on _ telepathic 
ability in which mental habits and preferences could not produce 
spurious results. Estabrooks was the only one of this group to 
obtain extra-chance results in card guessing. 

3. Recording Errors. 

Another important factor in the production of statistical evidence 
supporting the telepathy and clairvoyance hypotheses has been the 
lack of control of the human element in recording the results of 
experiments. Unnoticed errors may occur in the records of indi- 
viduals who are seeking evidence in support of their beliefs. The 

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necessary control of these errors in recording lies in making inde- 
pendent records of the guesses and the material to be guessed. The 
recorder should not have knowledge of the correctness or incorrect- 
ness of the guess. As will be shown later, this apparently insignifi- 
cant point of methodology may have many ramifications in explaining 
positive results in telepathy and clairvoyance experiments. 

In the experiments of the Sidgwicks and G. A. Smith (99), cited 
above in connection with the error of involuntary auditory cues, it 
appears that independent records of guesses and material guessed 
were not made when the sender and hypnotized receiver were in the 
same room, 1.e. under the conditions in which the extra-chance 
excesses were obtained. Exact details of the recording procedure 
are not given but it is stated that Mrs. Sidgwick directed and 
arranged the material to be guessed and did the recording while the 
principals were in the same room. It may be assumed that inde- 
pendent records of guesses and numbers guessed were made when 
subject and operator were in different noncommunicating rooms. 
To complete this error theory, the assumption is further made that 
the recorder knew what the correct responses should be and may 
have made unnoticed errors which automatically increased the score 
above the chance level. Internal evidence that errors in recording 
were made is to be found in the Sidgwick-Smith paper (Table III, 
p. 153). Only numbers from 10 to 90 were used in the experiment, 
yet 91 appears as one of the numbers on which the agent 

Experimental conditions in the researches of Brugmans (14, 15), 
in collaboration with Heymans and Weinberg, in which positive 
results in favor of the telepathic hypothesis were reported, apparently 
did not exclude the factor of unnoticed errors in recording. The 
recorder apparently looked through a hole cut in the floor of an upper 
room and observed the subject making his choices manually by indi- 
cating a certain square on a board. If the assumption is made that 
the recorder knew what the correct choices were, these results are 
explainable on an error basis. Murphy (73) states: 

‘Curiously enough, 40% of the experiments between the two rooms 
were complete successes while only 30% of those in the same room were 

If the further assumption is made that peering through a hole at the 
subject’s hand does not constitute a favorable condition for exact 


observation, this may also have an explanation * in terms of recording & 

errors. In an earlier experiment from the Groningen laboratory by 
Van Loon and Weinberg (116), in which emotions, colors, and 
thermal sensations were used in attempted thought-transference, the 
criticism of nonindependent recording also applies as do those of 
kinesthetic, auditory, and visual cues, and preference effects. 
Jephson (52) reported positive results in clairvoyance experi- 
ments in which the subject made his own record of both the actual 
and guessed card orders. Later experiments by the same writer (53) 
and with Soal and Besterman (54), in which recording was carried 
out independently, yielded results at the chance level. A telepathy 
experiment by Besterman (8), in which recording was done inde- 
pendently, yielded negative results for the telepathic hypothesis. 
Methods of recording are important to consider in attempting to 
understand experiments in which results in favor of the telepathic 
and clairvoyant hypotheses were obtained. In the majority of past 
experiments, the condition of independent recording reduced the suc- 
cesses to the level expected by chance. An exception to this general 
rule may be found in Estabrooks’ telepathy experiment performed at 
Harvard University. Many experiments for telepathy and clair- 
voyance are unsatisfactory because of a combination of such uncon- 
trolled methods; for example, the Sidgwick-Smith series did not 
eliminate either involuntary auditory cues or unnoticed errors in 
recording. Coover (22), Cason (20), and Troland (115) have, in 
the past, suggested that independent recording should be a necessary 
condition for acceptable scientific methodology in experimentation on 
telepathy and clairvoyance. The specific ways in which knowledge 
of correct guesses at the time of recording may produce unnoticed 
errors will be discussed more fully in connection with the Duke 
experiments on ESP. 

Brerore ESP 
1. The Limit of Chance Variation. 

The statistical methods in research on telepathy and clairvoy- 
ance have been subjected to criticism since their introduction by 
Richet (91) in 1884 and their further elaboration by Coover (22) in 
1917. Sanger (94) and Edgeworth (27,28) concluded that the 

* Murphy (73,74) has twice written reviews of this experiment without 
fully stating the types of control exercised beyond guarding against sensory 
cues. Since the present writer has not been able to obtain the first report, 
decision as to the probable correctness of the error hypothesis depends «pon a 
further knowledge of the experiment. 


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application of theoretical probability formulae to the description of 
the chance or extra-chance nature of results obtained in simple guess- 
ing experiments was justified. Probably the most important criti- 
cism concerning statistical methods in pre-ESP telepathy and 
clairvoyance experiments was raised by Coover’s selection of the 
limit of chance expectancy (22). Thouless (114) has stated that 
Coover’s limit was too high by a factor of the square root of 2. In 
explaining his selection of L= V2-3e as the limit of chance vari- 
ation, Coover, in a footnote (p. 85), stated that he was following 
Sanger’s (94) formula, K=3 \ 2( 1-q)mq [g=probability of occur- 
rence, m==number of trials], which reduces by appropriate substi- 
tutions, to the formula used by Coover. 

2. Selection of Data. 

When evidence for telepathy and clairvoyance is obtained by 
comparing frequencies of correct guesses with frequencies expected 
by chance, one of the more obvious errors in experimental method 
arises from selection of favorable data for statistical analysis. In 
the hands of inexperienced experimenters, such selection has in the 
past produced spurious statistical evidence for the existence of 
telepathy and clairvoyance. The importance of this source of experi- 
mental error led Soal (102) to make the following statement: 

‘* Moreover, instead of being given an exact account of the precise con- 
ditions under which each experiment is carried out, we are regaled with 
‘samples’ of successes generally chosen to illustrate preconceived theories 
of the way Mi which telepathy is supposed to work. I believe this invet- 
erate determination to find the super-normal at all costs in every series 
of experiments to be the most injurious influence in psychical research 
today. The scepticism of the open-minded man of science who has not 
given much attention to the subject is an entirely wholesome thing 
compared with the ‘will to believe’ shown by the class of psychical 
researchers whose real aim appears to be not the investigation of the 
conditions under which telepathy and clairvoyance occur, or the question 
whether they occur at all, but the production of examples of these faculties 
for the purpose of bolstering up beliefs they hold on the destiny and 
spiritual nature of man or for the purpose of confuting the spirit 
hypothesis. It is easy to understand how the psychic researcher actuated 
by such motives becomes the prey to self-deception . . . His desire is 
for super-normal happenings, and he is not disposed to look too critically 
at the methods by which these supposedly super-normal facts were estab- 
lished. And experiments in telepathy and clairvoyance unfortunately are 
the easiest in the world te manipulate so as to give the illusion of 
success ” (pp. 271-272). 

In an unpublished manuscript, Coover (23) points out that 
critics, especially Schiller (95), who have “ recalculated ” the results 


68 JOHN L. 

in his 1917 monograph, have obtained their “ evidence for lucidity” 
by selecting scores from a total distribution of trials which exceeded 

the mean chance expectancy. To quote from this manuscript: 

‘ Selection for separate treatment should not be made from the figures 
in the distribution; it should be made from the conditions of the experj- 
ment. Or, if selection is made on the basis of figures in the distribution, 
it should be for the purpose of going back to the data to seek for con. 
ditions that may be responsible for the peculiar nature of these figures, 
rather than for putting them through a statistical mill that is no more 
applicable to them.” 


“All one needs to do is to select sufficient data removed well from the 
mean of the distribution and he can ‘ prove’ the presence of any cause 
he has an interest in promoting.” 


To prove the Schiller hypothesis of “lucidity in selected cases, 
consistency measurements on the scores of the selected group would 
be necessary. Coover did not provide the necessary retest data for 
the determination of consistency. 

In order to summarize briefly this discussion of sources of error 
found in experiments on telepathy and clairvoyance before ESP, 
errors and suggested controls may be arranged in the following table: 

Errors Controls 
1. Minimal and subliminal sensory No contact, preferably distance sep- 
cues arating agent and percipient. Vision 
a. Kinesthetic and tactual and audition excluded by suitable 
b. Auditory tested methods. 
c. Visual 
2. Mental habits and preferences Use of materials, such as playing 

cards, with which the probability oi 
success in guessing may be deter- 
mined. Use of methods for “ran- 
domization ” of material to be guessed, 
such as a thorough mechanical shuffle 
of a deck of cards. 

3. Unnoticed errors in recording orig- Independent records. Recording done 

inal data without knowledge of success or 

4. Selection of favorable data Inclusion of all data obtained under 

same conditions for statistical analy- 
sis. Decision as to conditions favor- 
able to occurrence of telepathy and 
clairvoyance before rather than after 
collection of runs. 

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The majority of the modern experiments purporting to demon- 
strate the existence of ESP can be reviewed prefitably with respect 
to the sources of error discussed in the previous section. In the 
following discussion of the ESP experimental methods, these tech- 
niques will be presented by the device of direct quotation from the 
major -publications of the Parapsychology Laboratory and from 
experimental articles in which positive results obtained by these 
methods have been accepted as evidence for ESP.° 
1. Unnoticed Sensory Cues. 

(a) Visual Cues. Three of the methods recommended by Rhine 
and others are open to the criticism of unconscious use of small visual 
cues on the part of the ESP subjects. These methods are (1) the 
Open Matching test, (2) the Blind Matching test, and (3) the Single 
Card Calling, or Before Touching test. 

In the “‘ Handbook,” the Open Matching test (OM) is described 
as follows: 

“Getting ready. Select five cards, one of each kind, from an extra pack 
of ESP cards. Place these, as ‘key cards,’ face up in a row in the middle 
of the table before you. Lay the rest of the pack aside. 

“Thoroughly shuffle another pack of twenty-five ESP cards, and then 
cut it. Hold it face down in vour hand as though you were going to deal 
the cardsy + 

“ Matching. Now try to decide which key card the top card of the pack 
matches. Choose your strongest hunch or clearest impression. (Follow 
the general directions given for Test I.) When you have decided, 
remove the top card without looking at it and place it face down in front 
of that key card. 

“Do the same for the second card in the pack, then the third, and so 

on until all twenty-five cards have been put down where you think they 
match the key cards. 

5 Although A handbook for testing extra-sensory perception, written by 
Stuart and Pratt (111), is misleading as to the details of recording in some 
experimental methods, as will be pointed out later, it will be used as the main 
source for the general features of Rhine’s experimental techniques. In general, 
the Rhine methodology will be quoted from (1) A handbook for testing extra- 
sensory perception, hereafter referred to as the “Handbook”; (2) Rhine’s 
monograph, Extra-sensory perception, hereafter referred to as the “ Mono- 
graph” [Rhine, 83]; and (3) experimental articles in the Journal of Para- 
psychology, edited by McDougall and Rhine. 



“Place each card as though it were the only one, without regard to 
where you have put the others. Avoid falling into any system in placing | 
your cards, such as laying them down in order from left to right. You § 

may occasionally choose the same key card twice or three times in suc. 
cession. Look through a shuffled pack to get an idea-of the random order 
in which cards come. You do not need to keep an even number in each 
pile nor to have even piles at the end of the run. 

“Checking up. When you have finished the run, find your score by 
counting the cards in each pile which match the key card before which 
they lie. Write the score for the run into one of the spaces of a record 

“ Recording. lf you wish to keep a record of all the cards, list them 
on the record sheet in the following manner. Record the left-hand key 
card in the first ‘call’ space. Record the cards which were placed to 
match it in the ‘card’ column. Draw a line under the last card. Then 
record the other key cards and their corresponding cards in the same 
manner, separating each pile from the next by a line” (pp. 18-19). 

Experience with this method shows that it is practically impos- 
sible’ for the subject to match cards without looking at the backs in 
the process. A photograph, purporting to illustrate the Open Match- 
ing method, may be found opposite p. 246 in Rhine’s book (87), 
New frontiers of the mind. This photograph shows the subject with 
the card to be matched in her right hand, looking at the back of the 

The backs of the cards seer to be available to the subject’s vision 
in the Blind Matching test (BM). Directions for this test in the 
“ Handbook ” are as follows; 

“This test is like the Open Matching Test except that here the key 
cards are face down and their order is unknown. 

“ Getting ready. Shuffle the five key cards out of sight so that you 
do not know their order, and place them face down in a row on the table. 

“ Matching. Take the shuffled pack of ESP cards face down in your 
hands ready to deal. Try to get a feeling of where the top card should 
go in order to match a key card. In this test it does not help to attempt 
to guess the symbols or the key cards. Just place the cards as they seem 
to belong together. When you have decided where to put the first card, 
place it down without looking at the face and go on to the next. Keep 
on until each card has been placed. 

“Checking up. First turn the key cards face up, then count the number 
of cards in each pile correctly placed to match the key card. Record 
your score on one of the record sheets. Or list all the cards as described 
for Test III on p. 19” (pp. 22-23). 

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Again, the criticism of possible visual cues from the backs of the 
cards applies to the Single Card Calling, or Before Touching (BT) 
test, described in the “ Handbook” as follows: 

“Getting ready. Place a well-shuffled pack of ESP cards on the table 
before you. Cut the pack, taking care not to see any of the faces of the 
cards. The table at which you are working should not have a shiny 
surface that might reflect an image of a card face. 

“Calling and recording. You are now ready to attempt to call the top 
card, thus testing your ESP of objects. Do this in the same easy, natural 
manner suggested for making a call in Test I. 

“When you have made your choice for the top card, write it on the 
record sheet, remove the card, and place it on the table without looking 
at the face. Now decide in the same way what the second card is, record 
your call, and remove the card, placing it face down upon the first one. 
Do the same for the third card, the fourth, and so on until all twenty-five 
have been called. 

As in Test I, you may not feel sure of your calls as you make them. 
Go right ahead, doing your best and waiting until! the results are checked 
to learn of your success. 

Checking up. When the run is completed, turn the cards over and 
record the actual order beside the calls. Mark the hits clearly, and put 
the score at the foot of the column” (pp. 15-16). 

Experiments using these methods in which positive results for 
the clairvoyance hypothesis have been reported are those of 
(1) Rhine (83), with the BT method checked up after 5 calls and 
after 25 valls; (2) Woodruff and George (128), in which the OM 
and BM tests were introduced and the BT method was also used; 
(3) Pegram (75), with BT and OM tests: (4) L. E. Rhine (90), 
with OM; (5) Gibson (33), with OM, BM, and BT methods; 
6) Humphrey and Clark (48), who used the BT method; 
(7) “Anonymous Scientist ” (2), with the BT method; (8) Pratt and 
Price (79), using the BM method; and Warner and Raible (122), 
with OM and BM. Evidence that some of the cards actually do 
afford visual cues under certain conditions may be cited. 

Three kinds of cards have been used in the ESP experiments. 
In the early work, reported in the “ Monograph,” experiments were 
performed with Zener cards and an earlier version of the present 
ESP cards. In “ Letters and Notes” (64), the cards are described 
as follows: 

“In the beginning of ESP research at Duke University, when it was 
assumed as a working principle that the subject should, if he wished, be 
able to locate directly the card he was calling, the cards used were cut 


(mostly die-cut) from heavy cardboard, were opaque to a 100 watt light, 
were hand-stamped with ink that left no tactual impression or warping, 
and were carefully inspected for secondary cues on the backs” (p. 72). 

These were the Zener cards. The earlier version of the ESP cards, 
used in the majority of the “ Monograph” experiments, were 
stamped with a rubber stamp on blank playing-card stock which had 
a filigree design on the back, as shown in the photograph on p. 48 
in New frontiers of the mind. The commercial ESP cards are 
printed with heavy symbols on the faces and a design of white lines 
on the backs, which are otherwise solid blue. 

Soon after the commercial cards were made publicly available, it 
was discovered that under certain conditions of lighting the symbols 
could be read from the backs of the cards. Gulliksen (40) made the 
further observation that these cues might be used unconsciously by 
a subject who was allowed to leok at the backs of the commercial 
cards while matching them in the OM and BM methods and calling 
them in the BT methods. Kennedy (59) presented a case in which 
significant extra-chance scores were made by a subject who was 
allowed to look at the backs of the cards in the OM test. This sub- 
ject reported that he was unaware of using cues on the backs of the 
cards. In the same paper, a photograph of the cues taken under 
optimal lighting conditions is also presented. Small marks put on 
the cards by shuffling and handling may also serve to raise the 
guessing level significantly above that expected by chance. A subject 
in the Stanford laboratory made high scores with the BT method 
and the earlier version of the ESP cards when the same deck was 
used over a long series and vision of the backs was permitted. She 
was unable to verbalize concerning the nature of the cues but exam- 
ination of the cards showed small marks which might have been 
associated with the correct symbol unconsciously during the checking- 
up process. Because of the possibility of using small visual cues in 
the methods described above, the conclusion may be made that extra- 
chance results obtained by these methods do not satisfy scientific 
requirements for evidence in favor of ESP. 

(b) Auditory Cues. The question of involuntary auditory cues 
arises in connection with several experiments reported in the modern 
ESP literature. Warner and Raible (121), in threshold judgments 
of weight discrimination, obtained extra-chance results when the 
experimenter knew the correct choice and chance results when the 
position of the correct choice was unknown. The writers state: 

“ Critical consideration of the conditions leads us to believe all modali- 
ties beyond suspicion except hearing. . . True, it seems far fetched to 


Tae ae 




ae f 

nach Pease 




suppose that such cues could in any way be construed so as to aid in the 
making of correct judgments. It is also true that our subjects (and there 
seems no reason to doubt their word) were entirely unaware of any 

assistance from such sources or from any sources other than the feeling 
of the weights themselves. . . For this reason, further discrimination 
tests are being made. . . The experimenter and the subject, instead of 

being separated by a mere screen, are confined in non-communicating 
rooms” ( p. 50). 
Until further crucial tests are made, as suggested in the quotation, 
these- results are made equivocal as evidence for the telepathic 
hypothesis by the possibility of minute sound cues. Bender (7), in 
a report on the alleged telepathic ability of a feebleminded girl, con- 
cluded that involuntary auditory cues were used by the subject in 
performing her unusual feats. Drake (26) also has worked with a 
feebleminded case which presents striking similarities to the one 
reported by Bender. Unfortunately, the Drake investigation, as 
reported, was not carried to the crucial stage of elimination of all 
possibilities for the use of cues. The experimenter writes: 

“We hope it will be possible to continue the investigation using only 
rigid control conditions” (p. 195) 

As suggested in the Warner-Raible quotation, rigid control con- 
ditions for auditory cues would involve placing sender and receiver 
in different sound-shielded rooms. 

2 a VU ental Habits = and Pri ferences. 

The Pure Telepathy (PT) method in ESP research is described 
as follows in the “ Handbook ”: 

‘Getting ready. ‘This is a test for the ESP of a thought alone. No 
cards are used for the sender to look at. He simply chooses a random 
order of the ESP symbols and holds these in mind (without writing them 
down) until the receiver has made his choices. Success in this test 
depends entirely upon reading the sender’s thoughts. 

“When everything is ready for the test to begin, the sender decides 

what the first five symbols will be. He imagines an order of five ESP 
cards as they might come in a shuffled deck. Then he concentrates 
upon the first symbol, and signals to the receiver that he is ready. 

‘Calling and recording. ‘The receiver sits where he cannot see the 
sender. When he gets the first signal he makes and records his call and 
signals back to the sender. The signals may be given by tapping with a 

pencil, as before. After the receiver has signaled that he has made his 
call, the sender writes down what symbol he had in mind. 

“The sender then concentrates on the second symbol of the 

which has already been chosen, and gives the signal. The receiver 
records his call for this trial and signals back. When the first group of 


five symbols has been used, the sender chooses another order of five and 
concentrates on the first one of these. This goes on until the run of 
twenty-five trials is completed” (p. 50).- 

Mental habits and preferences may enter into the agent’s 
selection of symbols on which to concentrate during this test. 
Kellogg (56) has criticized the PT method as follows: 

‘Again, if experimenter and subject happen to have thought prefer- 
ences in favor of the same one or two of the designs, scores will be 
increased regardless of any mutual influence. Any experimenter in such 
work will tend to form more or less definite order habits. This possi- 
bility was recognized [by Rhine], and precautions taken to counteract it. 
Cross-checks, applied to ot/er series, show these precautions were on the 
whole successful. At any rate, habits did not become so established that 
similar plans were used in immediate succession. But many of the 
different arrangements of the designs, that would occur in the shuffling 
of the pack, would almost certainly not be included among the plans 
chosen consciously. Some might seem too systematic, e.g. aaaaa bbbbb, 
etc.; aaaaa bed bed, etc., . . eeeee. On the other hand, others with 
no apparent plan would give no ready means of keeping to the equal 
frequencies desired. If such helter-skelter arrangements are avoided, the 
range of possibilities is reduced; if not, there is more scope for symbol 
preferences which may be correlated with those of the subject. Rhine, 
as a means of controlling frequencies, coached his experimenters to plan 
by groups of five, which leads most naturally to five sets of one each of 
the five designs, thus very much reducing the number of different 
arrangements. (From 623 trillions down to less than 25 billions, subject 
to further reduction by avoidances, etc.) This extreme he seems to have 
tried to prevent, but the measures taken for the purpose are not such as 
to result in anything like the total possibilities of shuffling. There has 
been no mention of any attempt to keep secret the instructions given for 
the conduct of the tests. It would be strange if students interested in 
the work did not sometimes discuss various possible arrangements of the 
symbols. However that may be, subjects would surely tend to follow 
somewhat the same general sort of procedure as the experimenters— 
which means a marked increase in the chances of high scores. As the 
subjects were informed of their success at the ends of the runs, adoption 
of plans of the type used by the particular experimenter would be favored. 
Skill could thus be developed just as it is in various familiar card games. 
Indeed, a good player might adjust to this experimental situation almost 
immediately ” (p. 340). 

Rhine’s method (84) for determining whether or not preferences 
in choosing symbols helped to produce extra-chance scores was as 

“The question of similarity in habits of choice may be further checked 
by cross-checking the agent’s record with the percipient’s of—let us say— 
the day preceding or following, that is, correlating runs not intended to 


match. A cross-check was made of the Junaluska Series given below and 
it yielded an average of only 4 hits per 25. Habitual similarity of order 
of choices between agent and percipient can, I think, be said to have been 
satisfactorily eliminated. Moreover, in the series cross-checked as just 

& described, the runs were made daily and the cross-check, therefore, covers 
Bi also the question of daily routines or patterns of order of choosing. 

“Finally, as an extreme test of ‘patterning’ or order habits, we may 
check the percipient’s records against themselves in consecutive order. 
The percipient might have a pattern of order without its being coincident 
with a similar one supposed for the agent. But if he does not have such 
a pattern, the question of similar order-habits is ruled out. Such a check 
made on 12 of the percipient’s records given below, taken consecutively 
from a block chosen at random, and on the 8 records of the Junaluska 
records, vields an average of coincidences of 4.6 between runs, as against 
1 expected 5” (pp. 223-224) 

As Kellogg points out, preference effects may involve such simple 
errors as the tendency to choose a different symbol for the following 
choice. Since apparently not all of the data have been checked for 
these factors and since there is some question as to the adequacy of 
the methods used to prove the absence of preferences and order 
habits, the status of extra-chance results obtained by this method as 
scientific evidence for telepathy is also open to question. 

Perhaps the best large-scale example of the working of prefer- 
ences to produce unacceptable results with respect to the telepathic 
hypothesis may be found in Goodfellow’s report (34) of the recent 
Zenith Foundation tests for mass telepathy. Fernberger (32) has 
¥ also indicated the presence of preference effects in the Zenith 
be experimental methods. 

Willoughby (125), Wolfle (127), and Gulliksen (40) have dis- 
cussed another source of error due to possible “ rational inference ” 

in the BT method when the subject is told his success or failure 
after each guess or after each 5 guesses. Wolfle states: 

If after each call or after each five calls the subjects are allowed to 

7 see the cards which they have called, they may infer rationally which 

a For results of previous broadcasting tests for mass telepathy, see 

Woolley (129) and Bird (9). Goodfellow’s work has not yet been published 
in detail. Preference factors arose in the Zenith results because 2 alternatives 
and but 5 guesses per session were used. Under these conditions, the guessers 
had only 32 possible patterns (such as 1,1,2,1,2 or 2,1,2,1,2) from which to 
i choose. Although all 32 patterns were equally likely to be chosen by chance 
as correct, the frequency rankings showed that the audience preferred some 
patterns over others, thus piling up more large and small deviations from chance 
expectancy than would be predicted by theoretical probability statistics. 


suits are leit in the deck in the greatest frequency and so increase their 
average score above five. Willoughby and Wolfle have pointed out this 
source of error and have obtained average scores of 7-9 with the use of 
rational inference but without (consciously at least) using any extra- 
sensory powers. If Rhine also used these methods some of his above- 
chance scoring is easily accounted for” (p. 949). 

The BT, and BT 

since the publication of the ‘* Monograph.” 


methods have not appeared in published reports 

3. Errors in Recording. 

The task of the reviewer in the present section will be to establish 
the essential validity of 2 propositions: (1) The methods of recording 
the original data ‘n the majority of ESP experiments do not eliminate 
the possibility of unnoticed errors in recording, and (2) the experi- 
mental conditions under which the ESP to be discussed in this 
section appears at its height are also those in which unnoticed errors 
in recording may be expected to occur. In the final analysis, of 
course, the validity of the first proposition rests on repetitions of the 
Rhine experiments with the possibility of checking on the accuracy 
of recording. Evaluation of the experimental conditions which favor 
the appearance of extra-chance scores will depend upon the findings 
of experimental psychologists on the determiners of attention and 

(a) Clairvoyance Methods. Descriptions of the recording pro- 
cedures utilized in the Open Matching, Blind Matching, and Single 
Card Calling methods may be found above in the discussion of the 
possibilities of the use of sensory cues. It should be noted that the 
recorder, or the person who decides how many hits were scored, 
knows in the matching methods which cards should have been 
matched to the key cards to yield high scores. In the Single Card 
Calling method the subject’s guesses are recorded first, then the 
actual symbol is recorded in a small space directly opposite the called 
symbol. Sometimes, the subject calls aloud the correct order of the 
symbols to the recorder, sometimes the recorder leafs through the 
pack himself to make the check-up. “ Hits” are circled after the 
records have been made, not at the time the correspondence is called. 
In many cases the number of hits is recorded and no record is made 
of the cards matched to the different symbols. A partial check on 
the accuracy of recording would involve counting the symbols to see 
if the necessary 5,5,5,5,5 frequency was present. When all the 
svmbols are not recorded, it is impossible to apply this- check. 

{Sexes Ty 


b a 



The Screened Touch Matching method (STM), in which every 
possibility of sensory cues seems to be eliminated, appears to be open 
to the criticism of unnoticed errors in recording. The method is 
described in the “ Handbook” as follows: 

“This is a screened matching test in which you show where you want 
the cards placed by touching the key cards one after another while your 
co-worker holds the cards out of sight and places them into five piles 
as the choices are indicated. In the picture facing p. 34, the person on 
the right is taking Test VI. 
“Screen. The screen is an upright board twenty-four inches square. 
At the bottom of the screen is an opening two inches high and twelve 
inches long. The key cards are to be placed in a row in this opening. 
Three inches back of the opening, on the opposite side of the screen from 
you who are being tested, is an upright board a little longer and higher 
than the opening in the screen. While this backboard keeps you from 
being able to see the cards in the hands of your co-worker, it permits 
him to see the key cards as you touch them 
“The test is made like any other matching test, except that you show 
by touching one of the key cards with a pointer where you want the 
top card of the pack placed and let your companion put it down for you. 
“Getting ready. Arrange the key cards in a row before the opening 
in the screen on the other side from the low backboard. Use the eraser 
end of a pencil or some other pointer to touch the cards. 
“ Matching. ‘The co-worker sits on the other side of the screen, with 
the backboard between him and the key cards. He shuffles and cuts the 
pack out of your sight, and gives the signal when he is ready. He watches 
vour pointer, through the opening in the screen, and as soon as it comes 
to rest on one of the key cards he takes the top card from the pack with- 
out looking at it and places it face down behind the backboard opposite 
the key card touched. Go right on touching key cards at your own 
speed. The cards can usually be put down fast enough to keep up with 
“Checking up. When the run is completed, the person handling the 
| I I : 

cards counts the number of hits (cards correctly matched). The score 
is put down on the record sheet and the test continued through the usual 
four runs, or as many more as seem advisable” (pp. 27-28). 

No check on recording errors appears to be possible with this 


method. The method would be improved if independent records of 
the matched cards were made by a person who does not know the 
key-card symbols at the time the recording is done. 

Referring back to the description of recording methods in the 
Single Card Calling or Before Touching test, it is evident that the 
recorder has the record of the subject’s calls before him while 
checking-up the card series. Unnoticed errors in recording may 


arise due to split attention arid expectancy of extra-chance deviations, 
The recorder, instead of writing the symbol he sees in the deck, may 
unconsciously record the symbol which he sees in the call series, 

thus automatically producing a hit which will be accepted when he @ 

goes back over the record to mark the correspondences between card 
and call series. As a partial control on these errors, records should 
suggested by Carpenter and Phalen (19). This check is not com. 
pletely satisfactory, since errors in transposing the position of 
symbols may be made. Apparently no check on accuracy of record- 
ing is available for the transposition error. The practice at the 
Stanford laboratory has been to use a different deck for each set of 
25 guesses, the order of symbols in which has been previously 
recorded without the subject’s knowledge before the experimental 
period. When the “ correct” order is applied to the set of symbols 
recorded at the time of experiment, the presence or absence of errors 
in recording may be determined and permanently recorded. 

The Down Through or Pack Calling test (DT) is described in 
the “ Handbook” as follows: 
“ Getting ready. Place a well-shuffiled:and cut pack of ESP cards on 
the table. Get ready to record your calls for the cards just as in Test II 
Follow the directions for making your calls as in Test I. 
“Calling and recording. When you are ready, simply proceed to 
make your calls, but without laying the cards off the pack as you call 
them. Try to get an impression of what the top card is and record this. 
Then try to get the second card down in the pack, then the third, and so 
on through the entire twenty-five. The test is to see how many more 
hits you can get reading straight down through the pack than would be 
expected by chance. In Test II each card was laid off the pack after it 
was called. In the present case, however, none of the cards are removed 
until all twenty-five have been called. 

“It is not necessary to keep the position of each card in mind as you 
make each call. Say to yourself before starting the run that you are 
going to read the cards right down through the pack; then take the 
impressions of the symbols in the order that they come most easily and 
vividly to you. If you are writing your own calls, you will know that 
you should stop when you have put symbols in all of the spaces for 
calls. When an assistant records for you, he will tell you when to stop. 
It is not necessary for you to count your calls as you make them in order 
to succeed. 

“Checking up. Check your results as usual by recording the actual 
order of the cards alongside your calls. Be careful to take the cards in 
the order in which you tried to name them, beginning at the top of the 


255 AOE I 





“ Going on with the test. Shuffle and cut the pack and make the second 
run...” (pp. 21-22). 

The same criticism of possible unnoticed errors in recording the 
card series applies to this test. As in the case of the Single Card 
Calling method, the check-up is accomplished either vocally or 
visually and the conditions of split attention still may be present. 

The distance clairvoyance tests also appear to be liable to the 
criticism of unnoticed errors in recording. Khine (85) states: 

‘In 26,125 trials conducted during the summer of 1937 by Mr. James 

MacFarland of Tarkio College, the comparison of score averages in 
relation to various distances in tes again that distance is not a limiting 



[The tests were made with the DT tech que, the cards being kept 
tact in packs by the experimenter throughout the test period and 
removed only when checking uj Che subjects filled out five columns 
f a record sheet, one for each pack in the experimenter’s desk, at any 
time they wished on a given day, and sent the sheet to the experimenter 
to be checked. Double checking was carried out, and the general spon- 

sorship of Dr. R. W. George, Head of the Department of Psychology, 
was exercised over this series. The cards were well shuffled and kept 
under careiul observation by the experimenter ” (p. 180). 

! il p- 

n the Duke-San Diego series reported in tl 

e same article, specific 
descriptions of recording methods are not given. It may be assumed 
that the check-up was made with the subject's calls available to the 
recorder as in the usual DT experiments 

Recording in the “ Campus Distance Series in Clairvoyance”’ is 
described by Rhine (86) as follows: 

e observer and subject synchronized their watches, and arranged t 
wo! at a stated time and istance. At the speci! ed time the observe: 

take the top card from a shuffled pack of ESP cards in the room 
agreed on and lay it face down on a book in the center of the table without 
looking at its face. Thirty seconds later the subject in his cubicle in the 
Duke Library would 

record a call for the card. At the end of the minute, 
the observer would remove the card and take the next one. The cards 
as removed wotld be kept in order for later recording. Two runs were 
made per day. 

“In Groups A-D, the records were sealed up after each sitting and 
delivered to me before subject and observer got together” (p. 287). 


The acceptability of this series of extra-chan results with 

respect to recording errors depends upon when the check-up was 
made and whether or not it was done with knowledge of the subiect’s 

s ‘ 


calls. Apparently the general methods for clairvoyance research are 
open to question on the basis of recording errors. 

Specific accounts of method in experimental articles on clair- 
voyance in the ESP literature may also be reviewed with respect to 
control of possible recording errors. 

Rhine (83) used the BT, DT, and distance BT and DT tests in 
obtaining the “ Monograph” results. Control of these methods has 
been described above. Pratt (78) was able to obtain extra-chance 
results with the Blind Screen Touch Matching method, in which the 
key cards were placed in boxes and their order was unknown both 
to the subject and to the experimenter until the check-up for hits. 
The check-up is described as follows: 

‘When the deck was sorted out, the screen was removed, the experi- 
menter turned up the key cards and recorded their order, and the actual 
distribution of the failures and successes under each key symbol was 
recorded and checked by both the subject and the experimenter” (p. 15). 

Woodruff and George (128) used the OM, SOM, BM, SBM, 
BT, and SBT, the latter being the screened variety of the former, 
with success in guessing above the chance level reported. Objec- 
tions to the check-up by these methods are to be found above. 

Carpenter and Phalen (19), with the BT and DT methods, made 
the following observation concerning the check-up for hits: 

The two experimenters were used in Series 7 after G [the best sub- 
ject} had made an error in reading off the true distribution. The error was 
apparently due to his divided attention during the checking process. He 
would look both at the card and at the record sheet and in so doing 
called once or twice when observing the symbol on the record sheet 
rather than the card’s symbol. This error was discovered early in the 
series and checks of records indicated that it possibly had not previously 

occurred ” (p. 39). 

Martin (67) added a variation to the DT method in that the. 
subject recorded his own correct order of symbols. The method is 
described as follows: 

The experimenter shuffled the cards thoroughly, cut them and placed 
them on the table before her. Exceeding care was taken that the bottom 
card was visible to no one. The subject then recorded twenty-five 
guesses on a record blank. The experimenter then read the actual order 
of the cards to the subject who recorded them. The experimenter care- 
fully watched the recording of each card and was often checked by a 
third person. . . It should be noted that neither the subject nor the 
experimenter had any knowledge of the actual order of the pack until 
after all twenty-five guesses were made” (p. 186). 

me oe WwW = 



4 ae 

1 aa 

fe ee 


It should be noted that the subject had the order of calls before her 
while the experimenter was calling out the order of correct cards for 

Pegram (75), with the OM, BT, and DT methods, found that 
the direction of extra-chance scores could be controlled voluntarily 
by the subject. But the direction of unnoticed errors in recording 
may also be involuntarily controlled by the aim of the recorder, as 
may be shown experimentally. 

Martin and Stribic (68) report the use of the DT test with the 

following method: 

The DT or ‘down through’ method s used exclusively. The 
experimenter shuffled and cut the pack, and placed it face down before her, 
taking care to avoid seeing the bottom card he subject then recorded 
his guesses for the order of the pack. After the completion of each run, 
and in the presence of both subject and experimenter, the pack was 
checked with the guessed order” (p. 24 

In a report by Humphrey and Clark (48), the BT test was used 
with no description of recording method given. In the case of Pratt 
and Price’s (79) use of the BM test, recording was carried out as 

At the end of each run the score was obtained by the experimenters, 
who turned the key cards out face up upon the table and then sorted the 
‘hits’ in each pile from the ‘ misses.’ In addition to counting the hits as 
they were sorted, both experimenters recounted and the score was recorded 
immediately ” (p. 88). 

No check on the accuracy of recording is possible with this method. 
Shulman (97) worked with psychotic subjects with the Screened 
Touch Matching test. His recording technique is given as follows: 
‘After all of the 25 cards had been guessed, they would be checked to 
see how many had been matched with the correct key card. . . The 
cards were checked after each run of 25 cards and the subject was told 
his score” (p. 98). 

Sharp and Clark (96) reported extra-chance scores with the OM, 
BM, DT, STM, and General STM methods. The last method, a 
variation of STM, is described in the following way: 

“In GSTM the procedure was to have one experimenter look at the 
cards (held out of sight under the inclined screen). The experimenter 
holding the cards did not know the location of the key cards, which 
were placed by a second experimenter and the subject” (p. 127). 


The necessary controls for recording errors are not mentioned in 
this article. 

Stuart (109) has found recently that subjects performed at an 
extra-chance level in the matching tests when they were allowed to 
match at their normal tapping rate. Matchings done at a rate other 
than the normal rate yielded chance results. In discussing the pos- 
sibility of error commission in recording as a cause of the observed 
deviation Stuart states: 

“ The method of recording in the screened matching procedure was as 
follows: After the subject had finished the run there were, on the table 
before the experimenter, five piles of cards, each in front of the symbol 
the cards were intended by the subject to match. Each of these piles 
was then turned face up and separated into two groups, the cards which 
matched the key card in front of the pile, and those which did not. As 
the correct matchings were thus sorted out they were counted. When 
the sorting was finished the correct matchings lay face up directly 
adjacent to the key symbols, and the first counting could be checked at a 
glance” (p. 179). 

Apparently complete records were not made, nor was the recording 
done independently. 

An adequate sample of recording methods in articles in which 
unsatisfactory clairvoyance has been obtained has been presented. 
The general rule is suggested that recording be carried out inde- 
pendently in order that the criticism offer@f may be eliminated. 

(b) Telepathy Methods. Two methods for studying telepathy 
have been used by Rhine and others who have repeated his experi- 
ments. Unfortunately, the recording methods given in the “ Hand- 
book” for these 2 tests do not correspond to methods actually used 
in experiments in which high positive deviations from chance expec- 
tancy were obtained. The Pure Telepathy test was described in the 
section on mental habits. The reader may see from the description 
given there that the criticism of nonindependent recording applies 
since the agent usually acts both as sender and recorder of the per- 
cipient’s vocal calls. In “ Some selected experiments in extra-sensory 
perception ” (84), Rhine appends a footnote: 

“The question has been raised as to whether the agent might not, 
through her strong interest in getting good results, be likely to mistake 
unclear enunciation by the percipient who is off in another room, and to 
give favorable interpretations of calls not clear. First, the names of the 
symbols are phonetically quite easily distinguishable; each has a different 
vowel sound. Second, audition was good with open doors between 
rooms. Third, the scores for this work with the agent and percipient in 
the same room are nearly as high as with the two separated” (p. 224). 


Independent records could have been made by placing a recorder in 
the room with the percipient and having the agent record only the 
cards, the number of hits to be determined by juxtaposing the 2 
records and noting the correspondences. As _ stated above, the 
*“‘ Junaluska’ Pure Telepathy series, although apparently controlled 
for independence in recording, is not satisfactory from the “ mental 
habit ”’ aspect. 

Kellogg (56) has also discussed the auditory illusion criticism of 
the Pure Telepathy test : 

‘he experimenter had to try to think of the various designs as nearly 
as possible five times each in a run, but with no written plan to follow, 
vive buzzer signals to call the attention of the subject for each trial, 
record the responses as heard, or supposed to be heard, check them if 
sorrect. Judge the effect on the scores of the almost inevitable tendency, 
especially in a laboratory so full of faith in ESP, to give the subject the 
benefit of the doubt in any trial involving some difficulty in hearing or in 
memory, and the great likelihood of illusions in hearing, the hearing of 
one call as a different one, especially when the observer gets excited in 
the course of a good run, and so hears what is desired instead of what is 
really uttered, yet with not the slightest realization of the possibility of a 

istake. The much greater ease in following a lecture or play in one’s 
own language has often been explained as due not so much to difference 
understanding what is actually heard, as to the readiness to fill in gaps 
iuditory stimulation and, as far as conscious experience goes, hear 

he whole. In such a case, expectation is guided by the context, in line 
th the familiar usages of the native tongue. In the telepathy tests, 
success may breed success, in the record, by creating such an attitude of 
optimism that ¢he observer-experimenter will strongly tend to hear the 

name of the symbol he has just been ‘ sending’” (p. 340). 

Coover’s work (22) on sound assimilation also shows that: 

the ear cannot be trusted to report correctly names or phrases, 
when the latter are spoken under such conditions as are deemed “by the 
recipient satisfactory for communication yet which permit some degree of 

indistinctness . . .” (p. 407). 
The second telepathy test, « 

Card or Undifferentiated ES 

description of the test is given a 


vised by Rhine, is the Telepathy 
method. In the “ Handbook” a 
f( 11 ws: 



“Two people work together in this test. One person shuffles and cuts 
the pack of ESP cards and looks at the face of each card while vou, 
who are taking the test, try to name it. For convenience, we will call the 
person looking at the card the ‘sender’ and vou the ‘ receiver.’ 

“ Getting ready. Fill in the blanks at the top of one of the record sheets 
to be found in the ESP Record Pad. It is best to leave these sheets -in 
the pad as part of your permanent record. 


The necessary controls for recording errors are not mentioned in 
this article. 

Stuart (109) has found recently that subjects performed at an 
extra-chance level in the matching tests when they were allowed to 
match at their normal tapping rate. Matchings done at a rate other 
than the normal rate yielded chance results. In discussing the pos- 
sibility of error commission in recording as a cause of the observed 
deviation Stuart states: 

“The method of recording in the screened matching procedure was as 
follows: After the subject had finished the run there were, on the table 
before the experimenter, five piles of cards, each in front of the symbol 
the cards were intended by the subject to match. Each of these piles 
was then turned face up and separated into two groups, the cards which 
matched the key card in front of the pile, and those which did not. As 
the correct matchings were thus sorted out they were counted. When 
the sorting was finished the correct matchings lay face up directly 
adjacent to the key symbols, and the first counting could be checked at a 
glance” (p. 179). 

Apparently complete records were not made, nor was the recording 
done independently. 

An adequate sample of recording methods in articles in which 
unsatisfactory clairvoyance has been obtained has been presented. 
The general rule is suggested that recording be carried out inde- 
pendently in order that the criticism offered may be eliminated. 

(b) Telepathy Methods. Two methods for studying telepathy 
have been used by Rhine and others who have repeated his experi- 
ments. Unfortunately, the recording methods given in the “ Hand- 
book” for these 2 tests do not correspond to methods actually used 
in experiments in which high positive deviations from chance expec- 
tancy were obtained. The Pure Telepathy test was described in the 
section on mental habits. The reader may see from the description 
given there that the criticism of nonindependent recording applies 
since the agent usually acts both as sender and recorder of the per- 
cipient’s vocal calls. In “ Some selected experiments in extra-sensory 
perception ” (84), Rhine appends a footnote: 

“The question has been raised as to whether the agent might not, 
through her strong interest in getting good results, be likely to mistake 
unclear enunciation by the percipient who is off in another room, and to 
give favorable interpretations of calls not clear. First, the names of the 
symbols are phonetically quite easily distinguishable; each has a different 
vowel sound. Second, audition was good with open doors between 
rooms. Third, the scores for this work with the agent and percipient in 
the same room are nearly as high as with the two separated” (p. 224). 


Independent records could have been made by placing a recorder in 
the room with the percipient and having the agent record only the 
cards, the number of hits to be determined by juxtaposing the 2 
records and noting the correspondences. As stated above, the 
‘Junaluska’ Pure Telepathy series, although apparently controlled 
for independence in recording, is not satisfactory from the “ mental 
habit ” aspect. 

Kellogg (56) has also discussed the auditory illusion criticism of 
the Pure Telepathy test: 

‘The experimenter had to try to think of the various designs as nearly 
as possible five times each in a run, but with no written plan to follow, 
vive buzzer signals to call the attention of the subject for each trial, 
ecord the responses as heard, or supposed to be heard, check them if 
correct. Judge the effect on the scores of the almost inevitable tendency, 
especially in a laboratory so full of faith in ESP, to give the subject the 
benefit of the doubt in any trial involving some difficulty in hearing or in 
memory, and the great likelihood of illusions in hexring, the hearing of 
one call as a different one, especially when the observer gets excited in 

the course of a good run, and so hears what is desired instead of what is 
uly uttered, yet with not the slightest realization of the possibility of a 
stake. The much greater ease in following a lecture or play in one’s 
vn language has often been explained as due not so much to difference 
understanding what is actually heard, as to the readiness to fill in gaps 
uuditory stimulation and, as far as conscious experience goes, hear 
whole. In such a case, expectation is guided by the context, in line 
with the familiar usages of the native tongue. In the telepathy tests, 
success may breed success, in the record, by creating such an attitude of 
ptimism thaty the observer-experimenter will strongly tend to hear the 
name of the symbol he has just been ‘ sending’” (p. 340). 

Coover’s work (22) on sound assimilation also shows that: 

the ear cannot be trusted to report correctly names or phrases, 
when the latter are spoken under such conditions as are deemed “by the 
recipient satisfactory for communication yet which permit some degree of 
indistinctness . . .” (p. 407). 

The second telepathy test, devised by Rhine, is the Telepathy 
Card or Undifferentiated ESP method. In the “ Handbook” 

1eS¢ Ip on of the test 1S give aS \ ] Ws 

“Two people work together in this test. One person shuffles and cuts 
the pack of ESP cards and looks at the face of each card while vou, 
who are taking the test, try to name it. For convenience, we will call the 
person looking at the card the ‘sender’ and vou the ‘ receiver.’ 

“Getting ready. Fill in the blanks at the top of one of the record sheets 
to be found in the ESP Record Pad. It is best 

t to leave these sheets -in 
the pad as part of your permanent record. 


“The sender shuffles thoroughi, and cuts a pack of ESP cards. He 
holds the pack with the faces toward him so that he sees the bottom card. 
He concentrates on the symbol on the face and signals to you by tapping 
with a pencil when he is ready. 

“ Sit where you cannot see the faces of the cards. You may close your 
eyes or look off into space, or even look at the backs of the cards. You 
may relax bodily or sit at alert attention. 

“Calling and recording. When you hear the signal try to get an 
impression of the card at which the sender is looking. Do this in your 
own most natural way. You simply want to give the correct name of 
the card. You cannot reason out or force the correct answer. Simply 
decide upon the one which comes to you most easily and vividly. 

“When you have decided, write your choice for the top card into the 
first space for ‘ calls’ on the record sheet. In recording, let O stand for 
circle, + for plus, _. for square, ~ for waves, and A for star. As soon 
as you have finished, tap with your pencil to signal the sender that you 
are ready for the next. Do not tell him what your call was. 

“The sender then removes the card at which he has been looking and 
places it face down on the table without saying what it was. He looks at 
the second card and signals again when he is ready. Make your call 
for the second card and signal that you are ready for the third. Continue 
in this way until the run of twenty-five cards is completed. 

“Choose your own speed. From one to five minutes to the pack is a 
favorable speed after you have become familiar with the test. 

“You may not have the feeling that you are right in your calls as you 
make them. Many do not. This feeling does not always go with success. 
“You must not know your success or failure on any card during the 
time that the run is in progress, since this would permit you to keep 
track of the cards. It is better if there is no talking during the run, but 
of course it can do no harm to talk between runs. 

“Checking up. When you have finished calling all twenty-five cards, 
both of you check the score by turning the pack over and recording the 
order of the cards in the column marked ‘cards.’ You scored a hit every 
time the call and the card are the same. Mark these clearly, and write 
the total score for the pack at the foot of the column ” (pp. 11-13). 

According to this method, the percipient makes his own inde- 
pendent record of the calls. The check-up is carried out according 
to the questionable method of recording cards with knowledge of 
the calls. In a photograph opposite p. 19 of the ‘ Handbook,” with 
the title, ““ The Telepathy Card Test,” the agent has the record book 
and appears to be recording the subject’s calls. An earlier version 
of the Telepathy Card test, one that corresponds with the illustration 
in the “ Handbook,” may be found on the “ Instructions” card in 
the new ESP decks. To quote: 


“ Telepathy-Card Test. For two persons. One acts as sender, the 
other as receiver 

“When both are ready, sender picks up pack holding face toward him, 
concentrates on first card and taps with his pencil on the table. Receiver 
tries to call the card, calling either the first one that comes to mind or 
that one of which he gets the clearest image, as he prefers. Allow only 
one trial for each card. The sender records the call in the ‘ call’ column 
of the record sheet 

“The cards are kept in order until the end of the pack, then turned 
over and recorded in the card column as they are turned.” 

Possibilities for errors in recording the percipient’s calls under 
these conditions are numerous and the direction of the errors is 
“channelled ”’ to produce high scores automatically. When the 
agent is concentrating on the symbol in the deck, a reaction tendency 
to record that symbol is set up. The symbol cailed by the subject 
usually has the “ right of way” to the final response of recording. 
Lapses of attention, ‘ automatisms,’’ expectancy of high scores, and 
suggestibility may give the symbol on which the agent is concen- 
trating the “ right of way” to the recording response and it may be 
recorded instead of the called symbol. When the actual card symbol 
is recorded later alongside of this error, a hit is automatically scored. 
Thus, the Telepathy Card test, in the form which seems to have been 
used in experiments reporting positive results, is uncontrolled for 
unnoticed errors in recording both in the card series and in the call 
series. ’ 

Experimental articles in which the latter version of the Telepathy 
Card test has been used are: (1) Rhine’s “ Monograph” (83) [pp. 
59, 66] and (2) Gibson’s article (33) in which no specific descrip- 
tion of method was given. Kubis and Rouke (62), working with 
twins, obtained essentially chance results with a modification of the 
GESP technique which involved independent recording. Two 
selected batches of trials, however, were thought to indicate extra- 
chance results. Bond (13) has reported extra-chance scores with a 
group of retarded children. Specific details as to recording methods 
are not given. 

(c) Precognition Methods. Rhine (88) has recently adapted 
the DT, OM, and the STM methods to the study of precognition or 
prophecy. His description of method is given as follows: 

“Most of the 15 series of tests reported in this paper are based on the 
calling-before-shuffing modification of the DT procedure, called pre- 


cognitive DT or PDT .. . The calls are made and recorded and the 
pack of cards then shuffled (face down) by the experimenter and checked 
against the record of the calls. The amount and type of shuffling varied 
somewhat with different investigators but consisted mainly of the dove- 
tailing method, and of at least two such shuffles. 

“In making the calls in these PDT tests the subject either wrote 
down the symbols or called them orally to a recorder. This record in 
earlier series was checked against the pack by the experimenter (with 
the subject as witness) after the ‘random rearrangement’ shuffling was 
done. In later series a record of the card order was made and the check- 
ing done by comparison of call and card records, thus permitting later 

“The exceptions to the test procedure referred to above consisted in 
adaptation of simple matching techniques to the precognition problem. 
One of these involved the open matching (OM) procedure. In this modi- 
fication (POM) the cards were laid face down before a set of five blank 
spaces instead of the key cards, the key cards to be supplied by chance 
after the target deck was dealt out. The selection of the key cards 
afforded the ‘random rearrangement’ since these were chosen by a 
specified routine procedure from a second pack which was shuffled by the 
experimenter after the target deck was dealt. The subject of course 
tried to match the cards dealt against the set of key cards that were yet 
to come. 

“In a similar way the screened touch matching (STM) method was 
adapted to the precognition research (PSTM). The key cards were 
chosen as just described, and the subject indicated his calls or choices 
by pointing to one of five empty shallow boxes which would be expected 
to have placed in it later the card to match that which the experimenter 
had on top of the pack held behind the screen. 

“In all but one series the experimenter did the checking with the 
subject also witnessing when this was not prevented by distance. But in 
the last two series, two witnesses were introduced during the shuffling, 
card recording, and the checking of correspondences in the call and card 
records” (p. 47). 

Apparently, in all of these methods the recording was not done inde- 
pendently. Khine states that a record of the card series was made 
but does not say whether or not this record was made without knowl- 
edge of the subject’s calls. 

In the second paper in the precognition series by Rhine, Smith, 
and Woodruff (89), the writers state that, with deliberate intent, 
subjects can shuffle a pack of ESP cards and match symbols with a 
similar deck shuffled by an experimenter or a recorded order of cards 

op eh - ate. Be A 







unknown to the subject with significantly better than chance success. 
The procedure is as follows: 

“Following the shuffling of the shuffler’s pack, the experimenter and 
subject (when the subject was an adult) laid off the cards of the pack 
in the order of their occurrence, observing matching or failure to match, 
and recording the results in numbers of hits (i.e., correct correspond- 
ences). When children were investigated, the experimenter himself or 
the experimenter and an observer—not a subject—handled both packs 
of cards. When a recorded series of symbols were used instead of the 
target pack, the record of the shuffler’s pack was taken on the standard 
record sheet and coincidences with the target series checked in the usual 

“The greater part of the more crucial subdivisions of the data of this 
report have been independently re-checked for errors. This applies to 
all of the work in which a sealed target pack was used, and to approxi- 
mately half of the screened target pack subdivision. Two experimenters 
not subjects) were present throughout the experimentation and checking 
of the data for a substantial portion of the tests which yielded the highest 
score averages” (p. 121). 

Apparently, complete records were not made in some of the experi- 
ments and no check can be made on order inversions in recording 
the deck in the experiments in which a prepared order of cards was 
used as the “target.” No amount « 

f ‘independent ” rechecking 
after the experiment will bring to light such errors. Checking for 
the 5,5,5,5,5 frequency of symbols in the card column would be of 
some aid. This is not specifically mentioned. 

d) Evidence in Favor of the Unnoticed Error Hypothesis. 
Two important papers have already appeared in the Journal of 
Parapsychology which seem to indicate the validity of the criticisms 
discussed here in attempting to find explanations for these ESP 
results. Gibson (33) compared various ESP methods as to efficacy 
in producing extra-chance results. He concluded: 

‘If the averages of all of the eleven subjects in each technique are 
ranked from highest to lowest, they are as follows: OM, GESP, BM, 
DT, GESP (long distance), STM” (p. 269) 

In Table II the possible sources of error are listed with the 
methods. Good agreement between possible sources of error and 
experimentally demonstrated potency for producing extra-chance 
results is found. 

The second paper, written by Greenwood (36), describes methods 
used in an empirical control series, the aim of which was to demon- 


strate conclusively that the mean correspondence in matching shuffled 
ESP decks with 100 sets of calls is exactly 5. The calls were not 
made with the intent of matching any of the decks of cards. The 
following quotation seems to add further evidence for the error 
hypothesis : 

“ At the end of 7,000 runs a random sampling recheck of 200 runs netted 
two errors of omission, lowering the score by one in each case. It was 
therefore decided to recheck the whole 7,000 runs or 175,000 separate 
comparisons. Accordingly, the writer went down one group of results 
and one or two assistants from the Parapsychology laboratory checked 


Tue ReLtation BETWEEN Potency For Propuctne “ Goop” Scores AND 
Sources OF Error In SEVERAL ESP Meruops 

Method Errors 

1. Open Matching (OM) Backs of cards seen by subject. Both 
types of minimal visual cues can be 
used. Nonindependent recording. 

2, General ESP or Telepathy Card Possible attentional and illusory errors 

Test (GESP) in recording calls. Possibility of 

checking-up errors. 

3. Blind Matching (BM) Backs of cards still available to sub- 
ject. More difficult because key cards 
are face down. Nonindependent re- 

Down Through or Pack-Calling Possibility of checking-up errors in 

Test (DT) recording cards. 
*5. General ESP (long distance) Possibility of checking-up errors in 
(GESP l.d.) recording, although least likely in this 
* 6. Screened Touch Matching (STM) Nonindependent recording. 

* The difference in scores obtained by the 2 methods is small and appears 
to be nonsignificant. 

on another part. The procedure was to obtain the new result first and 
then compare it with the old record. All told, 81 mistakes were dis- 
covered, 72 of omission by one and 9 of additions to the score by one. 

“From runs 7.001 to 20,000, the end of the series, the same general 
procedure was used with the exception that the assistant and writer made 
independent records of scores, working on different parts of the series. 
At intervals the two records were then compared for differences. If 
differences were encountered these particular runs were carefully 
rechecked and errors corrected. 

“For the whole series there were 12 errors of addition of one hit to a 
run, one of addition of two hits, and 77 of omission of one hit in the 
author’s record. The total was 90 errors lowering the score by 63 hits 
out of an expected 100,000 hits. Since an urgent consideration of this 

of & 
the 1 



call | 
the s 


able t 

4 Th 

to be 



series was the avoidance of errors on even the first going over, it would 
seem appropriate to stress the fact that with a little less rigor the errors 
would undoubtedly have been much more numerous. In particular, since 
omissions were the more common type of error, work which gives rise 
to a significant negative deviation should call for rechecking. This type 
of error would of course only serve to diminish a positive deviation and 
the misleading effect be at least a safe one” (pp. 140-141). 

These precautions in recording and checking the data given above 
cannot be found in the great majority of experimental articles on 
ESP in which extra-chance results are obtained. MacFarland (66) 
has recently published a set of extra-chance results with the GESP 
and DT methods in which “the experimental set-up was designed to 
eliminate the possibility of sensory cues and recording errors.” 
Sensory cues were eliminated by distance. Recording errors in the 
call column were eliminated by checking 2 independent records of 
the subject’s calls. But the check-up of actual order of cards was 
conducted with the calls available to the recorder. Thus: 

“ Both experimenters then checked the two decks of cards against the 
doubly-recorded order cf calls. In this way there was secured double 
witnessing of all checking” (p. 162) 

This is an unsatisfactory condition for elimination of errors in the 
card column. 

It has been suffic.ently demonstrated that the Rhine methods may 
allow either positive or negative errors to be made at the time of 
recording the original data. No satisfactory check to determine 
whether or not érrors were made has been reported. Apparently, 
recording in these ESP experiments may be manipulated to prove a 
preconceived hypothesis of the recorder without his awareness of the 
manipulation. This is not without precedent in the literature of 
experimental psychology when records were ambiguous and the 
recorder worked with a strong motivation to produce results favor- 
able to an hypothesis. 

4. The Laboratory Conditions for Producing the Majority of ESP 

The second proposition to be established by reviewing the ESP 
literature is that the conditions under which extra-chance scores seem 
to be obtained are those which foster unnoticed errors in recording. 
These conditions in the recorder, as stated above, are expectancy of 
favorable results, split attention, excitement, and amenability to 



[t is interesting to note that modern experimental psychology 
had its inception in the study of the “personal equation” of 
errors in observation due to divided attention. The articles of 
Miinsterberg (72), Bauch (6), Crosland (25), and Kollarits (61), 
to mention but a few outstanding, studies, have contributed to the 
knowledge of sources of error in human perception and the con- 
ditions under which errors are made. 

In Rhine’s (83) Appendix to Chapter 15 of the “ Monograph,” 
entitled ‘“‘ Suggestions to Those Who May Care to Repeat These 
Experiments,” the conditions are given for the production of extra- 
chance scores with Rhine’s experimental methods. These sugges- 
tions are specifically made to aid in the selection of subjects who 

may produce good results. To quote: 

“It is hoped that others will repeat these experiments or, better still, 
perform more advanced ones. Much depends upon the conditions of the 
tests as to whether success or failure will follow. The following sugges- 
tions along with the discussion in Chapter 12, may help to avoid failures: 

‘1. The subject should have an active interest in the tests and be fairly 
free from strong bias or doubt. These would, of course, hinder effort and 
limit attention. An open-minded, experimental attitude is all that is 
required. Positive belief is naturally favorable but not necessary. 

“2. The preliminary tests should be entered into very informally, 
without much serious discussion as to techniques, or explanations or pre- 
cautions. The more ado over techniques, the more inhibition is likely; 
and the more there is of explanation, the more likely is introspection to 
interfere. Playful informality is most favorable. 


“3. If possible to do so honestly, it is helpful to give encouragement 
for any little success but no extravagant praise is desirable, even over 
striking results. The point is that encouragement is helpful, apparently, 
but only if it does not lead to self-consciousness. If it does, it is quite 
ruinous. Many subjects begin well, become excited or self-conscious, 
and then do poorly. 

“5. It is highly important to let the subject have his own way, without 
restraint, at first. Later, he can be persuaded to allow changes, after he 
has gained confidence and discovered his way to ESP functioning. Even 
then, it is better for him to have his way as far as experimental con- 
ditions can allow. It is a poor science that dictates conditions to Nature. 
It is a better one that follows up with its well-adapted controls and 

“6. It is wise not to express doubts or regrets. Discouragement seems 
to damage the delicate function of ESP. Here again no doubt persouali- 
ties differ. One subject, I know, has worked in the face of doubt 
expressed ; but she is exceptional in this 


“12. It is best to try good friends for Pure Telepathy at first—or 
couples, single or married, who feel certain they have thought-transfer- 
ence; and, above all, to try those people who say they have had ‘ psychic ’ 
experiences or whose ancestors conspicuously have had. 

‘These are suggestions, not rules, for we do not yet know enough of 
the subject to lay down rules. They will help toward success, without 
endangering conclusions. One can always tighten up on conditions 
before drawing conclusions later. But any investigator must first of all 
get his phenomena to occur—or exhaust the reasonable possibilities in 
trying to” (pp. 166-168) 

Attitudes of expectancy of good scores, “ playful informality,” 
and positive suggestibility in the subject seem best to help the 
unnoticed or unconscious use of sensory cues. But it is these con- 
ditions at work in the experimenter or recorder which seem to be 
most important in attempting to understand the production of ESP. 
It should be noted further that the encouragement of “ playful 
informality’ by the experimenter involves the condition of split 
attention which is a favorable if not an absolutely necessary condition 
for unconscious error productio1 

Excitement during experiments appears to be common. A sample 
may be taken from Rhine’s (87) description of conditions in which a 
subject made 21 hits out of 25 calls: 

For some time we drove along quietly. Then it occurred to me to 

t my subject on the way to the place where I had planned to make our 
rst stop. I pulled the car up at the side of the road but did not bother 
to turn off the engine. Putting a large notebook across Linzmayer’s 
knees, I took a pack of ESP cards out of my pocket and held it in my 
1and. He, meantime, had leaned back with his head resting against the 
top of the seat, so that his eyes saw nothing but the roof of the car. There 
vere no mirrors or shiny surfaces into which he could have looked for 
possible reflections. During the actual progress of the test, his eyes were 

1 , 

“After giving the pack a cut—neither of us knew the order of the 
cards in it anyway—lI drew off the top one and tipped it toward me just 
enough to catch a glimpse of the symbol and then put it face down on the 
notebook on Linzmayer’s lap. Without looking at it or touching it he 
said, after a pause of about two seconds: 

‘ Circle.’ 

‘Right,’ I told him, drew off the next card, and laid it on the notebook. 
‘Plus,’ he said. 

* Right.’ 


* Right.’ 


* Right.’ 


At this point I shuffled the deck again, cut it once more, and again drew 
off a card. 

‘Star,’ Linzmayer said when the card was placed on the notebook. It 
was a Star. 

When he had called fifteen cards in succession without a single mis- 
take, both of us were too amazed for a while to go on with the rest of 
the run. No conceivable deviation from probability, no ‘ streak of luck’ 
which either of us had ever heard of could parallel such a sequence of 
unbroken hits. We both knew that the thing Linzmayer had just done 
was virtually impossible by all the rules in the book of chance, but he 
had done it... & 

“No reader of this book need consider the account of this extraordi- 
nary run of Linzmayer’s as presumptive evidence that ESP is a fact. 
The conditions of the test were not our usual laboratory ones, and the 
scientific evidence for ESP rests upon work performed under the strictest 
conditions. Write that amazing score off, if you like, to mere exploration. 
With all of the scepticism I can muster, though, I still do not see how 
any sensory cue could have revealed to Linzmayer the symbols of those 
21 cards he called correctly ” (pp. 77-79). 

Confirmation of the present interpretation of the meaning of the 
experimental conditions prescribed by Rhine for ESP research is 
found in an article by Pratt and Price (79) on the subject-experi- 
menter relationship. Blind Matching and Pack Matching tests were 
used and independent records were not made. “ Favorable” and 
“unfavorable” conditions for high scores in ESP were defined as 

“The ‘favorable’ condition previously mentioned consisted of intro- 
ducing a subject to the situation by one-half hour of general conversation 
before starting the tests and then continuing the conversation during the 
test.. The ‘unfavorable’ one was characterized by starting to test a 
subject without delay and in deliberately keeping him out of the conver- 
sation as much as possible” (p. 91). 

The condition of divided attention in the experimenters may define 
ESP scoring ability in the subjects. 

In closing this section on the conditions in subject and experi- 
menter which foster ESP, some attention should be given to the 
general emphasis placed on “ witnessing” by Rhine and those who 
have obtained evidence for ESP outside the Duke laboratory. It is 
an everyday observation that witnessing may, under some con- 
ditions, be absolutely untrustworthy. Witnesses, to serve any 
useful function, should take independent records of the calls and 
cards so that the accuracy of recording may be ascertained later. 

7 Italics mine. 


Miunsterberg (72) has discussed 

“witnessing” as they appear in courts of law. 

clusion has been that “ 
witness or one who expects high 


witnessing ” 


the well-known errors in human 
The general con- 
is unreliable since a sugyestible 
results may pay attention only to 

nonessential factors in the situation. 


. ESP usually exhibits an “in- 
sight ” learning curve (83, p. 164) 

. Some agents are better than others 
(83, p. 101). 

. ESP fluctuates, waxes, and wanes 

(83, p. 137). 


A carefree, playful attitude in 
both experimenter and subject is 
necessary for ESP (83, 

5. Distances may increase 
chance scoring (85). 



6. Drug results. High with caffeine, 

low with sodium amytal (83, p. 
7. Fatigue inethe subject may de 
crease ESP scoring (83, p. 128 
8. ESP may be voluntarily con 

trolled (75, pp. 204-205). 
. Certain psychoses may be differ 
entiated by ESP tests (97, p. 104). 
. Blind persons have ESP (80). 

ll. The presence of sceptics disrupts 
good ESP scoring (83). 

From the above considerations 



Errors of attention and illusion are not 
products of gradual learning; hence 

their sudden intrusion as “ insight.” 

Some people are more prone to make 
these errors than others. 

Errors in recording depend upon spe- 
cial conditions of expectancy, sug- 
gestibility, and inattention. 

These attitudes may also be best for 
unnoticed errors in recording. 

When the percipient calls vocally in 
telepathy experiments, the chance for 
recording errors increased; when 
the calls are later checked against the 
cards in clairvoyance experiments, 
errors may occur. 


Recorder knew what effect the drug 
ought to have. Caffeine may increase 
ability to use minimal cues; sodium 
amytal may decrease it. 

Fatigue may lower subject’s sensitiv- 
ity to minimal cues. 

The direction of unnoticed errors may 

be controlled by recorder’s precon- 
ceived hypothesis. 

Same as 8. 

Same as 6. 

Sceptics may watch for sources of 

error and disrupt “playful” attitude. 

of the “ atmosphere ” of the ESP 

laboratory, alternate explanations for the “ psychological phenomena ” 
of ESP research may be offered. Table III lists the phenomena and 
the present writer’s conclusions as to their most probable explanation. 
It may well be that the absence of “ playful informality ” and conse- 
quent control of conditions in the experiments of Adams (1), 
Baker (3), Cox (24), Soal (103), and Willoughby (126) will help 


to explain the lack of confirmation of the ESP hypothesis in these 


Thus far, the criticisms and suggestions for improvement of 
experimental control brought forward apply only to the type of ESP 
experiments discussed above, where the conditions of the experiment, 
as stated in the papers themselves, are open to question. In this 
section, 2 experiments will be reviewed more completely since the 
reported conditions were such as to eliminate the errors discussed 
above. Eventual explanation of these results appears to the present 
writer to rest on an entirely different basis than the foregoing ESP 

Warner (120) reported a set of 250 trials in which the conditions 
of the experiment were given as follows: 
is . the experimenters, having told the subject that work was to begin, 
retired to the upstairsroom, shut the door, cut a shuffied deck of cards and 
placed the cut card face down on the table by itself. It was not seen by 
the experimenters until after the guess had been made and recorded by 
the subject in her room downstairs. The subject signalled when this had 
been done by pressing a button which flashed a light in the experimenter’s 
room. When this signal was given, the card cut was exposed and 
recorded, and a different deck, newly shuffled, was cut to obtain the next 
card to be guessed. This procedure was repeated without interruption 
until the end of the work. At the conclusion, the subject’s record of 
guesses was compared with the experimenter’s record of cards cut” ( pp. 
236-237 ). 

The average number of hits per 25 guesses was 9.30. 

It is worth noting that recording was not completely independent 
in this experiment, since the signal could be varied in duration by 
the subject, thus providing a possible cue. Another unusual item 
about this report is the non-random distribution of frequencies of 
the card symbols: i.e. circle, 71; rectangle, 50; waves, 43; plus, 43; 
and star, 43. The chi-square, obtained by comparing theoretical and 
actual frequencies, is 11.76 with a P of .02 that repetition would 
give as bad or worse fit by chance. The cal! preferences, however, 
do not correspond with the most frequent card symbols. The possi- 
bility of variation in duration of the light signal serving as an 
unnoticed cue to the recorder should justify insistence on a repetition 
of the experiment under the same conditions with the card symbols 
recorded before the subject’s guess and the uneven frequencies of the 
different symbols to be guessed eliminated. This technique involves 




the added possibility of telepathy but this should not affect the scor- 
ing if the experiment is repeatable. The experiment was done in the 
subject’s home. 

Very high scores have been reported by Riess (92) with a single 
subject who later lost the ability to guess at an extra-chance level 
and who is not available for further experimentation This experi- 
ment is unusual for the high scoring rate and the strictness of the 
conditions in ruling out the errors of ESP. For example, on the 
19th run all 25 guesses were correct. The hits per pack were, con- 
secutively, 5, 7, 10, 12, 15, 8, 16, 13, 18, 21, 11, 15, 19, 24, 21, 21, 
22, 24, 25, 24, 21, 20, 19, 18, 14, 15, 15, 16, 12, 19, 21, 22, 24, 20, 
18, 22, 21, 19, 19, 18, 18, 19, 18, 17, 18, 19, 20, 20, 20, 19, 20, 21, 
and 21. <A period of no work intervened, after which the scores 
were 2, 4, 7, 12, 7, 5, 4, 3, 5, and 4. Obviously, the scores in the 
first series eliminate chance variation as an important factor i the 
production of the results [he experimental method is given as 


“The usual pack of ESP cards was employed. Since both the subject and 

he experimenter lived in the same suburb of New York City, the experi- 
ment was conducted in their respective home At 9:00 p.m. the experi- 
menter would expose a card from the freshly shuffled deck lying on his 

desk. He looked at the card and noted the symbol on the mimeographed 

cord sheet. At 9:01 p.m. the subject, seated at a table in her home, 
guessed at the symbol on the first card exposed by the experimenter in 
his home. The experimenter, meanwhile, had placed the first card to one 
side and at 9:01 had exposed the second card. This procedure was 
repeated until the deck was exhausted. It was then reshuffled manually 
and, after an interval of 10 minutes, the whole experiment was done again. 
In this way 50 trials were run off during each experimental session. The 
distance between the two homes was approximately one-quarter mile and 
the respective rooms in the houses were s tuated that they faced in 

opposite directions to each other ” (p. 261 

The recording was done independently, although apparently the sub- 
ject was not witnessed. No information as to when and how the 
check-up for number of hits was made is included in the experimental 
report. Since the high scores reported in this experiment are so 
much at variance with the majority of ESP results, a full deter- 
mination of the conditions under which the unusual results occur 
would seem to be of paramount importance ; 

In addition, the “ Campus Distance Series in Clairvoyance,” or 
the Pierce-Pratt series, should receive further mention, although this 
set of trials has been discussed already in the section on recording 


errors. If a fuller account of the method is given, demonstrating 
that the check-up was made with completely independent records of 
cards and calls, this experiment should be joined with those of 
Warner and Riess as being as yet inexplicable. 


Two major problems have arisen from controversy over ESP 
statistical methods. The first problem has to do with the mathe- 
matics of theoretical chance expectancy; the second, with the effect 
of selection upon the statistical methods used. The first problem has 
been fully discussed by Willoughby (123, 124, 125), Kellogg (55, 
56, 57), Rogosin (93), Heinlein and Heinlein (46), Herr (47), 
Gulliksen (40), Wolfle (127), Stuart (106, 107, 108), Greenwood 
and Stuart (38), Stuart and Greenwood (110), Huntington (49, 50), 
Sterne (104), Lemmon (63), Greville (39), and Greenwood (35, 
37). Kellogg (58) states that essential agreement has been reached 
on this theoretical point. To quote: 

. . it is the mathematical aspect of the research upon which substan- 
tial agreement has now been attained. It is quite clear that the problems 
of selection and treatment of evidence as such, and of rigorous control of 
the experimental procedures, are approaching solution, but are not yet 
fully settled” (p. 148). 

It is generally recognized, however, that the mathematics of chance 
expectancy does not indicate a functional relationship between vari- 
ables. ‘‘ Causes” for observed deviations from chance expectancy 
must be sought in the experimental conditions and controls, not in the 
mathematics of chance. This inductive “leap” from extra-chance 
scores to extra-sensory perception has been one of the underlying 
reasons for controversy. 

Historically, one of the important considerations for evaluating 
guessing experiments in telepathy and clairvoyance has been the 
question of selection of data favorable to a preconceived hypothesis. 
No one will challenge the statement that extra-chance results can 
be obtained by selecting only deviations in the direction of the pre- 
conceived belief and putting them through a statistical mill which is 
not applicable to the scores because of the original selection. The 
selection-of-data’error may be more subtle in its application in experi- 
mental situations. Three recent attempts to reproduce conditions 
thought to obtain in ESP experiments with respect to selection of 
data are available for analysis. 


Warner (119) matched shuffled decks of ESP cards in order to 
obtain information about the “run of luck” explanation of extra- 
chance deviations. He selected 220 scores, from a large random 
distribution of hits per run, which were 8 or above. He then con- 
tinued matching decks with respect to each of these scores until the 
total score (preliminary score plus further scores) fell below plus 1 
sigma from the mean of 5 hits. Warner successfully demonstrated, 
then, that by chance alone, initial high scores tend to level out when 
enough random runs are added to the initial high score. Leuba (65), 
with the same general method, has demonstrated empirically that, as 
one would expect from theoretical considerations, significant devi- 
ations may occur on a purely chance basis. 

Greenwood (37) recently suggested the use of a correction factor 
for the limit of chance expectancy, to be applied when the stopping 
point in a given series is a function of the results obtained up to that 


In the present review, the hypothesis was presented that extra- 
chance results in the majority of ESP experiments may be explicable 
on the basis of unnoticed errors in methodology. The errors and 
methods in which these errors may possibly occur may be sum- 
marized as follows: 

1. Selection of data. All the ESP methods are open to this 
criticism in one form or another. 

2. Lack of independent record. This criticism also applies gen- 
erally to the ESP methods, with the exception, of course, of the 
experiments described above as “ inexplicable.” 

3. Sensory cués. Results obtained with the Open Matching, 
Blind Matching, and Before Touching methods may be explained on 
this basis. 

4. “ Mental” habits. The Pure Telepathy methods are open to 
this criticism. 

5. Logical inference. The BT methods in which the subject is 
given knowledge of results during a single run (BT, and BT,) are 
unsatisfactory for this reason. 

Certainly, the sources of error discussed here should be eliminated 
from consideration by adequate experimental control. These con- 
trols are not complex nor do they involve any novel principles. 
Greenwood (82) has already presented the main points of these 


The controls suggested for the ESP methods follow: 

1. Sufficient distance or shielding should be used to eliminate all 
possibility of sensory cues. 

2. Records of calls and cards should be made independently by 
2 different recorders. The check-up should be carried out by juxta- 
posing the 2 independent records. 

3. A tested method for producing a random distribution of 
symbols in the card series should be used. 

4. In order to eliminate the effect of “ optional stopping,” a limit 
of trials should be set before the experiment. It might even be 
advantageous to postpone the check-ups until after the experiment 
is terminated. 

Concerning the “ inexplicable” experiments, little can be said. 
Perhaps another rule to insure objectivity should be added to the 
foregoing, namely : 

5. The experiments should be conducted under such conditions 
and auspices that the subject cannot be suspected of fraudulently 
producing the results. 

This rule would probably involve independent testing of the same 
‘good’ subject in different laboratories. 


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P schol 




New Jersey College for Women 

The question whether opposites or likes attract in friendship and 
marriage has held enough popular interest for opposing views to 
become crystallized in two contradictory proverbs, Attempts to answer 
it in quantitative terms with respect to traits of intellect and per- 
sonality have in recent years received a strong impetus from the 
development of devices for measuring such traits. The present 
review will consider, first, the material on mental resemblances of 
husbands and wives, then the literature on friend resemblance, and 
will conclude with a comparative and critical summary. 


Reviews of the earlier literature on homogamy or assortative 
mating appear in studies by Jones (23), Schiller (35), and 
Schooley (36). This earlier material was quantitative in the field 
of physical characteristics, but largely subjective and speculative with 
regard to mental traits, particularly in the matter of personality 
resemblances. The field of temperament was the only one in which 
negative correlations were found. 

The present article begins with the publications of 1928. Ina 
number of cases the data concerning husbands and wives were inci- 
dental to a larger study of family resemblance, from which the 
material relevant to the present problem has been abstracted. 

Table I summarizes the investigations of mental resemblance, 
classified, according to the type of characteristic studied, as intellec- 
tual, temperamental, or attitudinal. A compilation of results from a 
number of studies such as we have here leads one to look for agree- 
ments and disagreements. The similarity of the correlations in intel- 
lectual traits where the groups have been representative ones with a 
fairly wide range is worthy of note. Schiller’s lower correlations may 
probably be ascribed to the homogeneity of her group of subjects. 
If the variability of the group has such a bearing on the significance 
of the correlation, one becomes conscious of the need for some indi- 













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cation of the variability of the groups with respect to neurotic tend- 
ency, dominance, or attitude toward Communism, for example. The 
series of comparisons to which one is tempted by the array of corre- 
lation coefficients is of uncertain justifiability. The correlations for 
the Allport-Vernon Study of Values are particularly open to question, 
since the several value scores for a given individual purport to be 
relative, not absolute, measures of the weights which the several 
values carry for that individual, and having a high score in one 
value automatically lowers the individual’s rating in the sum of the 
remaining values. 

With all these qualifications in mind, we may make certain gen- 
eralizations concerning the results. The correlations are higher in 
the intellectual and attitudinal traits than in traits of temperament. 
None of the correlations, even in temperament, are reliably negative, 
as the theory of attraction of opposites would require. 

An extensive survey of the problem which is not included in 
Table I because it is still in progress has been reported in a pre- 
liminary way by Kelly (24). This study of 300 engaged couples, to 
be followed up annually for 7 years, includes measures on the Otis 
Self-Administering, Bernreuter, Bell, Strong, Allport-Vernon, and 
several attitude tests, as well as anthropometric measures, blood 
groupings, and life history data. A preliminary analysis for the first 
100 couples shows correlations ranging from approximately 0 to .79, 
none of them being significantly negative. 

Some of the investigations have considered the question whether 
resemblances in personality are more pronounced for couples that 
have been longer married. Hunt (19) found a correlation of —.05 
between length of time married and similarity in ranking of 17 
groups of ideals. Hoffeditz (17) compared 24 fathers and mothers 
aged 56 or more and 19 pairs of parents aged 45 or less with regard 
to resemblance in neurotic tendency, self-sufficiency, and dominance. 
She found no evidence that resemblance increases with duration of 
marriage. All the correlations were lower for the older couples, 
being slightly negative. The difference was least reliable for self- 
sufficiency, but approached reliability in the trait of neuroticism. 
Schooley (36), drawing the dividihg line on the basis of length of 
marriage, and apparently at a considerably younger age in general, 
classified her 80 couples into a group of 40 who had been married 
from 1 to 4 years, and another group of 40 who had been married 
from 5 to 20 years. She found higher correlations for the longer- 






married group in neurotic tendency, in the free association test, in 
the economic and religious values, and in attitude toward birth con- 
trol; lower correlations for the longer married in the theoretical and 
aesthetic values; and no difference with length of marriage in corre- 
lation of scores on political value or on attitude toward Communism. 
Her disagreement with Hoffeditz regarding neurotic tendency may 
be due to the different basis of division or to the small number of 
cases. Newcomb and Svehla (29) partly agree and partly disagree 
with Schooley’s results in so far as their data permit comparison. 
The trend which they find in attitude toward the church is similar to 
that reported by Schooley with respect to the religious value, but in 
attitude toward Communism they report a lower correlation for 
“fathers and mothers”’ than for “ young husbands and wives.” In 
attitude toward war they find a lower correlation for the longer 
married. The reliability of these differences in correlation is not 
great, however, and the data do not permit conclusion as to whether 
the longer mutual association has caused a change in degree of 
resemblance or whether the traits under consideration have at dif- 
ferent periods held different degrees of importance in determining 
mutual attraction before marriage. 

The relation of personality resemblance to marital compatibility 
has been investigated by Terman and Buttenwieser (40, 41) and by 
Kirkpatrick (25). Terman and Buttenwieser compared the degree 
of resemblance between 126 happily married couples, 215 couples 
with a low “ combined happiness score’ on a marriage questionnaire, 
and 100 divorced couples (the latter are omitted from our Table I). 
Among the correlations on the Strong and Bernreuter scales, the 
only one which was significantly higher for the happily married than 
for the other 2 groups was in the Y. M. C. A. interest constellation. 
On certain individual items there was a distinct difference between 
the happily and unhappily married with regard to the amount of 
resemblance between the pair. Husband and wife were more likely 
to be happy if they were similar in attitude toward avoiding argu- 
ment, and more likely to be unhappy if they resembled each other 
in admitted ability to “accept just criticism without being sore.” 
Out of 130 items in which there was more than a chance difference 
between the relative amount of correlation yielded by the first group 
and the other 2, there were 96 in which agreement accompanied 
happiness, 30 in which agreement was associated with unhappiness, 
and 4 in which the relationship was uncertain. Terman and 


Buttenweiser (40) also found that between groups selected for high 
and low happiness score there were consistent differences in scores 
for ‘“‘ common outside interests” and in agreement on 11 items which 
included “ religious matters’’ and “ philosophy of life.” 

Kirkpatrick (25) likewise found significant differences between 
unhappily and happily married couples in a measure of community 
of interest in a variety of activities. He considers these differences 
significant enough so that the “ Relationship Family Interests "’ and 
‘* Individual Family Interests’ scores might serve as an index for 
measuring marital adjustment and for predicting the success of a 


Study of the resemblance between friends is an aspect of social 
psychology which has received increasing attention in recent years. 
Evidence of the recency of this interest appears in the temporal dis- 
tribution of the 21 pertinent titles in the accompanying bibliography: 
12 bear dates from 1931 to 1937 inclusive, 7 from 1922 to 1930, and 
the other 2 were published in 1898 and 1902, respectively. These 
studies reflect to a considerable degree the techniques which were 
available at the time when they were made, and the special channels 
in which the interests of psychologists were then directed. The 2 
studies at about the turn of the century by Street (38) and Bonser (4) 
obtained from each subject a direct statement concerning the resem- 
blance between himself and a friend in “temperament” and in 
“likes and dispositions.” The 3 studies in 1922 and 1923 by 
Almack (1), Warner (43), and Williams (45) were concerned with 
chronological age, mental age, and IQ. As various standardized 
measures of personality traits appeared, resemblance in these traits 
became the object of investigation, beginning with Wellman’s (44) 
use of the Marston extroversion-introversion scale in 1926, Statis- 
tical analysis in most of the studies prior to 1927 is not carried as 
far as in the later ones. Prior to 1927, Almack (1) was the only 
one to use the correlation technique. Of the 7 studies previous to 
1929, 6 were concerned with the elementary or high school age, and 
1 with ages 17 to 21. Beginning with 1929, 6 of the studies have 
been concerned with college friendships, 5 with children and adoles- 
cents, and 3 with preschool children.* 

4 This figure includes merely the 3 studies which deal with other factors 
than chronological age.and sex in relation to choice of companions. 


Preschool Friendships. During the preschool age, social contacts 
between children increase with increasing years, according to the 
observations of Beaver (2), Moreno(27), Parten (30), Salusky (34), 
and Zaluzhni (50). Where the age range in the group is wide 
enough to permit considerable range of choice, it has been found that 
children tend to select companions of similar age (Chevaleva- 
Janovskaja, 8; Challman, 7; Green, 15). Where the age range is 
18 months or less, as in the groups observed by Hagman (16) and 
Hubbard(18), chronological age does not appear to influence the 
selection of companions within the group. Cleavage on the basis of 
sex was found by Hagman (16) to be absent in a two-year-old group 
but present in a four-year-old group. Chevaleva-Janovskaja (8) 
likewise found that the tendency to form wnisexual associations 
increased with age. Challman (7) reports a marked tendency for 
preschool friends to be of the same sex. 

The 3 studies which have considered other factors than chrono- 
logical age and sex in relation to choice of companions are those by 
Challman (7), Hagman (16), and Hubbard (18). Resemblance in 
mental age appeared to be related to companionship in Hubbard’s 
group of 18 children aged 21 to 39 months, and among Hagman’s 
18 two-year-olds; and the same holds true for IO among Hagman’s 
two-year-olds. Resemblance in mental age and IO and extroversion 
ere found to be unrelated to paired companionship among Hagman’s 
four-year-olds and in Challman’s group of 33 children ranging 
from 27 to 59 months in age. Among two-year-olds, Hagman 
obtained a correlation of —.476+.134 in extroversion when each 
child was paired with his most frequent companion. Similarity with 
regard to attractiveness of personality (adult ratings) was found by 
Challman to be unimportant, and Hagman found the “ Social Stimu- 
lus Index” similarly unimportant among her two-year-olds, though 
of some significance among the four-year-olds. In both age groups 
the most important factor related to choice of companions found by 
Hagman was similarity in Social Reaction indices. Challman simi- 
larly reports that resemblance in social participation was the most 
important factor in friendships between girls, and that resemblance 
in sociality apparently carries some weight in determining friendships 
in either sex. Hubbard, however, found that similarity in social par- 
ticipation was unimportant in her group. This inconsistency may 
be due to a difference in methods of measurement or to the small 
number of cases in all the groups compared. Similarity in degree of 

»—n = 


physical activity bears some relation to friendships in both sexes, 
according to Challman. 

Friendships at the Elementary and High School Level. At the 
elementary and high school level resemblance between friends in 
intelligence, especially mental age, is reported by Almack (1), 
Warner (43), Williams (45), Furfey (13), Jenkins (20), Part- 
ridge (31), Seagoe (37), and Pintner, Forlano, and Freedman (33). 
Socioeconomic status of parents was found by Jenkins (20) to be of 
great importance. The influence of propinquity appears strongly in 
studies by Furfey (13), Seagoe (37), and Pellettieri (32). Resem- 
blances rather than differences between friends were found in likes 
and dispositions (Bonser, 4), social maturity (Furfey, 13), play 
interests (Jenkins, 20), and a number of personal characteristics, 
notably athletic ability, courtesy, and cleanliness (Seagoe, 37). ‘Data 
presented by Wellman (44) reveal less friend resemblance in extro- 
version than in scholarship (girls) or IQ (boys). Pintner, Forlano, 
and Freedman (33) found friend correlations near 0 on measures 
of cultural attitudes, ascendance, extroversion, and emotional stability. 

Friendships at the College Level. In connection with a study in 
moral education, Street (38), in 1898, found that out of 189 persons 
(mostly girls between the ages of 17 and 21) who replied to his 
questionnaire, 46 reported that they were attracted by persons of 
opposite temperament, 43 by similar persons, 50 gave no clue, and 
50 confused the issue. 

Five more studies of college friendships are summarized in 
Table II. It is evident that similarity rather than dissimilarity is 
the rule, though the correlations are low or moderate. This general 
trend is in harmony with that of questionnaire replies received by 
Bogardus and Otto (3) from 138 men and 162 women students con- 
cerning interests, attitudes, and abilities. 

The Criterion for Friendship. The studies of resemblance between 
friends present a problem which is not found in the studies of mar- 
riage partners: the matching of the subjects in pairs. The criteria 
for friendship have been of 2 main sorts: observed association, and 
the designation of one friend by the other. Each of these is open to 
a certain amount of criticism. Friendship may be inferred from the 
fact that 2 persons are frequently seen together, but it is not thereby 
proved. As for designation of one friend by another, the unsatis- 
factoriness of this criterion is indicated by the fact that A may name 
B as his “ best friend,” but B may name K and make no reference 








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to A.° The most satisfactory evidence would appear to be found 
where A and B name each other as best friends. Probably each 
criterion assures some degree of friendship, however, or indicates that 
in some way the pair are related more than by a random matching. 
Moreover, even under the same criterion not all the friendships will 
be equal in intimacy. 

Table III classifies the studies according to the criterion for 
friendship which was adopted by the investigator, and also indicates 
the ages of the subjects. In only one study, that by Seagoe (37), 
were all the pairs mutually named and free from overlapping. The 
figures which we quote from this investigator show what a wide net 
was cast in order to obtain a group of 29 pairs who twice designated 
each other as first choice. 


In view of the facts that the present measures of personality traits 
still leave something to be desired, that the groups measured have 
differed widely in age and in degree of homogeneity, that the criteria 
for pairing of friends have not been entirely satisfactory, and that 
there were different degrees of compatibility among the husbands 

5 The question whether or not choices are mutual receives especial attention 
in the sociometric studies of Moreno (27). Pupils in an elementary public 
school and a private preparatory school were asked to indicate whom they 
would like to have sit near by, and girls in the New York State Training School 
were asked whom they would prefer for housemates. Persons were found 
who “like stars, capture most of the choices, others forming mutual pairs, 
sometimes linked into long mutual chains or into triangles, squares, or circles, 
and then an unlooked-for number of unchosen children.” In one “ social 
atom,’ A might be attracted to B, C, D, E, F, and G; B, C, and D might 
reject A; and G might be the only one positively attracted to A. 

Moreno’s approach differs from that in the other investigations included 
in the present review. The aim was to study the network of psychological 
currents in a group with regard to its bearing on the group adjustment. Indi- 
viduals were interviewed as to the reasons for their attractions or repulsions. 
There is little statistical analysis of the factors which led to “clicking” or the 
reverse. Among the generalizations from some of the interviews reported in 
a supplementary section by Jennings (21) appear the statements that “ children 
appear to choose associates according to attributes necessary for the joint 
pursuit of common aims” (third grade); “the motivations are often based on 
similarities of traits, physical and mental, of social standing, and of interests 
in common pursuits. . . The rejections are . . . based largely on differences, 
physical and mental” (fifth grade); “occasionally choices are made motivated 
by complementary attributes” (seventh grade). 



and wives, such consistencies as appear among the results of these 
studies are all the more worthy of note. * 
Throughout all the traits and the range of ages the correlations 



A. Observed Association. 
Systematic Recording of the Number of Times the Subjects Were Seen 

Challman (preschool) 
Hagman (preschool ) 
Hubbard (preschool) 
Wellman (elementary school) 

Self-selected Groups at Summer Camp. 
Partridge (adolescent boys) 

Close Companionship Recognized by Others. 
Vreeland & Corey (college) 
Warner (elementary school age, boys’ gangs) 

B. Designation of One Friend by Another. 
Without Regard for Mutuality. 
Almack (elementary school ) 
First choice for inviting to a party. 
First choice to help in work. 
Bogardus & Otto (college): “ chum.” 
Bonser (high school): “chum.” 
Cattell (college): “one intimate friend.”. (Some named more than 
one. ) 
Flemming (college) : “best friend.” 
Out of 61 women there were 38 mutual designations. 
Out of 48 men there were 18 mutual designations. 
Garrett (college): “one best friend.” 
Pintner, Forlano, & Freedman (elementary school ) 

Each child listed his 3 best friends in order of preference. In 3 out 
of 4 school groups, the friends named had to be from the child's 
own grade. 

Street (ages 17 to 21 years) 
Williams (delinquent adolescents) : 2 “ chums” named by each. 
Winslow (college) 

Each student who answered the questionnaire also gave it to 1 friend. 

Mutual Naming. 
Furfey (Boy Scouts) 
35 boys each named the ones he most liked to play with. 62 mutual 
pairs were found. 
Partridge (adolescent boys) 
Each boy named 3-camp chums. Only mutual pairs were included. 
Seagoe (elementary school) 
First choice for inviting to a party. 
Out of 823 children, 115 choices were mutual. Group I. 
Out of these 115 pairs, 29 chose each other again 1 month later. 
Group II. 

C. No Statement Regarding Criterion. 
Jenkins (junior high school) 






between the paired scores of friends or marriage partners have been 

positive with very few exceptions. 

At all ages, with the possible exception of part or all of the 

preschool period, a tendency to resemblance in intelligence was found. 

Where the population sample under consideration showed a relatively 
narrow range—notably in the case of college friends and in Schiller’s 
group of married couples—the correlations in intelligence were low ; 
otherwise they were moderately high. This influence of the varia- 
bility of the group upon the size of the correlation for mental age 

appears clearly in the study by Pintner, Forlano, and Freedman (33). 

When Grades 5 to 8 were included in the group, the correlations 
ranged from .45 to .62 in various schools and for varying friend 
combinations. When a single-grade group was under considera- 
tion, the correlations ranged from .05 to .17. These data suggest 
that among children a large part of the friend correlation in mental 
age is due to a related chronological age factor. In the adult studies 
which cover a wide social-economic range it would be desirable to 
know how much correlation in intelligence scores would remain if 
the social-economic factor were partialed out. 

In traits of temperament, the correlations at most ages have 
tended to run considerably lower than in intelligence, though 
they are still positive in the great majority of cases. The question 
may be raised whether the low and unreliable coefficients are due 
to a lack of a definite trend with respect to resemblance, or whether 
they are partly a by-product of the unreliability of the available 
measuring instruments in this field. It is in the field of temperament 
that the one negative correlation which approached reliability 
appeared: the correlation for extroversion in a group of 15 two- 

In attitudinal traits appear the greatest differences between the 
results for the several age groups. At the elementary school level, 
Pintner, Forlano, and Freedman (33) found correlations in measures 
of cultural attitudes to be near 0. Between husbands and wives, 
however, correlations in attitude scores are among the highest that 
have been found in any type of trait. The fact that they are lower 
between college friends may be due to an age factor again; the data 
are meager, however. The field of attitudes and interests appears to 
be one of the most promising approaches to the study of marital 
compatibility, judging from Kirkpatrick’s (25) success in discrimi- 
nating between the happily and the unhappily married by means of 



measures of community of interests, and from some of Terman 

and Buttenwieser’s results (40, 41). Further studies of this type 

are desirable. 










. Furrey, P. H. Some factors influencing the selection of boys’ chums. 


. Atmack, J. C. The influence of intelligence on the selection of associates. 

Sch. & Soc., 1922, 16, 529-530. 

. Beaver, A. P. The initiation of social contacts by preschool children: a 

study of technique in recording social behavior. Child Develpm. 
Monogr., 1932, No. 7. 

. Bocarpus, R., & Orto, P. Social psychology of chums. Sociol. soc. Res., 

1936, 20, 260-270. 
30nsER, F. G. Chums: a study in youthful friendships. Ped. Sem., 1902, 

9, 221-236. 

. Burks, B. S. The relative influence of nature and nurture upon mental 

development. 27th Yearb. nat. Soc. Stud. Educ., 1928, Part I, 219-321. 

. Catrett, R. B. Friends and enemies: a psychological study of character 

and temperament. Character & Pers., 1934, 3, 54-63. 

. CHALLMAN, R. C. Factors influencing friendships among preschool chil- 

dren. Child Develpm., 1932, 3, 146-158. 

. CHEVALEVA-JANOVSKAJA, E, Les groupements spontanes d’enfants a |’age 

préscolaire. Arch. Psychol., Genéve, 1927, 20, 219-233. 

. Crook, M. N. Intra-family relationships in personality test performance 

Psychol. Rec., 1937, 1, 479-502. 
Crook, M. N., & Tuomas, M. Family relationships in ascendance-sub- 
mission. Publ. Univ. Calif. Educ., Phil., Psychol., 1934, 1, 189-192. 
FLEMMING, E. G. Best friends. J. soc. Psychol., 1932, 8, 385-390. 
FREEMAN, F. N., Horzrncer, J., & Mircuertt, B. C. The influence of the 
environment on the intelligence, school achievement, and conduct of 
foster children. 27th Yearb. nat. Soc. Stud. Educ., 1928, Part I, 103-217. 


appl. Psychol., 1927, 11, 47-51. 

. Garrett, H. E. Jews and others: some group differences in personality, 

intelligence, and college achievement. Person. J., 1929, 7, 341-348. 

. Green, E. H. Friendships and quarrels among preschool children. Child 

Develpm., 1933, 4, 237-252. 

. Hagman, E,. P. The companionships of preschool children. Univ. Ja 

Stud. Child Welf., 1933, 7, No. 4. 

. Horrepitz, E. L. Family resemblances in personality traits. J. soc. 

Psychol., 1934, 5, 214-227. 
Child Develpm. Monogr., 1929, No. 1, 76-85. 

(soc.) Psychol., 1935, 30, 222-228. 

. Jenxtns, G. G. Factors involved in children’s friendships. J. educ. 

Psychol., 1931, 22, 440-448. 

Hupparp, R. M. A method of studying spontaneous group formation. 

Hunt, A. M. A study of the relative value of certain ideals. J. abnorm. 



38. Ss 



Jennincs, H. Sociometric studies In Moreno, J. L., Who Shall 
Survive? A New Approach to the Problem of Human Interrelations. 
Nerv. ment. Dis. Monogr. Ser., 1934, No. 58, 373-425. 

Jones, H. E. A first study of parent-child resemblance. 27th Yearb. nat. 
Soc. Stud. Educ., 1928, Part I, 61-72. 

Jones, H. E. Homogamy in intellectual abilities. Amer. J. Sociol., 1929, 

35, 369-382. 

KeLtty, E. L. A preliminary report on psychological factors in assortative 

mating. Psychol. Bull., 1937, 34, 749. (Abstract.) 

KIRKPATRICK, C. Community of interest and the measurement of marriage 
adjustment. Family, 1937, 18, 133-137. 

Kirkpatrick, C., & Stone, S. Attitude measurement and the comparison 
of generations. J. appl. Psychol., 1935, 19, 564-582. 

Moreno, J. L. Who shall survive \ new approach to the problem of 
human interrelations. Nerv. ment. Dis. Monogr. Ser., 1934, No. 58. 
Morcan, C. L., & Remmers, H. H Liberalism and conservatism of 
college students as affected by the depression h. & Soc., 1935, 41, 

Newcoms, T., & SvVEHLA, G Intra-family relationships in attitude. 

Sociometry, 1937, 1, 180-205. 

Parten, M. B. Social participation among preschool children. J. abnorm. 
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Partripce, E. D. A study of friendships among adolescent boys. J. genet. 
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PeLLettirert, A. J. Friends: factors volved in friendship-making among 
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PINTNER, R., Fortano, G., & FrReEpMAN, H. Personality and attitudinal 
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Satusky, A. S. Collective behavior of children at a preschool age. J. soc. 
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. ScHILLeR, B. A quantitative analysis of marriage selection in a small 

group. J. soc. Psychol., 1932, 3, 297-319 

ScnHootey, M. Personality resemblances among married couples. J. 
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Seacor, M. V. Factors influencing the selection of associates. J. educ. 
Res., 1933, 27, 32-40. 

Street, J. R. A study in moral education. Ped. Sem., 1898, 5, 2-40. 

Swarp, K., & Frrepman, M. B. The family resemblance in temperament 
J. abnorm. (soc.) Psychol., 1935, 30, 256-261 

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. VREELAND, F. M., & Corey, S. M. A study of college friendships. J. 

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. Warner, M. L. Influence of mental level in the formation of boys’ gangs. 

J. appl. Psychol., 1923, 7, 224-236 


44. Wettman, B. The school child’s choice of companions. J. educ. Res., 
1926, 14, 126-132. 

45. Wuurams, P. E. Study of adolescent friendships. Ped. Sem., 1923, 30, 

46. Wiuttovcusy, R. R. Family similarities in mental test abilities. Genet. 
Psychol. Monogr., 1927, 2, 235-275. 

47. WiutoucHsy, R. R. Family similarities in mental test abilities. 27th 
Vearb. nat. Soc. Stud. Educ., 1928, Part I, 55-59. 

48. WrttoucHupy, R. R. Neuroticism in marriage: IV. Homogamy. J. soc. 

Psychol., 1936, 7, 19-31. 

Wrinstow, C. N. A study of the extent of agreement between friends’ 
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In Murphy, G., & Murphy, L. B., Experimental Social Psychology. 

New York: Harper, 1931. Pp. 282-283. 



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SKINNER, B. F. The behavior of organisms. New York: Appleton- 
Century, 1938. Pp. ix+45/. 

Skinner proposes a system for the convenient formulation of 
behavioral data, and then proceeds to describe experiments which test the 
system. The book represents the culmination of a program of research 
originally projected in a semihistorical doctoral dissertation at Harvard 
on the concept of the reflex. The experimentation, concerned almost 
exclusively with the lever-pressing activity of rats, began to appear in 
1930. The book summarizes previous reports and adds new data. In 
order to estimate the success with which the author achieved his pur- 
poses, tentative answers to three questions will be attempted: (1) What 
are the chief characteristics of the system which he proposes? (2) Of 
what significance are the experimental findings, both as a validation of 
his system, and in relation to the problems of psychology conceived in 
other ways? (3) Is the system as formulated and supported experi- 
mentally likely to become a competitor to other existing systems of 
psychology? These are difficult qugstions, which cannot be answered 
confidently. Yet to ask any less sigmificant questions would be to under- 
estimate the task which the author set himself. 

1. The Nature of the System. Skinner proposes what is strictly a 
science of behavior, therefore neither a mental science nor a neural 
science. His system is in this respect in keeping with current trends as 
represented, for example, in the writings of Guthrie, Hull, Lewin, and 
Tolman. In none of these systems is there recourse to neuroanatomy. 
Skinner takes a firm stand in favor of descriptive positivism, against 
hypotheses. “A purely descriptive science is never popular. For the 
man whose curiosity about nature is not equal to his interest in the 
accuracy of his guesses, the hypothesis is the very life-blood of science ”’ 
(p. 426). “ Deductions and the testing of hypotheses are actually sub- 
ordinate processes in a descriptive science, which proceeds largely or 
wholly without hypotheses to the quantitative determination of the prop- 
erties of behavior and through induction to the establishment of laws” 
(p. 437). In this he is, of course, outside the trends currently popular 
in psychology. 

Since the structure of a descriptive system is determined by its 
subject matter, it is pertinent to inquire how the subject matter is selected. 
It is evident that two influences have directed Skinner’s choice of repre- 
sentative behavior. In the first place, he believes that the reflex is the 
analytical unit which makes possible the scientific investigation of 
behavior (p. 9). The reflex is not to be thought of in neural terms. 
however, but is to be defined as a correlation between stimulus and 
response. The choice cf the reflex as the analytical unit determines the 




general formulation of the ‘laws’ which include after-discharge, tem- 
poral summation, refractory phase, facilitation, inhibition, conditioning, 
extinction, and so on. It is evident that the laws are not discovered or 
formulated entirely de novo, but derive largely from Sherrington, 
Magnus, and Pavlov. They are all redefined operationally to apply to 
behavior without neurological implication, and as so defined they are not 
the laws of spinal reflexes. As stated, they do not appear to the reviewer 
to be laws at all, but collections of variables probably correlated in such 
ways that laws might be looked for. To describe them as laws of behavior 
is like speaking of a ‘law of moisture’ or a ‘law of sunshine’ as laws 
of growth at the stage when little more is known than that moisture and 
sunshine favor growth. The ‘laws’ do, however, direct the inquiry, and 
hence are surrogates for hypotheses. The choice of the rat’s lever- 
pressing for food as the representative reflex was probably dictated by 
the desire to show that precise relationships much like those of the 
neurologists could be validated within behavior which physiologists 
would not be tempted to call reflex. 

It would be a mistake to give the impression that Skinner makes a 
careless use of analogy in calling a rewarded act a reflex or in adopting 
the physiologist’s names for the laws which describe this act. His is a 
formal and sophisticated system, and when he does violence to the con- 
temporary socially accepted concept of the reflex, he knows very well 
what he is doing. Definitions are given with extreme care. 

Che real significance of the selection of a rewarded act as the repre- 
sentative behavior apparently became clearer to Skinner as the experi- 
ments progressed, for one of the more important distinctions did not 
ippear in the published reports until 1937. This is the distinction between 
respondent behavior, which, like an ordinary reflex, is elicited by a 
precise stimulus, and operani behavior, which is not elicited by identi- 
fiable stimuli but may be said to be emitted. This is the behavior, some- 
times called random or spontaneous, important in trial-and-error situ- 
itions such as that which Skinner studies. Respondent behavior is sig- 
nificantly correlated with antecedent stimuli; the relations into which 
operant behavior enters are different. It is operant behavior which is 
strengthened when lever-pressing is rewarded. It does not matter what 
caused the rat to depress the lever the first time; once the operant 
response has produced food, the operant is strengthened. When operant 
behavior is correlated with a stimulus, the situation always involves 
discrimination. The discriminated stimulus is really only a cue or 
occasion for the behavior, not a true stimulus to elicit the behavior. The 
distinction between respondent and operant has been implicit in 
Thorndike’s work all along, but it did not become explicit because the 
use of ‘ situation’ to cover discriminated as well as eliciting stimuli per- 
mitted a spurious application of the stimulus-response formula. This 
clear distinction is perhaps Skinner’s most significant conceptual contri- 
bution. He hopes to correct the disproportionate emphasis upon 
respondent behavior by basing all of his work on operant behavior. 
Having formulated laws after the pattern of reflex physiology, Skinner’s 
problem is to validate and quantify the laws within operant behavior. 




The respondent-operant distinction is an important one in setting up 
two types of conditioned reflex. Pavlov’s variety is based on respondents, 
and because the correlation of response is with substituted stimuli, this 
is designated as Type S. Skinner’s variety strengthens a response (an 
operant) by rewarding it, and to emphasize the response this is desig- 
nated as Type R. Actually, Pavlov’s experiments are not pure illustra- 
tions of Type S, but for expository purposes a fairly stereotyped descrip- 
tion of Pavlov’s experiment is used by Skinner. The distinction between 
these types is that made earlier by Thorndike between associative shift- 
ing and trial-and-error. 

2. The Experimental Data. The bulk of the book is devoted to 
experimental findings in which the rate of response in the lever-pressing 
situation is correlated with many pertinent variables: drive, reinforce- 
ment, nonreinforcement, delayed reinforcement, periodic reinforcement, 
liscriminatory stimuli, and differentiated response. The data are pre- 
sented chiefly in the form of 148 figures, most of which are reproduced 
kymograph records. Many uniformities are demonstrated, confirming 
the position that lawfulness may be found in this situation. The result 

lawfulness rather than new or reformulated laws. It is difficult to 
letermine within a positivist system just what level of generality con- 
stitutes a law. The laws formally stated before the experimentation is 
eported are not resummarized after the data have been discussed. It is 
to be supposed that they were found adequate. If this interpretation is 

rrect, the laws were merely definitions of variables to be investigated, 
and experimental verification means not that the laws are proved or 
disproved, but merely that the variables chosen were convenient to direct 

[he real quantitative laws are not, then, the laws formally stated, but 
the equations which fit the reported curves in each specific instance. 
There is a uniformity about the eating rate under standard conditions 
which may be expressed by the law that N=kt", where N is the number 
of pellets eaten in time ¢, with k and m appropriate constants. This is 
never specifically called a law, but it is as near to one as any relationship 
which Skinner reports. There are many relationships of this kind which 
are important contributions both to the factual knowledge of behavior 
and to methodology in behavioral investigations. One or two illustra- 
tions may be added to indicate the richness of the data. After a single 
reinforcement (once receiving a pellet following lever-pressing), there 
follow a number of responses to the lever although pressing is no longer 
reinforced. This yields a characteristic extinction curve. Probably no 
other conditioning method provides as sensitive an indicator of the result 
of a single reinforcement. The concept of the ‘ reflex reserve’ emerges, 
to be distinguished from momentary strength. The ‘reflex reserve’ is 
the potential number of responses to be made without further reinforce- 
ment: it might be called ‘ resistance to extinction,’ in more conventional 
terminology, although this does not define it adequately. A further 
demonstration of considerable methodological interest is provided under 
the concept of ‘ periodic reconditioning.’ When responses are reinforced 
every three minutes or every six or nine or twelve minutes, a character- 


istic uniform rate of responding results, represented graphically by a 
straight line of slope varying with the interval. The number of responses 
under standard conditions is relatively constant, say eighteen per rein- 
forcement. This value is characterized as the ‘ extinction-ratio.’ Because 
of the linearity of the response curve within periodic reconditioning, it 
is feasible to use this curve to test the influence of other variables, such 
as differences in drive. Periodic reconditioning is not to be confused 
with reinforcement at a fixed ratio. That is, if every tenth response is 
reinforced, the result is not uniformity of response, but acceleration. 
Ratios as large as one reinforcement for every 192 responses are 
reported; under these circumstances very high rates of responding occur, 
showing positive acceleration between reinforcements similar to that 
which would be predicted from Hull’s goal-gradient hypothesis. These 
few specimens can only suggest the great variety of relationships which 
have been explored, many of which are distinctly new and should be 
assimilated to the body of psychological knowledge. 

3. Estimate in Relation to Other Systems. In choosing a representa- 
tive sample of behavior, Skinner has been restricted by his bias in favor 
of the reflex. Having made the choice for operant behavior against 
respondent behavior he believes himself to have chosen more representative 
behavior than that usually chosen, i.e. by Sherrington and Pavlov (p. 438). 
Although he is outspoken in his denunciation of a science of behavior 
which subordinates itself to neural science, he is more conspicuously aware 
of neurologists and physiologists than of psychologists. Respondent 
behavior is, after all, not very prominent in Ebbinghaus, Freud, McDougall, 
the later Thorndike, Gestalt, and in many other behavioral systems less 
physiological than Skinner’s. Had he chosen to modify their systems, 
rather than the systems of those working with reflexes, he might have 
developed an entirely different program, based on different representative 
behavior. It is interesting in this connection to note that he devotes a 
whole chapter to clarifying his service to neurology, with which he has 
broken, but he devotes only three pages specifically to the systems of other 
psychologists with which his work is codérdinate. The statements about 
Lewin, Hull, and Tolman on these pages are intelligent, but cursory. 
Tolman’s system is recognized as the nearest relative. Thorndike, another 
close relative, is ignored in this comparison. 

It is unfortunate that Skinner did not do his readers the service of 
relating his system in greater detail to the experimental data of other 
investigators. His own comment is significant: “ There is no implication 
whatever that this is the only important work that has been done in the 
field, but simply that I have had little luck in finding relevant material 
elsewhere because of differences in basic formulations and their effect on 
the choice of variables to be studied” (p. 47). If Skinner has been unable 
to relate his work to that of other investigators, how can a reader, coming 
fresh upon this new body of material, be asked to make the transitions? 
The difficulties in making the extensions of the system may result in the 

book’s being less useful, and perhaps less influential, than it ought to be. 

That Skinner’s task of going beyond his own experiment would not 
have been insurmountable is evident through the studies now beginning 
to appear from Hull’s laboratory, in which Skinner’s situation is used, but 











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the results of which are reported in accordance with more familiar con- 
ventions. The expedient of adding a second lever codrdinates his situation 
with choice-point behavior, so important in other systems. It may be that 
these and related studies will result in bringing to Skinner’s work the 
attention which it deserves. 
Ernest R. HiILGaArp. 
Stanford University. 

OcpeNn, R. M. The psychology of art. New York: Scribner, 1938. 
Pp. xviiit+291. 

In the early years of his academic life R. M. Ogden acquired an 
interest in things aesthetic at least partly through his contacts with W. A. 
Hammond and O. Kilpe. In 1905 he published the Esthetic attitude 
and in 1907 he was the cotranslator with Max Meyer of A. Hildebrand’s 
The problem of form in painting and sculpture. Since that time he has 
published an occasional treatise on the psychology of the arts, the best 
known being his book, Hearing, which appeared in 1924. The scope of 
these offerings has not been narrowly confined but has dealt with such 
widely different problems as psychical distance, consonance, naive 
geometry applied to painting and architecture, and schools of art. The 
present book can be considered as touching on all of these interests. 

The title, The psychology of art, adequately indicates the book’s con- 
tents only if one accepts a rather restricted view of psychology. The 
treatment is observational and quantitative, but rarely experimental in 
the sense in which modern psychologists employ the term. Of the few 
experimental findings noted, the majority are to be found in the auditory 
sections. The only American psychologists to whom reference is made 
are G. T. Buswell,-R. C. Givler, and H. S. Langfeld, and the German- 
Americans included are W. Kohler and K. Lewin. The contents reveal 
the interests of a well-trained psychologist who has a tremendous interest 
in and a large knowledge of the arts. In consideration of the tr-~tment, 
a more adequate title might have been The arts as a psychclogist sees 

The author defines the aesthetic as “a felt behavior, the pattern of 
which lacks discernment.” The artistic is “the perfection of means to 
ends, a perfection which becomes artful only as the means themselves 
become an end” (p. 16). Asa Gestalt psychologist, Ogden warns against 
too static a type of aesthetic analysis. Birkhoff’s well-known M, for 
example, is far too static for a place in the author’s system. Every work 
of art is a figure-ground pattern which is nonenumerative. 

After an introductory section, two chapters are devoted to the prob- 
lems of music. The material is essentially, with a few extensions, what 
is to be found in Max Meyer’s The musician’s arithmetic. Ogden’s treat- 
ment is rather uneven. Valuable space needed to amplify the description 
of difficult material is occasionally devoted to what is essentially grade- 
school material, e.g. over a page is devoted to a description of the several 
sorts of rests and notes. On the whole, however, the treatment is concise 
and fair. 

Poetry is discussed under the major headings of literary art and 


prosody. The subheadings are: poetry and prose, the nature of literary 
art, linguistic sound, rhyme, assonance, alliteration, rhythm, literary style, 
the poetic foot, poetic metre, modern poetry, poetic inspiration, and 
literary forms. The material, in the main, is far-removed from the 
psychological laboratory. Ogden’s treatment, therefore, is forced to be 
largely that of the professor of English. The chapters, nevertheless, 
make interesting reading. 

The five chapters devoted to visual art are profusely illustrated with 
photographs and figures. The more important of the currently accepted 
art principles are described and many psychological findings are shown 
to bear directly on the problems of the arts. Attention is paid to the 
tectonic arts as well as to drawing, painting, and sculpture. The author 
dislikes the currently popular “modern house.” To justify this dislike 
he has presented a photograph at which even the enthusiasts for modern 
housing will shudder. His choice of a photograph to illustrate the modern 
factory building (which, incidentally, he likes) is a much happier one. 

Throughout these chapters the author’s ‘ gestaltish’ inclination is 
shown by frequent references to figure and ground, by the mention of 
“strong figures,” by a lack of interest in preferences for isolated colors 
and forms, and by the quest for functional entities. The discussion of the 
last-mentioned quest furnishes what is perhaps the most intriguing 
portion of the book. Art objects are analyzed in an attempt to learn 
whether they show static or dynamic symmetries. Naive geometries are 
assumed to have operated in the construction of the famous art objects of 
antiquity. In speaking of architecture Ogden says: “It is surely not a 
matter of chance that measurements of the whole permit an analysis of 
its members into subtle geometrical proportions” (p. 239). 

Many aestheticians and psychologists will not hold with Ogden that 
geometry has these intimate connections with the arts. They may see, 
for example, little relation between our high regard for the Parthenon 
and the fact that its Euthynteria contains two squares and two root-five 
rectangles. Yet it is the reviewer’s guess that they cannot but be 
fascinated by Ogden’s discourse on golden sectors, root rectangles, 
Pythagorean stars, whirling squares, and all the other geometric oddities. 

The last section is devoted to an appeal for eurhythmics, for “ the use 
of right rhythms in postural behavior” (p. 272). As Ogden conceives 
the issue, our pedagogy should retrieve, if possible, the rhythmic pro- 
cedures of classical Greece. Dalcroze’s more narrowly conceived system 
of eurhythmics furnishes a step in the correct direction. To this should 
be added the rhythmic approach to vocalization and _ verbalization. 
“ Aesthetic pleasure and efficient performance go hand in hand” (p. 272). 

The Carnegie Corporation of New York should be thanked for financ- 
ing Ogden’s The psychology of art. Except for the section on music, 
the Ogden book overlaps very little the other modern volumes devoted to 
the psychological aspects of aesthetics. It is packed with interesting 
observations and speculations. For these reasons it should find its place 
on the book shelf of every psychologist who has an interest in some one 
of the arts. 

Pau R. FARNSworTH. 

Stanford University. 



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FREDERICK, R. W. How to study handbook. New York: Appleton- 
Century, 1938. Pp. xxviiit+442 

So many crimes have been committed in the name of secondary school 
handbooks on “ How to Study” that one has come to look askance at any 
volume bearing this title. Because volumes of this sort have issued chiefly 
from the hands of well-intentioned but uninformed folk, the appearance 
of a carefully written handbook which bears the earmarks of firsthand 
acquaintance with cognate psychological researches is an event worth 
noting. Frederick’s manual unquestionably belongs in the latter category. 
Instead of presenting speculative ‘rules’ proclaimed as true by a man of 
experience, Frederick has produced a series of discussions which are 
uniformly aligned with the literature of experimental psychology. Fur- 
thermore, he has, without loss of dignity, written on a level suitable tor 
secondary school students. Some portion of the credit should go to 
W. H. Burton for the editorial assistance acknowledged by the author, 
but the coherence of the final product leaves no doubt as to the soundness 
of the groundwork itself. 

lhe volume opens with a dozen brief chapters on reading, which 
occupy a total of ninety-eight pages. The exposition is clear and thought- 
provoking. One might wish for a more extensive treatment of remedial 
measures, but one cannot quarrel with the correctness of the discussion 
that is presented. Indeed, there are few college students who would fail 
to profit from a careful perusal of this section. 

Later chapters deal with such topics as listening in class, gathering 
materials for reports, making notes, and dealing with examinations. The 
chapter on experimentation seems to this reviewer to present too simple 
a view of the case, and the chapters on thinking might with profit have 
been carried beyond the conventional limits. The author does occa- 
sionally slip into careless use of such psychologically flavored terms as 
‘unconscious ’ and ‘ subconscious’ and he does go into details which have 
nothing to do with studying and which only serve to interrupt the march 
of the exposition. These shortcomings, however, are not of great impor- 
tance, and they are more than nullified by the empirical tenor and logical 
coherence of the volume. It may be enough to say that many psycholo- 
gists will probably be pleased to see it in the hands of the teachers of 
their own offspring. 


University of Maryland 

Rei, A. C. Elements of psychology: an introduction. New York: 
Prentice-Hall, 1938. Pp. xix+409 

The appearance of a new textbook in general psychology is hardly a 
novelty these days. Hall’s concern in the period of the nineties about 
the “ multiplication of textbooks” would appear to be more germane if 
expressed today than in Hall’s own day. It is not easy to classify current 
textbooks in general psychology. Undoubtedly, however, it would be fair 
to state that many texts show the influence of functional and dynamic 
concepts—perhaps the dominant psychological mode in America. Several 
current texts utilize behavioristic concepts and 


Gestalt interpretations. 


A great many—perhaps a large majority—are undeniably eclectic in 
treatment. There appears to be a slight tendency to write psychology 
texts down to the level of the great mediocrity. This trend is hazardous 
for psychology or any other science. (The above statement is not to 
imply, however, that there may not be a field for books written in a 
humanistic vein. ) 

Taking as a point of reference the current modes of psychological 
treatment, Reid’s psychology appears to be anachronistic; for “ Elements 
of Psychology” is a thoroughgoing introspectionism. The writer has 
undoubtedly been influenced very greatly by the teachings and writings 
of the late Professor Titchener, and the pattern of the book resembles 
closely the Titchenerian model. Since mind is defined in terms of con- 
scious content, it will be obvious that the text omits a discussion of many 
topics that are of current interest in psychology, such as perceptual- 
motor learning, motivation, intelligence, and personality. 

Of the 379 pages of text, 130 pages, or slightly over a third of the 
book, are devoted to the topic of sensation, including intensity relations. 
Other orthodox topics, from the introspective point of view, are, of 
course, image, affection (sensation, image, and affection are regarded as 
mental elements), perception, association and memory, attention, emotion, 
and action. 

The material of the book is systematically organized. The style is 
clear and concise, and the treatment is serious and dignified. For any 
teacher who might wish to introduce psychology from an introspective 
point of view, the reviewer would recommend the book without equivo- 
cation. So far as the reviewer was able to detect, the book is relatively 
free from errers. However, he was disturbed by the definition of ‘ retro- 
active inhibition’: “ Retroactive inhibition is the condition in which the 
process of forming associations seems to stop some time prior to the 
moment at which one’s experiences cease.” The discussion following 
this statement seems to indicate that the author has in mind what is 
generally referred to as anterograde amnesia. From an etymological 
standpoint, this might be a possible usage of the term; however it has 
come to have a technical meaning in psychology which is quite different 
from this, and which has widespread acceptance. 

Paut L. WHiITELY. 

Franklin and Marshall College. 

Powers, F. F., McConnerr, T. R., Trow, W. C., Moore, B. V., & 
Skinner, C. E. Psychology in everyday living. Boston: Heath, 
1938. Pp. x+511. 

The purpose of the authors in writing this volume was “to meet the 
need of the college student for a well-integrated, modern text which will 
materially contribute to his abilitv to manage his own life, and to the 
realization of certain other fundamental purposes of a general ‘liberal 
education.” This book is intended for those “students who, for the 
most part, will never become professional psychologists.” Hence, “ such 
concepts as managing one’s own life, personality development, planning 4 






to te 


of tl 

wae oO 



career, socialization, learning, and other practical applications have been 
stressed.” In the words of the authors “the volume is not just another 
traditional textbook.” 

An attempt is made not only to present ‘the facts of empirical psy- 
chology, but also to show their implications where possible.” Therefore, 
to this end, the book, consisting of twenty-one chapters, is divided into 
five parts: (1) “ The Nature of Psychology,” (2) “ Understanding Our- 
selves,’ (3) “ Adjustment to College and Life,” (4) “ Learning and 
Study,” and (5) “ Applications of Psychology.” 

Chapters I and II deal with topics that are usually considered in the 
introductory chapters of texts written for beginners. These chapters, 
however, are flavored somewhat with practical suggestions, and, the 
writer thinks, should prove to be rather stimulating to the beginner. 
Many of the traditional topics usually treated in a text intended for 
beginners are omitted. Others are briefly treated in Chapters III to IX, 
inclusive. The discussions of the determinants of behavior, the physio- 
logical and functional principles, and types of behavior are inadequate. 
The treatment ot receptors, connectors, and effectors is hardly more than 
an outline of these parts. Some valuable and practical suggestions are 
offered in the chapters dealing with personality and adjustments. 
Although the treatments of emotions, intelligence, motivation, and indi- 
vidual differences are simple in nature, they are modern in substance and 

There is a tendency on the part of the authors to do a lot of listing 
and enumerating. Throughout the entire book discussions are brief. 
Hence, the writer thinks that perhaps beginning students who use the 
book as a text will be apt to learn more about psychology and less of 
psychology. However, this approach to a study of the science may be 
the better one. If and when a student learns a lot about a science, his 
interests usually become more profound in it, and he is stimulated to 
further study in that field. Often, the first course taken in a field of 
study furnishes the basis for a decision, on the part of the student, either 
to take more courses in that field or to drop the study there. In that case, 
the comprehension of the real nature and subject matter of psychology 
might well be left for succeeding courses. 

The materials discussed in Part Three, comprising Chapters X, XI, 
and XII, rightly belong to the fields of social psychology, vocational 
guidance, and matrimonial guidance. The brief consideration of prob- 
lems in these fields might well be extended. While the treatment is brief, 
many timely suggestions are offered that should prove to be most 

The discussion of the learning process, constituting all of Part Four, 
continues for five chapters. This consideration, including a discussion 
of the formation of study habits, is the most exhaustive treatment in the 
book. The authors avoid all controversial topics and theories in this 
field. Also, they do not advocate any new theories and short cuts in the 
learning process. 

Part Five is a treatise on applied psychology. The fields of appli- 
cation here considered are business, industry, law, politics, religion, medi- 


cine, and education. It is surprising to one to learn how much practical 
psychology is to be found in the volume. Relatively few footnotes are 
employed, but copious references are to be found in connection with the 
various chapters. In addition, there is an appendix containing a long 
list of supplementary books. 
University of Florida. 

StrRANG, R. An introduction to child study. (Rev. ed.) New York: 
Macmillan, 1938. Pp. xv+681. 

“Tt is hoped that this book will prove useful to individual 
parents . . .; to parents’ clubs, county demonstration groups, and other 
organizations of adults; to parent-teacher associations; to advanced high- 
school students in home-economics classes; to teachers . . . ; to students 
in liberal arts colleges . . .; and to students of psychology .. .; as 
well as to students in teachers’ colleges, normal schools, and nurses’ 
training schools, for whom the book is primarily intended.”’ Dr. Strang’s 
statement of the composite reader-group for whom she is writing explains 
to the critical reader the essentially elementary character of the book. 
She has succeeded in keeping the style and treatment simple enough for 
the comprehension of high school students and of so-called “ average” 
parents. By so doing she has undoubtedly oversimplified to the pcint 
that the work has lost some of its value as a textbook for the more 
advanced groups for which she also designed it. This is inevitable; and 
it is probable that the greater need today is for a book which will meet 
the needs of the larger group of less specialized students, elementary 
teachers, nurses, and parents. 

In her selection of material the author has been no less restricted 
than in delimiting her audience. Obviously, it is conceivable that, in its 
broader scope, “ child study ” does include material from a great variety 
of approaches, including those of medicine, pediatrics, anthropology, and 

nutrition, as well as those of psychology, education, and “ child training.” | 

However, it is a Herculean task to attempt to unify material from so great 
a variety of sources, and it is not surprising that some sections of the 
book are little more than compendia of useful information. 

In developing her material, Dr. Strang has followed a strict chrono- 
logical order, from the prenatal period through adolescence. Each sec- 
tion is divided into chapters on development, how the child learns, special 
problems of the period, and suggestions on how to study the child. There 
is evidence of thorough familiarity with the literature of the subject, 
although on occasion the tendency to simplify leads the author to draw 
somewhat more definite conclusions than those of the original study. 
Each chapter is followed by a list of “ questions and problems for class 
discussion or study groups”; each section carries an annotated bibliog- 
raphy of standard books in the field. From time to time there are blanks 
in which a mother may record the development of her own child, and 
compare this with the norm. The appendix contains height-weight tables 
for children from one month to twelve years of age, and a summary of 




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play materials for children from birth to eighteen years of age. (This 
latter was prepared by Dr. Katherine B. Greene.) 

In spite of the various individual excellences of the book, it is unfor- 
tunate that the general impression on the reader is that of a handbook 
of helpful hints, which might have been compiled from daily articles in 
a newspaper column. For the lay mother it probably has a certain value 
which might justify giving it a place on the shelf between the cookbook 
and the World Almanac. 

Stanford University. 

June, C. G. Psychology and religion. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 

1938. Pp. 131. 

Dr. Jung works from the facts which his clinical experience discovers 
to broad and far-reaching hypotheses which, in turn, largely control his 
clinical methods—an entirely proper practice which is used by all scien- 
tists. Dr. Jung, no more and no less than others, faces the danger that 
facts which support his basic thesis are more easily discerned than those 
which apparently oppose it. Since the most fundamental hypothesis 
which Dr. Jung accepts is distinctly different from those accepted by the 
majority of psychiatrists, psychologists, and students of religion gen- 
erally, his Terry Lectures for 1938 are somewhat difficult to read 

[he basic thesis which Dr. Jung accepts is that “ self” is the totality 
of conscious and unconscious existence, a summation of individual and 
racial experience of wh... the latter is the more important both in bulk 
and in dynamic quality. Every individual experience contains something 
unknown, since some of its content comes from a psyche more complete 
than consciousness. In other words, it is a mistake to consider the indi- 
vidual human psyche as a merely personal affair. 

The unconscious portion of the self makes itself obvious only in special 
circumstances. In emergencies, for instance, unexpected, new, and 
strange instinctive forces appear. Character is amazingly changed. In 
neurosis much the same kind of thing occurs. There is a manifestation 
of a power and a meaning which is not yet understood but ‘which has a 
devastating effect upon even highly rationalistic and intellectual men. 

The modern mind has forgotten those old truths which speak of the 
death of the “ old man” and the making of the new, of spiritual rebirth, 
and so on. The modern attitude is to look back upon the mists of 
credulity and superstition from which man has emerged with pride, for- 
getting that he carries all of the past in his unconscious. The reviewer 
at this point is uncomfortably uncertain whether or not Dr. Jung regards 
the disappearance of superstition and credulity as regrettable. But per- 
haps he means that since, in his view, these have to exist somewhere it 
is better that they exist on the conscious level. 

Religious experience seems to have to do with the unconscious areas 
of self which are, now and then, faced consciously. Such confrontation 
is terrifying and from it man seeks refuge in dogma and ritual. That is to 
say, religion is a substitute which replaces the immediate experience 


of unconsciously retained racial history with symbols which are vested 
in creed and ritual authoritatively supported by an institutional church 
or by evangelistic fervor. Dogma represents the self more completely 
than any scientific theory since the latter expresses the conscious mind 
alone. Ritual, largely abandoned by Protestants, to their partial undoing, 
has always been a safe and pleasant way of dealing with the unaccountable 
forces of the unconscious mind. 

Religion is a relationship to the highest or strongest value. That 
psychological fact which is the greatest power in any system is its Deity. 
Any religion rooted in the history of a people is a true exposition of its 
psychology; that is, of its fears, desires, and frustrations. This relation- 
ship is expressed in symbols, the likeness of which in different religious 
groups proves the existence of an archetypal image of Deity—not at all 
the same thing as proving the existence of Deity, but very important 

There is more in this compact littke volume than this. Dr. Jung is 
convinced that dreams, especially those with any repeated content, are 
revelatory of the unconscious territories of mind. Dreams, he says, are 
visible links in a chain of unconscious events. In his argument he works 
from dream analysis to the more general theories reported above. ‘There 
is also an interesting description of the quaternity symbol and of what 
the author calls the “ heretical attempt to improve on the dogma of the 

Psychology and religion is interesting and valuable after the reader 
has mastered a somewhat difficult style. When properly considered as 
phenomena of social psychology rather than as a sacrosanctus beyond 
the possibility of intelligent consideration, religion must be recognized 
as of enormous importance. Every attempt at fundamental analysis is 
welcome. Dr. Jung has made a contribution of importance to scholars, 
though one more easily understood by devotees of his variety of psycho- 
analysis than by those who are skeptical of the whole psychoanalytic 
approach. The book is not intended for and has little to offer one who 
may be termed ‘the practical religious worker.’ 

Grorce R. WELLS. 

Hartford Seminary Foundation. 

Partripce, E. D. Social psychology of adolescence. New York: 
Prentice-Hall, 1938. Pp. xv+36l. 

In writing the Social psychology of adolescence, Partridge set for 
himself the task of surveying the fields of psychology and sociology as 
they relate to young people. He emphasizes the rdle of patterns of 
culture as determinants of behavior of the young individual; hence, 
adolescence is attributed importance more because of social implications 
attendant upon development than because of biological processes occurring 
at that age. The point of view adopted is that an understanding of the 
behavior of young people entails a study of the “total configuration of 
the individual as a part of a large and complicated social scheme.” 

Chapters I and II are introductory to the main treatment of adoles- 
cence. In them Partridge stresses again and again the relationships in 

o™ <)> x OF 






the environment as they influence behavior. A field-theoretical approach, 
Gestalt method, is suggested as a means of attacking these relationships. 
The timeworn arguments in favor of Gestalt methods and the typical 
Gestaltian attacks on analytical psychology are given. This controversial 
matter might well have been omitted. It can contribute little to a lay 
reader, or even an elementary student in psychology; furthermore, the 
treatment of subsequent portions of the book is little influenced by it. 

In the remaining chapters of the book, the social psychology of 
adolescence is presented. As one would anticipate, the physical and 
physiological facts pertaining to adolescence are not stressed. Recog- 
nition is given them, however, as influences upon the personal and social 
adjustment of the individual. The author discusses the nature of the 
individual with respect to his adaptability through learning and through 
the adoption of common ways of maintaining integrity: retreating, 
rationalizing, sublimating, etc. The social implications of individual dif- 
ferences in mental abilities and pliysical characteristics are then pre- 
sented. Following this, the informal group is characterized and its 
influences on individual behavior are given. Adolescent leaders and 
their influences on individuals are ably discussed in the light of numerous 
investigations. The remainder of the book is a comprehensive treatment 
of the influences on behavior of the group, the sexes, the family, leisure 
time, the community, education, and factors which lead to delinquency 
and other abnormalities. 

For use as a one-semester text on adolescence this book has many 
virtues and few defects. It is interesting to read and is readily compre- 
hensible. While it contains few figures, graphs, and tables, it has ade- 
quate contemporary references given in footnotes and at the end of each 
chapter. The transition from chapter to chapter is orderly and coherent. 
The author does not deviate from the field of study, the process of 
acquiring social maturity. This coherence is due in part to his contention 
that few characteristics of development are peculiar to adolescence. Thus 
he recognizes that development is continuous and that processes beginning 
early in life affect behavior as a constant rather than as a periodic influ- 
ence. The book should be more teachable than its contemporaries which 
treat separately and often unrelatedly the development of such aspects as 
physique, intelligence, emotion, motivation, morality, and personality. 

Joun B. Wotre. 

University of Mississippi. 

Grecc, F. M. The psychology of a growing personality. Lincoln, 

Nebraska: Personality Press, 1938. Pp. xvt489. 

In The psychology of a growing personality, Gregg presents a 
McDougallian-tinged view of psychology for character educators and 
nonacademic men and women. He discusses the general topics of intro- 
ductory psychology, personality, and mental hygiene around an outline of 
~ Stages” of individual development: Babyhood, Dramatic Age, Big- 
Injun Age, Age of Loyalty, Mate-seeking Age, Romantic Age, Adulthood. 

Much of the material of the book came from lectures which the author 
had given to parents, teachers, and lay audiences. Hence, it is not sur- 
prising that little experimental data are given and, further, that the bibli- 


ography is heavily weighted with popular and secondary source materials. 
Stories and anecdotes are used extensively as interest-holding devices 
and as vehicles for character education, as the author conceives it. 

Readers of this book may gain improper impressions from it. They 
are told, for example, that conditioning from environmental influences 
begins at the moment of birth; that an IQ of 77 means that the individual 
possessing it is 77% as smart as the average boy or girl of his chrono- 
logical age; that educational psychologists are environmentalists partly 
because they have had little background in neurology; that extreme 
behaviorism (present-day behaviorism is ignored) is undesirable and 
frequently leads an individual into sensuality; that there are seven psycho- 
logical theories of why people behave, four theories of personality deter- 
mination, ten schools of psychology. Too much stress is placed upon 
instinctive tendencies as explanations of behavior and upon precarious 
“ stages ” into which development of behavior has been classified. 

Joun B. Wo tre. 
University of Mississippi. 

BiueMeL, C. S. The troubled mind: a study of nervous and mental 
illnesses. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1938. Pp. ix+520. 

A common procedure for books dealing with psychopathology is to 
give rather scanty descriptive material accompanied by extensive theoreti- 
cal interpretations. Bluemel reverses this emphasis and presents a wealth 
of excerpts from the behavior records of patients while devoting relatively 
little space to the exposition of views as to why they behave as they do. 
Furthermore, instead of dwelling largely upon cases of extreme mental 
derangement, he devotes about 70% of his book to the milder forms of 

He takes up in order some fifty symptoms. His general procedure 
is to give a description of the symptom and then to illustrate from case 
records the several ways in which this symptom may appear. He does 
not clutter up his case descriptions with irrelevant items the way so 
many writers in this field do. 

The manifold forms that psychopathic behavior may take are made 
exceedingly clear by the multiplicity of types which Bluemel describes. 
To those persons who have not had extensive contact with psychotic 
patients this book should be exceptionally illuminating. It should help 
to dispel the current lay notion that there is some common factor running 
through all mentally disturbed individuals. 

There is no doubt that the author himself considers the greatest con- 
tribution of his book to be the application of the principles set forth to 
an understanding of psychopathic individuals who are at large and 
especially those in public life. He considers the aggressive psychopath 
who manages to gain some official position to be more dangerous than 
the more modest psychotic individual who keeps his maladjustments a 
private matter. The drive of the public-spirited psychopath may lead to 
social unrest, political upheaval, war, and revolution. 

The book is not intended for psychiatrists or specialists but for those 
individuals who must deal with people and who might be helped in their 
social contacts by substituting understanding for intolerance. Because 

a+ 5 




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of this aim the book says very little about treatment and the methods of 
treatment that are suggested are usually of a very general nature. 
Bluemel gives some theoretical discussion of the way in which the prin- 
ciples of learning and conditioning may be invoked to explain functional 
mental abnormalities but does not fall into the error of attempting to 
trace all abnormalities to some such central factors as the libido, inferi- 
ority complex, Oedipus complex, instincts, or the like. 

The reader who is not familiar with psychopathology may be rather 
confused after reading this book because of the great variety of behavior 
types which are discussed, but this confusion is probably more wholesome 
than the false assurance that comes to the reader of an oversimplified 
treatment of mental diseases. The facts in this field are complicated and 
Bluemel does not gloss over differences in any attempt to ride a hobby. 

Although the greatest emphasis is given to the description of symp- 
toms, the author does not leave the reader with the impression that the 
removal of symptoms is the essential aim of therapy. He shows very 
clearly that these symptoms are the result of more deep-seated difficulties 
and, while temporary measures are sometimes demanded, sound procedure 
involves a search for the more basic causal factors. 

The person who knows nothing of psychopathology can read this book 
with interest and profit, and the expert in the field will find the book 
very reireshing. 

Joun J. B. Morcan. 

Ve rthwestern ( ‘niversit 

Apams, R. Interracial marriage in Hawaii. New York: Macmillan, 

1937. Pp. xviit+353. 

Dr. Adams’ book on racial intermarriage has for a factual foundation 
census reports, supplemented further by annual reports of the Governor 
of Hawaii. The discussion of the various population trends, as shown 
by these figures, is based, however, on Dr. Adams’ own observations and 
experience as professor of sociology in the University of Hawaii, and 
leads directly to an interesting interpretation of the customs and atti- 
tudes of the various ethnic groups resident there. It is primarily a 
sociological document, but contains considerable material of value to 
social psychologists. 


widely known, but not the details. The early coming of the first 

The general outlines of the history of immigration to Hawaii are 

Polynesian navigators who crossed the immense open spaces of the 
Pacific, first to discover and then to populate the islands, is lost to view 
except through the shadowy media of myth and tradition. The whites 
were the next discoverers and the earliest nonnative settlers. Then came 
in successive waves the peoples who now make up the bulk of Hawaii’s 
population: Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Koreans, Puerto Ricans, 
Filipinos—each group contributing its share to the racial composite. 

Hawaii has been called many things: the Paradise of the Pacific, 
a racial laboratory, the crossroads of the Pacific, America’s listening post 
towards the Orient—all designations more or less deserved. 

From the human standpoint, an interracial poker game in which the 
Whites have assumed the perpetual right to shuffle and deal the cards 

wo | SN 


and call the turn would be, in the reviewer’s opinion, as apt an analogy 
as any. That it is as friendly a game, with the players borrowing and 
lending among themselves—and occasionally taking a peek at their 
opponents’ hands—is rather extraordinary. To those who are interested 
in these adjustments and an authoritative account of when the players 
arrived and what they paid to sit in the game, Adams’ book will be a 
useful guide. Racial intermarriage was and is the outstanding feature 
of these group adjustments and determines more than anything else who 
can borrow from whom. 

Space will not permit any extended review of the author’s observa- 
tions and interpretations of the acculturation processes in Hawaii, but 
as the Japanese are the most numerous group and represent the plaver 
about whose hand the dealer is most uncertain, we might pay some atten- 
tion to the chapter which deals with their social organization. 

The Japanese, in 1930, constituted about 38% of the total population 
and four years later this proportion had not shrunk. Meanwhile, the fact 
that 44% of the female population was of this ancestry does not indicate 
any decided drop in the future size of the group. 

Probably the most interesting fact about this immigrant group is that, 
unlike the Americans, British, and Chinese, they have not intermarried 
freely with other peoples. Their outmarriages have been comparatively 
few. Adams explains this unusual restraint as being largely due to 
cultural considerations, a most important one being that Japanese mar- 
riages were arranged on the basis of equivalence of family status. This 
cultural attitude was preserved through the fact that the Japanese came 
in large numbers and thus were able to maintain their own social life 
with its customary sanctions. Adams remarks on their superior social 
morale and attributes to this their good record in the Territory. “ Rela- 
tive to numbers,” he says, “there are fewer arrests and convictions, there 
are fewer juvenile delinquents, fewer who receive charitable aid, fewer 
insane, fewer who are mentally defective.” The psychologist would, of 
course, suggest that at least some of these advantages are due not only 
to “superior social morale” but also to superior biological inheritance. 
Even their lessened tendency to crime and delinquency may also indicate 
superior temperamental qualities, and the incidence of mental defect 
certainly is not dependent on social morale. Granting the fact that the 
greater number of Japanese made social organization easier, we still are 
at a loss to find a sufficient explanation of the dearth of outmarriages, 
unless we also concede the view that these people are better disciplined 
through being more conscious of social pressure and having the will 
to obey. 

In all other groups, especially that of the whites, Adams fully recog- 
nizes the strong urge to find mates outside their own group, if women 
of their own race are not available. “ Public opinion,” he states (p. 53), 
“never develops among men isolated from women of their own race.” 
Again he remarks: ‘“ A man is so fundamentally a social being that it is 
much more important for him to enjoy something approaching normal 
human relationships than it is that he shall have his first choice as to the 
character of the people with whom he associates” (p. 123). To the 

-m ©8nmieithmeat™®& « eo és 

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reviewer, this seems 'ike a polite sociological statement of a common 
saying in Northwest Australia: ‘“ Necessity is the mother of half-castes.” 

Though it is true, as Adams suggests, that brides of their own nation- 
ality were more easily obtained by the Japanese than by the Chinese, 
this advantage was, with regard to the great body of immigrants, more 
theoretical than real. By the end of the Nineteenth Century only 20% 
of the Japanese were married, while even by 1916 the Japanese sex ratio 
was more highly abnormal than the average for the general population. 
In other words, there was a fairly lengthy period during which Japanese 
women were not available as brides and yet in this period Japanese out- 
marriages were comparatively rare. Some other explanation than those 
usually advanced would seem to be needed to account for this extraordi- 
nary fact. 

In the reviewer’s opinion, social conformity is easy for some, difficult 
for others. Temperamentally, some people are submissive to discipline, 
willing to remain in step, and wary of adverse public opinion. All indi- 
viduals are susceptible to cultural training, but some are more susceptible 
than others. The psychologist, I believe, is inclined to give more weight 
to the facts of individual and group differences than is the sociologist. 
Adams, however, does not neglect this factor and the reader will find in 
various chapters, but particularly in the chapter (XVIII) dealing with 
the character of the mixed bloods, considerable discussion of this topic. 

For those who are interested in what is probably the most intensive, 
though circumscribed, racial contact and amalgamation that the world 
has known, the skillful observations of the sociologist on the spot will 
have extreme interest and value. Hawaii maintains on the rim of her 
most active volcano a laboratory under the charge of a renowned 
volcanologist. The sociologists at the University of Hawaii have a 
similar point of vantage on the very edge of this miniature melting pot. 

Adams’ observations are characterized by shrewdness, common sense, 
and scientific detachment. Except for some tendency towards repetition, 
the book is interesting reading and can be highly recommended to students 
of social change. 

S. D. Porreus. 
Umiversity of Hawaii. 

Seapury, D. Adventures in self-discovery. New York: McGraw-Hill, 

1938. Pp. ix+324. 

The professional psychologist will find nothing of importance here. 
Good precepts for living, much talk about the soul, the power of the 
unconscious, subliminal forces, cosmic energy, and something vaguely 
termed “neurosis ”—all expressed in a style which is sometimes simple 
and clear but quite as often vague and mystical—do not make up a very 
impressive book. Where it is intelligible, it is commonplace; where it 
is not commonplace, it is obscure and verbose. The author has evidently 
read widely but uncritically. All forms of psychoanalysis (J. B. Rhine, 
Eddington, Millikan, and Bohr) appear to be accepted as equally reliable. 

EpMuNpD S. ConkKLIN. 
Indiana University. 


Ayau, A. E. The social psychology of hunger and sex. Cam- 
bridge, Mass.: Sci-Art, 1939. Pp. 160. 

GiLBerT, M. S. Biography of the unborn. Baltimore: Williams 
& Wilkins, 1938. Pp. x+-132. 

Jacopson, E. You can sleep well: the ABC’s of restful sleep 
for the average person. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1938. Pp. xx+ 

KALLMANN, F. J., with the assistance of S. J. Rypins (with an 
introduction by N. D. C. Lewis). The genetics of schizophrenia: a 
study of heredity and reproduction in the families of 1,087 schizo- 
phrenics. New York: Augustin, 1938. Pp. xvi+291. 

KOHLER, W. The place of value in a world of facts. New York: 
Liveright, 1938. Pp. ix+418. 

Latour, M. Premiers principes d’une théorie générale des 
émotions. (Nouvelle édition revue et augmentée: Observations 
complémentaires. Douziéme série.) La stylisation au terme des 
formes et des concepts. Paris: Félix Alcan, 108, Boulevard Saint- 
Germain, VI*, 1938. Pp. 60. 

Mutter, G. E. Hegel tiber Offenbarung Kirche und Philosophie. 
Miinchen: Ernst Reinhardt, Miinchen 13, Isabellastrasse 11, 1939. 
Pp. 60. 

Race, H. V. The psychology of learning through experience. 
Boston: Ginn, 1938. Pp. viii+384. 

Riese, W., in collaboration with A. Requet. L’idée de l’homme 

dans la neurologie contemporaine. Paris: Félix Alcan, 108, Boule- 
vard Saint-Germain, VI*, 1938. Pp. vii+97. 

Scumipt, F. Kleine Logik der Geisteswissenschaften. 
Miinchen: Ernst Reinhardt, Miinchen 13, Isabellastrasse 11, 1938. 
Pp. 128. 

SKEELS, H. M., Uppecrarr, R., Wertman, B. L., & WILLIAMS, 
H. M. A study of environmental stimulation: an orphanage pre- 
school project. Univ. Ja Stud. Child Welf., Vol. XV, No. 4. Towa 
City: University, 1938. Pp. 191. 




SmitH, B. O. Logical aspects of educational measurement. 
New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1938. Pp. x+182. 

Vittey, G. La psychiatrie et les sciences de l’‘homme. Paris: 
Félix Alcan, 108, Boulevard Saint-Germain, VI*, 1938. Pp. 194. 

Watton, R. P. Marihuana: America’s new drug problem. 
Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1938. Pp. ix+-223 

WELLMAN, B. L. The intelligence of preschool children as meas- 
ured by the Merrill-Palmer scale of performance tests. Univ. Ja 
Stud. Child Weif., Vol. XV, No. 3. Iowa City: University, 1938. 
Pp. 150. 


Dr. WiLL1AM McDouGa.Lt, since 1927 professor of psychology’ at 
Duke University and from 1920 to 1927 professor of psychology at 
Harvard University, previously reader in mentai philosophy at the 
University of Oxford and a fellow of Corpus Christi College, died on 
November 28 at the age of sixty-seven years.—Science. 

Dr. Harry R. DeSitva, lecturer in psychology at Harvard Univer- 
sity, has been appointed research associate in psychology at Yale Uni- 
versity. He will have charge of a program of Automobile Driver 
Research in the Institute of Human Relations. Research on drivers will 
be carried out by a staff in codperation with neighboring motor vehicle 
departments. The work is made possible by a grant to Yale University 
from the recently established Esso Safety Foundation.—Science. 

Tue Sixteenth Annual Meeting of the American Orthopsychiatric 
Association, an organization for the study and treatment of bel.avior and 
its disorders, will be held at the Commodore Hotel, Lexington Avenue 
and 42nd Street, New York City, on February 23, 24, and 25, 1939, 
Communications relative to this meeting should be addressed to Dr. 
Norvelle C. LaMar, Secretary, 149 East 73rd Street, New York City. 

Tue Washington-Baltimore branch of the American Psychological 
Association held its first meeting of the year at the Catholic University 
of America in Washington, D. C., on November 9, in connection with 
the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of that Univer- 
sity. The following program was presented: 

C. J. ConnaALLyY, Catholic University: “ Physique and Psychoses.” 

J. P. Forey, fr., George Washington University: “ Effect of Pro- 
longed Inverted Retinal Stimulation upon Spatially Codrdinated 
Behavior in the Rhesus Monkey.” 

T. V. Moore, Catholic University: “Theory of Perception in the 
Light of Pathology and Experimental Psychology.” 

A CONFERENCE on the Educational Production of Motion Pictures, 
sponsored jointly by the College of Education, Ohio State University, the 
National Council of Teachers of English, and the Film Project of the 
American Council on Education, was held on the campus of the Ohio 
State University on November 22 and 23, 1938. The program included 
demonstrations, discussions of techniques, and talks on the application of 
films to the various fields of education. 



ec i 


Tue Institute of Educational Research, Teachers College, Columbia 
University, has completed the Semantic Word Count. This study, which 
was carried out under the direction of Dr. Edward L. Thorndike, lists 
all the words of more than 1 meaning which occurred in a sample df 
2,500,000 words. It gives an estimate of the number of times a par- 
ticular meaning is likely to occur in 1000 occurrences of a word. It 
also notes the number of different types of material in which that mean- 
ing is to be found; that is, its range of occurrence. 

[he Semantic Word Count furthers the principle of economical 
learning which was inherent in the publication of Dr. Thorndike’s first 
count, The teachers word book. That book lists the 20,000 most common 
words and has been used as a guide for those who write or edit school 
readers and other textbooks. Educational psychology has by now 
accepted the idea that the more common words are the most important 
for a child to know. 

[here would be no further problem if all English words had but 1 
meaning. But since this is not so, it becomes equally important to know 
which meanings or concepts of a word are the most important to teach. 
The Semantic Count offers the first quantitative approach to this problem. 

\side from its importance in grading readers, the Count provides an 
opportunity for the editors of school dictionaries to improve their 
product. There has always been a twofold problem for school lexi- 
cographers: which meanings to include and in what order meanings 
should be placed. The Semantic Count offers the solution to both of these 

[he Semantic Count will also provide a useful instrument of research 
in the fields of language, psychometry, and adult education, especially the 
teaching of English to adult foreigners. Much interest has been expressed 
in the project by educators in charge of the program of teaching English 
as a secondary language in such places as India, Egypt, and the United 
States Territories. 

[ue Inter-Society Color Council will hold its annual meeting Feb- 
ruary 23, 1939, in the auditorium of the Electric and Gas Association of 
New York, 480 Lexington Avenue, New York City. The morning ses- 
sion will deal with the business of the Council, which will include the 
reports of committees through which the activities of the Council are 
carried on. In the afternoon and evening the following programs of 
invited papers of general color interest will be offered: 

This meeting is sponsored jointly by the Inter-Society Color 

Council and the American Psychological Association. 

Forrest Lee Dimmicx, Hobart College, Chairman 

The Physics of Color Tolerances. Deane B. Jupp, National Bureau 

of Standards. The physicist evaluates color differences opera- 
tionally in a standard coordinate system; perceptibility of color 
difference is relatively unimportant in tolerance consideration. 


The Psychophysics of Tolerances. Epwtn G. Bortne, Harvard Uni- 
versity. The fundamental significance of the psychophysical 
methods and techniques in the evaluation of small sensory 

The Ratio Method in the Review of the Munsell Colors. Swney M. 
NEWHALL, Johns Hopkins University. A promising application 
in a different field of a psychological method which is being used 
in color tolerance determination. 

Color Tolerances as Affected by Changes in Composition and Intensity 
of Illumination and Reflectance of Background. Harry HE son, 
Bryn Mawr College. Typical data illustrating lawful relationships 
between the hue, saturation, and lightness of surface colors and 
principal conditions of viewing. 

Representation of Color Tolerances on the Chromaticity ‘Diagram. 
Davin L. MacApam, Eastman Kodak Company. The ICI coérdi- 
nate system is recommended for color tolerance representations; 
use of a coordinate system based on just noticeable color-differ- 
ence data would be unjustified and misleading. 

Specification of Color Tolerances at the National Bureau of Stand- 
ards. DEANE B. Jupp, National Bureau of Standards. Color 
tolerances have been applied by (1) specification of permissible 
area on a mixture diagram, (2) use of a standard and tolerance 
sample, and (3) use of the ‘NBS unit of surface-color difference.’ 

Industrial Color Tolerances. Isay BALINKtN, Cambridge Tile Manu- 
facturing Company, Cincinnati, Ohio. Techniques and results in 
the establishment of color tolerances for particular products and 
purposes, and with special reference to ceramics. Control of 
color uniformity by determination of rates of color variation as a 
function of various: physical or chemical factors. 


There will be an exhibit of color tolerance problems in connection 
with the afternoon program. 
M. Rea Paut, National Lead Company, Chairman 

Each member body has been invited to contribute a short demon- 
stration of recent color developments or of a research project of 
outstanding importance to its field. The purpose is to illustrate the 
color interests of each one of the member groups. 

Demonstrations are assured of color in medicine; color in psy- 
chology; color in textiles; color in paper; color in lighting; and color 
in fashion. 

Every effort will be made to present each story as dramatically as 
possible. It is appreciated that the evening session will attract many 
whose color experience encompasses only one limited sphere, and that 
their primary interest will be to understand how color is used im 
other fields. By this method a mutual appreciation of the future 
possibilities in coordinated color work will be engendered.