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Vol. 36, No. 2 February, 1939

Psychological Bulletin

A METHODOLOGICAL REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY
PERCEPTION *?

BY JOHN L. KENNEDY

Fellow in Psychical Research, Stanford University

I. INTRODUCTION

In a recent issue of the Journal of Parapsychology (29) the
editors make the following statement concerning the need for a
comprehensive review of experimental work on _ extra-sensory
perception : °

“One significant feature stands out in the four years of criticism to

which the ESP research has been subjected: Up to the present no critic
has attempted a thorough and a comprehensive evaluation of the research
asawhole . . . The rapid expansion of the explorations in this field makes
it particularly urgent that the primary and fundamental question of the
occurrence of extra-sensory perception be established once and for all, or
the essential weakness of the claim for it be pointed out by a very much
more drastic analysis than has yet been forthcoming ”’ (p. 79).
The present review has been designed to meet this need from
the standpoint of experimental methodology. The reviewer has
attempted to evaluate what he considers to be the important methods,
both historical and modern, and to criticize experimental methods
with the purpose of improving them. Since the problems of
telepathy and clairvoyance have been raised again, he believes that
it is rather important that they should be settled, in so far as they
are capable of solution, by the application of acceptable scientific
methods.

1 This paper has been read and approved by the Stanford Committee on
Psychical Research.

2 The assistance of the late Professor John Edgar Coover in compiling this
review, given through personal conversations and especially through his com-
plete card index of titles on the history of telepathy and c!xirvoyance research,
is gratefully acknowledged.

8 Defined in the glossary of common terms found at the end of each number
of the Journal of Parapsychology as: “ Response to an external event (percep-
tion) not presented to any known sense.” Hereafter referred to as ESP.

JOHN L. KENNEDY

Il. HISTORICAj SUMMARY OF EXPERIMENTAL
METHODS IN THE STUDY OF TELEPATHY
AND CLAIRVOYANCE

A. Errors IN EXPERIMENTAL METHODS

Much of the material to be reviewed under this heading may be
found in greater detail in Coover’s extensive monograph (22), which
covers the period from 1882 (establishment of the British Society
for Psychical Research) to 1917. Prince (81), Bird (9, 10),
Murphy (73,74), and especially Rhine (83) have also reviewed
experiments on telepathy and clairvoyance during this period and
up to the modern work on ESP, which began at Duke University
in 1930. Without attempting to evaluate these early experiments
with respect to the ESP hypothesis, it is possible to reconsider them
from the aspect of their contributions, at the time, to the knowledge
of unsatisfactory experimental methods in parapsychological research,
For example, the early work of the British Society for Psychical
Research served to emphasize the factor of involuntary and unnoticed
sensory cues as the basis for some positive results in telepathy
experiments. These involuntary cues were utilized in kinesthetic,
tactual, auditory, and visual modalities. The work of the British
and American Societies also brought about a study of “ mental
habits,” preferences, and “ coincidences” as productive of question-
able positive results. Finally, some of the recent work of the British
Society, although it has not received the critical attention due it, has
illustrated the necessity for making independent records of guesses
and material-to-be-guessed in telepathy and clairvoyance experi-
ments. Since Richet’s (91) introduction of methods demanding
large numbers of trials in telepathy and clairvoyance experiments,
this point has become of some importance.

1. Minimal and Subliminal Sensory Cues.

(a) Kinesthetic and Tactual Cues. According to Jastrow’s
recent paper (51) on Chevreul’s contributions to the history of
suggestibility, involuntary muscular movements have been and con-
tinue to be associated with supernatural causes. Barrett and
Besterman (4) made an exhaustive study of “ dowsing” or use of
the divining rod and reached the conclusion that the movements of
the rod were caused by the dowser’s own unconscious or involuntary
muscular movements. No good evidence for other than normal
causes for the movements was obtained. Faraday (31) and
Chevreul (21) are responsible for the definitive studies on invol-

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 61

untary movements as related to “ psychic” manifestations. Faraday

showed that “table tipping” and “rapping” were caused by
unnoticed pressures applied to the table by the sitters; Chevreul,
that the swings of a pendulum held in a suggestible person’s hand
were caused by involuntary movements. Suggestions, even though
the subject was not consciously aware of receiving them, determined
the direction and amplitude of the swings.

Involuntary movements also served as uncontrolled cues in
telepathy experiments. In the middle of the last century, the so-called
“willing game” was popular. The sender clasped the receiver's
hand or made tactual contact with some part of the body. The
receiver then attempted to “ read the sender’s mind.” Sugden (113)
yave one of the earliest critical accounts of the successes produced
by involuntary movements and suggested that telepathy experiments
should be controlled by eliminating tactual contact.

Another variation of the contact cue was investigated by
Stratton (105). Stratton’s subject, a professional “ thought-
reader,” made a specialty of finding hidden articles. He could be
thoroughly blindfolded but a necessary condition for success was
found in his use of involuntary kinesthetic cues obtained from a
“leader.” Another necessary condition for success was found in
that the “ leader ” himself had to know where the object was hidden.
The performer was so highly trained at using these involuntary
kinesthetic cues that contact through a thin watch chain sufficed to
produce remarkable “ hits.”

When the receiver is allowed to see the sender, involuntary move-
ments or signals may be visually apprehended. Apparently these
cues were used by “ Clever Hans,” the mind-reading horse investi-
gated by Pfungst (76). The visual apprehension of involuntary
movements was also proposed by Miinsterberg (71) to account for
the telepathic feats of Beulah Miller. Her successes decreased to the
chance level when the family was outside the room. Some suggestion
of the visual use of involuntary muscular cues is to be found in early
reports of experiments with the Creery sisters by Barrett, Gurney,
and Myers(5). It was noted that the successes of the sisters
increased if the father was included in the group of senders and the
girls were able to see him. Confessions of fraud (41) further
invalidate these experiments, although at one time they were con-
sidered to be unimpeachable evidence by members of the British
Society for Psychical Research. Button (16, 17, 18) has reported
high scores in card guessing with the medium “ Margery ” as subject.
Since, in the majority of the card tests, the sender was in full view

62 JOHN L. KENNEDY

of the guesser, the question of involuntary cues appears to be of
relevance. It is generally agreed at present that experimental
methods which allow contact and use of involuntary muscular cues
through vision cannot provide serious evidence for any ability beyond
the learned skill in using minimal and subliminal cues to aid guessing,

Probably the best example of the use of tactual cues may be
found in the clairvoyance experiment reported by Verail (117). She
was able to obtain differential tactual cues from feeling the faces of
playing cards as she was guessing their denomination. Feeling the
backs did not produce positive results.

(b) Visual Cues. As stated above, visual observation of invol-
untary movement may serve to produce positive results in telepathy
experiments. Verall (117) found that the faces of playing cards
could be read with ease if they were dealt out over a polished surface
or even over a white linen tablecloth. Coover (22) obtained results
on the use of subliminal (i.e. nonverbalized) visual cues which
definitely indicate that subjects may unconsciously use these cues to
produce extra-chance results in guessing experiments and cited other
experiments in which similar results were found. Since the cues
may operate below the level of awareness of the subject, every pos-
sible use of visual cues should be eliminated in telepathy and clair-
voyance experiments, even though the possibility of using such cues
appears to be negligible.

(c) Auditory Cues. The error of unconscious or involuntary
“ whispering ” cues in telepathy experiments has received little atten-
tion since 1895 when Hansen and Lehmann (45) advanced this
hypothesis to explain results obtained by the Sidgwicks and G. A.
Smith (99), members of the British Society for Psychical Research.
In the Sidgwick-Smith experiment, extra-chance scores were obtained
by hypnotized receivers only so long as the sender was in the same
room. Recalculations with modern statistical methods of the results
obtained when the sender was outside the room indicate that these
scores do not deviate significantly from the chance level. Hansen
and Lehmann assumed that hypnotism produced auditory hyper-
esthesia in the receiver and that the sender, in concentrating, uncon-
sciously whispered enough of the material which he was attempting
to “transmit” to raise the total hit score above chance expectancy.
In trying to reproduce the conditions of the Sidgwick-Smith experi-
ment, Hansen and Lehmann used 2 parabolic sound reflectors
arranged in such a way that involuntary noises made by the agent
at the focus of one reflector were reflected and gathered at the focus
of the other reflector where the receiver was stationed. Under con-

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 63

ditions in which the sender was aware of the purpose of the experi-
ment but reduced his whispering to minimal intensity, scores signifi-
cantly above the chance level were obtained. Hansen and Lehmann
also showed that various positions in a closed room were not equally
good for hearing small noises because of ihe nature of the sound
reflection. An analysis of most frequent confusions in the Hansen-
Lehmann and the Sidgwick-Smith experiments seemed to indicate
to Hansen and Lehmann that errors in both experiments were pro-
duced by the same cause: namely, the misinterpretation of reduced
and ambiguous sound cues. Sidgwick (98), however, pointed out
that a good agreement was found between the modal errors in the
Hansen-Lehmann experiment and in the trials from the Sidgwick-
Smith experiment in which the agent was in another room. Sidgwick
also criticized the Hansen-Lehmann work because the whispering
was not “involuntary.” Kennedy (60) has recently repeated the
Hansen-Lehmann experiment with naive senders (blindfolded and
unaware of the action of the reflectors) and has found confirmatory
evidence for involuntary auditory cues as a source of error in
telepathy experiments.

In an unpublished manuscript answering the critics of card-
guessing experiments reported in his 1917 monograph, Coover (23)
claims that the small positive excesses may have been due to the
subject’s use of involuntary sound cues supplied by the agent. No
graded effect of the distance was found between agent and percipient
(in the same room) in 847 trials (p. 77), with distances of 1, 2, 3,
4.6, 6, and 10 meters. However, the factor of unconscious whisper-
ing in a few agents might have given slight positive deviations when
the scores were summed for the total group of 10,000 guesses.
Coover’s experimental methods were uncontrolled for this source of
error.

Finally, in evaluating experiments on telepathy and clairvoyance,
due consideration should be given to opportunity for conscious fraud
in the experimental conditions. The sequel of the British Society’s
experiments with the Creery sisters was an exposé of conscious
signalling (41). The striking successes in the famous Smith-
Blackburn series of telepathic experiments (42, 43) were attributed
by Blackburn (12), 30 years later, to ingenious codes which escaped
detection at the time.

2. “Mental Habits” and Preferences.

In much of the early work on telepathy, the material to be trans-
ferred by thought consisted of simple geometric drawings, familiar

64 JOHN L. KENNEDY

objects and incidents. The question soon arose as to how much of
the positive evidence for telepathy was attributable to communality
of experience and preferences for certain diagrams and orders of
diagrams. Pickering (77) and Minot (69, 70), members of the
American Society for Psychical Research, conducted experiments
relating to mental habits and found that percipients in thought-
transference situations tended to call numbers and draw diagrams in
accordance with their habitual preferences.

The use of simple diagrams and pictures as suitable material for
telepathy experiments has also been questioned since the judgment
of a “hit” may be dependent upon the experimenter’s _ bias,
Minot (70), Hall (44), and Hansen and Lehmann (45) pointed out
the unsatisfactory character of such judgments in the early work on
telepathy. Sudre (112) championed the drawing method and was
answered by Bird (9), who proposed that in future work the material
to be transferred should be simple enough to make possible the
application of probability statistics. More recently, the series of
telepathy experiments reported by the Sinclairs (100), in which
simple drawings were used, have revived this issue. Prince (81),
in a review of the Sinclair experiments, failed to consider the prefer-
ence factor in discussing the results. Warcollier’s (118) experi-
mental methods were criticized by Socal (101) because the material
would not allow exact probability estimations. The preference effects
in these experiments arose when the agent was allowed to choose
freely or select “mentally” the material to be sent. At present,
there appears to be general agreement among experimenters that the
material used in telepathy experiments should be chosen for the agent
by a method which will insure a random series. Coover’s experi-
ments (22) illustrate methods and materials in which preference
factors were successfully eliminated. Cason (20), Troland (115),
and Estabrooks (30) also conducted experiments on _ telepathic
ability in which mental habits and preferences could not produce
spurious results. Estabrooks was the only one of this group to
obtain extra-chance results in card guessing.

3. Recording Errors.

Another important factor in the production of statistical evidence
supporting the telepathy and clairvoyance hypotheses has been the
lack of control of the human element in recording the results of
experiments. Unnoticed errors may occur in the records of indi-
viduals who are seeking evidence in support of their beliefs. The

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A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 65

necessary control of these errors in recording lies in making inde-
pendent records of the guesses and the material to be guessed. The
recorder should not have knowledge of the correctness or incorrect-
ness of the guess. As will be shown later, this apparently insignifi-
cant point of methodology may have many ramifications in explaining
positive results in telepathy and clairvoyance experiments.

In the experiments of the Sidgwicks and G. A. Smith (99), cited
above in connection with the error of involuntary auditory cues, it
appears that independent records of guesses and material guessed
were not made when the sender and hypnotized receiver were in the
same room, 1.e. under the conditions in which the extra-chance
excesses were obtained. Exact details of the recording procedure
are not given but it is stated that Mrs. Sidgwick directed and
arranged the material to be guessed and did the recording while the
principals were in the same room. It may be assumed that inde-
pendent records of guesses and numbers guessed were made when
subject and operator were in different noncommunicating rooms.
To complete this error theory, the assumption is further made that
the recorder knew what the correct responses should be and may
have made unnoticed errors which automatically increased the score
above the chance level. Internal evidence that errors in recording
were made is to be found in the Sidgwick-Smith paper (Table III,
p. 153). Only numbers from 10 to 90 were used in the experiment,
yet 91 appears as one of the numbers on which the agent
concentrated,

Experimental conditions in the researches of Brugmans (14, 15),
in collaboration with Heymans and Weinberg, in which positive
results in favor of the telepathic hypothesis were reported, apparently
did not exclude the factor of unnoticed errors in recording. The
recorder apparently looked through a hole cut in the floor of an upper
room and observed the subject making his choices manually by indi-
cating a certain square on a board. If the assumption is made that
the recorder knew what the correct choices were, these results are
explainable on an error basis. Murphy (73) states:

‘Curiously enough, 40% of the experiments between the two rooms
were complete successes while only 30% of those in the same room were
successful.”

If the further assumption is made that peering through a hole at the
subject’s hand does not constitute a favorable condition for exact

66 JOHN L. KENNEDY

observation, this may also have an explanation * in terms of recording &

errors. In an earlier experiment from the Groningen laboratory by
Van Loon and Weinberg (116), in which emotions, colors, and
thermal sensations were used in attempted thought-transference, the
criticism of nonindependent recording also applies as do those of
kinesthetic, auditory, and visual cues, and preference effects.
Jephson (52) reported positive results in clairvoyance experi-
ments in which the subject made his own record of both the actual
and guessed card orders. Later experiments by the same writer (53)
and with Soal and Besterman (54), in which recording was carried
out independently, yielded results at the chance level. A telepathy
experiment by Besterman (8), in which recording was done inde-
pendently, yielded negative results for the telepathic hypothesis.
Methods of recording are important to consider in attempting to
understand experiments in which results in favor of the telepathic
and clairvoyant hypotheses were obtained. In the majority of past
experiments, the condition of independent recording reduced the suc-
cesses to the level expected by chance. An exception to this general
rule may be found in Estabrooks’ telepathy experiment performed at
Harvard University. Many experiments for telepathy and clair-
voyance are unsatisfactory because of a combination of such uncon-
trolled methods; for example, the Sidgwick-Smith series did not
eliminate either involuntary auditory cues or unnoticed errors in
recording. Coover (22), Cason (20), and Troland (115) have, in
the past, suggested that independent recording should be a necessary
condition for acceptable scientific methodology in experimentation on
telepathy and clairvoyance. The specific ways in which knowledge
of correct guesses at the time of recording may produce unnoticed
errors will be discussed more fully in connection with the Duke
experiments on ESP.

B. STATISTICAL MretHops Usep In PsycHIcaL RESEARCH
Brerore ESP
1. The Limit of Chance Variation.

The statistical methods in research on telepathy and clairvoy-
ance have been subjected to criticism since their introduction by
Richet (91) in 1884 and their further elaboration by Coover (22) in
1917. Sanger (94) and Edgeworth (27,28) concluded that the

* Murphy (73,74) has twice written reviews of this experiment without
fully stating the types of control exercised beyond guarding against sensory
cues. Since the present writer has not been able to obtain the first report,
decision as to the probable correctness of the error hypothesis depends «pon a
further knowledge of the experiment.

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A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 67

application of theoretical probability formulae to the description of
the chance or extra-chance nature of results obtained in simple guess-
ing experiments was justified. Probably the most important criti-
cism concerning statistical methods in pre-ESP telepathy and
clairvoyance experiments was raised by Coover’s selection of the
limit of chance expectancy (22). Thouless (114) has stated that
Coover’s limit was too high by a factor of the square root of 2. In
explaining his selection of L= V2-3e as the limit of chance vari-
ation, Coover, in a footnote (p. 85), stated that he was following
Sanger’s (94) formula, K=3 \ 2( 1-q)mq [g=probability of occur-
rence, m==number of trials], which reduces by appropriate substi-
tutions, to the formula used by Coover.

2. Selection of Data.

When evidence for telepathy and clairvoyance is obtained by
comparing frequencies of correct guesses with frequencies expected
by chance, one of the more obvious errors in experimental method
arises from selection of favorable data for statistical analysis. In
the hands of inexperienced experimenters, such selection has in the
past produced spurious statistical evidence for the existence of
telepathy and clairvoyance. The importance of this source of experi-
mental error led Soal (102) to make the following statement:

‘* Moreover, instead of being given an exact account of the precise con-
ditions under which each experiment is carried out, we are regaled with
‘samples’ of successes generally chosen to illustrate preconceived theories
of the way Mi which telepathy is supposed to work. I believe this invet-
erate determination to find the super-normal at all costs in every series
of experiments to be the most injurious influence in psychical research
today. The scepticism of the open-minded man of science who has not
given much attention to the subject is an entirely wholesome thing
compared with the ‘will to believe’ shown by the class of psychical
researchers whose real aim appears to be not the investigation of the
conditions under which telepathy and clairvoyance occur, or the question
whether they occur at all, but the production of examples of these faculties
for the purpose of bolstering up beliefs they hold on the destiny and
spiritual nature of man or for the purpose of confuting the spirit
hypothesis. It is easy to understand how the psychic researcher actuated
by such motives becomes the prey to self-deception . . . His desire is
for super-normal happenings, and he is not disposed to look too critically
at the methods by which these supposedly super-normal facts were estab-
lished. And experiments in telepathy and clairvoyance unfortunately are
the easiest in the world te manipulate so as to give the illusion of
success ” (pp. 271-272).

In an unpublished manuscript, Coover (23) points out that
critics, especially Schiller (95), who have “ recalculated ” the results

KENNEDY

68 JOHN L.

in his 1917 monograph, have obtained their “ evidence for lucidity”
by selecting scores from a total distribution of trials which exceeded

the mean chance expectancy. To quote from this manuscript:

‘ Selection for separate treatment should not be made from the figures
in the distribution; it should be made from the conditions of the experj-
ment. Or, if selection is made on the basis of figures in the distribution,
it should be for the purpose of going back to the data to seek for con.
ditions that may be responsible for the peculiar nature of these figures,
rather than for putting them through a statistical mill that is no more
applicable to them.”

Again:

“All one needs to do is to select sufficient data removed well from the
mean of the distribution and he can ‘ prove’ the presence of any cause
he has an interest in promoting.”

”

To prove the Schiller hypothesis of “lucidity in selected cases,
consistency measurements on the scores of the selected group would
be necessary. Coover did not provide the necessary retest data for
the determination of consistency.

In order to summarize briefly this discussion of sources of error
found in experiments on telepathy and clairvoyance before ESP,
errors and suggested controls may be arranged in the following table:

TABLE I
Sources oF Error IN Pre-ESP TELEPATHY AND CLAIRVOYANCE EXPERIMENTS
Errors Controls
1. Minimal and subliminal sensory No contact, preferably distance sep-
cues arating agent and percipient. Vision
a. Kinesthetic and tactual and audition excluded by suitable
b. Auditory tested methods.
c. Visual
2. Mental habits and preferences Use of materials, such as playing

cards, with which the probability oi
success in guessing may be deter-
mined. Use of methods for “ran-
domization ” of material to be guessed,
such as a thorough mechanical shuffle
of a deck of cards.

3. Unnoticed errors in recording orig- Independent records. Recording done

inal data without knowledge of success or
failure.

4. Selection of favorable data Inclusion of all data obtained under

same conditions for statistical analy-
sis. Decision as to conditions favor-
able to occurrence of telepathy and
clairvoyance before rather than after
collection of runs.

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A REVIEW CF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 69

Ill. EXPERIMENTAL METHODS IN ESP RESEARCH
A. METHODOLOGICAL ERRORS

The majority of the modern experiments purporting to demon-
strate the existence of ESP can be reviewed prefitably with respect
to the sources of error discussed in the previous section. In the
following discussion of the ESP experimental methods, these tech-
niques will be presented by the device of direct quotation from the
major -publications of the Parapsychology Laboratory and from
experimental articles in which positive results obtained by these
methods have been accepted as evidence for ESP.°
1. Unnoticed Sensory Cues.

(a) Visual Cues. Three of the methods recommended by Rhine
and others are open to the criticism of unconscious use of small visual
cues on the part of the ESP subjects. These methods are (1) the
Open Matching test, (2) the Blind Matching test, and (3) the Single
Card Calling, or Before Touching test.

In the “‘ Handbook,” the Open Matching test (OM) is described
as follows:

“Getting ready. Select five cards, one of each kind, from an extra pack
of ESP cards. Place these, as ‘key cards,’ face up in a row in the middle
of the table before you. Lay the rest of the pack aside.

“Thoroughly shuffle another pack of twenty-five ESP cards, and then
cut it. Hold it face down in vour hand as though you were going to deal
the cardsy +

“ Matching. Now try to decide which key card the top card of the pack
matches. Choose your strongest hunch or clearest impression. (Follow
the general directions given for Test I.) When you have decided,
remove the top card without looking at it and place it face down in front
of that key card.

“Do the same for the second card in the pack, then the third, and so

on until all twenty-five cards have been put down where you think they
match the key cards.

5 Although A handbook for testing extra-sensory perception, written by
Stuart and Pratt (111), is misleading as to the details of recording in some
experimental methods, as will be pointed out later, it will be used as the main
source for the general features of Rhine’s experimental techniques. In general,
the Rhine methodology will be quoted from (1) A handbook for testing extra-
sensory perception, hereafter referred to as the “Handbook”; (2) Rhine’s
monograph, Extra-sensory perception, hereafter referred to as the “ Mono-
graph” [Rhine, 83]; and (3) experimental articles in the Journal of Para-
psychology, edited by McDougall and Rhine.

JOHN L. KENNEDY

“Place each card as though it were the only one, without regard to
where you have put the others. Avoid falling into any system in placing |
your cards, such as laying them down in order from left to right. You §

may occasionally choose the same key card twice or three times in suc.
cession. Look through a shuffled pack to get an idea-of the random order
in which cards come. You do not need to keep an even number in each
pile nor to have even piles at the end of the run.

“Checking up. When you have finished the run, find your score by
counting the cards in each pile which match the key card before which
they lie. Write the score for the run into one of the spaces of a record
sheet.

“ Recording. lf you wish to keep a record of all the cards, list them
on the record sheet in the following manner. Record the left-hand key
card in the first ‘call’ space. Record the cards which were placed to
match it in the ‘card’ column. Draw a line under the last card. Then
record the other key cards and their corresponding cards in the same
manner, separating each pile from the next by a line” (pp. 18-19).

Experience with this method shows that it is practically impos-
sible’ for the subject to match cards without looking at the backs in
the process. A photograph, purporting to illustrate the Open Match-
ing method, may be found opposite p. 246 in Rhine’s book (87),
New frontiers of the mind. This photograph shows the subject with
the card to be matched in her right hand, looking at the back of the
card.

The backs of the cards seer to be available to the subject’s vision
in the Blind Matching test (BM). Directions for this test in the
“ Handbook ” are as follows;

“This test is like the Open Matching Test except that here the key
cards are face down and their order is unknown.

“ Getting ready. Shuffle the five key cards out of sight so that you
do not know their order, and place them face down in a row on the table.

“ Matching. Take the shuffled pack of ESP cards face down in your
hands ready to deal. Try to get a feeling of where the top card should
go in order to match a key card. In this test it does not help to attempt
to guess the symbols or the key cards. Just place the cards as they seem
to belong together. When you have decided where to put the first card,
place it down without looking at the face and go on to the next. Keep
on until each card has been placed.

“Checking up. First turn the key cards face up, then count the number
of cards in each pile correctly placed to match the key card. Record
your score on one of the record sheets. Or list all the cards as described
for Test III on p. 19” (pp. 22-23).

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A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 71

Again, the criticism of possible visual cues from the backs of the
cards applies to the Single Card Calling, or Before Touching (BT)
test, described in the “ Handbook” as follows:

“Getting ready. Place a well-shuffled pack of ESP cards on the table
before you. Cut the pack, taking care not to see any of the faces of the
cards. The table at which you are working should not have a shiny
surface that might reflect an image of a card face.

“Calling and recording. You are now ready to attempt to call the top
card, thus testing your ESP of objects. Do this in the same easy, natural
manner suggested for making a call in Test I.

“When you have made your choice for the top card, write it on the
record sheet, remove the card, and place it on the table without looking
at the face. Now decide in the same way what the second card is, record
your call, and remove the card, placing it face down upon the first one.
Do the same for the third card, the fourth, and so on until all twenty-five
have been called.

As in Test I, you may not feel sure of your calls as you make them.
Go right ahead, doing your best and waiting until! the results are checked
to learn of your success.

Checking up. When the run is completed, turn the cards over and
record the actual order beside the calls. Mark the hits clearly, and put
the score at the foot of the column” (pp. 15-16).

Experiments using these methods in which positive results for
the clairvoyance hypothesis have been reported are those of
(1) Rhine (83), with the BT method checked up after 5 calls and
after 25 valls; (2) Woodruff and George (128), in which the OM
and BM tests were introduced and the BT method was also used;
(3) Pegram (75), with BT and OM tests: (4) L. E. Rhine (90),
with OM; (5) Gibson (33), with OM, BM, and BT methods;
6) Humphrey and Clark (48), who used the BT method;
(7) “Anonymous Scientist ” (2), with the BT method; (8) Pratt and
Price (79), using the BM method; and Warner and Raible (122),
with OM and BM. Evidence that some of the cards actually do
afford visual cues under certain conditions may be cited.

Three kinds of cards have been used in the ESP experiments.
In the early work, reported in the “ Monograph,” experiments were
performed with Zener cards and an earlier version of the present
ESP cards. In “ Letters and Notes” (64), the cards are described
as follows:

“In the beginning of ESP research at Duke University, when it was
assumed as a working principle that the subject should, if he wished, be
able to locate directly the card he was calling, the cards used were cut

72 JOHN L. KENNEDY

(mostly die-cut) from heavy cardboard, were opaque to a 100 watt light,
were hand-stamped with ink that left no tactual impression or warping,
and were carefully inspected for secondary cues on the backs” (p. 72).

These were the Zener cards. The earlier version of the ESP cards,
used in the majority of the “ Monograph” experiments, were
stamped with a rubber stamp on blank playing-card stock which had
a filigree design on the back, as shown in the photograph on p. 48
in New frontiers of the mind. The commercial ESP cards are
printed with heavy symbols on the faces and a design of white lines
on the backs, which are otherwise solid blue.

Soon after the commercial cards were made publicly available, it
was discovered that under certain conditions of lighting the symbols
could be read from the backs of the cards. Gulliksen (40) made the
further observation that these cues might be used unconsciously by
a subject who was allowed to leok at the backs of the commercial
cards while matching them in the OM and BM methods and calling
them in the BT methods. Kennedy (59) presented a case in which
significant extra-chance scores were made by a subject who was
allowed to look at the backs of the cards in the OM test. This sub-
ject reported that he was unaware of using cues on the backs of the
cards. In the same paper, a photograph of the cues taken under
optimal lighting conditions is also presented. Small marks put on
the cards by shuffling and handling may also serve to raise the
guessing level significantly above that expected by chance. A subject
in the Stanford laboratory made high scores with the BT method
and the earlier version of the ESP cards when the same deck was
used over a long series and vision of the backs was permitted. She
was unable to verbalize concerning the nature of the cues but exam-
ination of the cards showed small marks which might have been
associated with the correct symbol unconsciously during the checking-
up process. Because of the possibility of using small visual cues in
the methods described above, the conclusion may be made that extra-
chance results obtained by these methods do not satisfy scientific
requirements for evidence in favor of ESP.

(b) Auditory Cues. The question of involuntary auditory cues
arises in connection with several experiments reported in the modern
ESP literature. Warner and Raible (121), in threshold judgments
of weight discrimination, obtained extra-chance results when the
experimenter knew the correct choice and chance results when the
position of the correct choice was unknown. The writers state:

“ Critical consideration of the conditions leads us to believe all modali-
ties beyond suspicion except hearing. . . True, it seems far fetched to

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A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 73

suppose that such cues could in any way be construed so as to aid in the
making of correct judgments. It is also true that our subjects (and there
seems no reason to doubt their word) were entirely unaware of any

assistance from such sources or from any sources other than the feeling
of the weights themselves. . . For this reason, further discrimination
tests are being made. . . The experimenter and the subject, instead of

being separated by a mere screen, are confined in non-communicating
rooms” ( p. 50).
Until further crucial tests are made, as suggested in the quotation,
these- results are made equivocal as evidence for the telepathic
hypothesis by the possibility of minute sound cues. Bender (7), in
a report on the alleged telepathic ability of a feebleminded girl, con-
cluded that involuntary auditory cues were used by the subject in
performing her unusual feats. Drake (26) also has worked with a
feebleminded case which presents striking similarities to the one
reported by Bender. Unfortunately, the Drake investigation, as
reported, was not carried to the crucial stage of elimination of all
possibilities for the use of cues. The experimenter writes:

“We hope it will be possible to continue the investigation using only
rigid control conditions” (p. 195)

As suggested in the Warner-Raible quotation, rigid control con-
ditions for auditory cues would involve placing sender and receiver
in different sound-shielded rooms.

2 a VU ental Habits = and Pri ferences.

The Pure Telepathy (PT) method in ESP research is described
as follows in the “ Handbook ”:

‘Getting ready. ‘This is a test for the ESP of a thought alone. No
cards are used for the sender to look at. He simply chooses a random
order of the ESP symbols and holds these in mind (without writing them
down) until the receiver has made his choices. Success in this test
depends entirely upon reading the sender’s thoughts.

“When everything is ready for the test to begin, the sender decides

what the first five symbols will be. He imagines an order of five ESP
cards as they might come in a shuffled deck. Then he concentrates
upon the first symbol, and signals to the receiver that he is ready.

‘Calling and recording. ‘The receiver sits where he cannot see the
sender. When he gets the first signal he makes and records his call and
signals back to the sender. The signals may be given by tapping with a

pencil, as before. After the receiver has signaled that he has made his
call, the sender writes down what symbol he had in mind.

“The sender then concentrates on the second symbol of the

five,
which has already been chosen, and gives the signal. The receiver
records his call for this trial and signals back. When the first group of

74 JOHN L. KENNEDY

five symbols has been used, the sender chooses another order of five and
concentrates on the first one of these. This goes on until the run of
twenty-five trials is completed” (p. 50).-

Mental habits and preferences may enter into the agent’s
selection of symbols on which to concentrate during this test.
Kellogg (56) has criticized the PT method as follows:

‘Again, if experimenter and subject happen to have thought prefer-
ences in favor of the same one or two of the designs, scores will be
increased regardless of any mutual influence. Any experimenter in such
work will tend to form more or less definite order habits. This possi-
bility was recognized [by Rhine], and precautions taken to counteract it.
Cross-checks, applied to ot/er series, show these precautions were on the
whole successful. At any rate, habits did not become so established that
similar plans were used in immediate succession. But many of the
different arrangements of the designs, that would occur in the shuffling
of the pack, would almost certainly not be included among the plans
chosen consciously. Some might seem too systematic, e.g. aaaaa bbbbb,
etc.; aaaaa bed bed, etc., . . eeeee. On the other hand, others with
no apparent plan would give no ready means of keeping to the equal
frequencies desired. If such helter-skelter arrangements are avoided, the
range of possibilities is reduced; if not, there is more scope for symbol
preferences which may be correlated with those of the subject. Rhine,
as a means of controlling frequencies, coached his experimenters to plan
by groups of five, which leads most naturally to five sets of one each of
the five designs, thus very much reducing the number of different
arrangements. (From 623 trillions down to less than 25 billions, subject
to further reduction by avoidances, etc.) This extreme he seems to have
tried to prevent, but the measures taken for the purpose are not such as
to result in anything like the total possibilities of shuffling. There has
been no mention of any attempt to keep secret the instructions given for
the conduct of the tests. It would be strange if students interested in
the work did not sometimes discuss various possible arrangements of the
symbols. However that may be, subjects would surely tend to follow
somewhat the same general sort of procedure as the experimenters—
which means a marked increase in the chances of high scores. As the
subjects were informed of their success at the ends of the runs, adoption
of plans of the type used by the particular experimenter would be favored.
Skill could thus be developed just as it is in various familiar card games.
Indeed, a good player might adjust to this experimental situation almost
immediately ” (p. 340).

Rhine’s method (84) for determining whether or not preferences
in choosing symbols helped to produce extra-chance scores was as
follows:

“The question of similarity in habits of choice may be further checked
by cross-checking the agent’s record with the percipient’s of—let us say—
the day preceding or following, that is, correlating runs not intended to

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 75

match. A cross-check was made of the Junaluska Series given below and
it yielded an average of only 4 hits per 25. Habitual similarity of order
of choices between agent and percipient can, I think, be said to have been
satisfactorily eliminated. Moreover, in the series cross-checked as just

& described, the runs were made daily and the cross-check, therefore, covers
Bi also the question of daily routines or patterns of order of choosing.

“Finally, as an extreme test of ‘patterning’ or order habits, we may
check the percipient’s records against themselves in consecutive order.
The percipient might have a pattern of order without its being coincident
with a similar one supposed for the agent. But if he does not have such
a pattern, the question of similar order-habits is ruled out. Such a check
made on 12 of the percipient’s records given below, taken consecutively
from a block chosen at random, and on the 8 records of the Junaluska
records, vields an average of coincidences of 4.6 between runs, as against
1 expected 5” (pp. 223-224)

As Kellogg points out, preference effects may involve such simple
errors as the tendency to choose a different symbol for the following
choice. Since apparently not all of the data have been checked for
these factors and since there is some question as to the adequacy of
the methods used to prove the absence of preferences and order
habits, the status of extra-chance results obtained by this method as
scientific evidence for telepathy is also open to question.

Perhaps the best large-scale example of the working of prefer-
ences to produce unacceptable results with respect to the telepathic
hypothesis may be found in Goodfellow’s report (34) of the recent
Zenith Foundation tests for mass telepathy. Fernberger (32) has
¥ also indicated the presence of preference effects in the Zenith
be experimental methods.

Willoughby (125), Wolfle (127), and Gulliksen (40) have dis-
cussed another source of error due to possible “ rational inference ”

in the BT method when the subject is told his success or failure
after each guess or after each 5 guesses. Wolfle states:

If after each call or after each five calls the subjects are allowed to

7 see the cards which they have called, they may infer rationally which

a For results of previous broadcasting tests for mass telepathy, see

Woolley (129) and Bird (9). Goodfellow’s work has not yet been published
in detail. Preference factors arose in the Zenith results because 2 alternatives
and but 5 guesses per session were used. Under these conditions, the guessers
had only 32 possible patterns (such as 1,1,2,1,2 or 2,1,2,1,2) from which to
i choose. Although all 32 patterns were equally likely to be chosen by chance
as correct, the frequency rankings showed that the audience preferred some
patterns over others, thus piling up more large and small deviations from chance
expectancy than would be predicted by theoretical probability statistics.

76 JOHN L. KENNEDY

suits are leit in the deck in the greatest frequency and so increase their
average score above five. Willoughby and Wolfle have pointed out this
source of error and have obtained average scores of 7-9 with the use of
rational inference but without (consciously at least) using any extra-
sensory powers. If Rhine also used these methods some of his above-
chance scoring is easily accounted for” (p. 949).

The BT, and BT

since the publication of the ‘* Monograph.”

methods have not appeared in published reports

3. Errors in Recording.

The task of the reviewer in the present section will be to establish
the essential validity of 2 propositions: (1) The methods of recording
the original data ‘n the majority of ESP experiments do not eliminate
the possibility of unnoticed errors in recording, and (2) the experi-
mental conditions under which the ESP to be discussed in this
section appears at its height are also those in which unnoticed errors
in recording may be expected to occur. In the final analysis, of
course, the validity of the first proposition rests on repetitions of the
Rhine experiments with the possibility of checking on the accuracy
of recording. Evaluation of the experimental conditions which favor
the appearance of extra-chance scores will depend upon the findings
of experimental psychologists on the determiners of attention and
suggestibility.

(a) Clairvoyance Methods. Descriptions of the recording pro-
cedures utilized in the Open Matching, Blind Matching, and Single
Card Calling methods may be found above in the discussion of the
possibilities of the use of sensory cues. It should be noted that the
recorder, or the person who decides how many hits were scored,
knows in the matching methods which cards should have been
matched to the key cards to yield high scores. In the Single Card
Calling method the subject’s guesses are recorded first, then the
actual symbol is recorded in a small space directly opposite the called
symbol. Sometimes, the subject calls aloud the correct order of the
symbols to the recorder, sometimes the recorder leafs through the
pack himself to make the check-up. “ Hits” are circled after the
records have been made, not at the time the correspondence is called.
In many cases the number of hits is recorded and no record is made
of the cards matched to the different symbols. A partial check on
the accuracy of recording would involve counting the symbols to see
if the necessary 5,5,5,5,5 frequency was present. When all the
svmbols are not recorded, it is impossible to apply this- check.

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A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 77

The Screened Touch Matching method (STM), in which every
possibility of sensory cues seems to be eliminated, appears to be open
to the criticism of unnoticed errors in recording. The method is
described in the “ Handbook” as follows:

“This is a screened matching test in which you show where you want
the cards placed by touching the key cards one after another while your
co-worker holds the cards out of sight and places them into five piles
as the choices are indicated. In the picture facing p. 34, the person on
the right is taking Test VI.
“Screen. The screen is an upright board twenty-four inches square.
At the bottom of the screen is an opening two inches high and twelve
inches long. The key cards are to be placed in a row in this opening.
Three inches back of the opening, on the opposite side of the screen from
you who are being tested, is an upright board a little longer and higher
than the opening in the screen. While this backboard keeps you from
being able to see the cards in the hands of your co-worker, it permits
him to see the key cards as you touch them
“The test is made like any other matching test, except that you show
by touching one of the key cards with a pointer where you want the
top card of the pack placed and let your companion put it down for you.
“Getting ready. Arrange the key cards in a row before the opening
in the screen on the other side from the low backboard. Use the eraser
end of a pencil or some other pointer to touch the cards.
“ Matching. ‘The co-worker sits on the other side of the screen, with
the backboard between him and the key cards. He shuffles and cuts the
pack out of your sight, and gives the signal when he is ready. He watches
vour pointer, through the opening in the screen, and as soon as it comes
to rest on one of the key cards he takes the top card from the pack with-
out looking at it and places it face down behind the backboard opposite
the key card touched. Go right on touching key cards at your own
speed. The cards can usually be put down fast enough to keep up with
you.
“Checking up. When the run is completed, the person handling the
| I I :

cards counts the number of hits (cards correctly matched). The score
is put down on the record sheet and the test continued through the usual
four runs, or as many more as seem advisable” (pp. 27-28).

No check on recording errors appears to be possible with this

method. The method would be improved if independent records of
the matched cards were made by a person who does not know the
key-card symbols at the time the recording is done.

Referring back to the description of recording methods in the
Single Card Calling or Before Touching test, it is evident that the
recorder has the record of the subject’s calls before him while
checking-up the card series. Unnoticed errors in recording may

78 JOHN L. KENNEDY

arise due to split attention arid expectancy of extra-chance deviations,
The recorder, instead of writing the symbol he sees in the deck, may
unconsciously record the symbol which he sees in the call series,

thus automatically producing a hit which will be accepted when he @

goes back over the record to mark the correspondences between card
and call series. As a partial control on these errors, records should
suggested by Carpenter and Phalen (19). This check is not com.
pletely satisfactory, since errors in transposing the position of
symbols may be made. Apparently no check on accuracy of record-
ing is available for the transposition error. The practice at the
Stanford laboratory has been to use a different deck for each set of
25 guesses, the order of symbols in which has been previously
recorded without the subject’s knowledge before the experimental
period. When the “ correct” order is applied to the set of symbols
recorded at the time of experiment, the presence or absence of errors
in recording may be determined and permanently recorded.

The Down Through or Pack Calling test (DT) is described in
the “ Handbook” as follows:
“ Getting ready. Place a well-shuffiled:and cut pack of ESP cards on
the table. Get ready to record your calls for the cards just as in Test II
Follow the directions for making your calls as in Test I.
“Calling and recording. When you are ready, simply proceed to
make your calls, but without laying the cards off the pack as you call
them. Try to get an impression of what the top card is and record this.
Then try to get the second card down in the pack, then the third, and so
on through the entire twenty-five. The test is to see how many more
hits you can get reading straight down through the pack than would be
expected by chance. In Test II each card was laid off the pack after it
was called. In the present case, however, none of the cards are removed
until all twenty-five have been called.

“It is not necessary to keep the position of each card in mind as you
make each call. Say to yourself before starting the run that you are
going to read the cards right down through the pack; then take the
impressions of the symbols in the order that they come most easily and
vividly to you. If you are writing your own calls, you will know that
you should stop when you have put symbols in all of the spaces for
calls. When an assistant records for you, he will tell you when to stop.
It is not necessary for you to count your calls as you make them in order
to succeed.

“Checking up. Check your results as usual by recording the actual
order of the cards alongside your calls. Be careful to take the cards in
the order in which you tried to name them, beginning at the top of the
pack.

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A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 79

“ Going on with the test. Shuffle and cut the pack and make the second
run...” (pp. 21-22).

The same criticism of possible unnoticed errors in recording the
card series applies to this test. As in the case of the Single Card
Calling method, the check-up is accomplished either vocally or
visually and the conditions of split attention still may be present.

The distance clairvoyance tests also appear to be liable to the
criticism of unnoticed errors in recording. Khine (85) states:

‘In 26,125 trials conducted during the summer of 1937 by Mr. James

MacFarland of Tarkio College, the comparison of score averages in
relation to various distances in tes again that distance is not a limiting

condition.

[The tests were made with the DT tech que, the cards being kept
tact in packs by the experimenter throughout the test period and
removed only when checking uj Che subjects filled out five columns
f a record sheet, one for each pack in the experimenter’s desk, at any
time they wished on a given day, and sent the sheet to the experimenter
to be checked. Double checking was carried out, and the general spon-

sorship of Dr. R. W. George, Head of the Department of Psychology,
was exercised over this series. The cards were well shuffled and kept
under careiul observation by the experimenter ” (p. 180).

! il p-

n the Duke-San Diego series reported in tl

e same article, specific
descriptions of recording methods are not given. It may be assumed
that the check-up was made with the subject's calls available to the
recorder as in the usual DT experiments

Recording in the “ Campus Distance Series in Clairvoyance”’ is
described by Rhine (86) as follows:

e observer and subject synchronized their watches, and arranged t
wo! at a stated time and istance. At the speci! ed time the observe:

take the top card from a shuffled pack of ESP cards in the room
agreed on and lay it face down on a book in the center of the table without
looking at its face. Thirty seconds later the subject in his cubicle in the
Duke Library would

record a call for the card. At the end of the minute,
the observer would remove the card and take the next one. The cards
as removed wotld be kept in order for later recording. Two runs were
made per day.

“In Groups A-D, the records were sealed up after each sitting and
delivered to me before subject and observer got together” (p. 287).

r
~

The acceptability of this series of extra-chan results with

respect to recording errors depends upon when the check-up was
made and whether or not it was done with knowledge of the subiect’s

s ‘

80 JOHN L. KENNEDY

calls. Apparently the general methods for clairvoyance research are
open to question on the basis of recording errors.

Specific accounts of method in experimental articles on clair-
voyance in the ESP literature may also be reviewed with respect to
control of possible recording errors.

Rhine (83) used the BT, DT, and distance BT and DT tests in
obtaining the “ Monograph” results. Control of these methods has
been described above. Pratt (78) was able to obtain extra-chance
results with the Blind Screen Touch Matching method, in which the
key cards were placed in boxes and their order was unknown both
to the subject and to the experimenter until the check-up for hits.
The check-up is described as follows:

‘When the deck was sorted out, the screen was removed, the experi-
menter turned up the key cards and recorded their order, and the actual
distribution of the failures and successes under each key symbol was
recorded and checked by both the subject and the experimenter” (p. 15).

Woodruff and George (128) used the OM, SOM, BM, SBM,
BT, and SBT, the latter being the screened variety of the former,
with success in guessing above the chance level reported. Objec-
tions to the check-up by these methods are to be found above.

Carpenter and Phalen (19), with the BT and DT methods, made
the following observation concerning the check-up for hits:

The two experimenters were used in Series 7 after G [the best sub-
ject} had made an error in reading off the true distribution. The error was
apparently due to his divided attention during the checking process. He
would look both at the card and at the record sheet and in so doing
called once or twice when observing the symbol on the record sheet
rather than the card’s symbol. This error was discovered early in the
series and checks of records indicated that it possibly had not previously

occurred ” (p. 39).

Martin (67) added a variation to the DT method in that the.
subject recorded his own correct order of symbols. The method is
described as follows:

The experimenter shuffled the cards thoroughly, cut them and placed
them on the table before her. Exceeding care was taken that the bottom
card was visible to no one. The subject then recorded twenty-five
guesses on a record blank. The experimenter then read the actual order
of the cards to the subject who recorded them. The experimenter care-
fully watched the recording of each card and was often checked by a
third person. . . It should be noted that neither the subject nor the
experimenter had any knowledge of the actual order of the pack until
after all twenty-five guesses were made” (p. 186).

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A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 81

It should be noted that the subject had the order of calls before her
while the experimenter was calling out the order of correct cards for
recording.

Pegram (75), with the OM, BT, and DT methods, found that
the direction of extra-chance scores could be controlled voluntarily
by the subject. But the direction of unnoticed errors in recording
may also be involuntarily controlled by the aim of the recorder, as
may be shown experimentally.

Martin and Stribic (68) report the use of the DT test with the

following method:

The DT or ‘down through’ method s used exclusively. The
experimenter shuffled and cut the pack, and placed it face down before her,
taking care to avoid seeing the bottom card he subject then recorded
his guesses for the order of the pack. After the completion of each run,
and in the presence of both subject and experimenter, the pack was
checked with the guessed order” (p. 24

In a report by Humphrey and Clark (48), the BT test was used
with no description of recording method given. In the case of Pratt
and Price’s (79) use of the BM test, recording was carried out as
follows:

At the end of each run the score was obtained by the experimenters,
who turned the key cards out face up upon the table and then sorted the
‘hits’ in each pile from the ‘ misses.’ In addition to counting the hits as
they were sorted, both experimenters recounted and the score was recorded
immediately ” (p. 88).

No check on the accuracy of recording is possible with this method.
Shulman (97) worked with psychotic subjects with the Screened
Touch Matching test. His recording technique is given as follows:
‘After all of the 25 cards had been guessed, they would be checked to
see how many had been matched with the correct key card. . . The
cards were checked after each run of 25 cards and the subject was told
his score” (p. 98).

Sharp and Clark (96) reported extra-chance scores with the OM,
BM, DT, STM, and General STM methods. The last method, a
variation of STM, is described in the following way:

“In GSTM the procedure was to have one experimenter look at the
cards (held out of sight under the inclined screen). The experimenter
holding the cards did not know the location of the key cards, which
were placed by a second experimenter and the subject” (p. 127).

82 JOHN L. KENNEDY

The necessary controls for recording errors are not mentioned in
this article.

Stuart (109) has found recently that subjects performed at an
extra-chance level in the matching tests when they were allowed to
match at their normal tapping rate. Matchings done at a rate other
than the normal rate yielded chance results. In discussing the pos-
sibility of error commission in recording as a cause of the observed
deviation Stuart states:

“ The method of recording in the screened matching procedure was as
follows: After the subject had finished the run there were, on the table
before the experimenter, five piles of cards, each in front of the symbol
the cards were intended by the subject to match. Each of these piles
was then turned face up and separated into two groups, the cards which
matched the key card in front of the pile, and those which did not. As
the correct matchings were thus sorted out they were counted. When
the sorting was finished the correct matchings lay face up directly
adjacent to the key symbols, and the first counting could be checked at a
glance” (p. 179).

Apparently complete records were not made, nor was the recording
done independently.

An adequate sample of recording methods in articles in which
unsatisfactory clairvoyance has been obtained has been presented.
The general rule is suggested that recording be carried out inde-
pendently in order that the criticism offer@f may be eliminated.

(b) Telepathy Methods. Two methods for studying telepathy
have been used by Rhine and others who have repeated his experi-
ments. Unfortunately, the recording methods given in the “ Hand-
book” for these 2 tests do not correspond to methods actually used
in experiments in which high positive deviations from chance expec-
tancy were obtained. The Pure Telepathy test was described in the
section on mental habits. The reader may see from the description
given there that the criticism of nonindependent recording applies
since the agent usually acts both as sender and recorder of the per-
cipient’s vocal calls. In “ Some selected experiments in extra-sensory
perception ” (84), Rhine appends a footnote:

“The question has been raised as to whether the agent might not,
through her strong interest in getting good results, be likely to mistake
unclear enunciation by the percipient who is off in another room, and to
give favorable interpretations of calls not clear. First, the names of the
symbols are phonetically quite easily distinguishable; each has a different
vowel sound. Second, audition was good with open doors between
rooms. Third, the scores for this work with the agent and percipient in
the same room are nearly as high as with the two separated” (p. 224).

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 83

Independent records could have been made by placing a recorder in
the room with the percipient and having the agent record only the
cards, the number of hits to be determined by juxtaposing the 2
records and noting the correspondences. As _ stated above, the
*“‘ Junaluska’ Pure Telepathy series, although apparently controlled
for independence in recording, is not satisfactory from the “ mental
habit ”’ aspect.

Kellogg (56) has also discussed the auditory illusion criticism of
the Pure Telepathy test :

‘he experimenter had to try to think of the various designs as nearly
as possible five times each in a run, but with no written plan to follow,
vive buzzer signals to call the attention of the subject for each trial,
record the responses as heard, or supposed to be heard, check them if
sorrect. Judge the effect on the scores of the almost inevitable tendency,
especially in a laboratory so full of faith in ESP, to give the subject the
benefit of the doubt in any trial involving some difficulty in hearing or in
memory, and the great likelihood of illusions in hearing, the hearing of
one call as a different one, especially when the observer gets excited in
the course of a good run, and so hears what is desired instead of what is
really uttered, yet with not the slightest realization of the possibility of a

istake. The much greater ease in following a lecture or play in one’s
own language has often been explained as due not so much to difference
understanding what is actually heard, as to the readiness to fill in gaps
iuditory stimulation and, as far as conscious experience goes, hear

he whole. In such a case, expectation is guided by the context, in line
th the familiar usages of the native tongue. In the telepathy tests,
success may breed success, in the record, by creating such an attitude of
optimism that ¢he observer-experimenter will strongly tend to hear the

name of the symbol he has just been ‘ sending’” (p. 340).

Coover’s work (22) on sound assimilation also shows that:

the ear cannot be trusted to report correctly names or phrases,
when the latter are spoken under such conditions as are deemed “by the
recipient satisfactory for communication yet which permit some degree of

indistinctness . . .” (p. 407).
The second telepathy test, «

Card or Undifferentiated ES

description of the test is given a

jor

vised by Rhine, is the Telepathy
method. In the “ Handbook” a
f( 11 ws:

“Two people work together in this test. One person shuffles and cuts
the pack of ESP cards and looks at the face of each card while vou,
who are taking the test, try to name it. For convenience, we will call the
person looking at the card the ‘sender’ and vou the ‘ receiver.’

“ Getting ready. Fill in the blanks at the top of one of the record sheets
to be found in the ESP Record Pad. It is best to leave these sheets -in
the pad as part of your permanent record.

82 JOHN L. KENNEDY

The necessary controls for recording errors are not mentioned in
this article.

“The method of recording in the screened matching procedure was as
follows: After the subject had finished the run there were, on the table
before the experimenter, five piles of cards, each in front of the symbol
the cards were intended by the subject to match. Each of these piles
was then turned face up and separated into two groups, the cards which
matched the key card in front of the pile, and those which did not. As
the correct matchings were thus sorted out they were counted. When
the sorting was finished the correct matchings lay face up directly
adjacent to the key symbols, and the first counting could be checked at a
glance” (p. 179).

Apparently complete records were not made, nor was the recording
done independently.

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 83

Independent records could have been made by placing a recorder in
the room with the percipient and having the agent record only the
cards, the number of hits to be determined by juxtaposing the 2
records and noting the correspondences. As stated above, the
‘Junaluska’ Pure Telepathy series, although apparently controlled
for independence in recording, is not satisfactory from the “ mental
habit ” aspect.

Kellogg (56) has also discussed the auditory illusion criticism of
the Pure Telepathy test:

‘The experimenter had to try to think of the various designs as nearly
as possible five times each in a run, but with no written plan to follow,
vive buzzer signals to call the attention of the subject for each trial,
ecord the responses as heard, or supposed to be heard, check them if
correct. Judge the effect on the scores of the almost inevitable tendency,
especially in a laboratory so full of faith in ESP, to give the subject the
benefit of the doubt in any trial involving some difficulty in hearing or in
memory, and the great likelihood of illusions in hexring, the hearing of
one call as a different one, especially when the observer gets excited in

the course of a good run, and so hears what is desired instead of what is
uly uttered, yet with not the slightest realization of the possibility of a
stake. The much greater ease in following a lecture or play in one’s
vn language has often been explained as due not so much to difference
understanding what is actually heard, as to the readiness to fill in gaps
uuditory stimulation and, as far as conscious experience goes, hear
whole. In such a case, expectation is guided by the context, in line
with the familiar usages of the native tongue. In the telepathy tests,
success may breed success, in the record, by creating such an attitude of
ptimism thaty the observer-experimenter will strongly tend to hear the
name of the symbol he has just been ‘ sending’” (p. 340).

Coover’s work (22) on sound assimilation also shows that:

The second telepathy test, devised by Rhine, is the Telepathy
Card or Undifferentiated ESP method. In the “ Handbook”

1eS¢ Ip on of the test 1S give aS \ ] Ws

“Getting ready. Fill in the blanks at the top of one of the record sheets
to be found in the ESP Record Pad. It is best

t to leave these sheets -in
the pad as part of your permanent record.

&4 JOHN L. KENNEDY

“The sender shuffles thoroughi, and cuts a pack of ESP cards. He
holds the pack with the faces toward him so that he sees the bottom card.
He concentrates on the symbol on the face and signals to you by tapping
with a pencil when he is ready.

“ Sit where you cannot see the faces of the cards. You may close your
eyes or look off into space, or even look at the backs of the cards. You
may relax bodily or sit at alert attention.

“Calling and recording. When you hear the signal try to get an
impression of the card at which the sender is looking. Do this in your
own most natural way. You simply want to give the correct name of
the card. You cannot reason out or force the correct answer. Simply
decide upon the one which comes to you most easily and vividly.

“When you have decided, write your choice for the top card into the
first space for ‘ calls’ on the record sheet. In recording, let O stand for
circle, + for plus, _. for square, ~ for waves, and A for star. As soon
as you have finished, tap with your pencil to signal the sender that you
are ready for the next. Do not tell him what your call was.

“The sender then removes the card at which he has been looking and
places it face down on the table without saying what it was. He looks at
the second card and signals again when he is ready. Make your call
for the second card and signal that you are ready for the third. Continue
in this way until the run of twenty-five cards is completed.

“Choose your own speed. From one to five minutes to the pack is a
favorable speed after you have become familiar with the test.

“You may not have the feeling that you are right in your calls as you
make them. Many do not. This feeling does not always go with success.
“You must not know your success or failure on any card during the
time that the run is in progress, since this would permit you to keep
track of the cards. It is better if there is no talking during the run, but
of course it can do no harm to talk between runs.

“Checking up. When you have finished calling all twenty-five cards,
both of you check the score by turning the pack over and recording the
order of the cards in the column marked ‘cards.’ You scored a hit every
time the call and the card are the same. Mark these clearly, and write
the total score for the pack at the foot of the column ” (pp. 11-13).

According to this method, the percipient makes his own inde-
pendent record of the calls. The check-up is carried out according
to the questionable method of recording cards with knowledge of
the calls. In a photograph opposite p. 19 of the ‘ Handbook,” with
the title, ““ The Telepathy Card Test,” the agent has the record book
and appears to be recording the subject’s calls. An earlier version
of the Telepathy Card test, one that corresponds with the illustration
in the “ Handbook,” may be found on the “ Instructions” card in
the new ESP decks. To quote:

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 85

“ Telepathy-Card Test. For two persons. One acts as sender, the
other as receiver

“When both are ready, sender picks up pack holding face toward him,
concentrates on first card and taps with his pencil on the table. Receiver
tries to call the card, calling either the first one that comes to mind or
that one of which he gets the clearest image, as he prefers. Allow only
one trial for each card. The sender records the call in the ‘ call’ column
of the record sheet

“The cards are kept in order until the end of the pack, then turned
over and recorded in the card column as they are turned.”

Possibilities for errors in recording the percipient’s calls under
these conditions are numerous and the direction of the errors is
“channelled ”’ to produce high scores automatically. When the
agent is concentrating on the symbol in the deck, a reaction tendency
to record that symbol is set up. The symbol cailed by the subject
usually has the “ right of way” to the final response of recording.
Lapses of attention, ‘ automatisms,’’ expectancy of high scores, and
suggestibility may give the symbol on which the agent is concen-
trating the “ right of way” to the recording response and it may be
recorded instead of the called symbol. When the actual card symbol
is recorded later alongside of this error, a hit is automatically scored.
Thus, the Telepathy Card test, in the form which seems to have been
used in experiments reporting positive results, is uncontrolled for
unnoticed errors in recording both in the card series and in the call
series. ’

Experimental articles in which the latter version of the Telepathy
Card test has been used are: (1) Rhine’s “ Monograph” (83) [pp.
59, 66] and (2) Gibson’s article (33) in which no specific descrip-
tion of method was given. Kubis and Rouke (62), working with
twins, obtained essentially chance results with a modification of the
GESP technique which involved independent recording. Two
selected batches of trials, however, were thought to indicate extra-
chance results. Bond (13) has reported extra-chance scores with a
group of retarded children. Specific details as to recording methods
are not given.

(c) Precognition Methods. Rhine (88) has recently adapted
the DT, OM, and the STM methods to the study of precognition or
prophecy. His description of method is given as follows:

“Most of the 15 series of tests reported in this paper are based on the
calling-before-shuffing modification of the DT procedure, called pre-

86 JOHN L. KENNEDY

cognitive DT or PDT .. . The calls are made and recorded and the
pack of cards then shuffled (face down) by the experimenter and checked
against the record of the calls. The amount and type of shuffling varied
somewhat with different investigators but consisted mainly of the dove-
tailing method, and of at least two such shuffles.

“In making the calls in these PDT tests the subject either wrote
down the symbols or called them orally to a recorder. This record in
earlier series was checked against the pack by the experimenter (with
the subject as witness) after the ‘random rearrangement’ shuffling was
done. In later series a record of the card order was made and the check-
ing done by comparison of call and card records, thus permitting later
re-checking.

“The exceptions to the test procedure referred to above consisted in
adaptation of simple matching techniques to the precognition problem.
One of these involved the open matching (OM) procedure. In this modi-
fication (POM) the cards were laid face down before a set of five blank
spaces instead of the key cards, the key cards to be supplied by chance
after the target deck was dealt out. The selection of the key cards
afforded the ‘random rearrangement’ since these were chosen by a
specified routine procedure from a second pack which was shuffled by the
experimenter after the target deck was dealt. The subject of course
tried to match the cards dealt against the set of key cards that were yet
to come.

“In a similar way the screened touch matching (STM) method was
adapted to the precognition research (PSTM). The key cards were
chosen as just described, and the subject indicated his calls or choices
by pointing to one of five empty shallow boxes which would be expected
to have placed in it later the card to match that which the experimenter
had on top of the pack held behind the screen.

“In all but one series the experimenter did the checking with the
subject also witnessing when this was not prevented by distance. But in
the last two series, two witnesses were introduced during the shuffling,
card recording, and the checking of correspondences in the call and card
records” (p. 47).

Apparently, in all of these methods the recording was not done inde-
pendently. Khine states that a record of the card series was made
but does not say whether or not this record was made without knowl-
edge of the subject’s calls.

In the second paper in the precognition series by Rhine, Smith,
and Woodruff (89), the writers state that, with deliberate intent,
subjects can shuffle a pack of ESP cards and match symbols with a
similar deck shuffled by an experimenter or a recorded order of cards

op eh - ate. Be A

m
ex
re

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 87

unknown to the subject with significantly better than chance success.
The procedure is as follows:

“Following the shuffling of the shuffler’s pack, the experimenter and
subject (when the subject was an adult) laid off the cards of the pack
in the order of their occurrence, observing matching or failure to match,
and recording the results in numbers of hits (i.e., correct correspond-
ences). When children were investigated, the experimenter himself or
the experimenter and an observer—not a subject—handled both packs
of cards. When a recorded series of symbols were used instead of the
target pack, the record of the shuffler’s pack was taken on the standard
record sheet and coincidences with the target series checked in the usual
manner.

“The greater part of the more crucial subdivisions of the data of this
report have been independently re-checked for errors. This applies to
all of the work in which a sealed target pack was used, and to approxi-
mately half of the screened target pack subdivision. Two experimenters
not subjects) were present throughout the experimentation and checking
of the data for a substantial portion of the tests which yielded the highest
score averages” (p. 121).

Apparently, complete records were not made in some of the experi-
ments and no check can be made on order inversions in recording
the deck in the experiments in which a prepared order of cards was
used as the “target.” No amount «

f ‘independent ” rechecking
after the experiment will bring to light such errors. Checking for
the 5,5,5,5,5 frequency of symbols in the card column would be of
some aid. This is not specifically mentioned.

d) Evidence in Favor of the Unnoticed Error Hypothesis.
Two important papers have already appeared in the Journal of
Parapsychology which seem to indicate the validity of the criticisms
discussed here in attempting to find explanations for these ESP
results. Gibson (33) compared various ESP methods as to efficacy
in producing extra-chance results. He concluded:

‘If the averages of all of the eleven subjects in each technique are
ranked from highest to lowest, they are as follows: OM, GESP, BM,
DT, GESP (long distance), STM” (p. 269)

In Table II the possible sources of error are listed with the
methods. Good agreement between possible sources of error and
experimentally demonstrated potency for producing extra-chance
results is found.

The second paper, written by Greenwood (36), describes methods
used in an empirical control series, the aim of which was to demon-

88 JOHN L. KENNEDY

strate conclusively that the mean correspondence in matching shuffled
ESP decks with 100 sets of calls is exactly 5. The calls were not
made with the intent of matching any of the decks of cards. The
following quotation seems to add further evidence for the error
hypothesis :

“ At the end of 7,000 runs a random sampling recheck of 200 runs netted
two errors of omission, lowering the score by one in each case. It was
therefore decided to recheck the whole 7,000 runs or 175,000 separate
comparisons. Accordingly, the writer went down one group of results
and one or two assistants from the Parapsychology laboratory checked

TABLE II

Tue ReLtation BETWEEN Potency For Propuctne “ Goop” Scores AND
Sources OF Error In SEVERAL ESP Meruops

Method Errors

1. Open Matching (OM) Backs of cards seen by subject. Both
types of minimal visual cues can be
used. Nonindependent recording.

2, General ESP or Telepathy Card Possible attentional and illusory errors

Test (GESP) in recording calls. Possibility of

checking-up errors.

3. Blind Matching (BM) Backs of cards still available to sub-
ject. More difficult because key cards
are face down. Nonindependent re-
cording.

Down Through or Pack-Calling Possibility of checking-up errors in

4,
Test (DT) recording cards.
*5. General ESP (long distance) Possibility of checking-up errors in
(GESP l.d.) recording, although least likely in this
method.
* 6. Screened Touch Matching (STM) Nonindependent recording.

* The difference in scores obtained by the 2 methods is small and appears
to be nonsignificant.

on another part. The procedure was to obtain the new result first and
then compare it with the old record. All told, 81 mistakes were dis-
covered, 72 of omission by one and 9 of additions to the score by one.

“From runs 7.001 to 20,000, the end of the series, the same general
procedure was used with the exception that the assistant and writer made
independent records of scores, working on different parts of the series.
At intervals the two records were then compared for differences. If
differences were encountered these particular runs were carefully
rechecked and errors corrected.

“For the whole series there were 12 errors of addition of one hit to a
run, one of addition of two hits, and 77 of omission of one hit in the
author’s record. The total was 90 errors lowering the score by 63 hits
out of an expected 100,000 hits. Since an urgent consideration of this

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A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 89

series was the avoidance of errors on even the first going over, it would
seem appropriate to stress the fact that with a little less rigor the errors
would undoubtedly have been much more numerous. In particular, since
omissions were the more common type of error, work which gives rise
to a significant negative deviation should call for rechecking. This type
of error would of course only serve to diminish a positive deviation and
the misleading effect be at least a safe one” (pp. 140-141).

These precautions in recording and checking the data given above
cannot be found in the great majority of experimental articles on
ESP in which extra-chance results are obtained. MacFarland (66)
has recently published a set of extra-chance results with the GESP
and DT methods in which “the experimental set-up was designed to
eliminate the possibility of sensory cues and recording errors.”
Sensory cues were eliminated by distance. Recording errors in the
call column were eliminated by checking 2 independent records of
the subject’s calls. But the check-up of actual order of cards was
conducted with the calls available to the recorder. Thus:

“ Both experimenters then checked the two decks of cards against the
doubly-recorded order cf calls. In this way there was secured double
witnessing of all checking” (p. 162)

This is an unsatisfactory condition for elimination of errors in the
card column.

It has been suffic.ently demonstrated that the Rhine methods may
allow either positive or negative errors to be made at the time of
recording the original data. No satisfactory check to determine
whether or not érrors were made has been reported. Apparently,
recording in these ESP experiments may be manipulated to prove a
preconceived hypothesis of the recorder without his awareness of the
manipulation. This is not without precedent in the literature of
experimental psychology when records were ambiguous and the
recorder worked with a strong motivation to produce results favor-
able to an hypothesis.

4. The Laboratory Conditions for Producing the Majority of ESP
Data.

The second proposition to be established by reviewing the ESP
literature is that the conditions under which extra-chance scores seem
to be obtained are those which foster unnoticed errors in recording.
These conditions in the recorder, as stated above, are expectancy of
favorable results, split attention, excitement, and amenability to

suggestion.

90 JOHN L. KENNEDY

[t is interesting to note that modern experimental psychology
had its inception in the study of the “personal equation” of
errors in observation due to divided attention. The articles of
Miinsterberg (72), Bauch (6), Crosland (25), and Kollarits (61),
to mention but a few outstanding, studies, have contributed to the
knowledge of sources of error in human perception and the con-
ditions under which errors are made.

In Rhine’s (83) Appendix to Chapter 15 of the “ Monograph,”
entitled ‘“‘ Suggestions to Those Who May Care to Repeat These
Experiments,” the conditions are given for the production of extra-
chance scores with Rhine’s experimental methods. These sugges-
tions are specifically made to aid in the selection of subjects who

may produce good results. To quote:

“It is hoped that others will repeat these experiments or, better still,
perform more advanced ones. Much depends upon the conditions of the
tests as to whether success or failure will follow. The following sugges-
tions along with the discussion in Chapter 12, may help to avoid failures:

‘1. The subject should have an active interest in the tests and be fairly
free from strong bias or doubt. These would, of course, hinder effort and
limit attention. An open-minded, experimental attitude is all that is
required. Positive belief is naturally favorable but not necessary.

“2. The preliminary tests should be entered into very informally,
without much serious discussion as to techniques, or explanations or pre-
cautions. The more ado over techniques, the more inhibition is likely;
and the more there is of explanation, the more likely is introspection to
interfere. Playful informality is most favorable.

“3. If possible to do so honestly, it is helpful to give encouragement
for any little success but no extravagant praise is desirable, even over
striking results. The point is that encouragement is helpful, apparently,
but only if it does not lead to self-consciousness. If it does, it is quite
ruinous. Many subjects begin well, become excited or self-conscious,
and then do poorly.

“5. It is highly important to let the subject have his own way, without
restraint, at first. Later, he can be persuaded to allow changes, after he
has gained confidence and discovered his way to ESP functioning. Even
then, it is better for him to have his way as far as experimental con-
ditions can allow. It is a poor science that dictates conditions to Nature.
It is a better one that follows up with its well-adapted controls and
conditions.

“6. It is wise not to express doubts or regrets. Discouragement seems
to damage the delicate function of ESP. Here again no doubt persouali-
ties differ. One subject, I know, has worked in the face of doubt
expressed ; but she is exceptional in this

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 91

“12. It is best to try good friends for Pure Telepathy at first—or
couples, single or married, who feel certain they have thought-transfer-
ence; and, above all, to try those people who say they have had ‘ psychic ’
experiences or whose ancestors conspicuously have had.

‘These are suggestions, not rules, for we do not yet know enough of
the subject to lay down rules. They will help toward success, without
endangering conclusions. One can always tighten up on conditions
before drawing conclusions later. But any investigator must first of all
get his phenomena to occur—or exhaust the reasonable possibilities in
trying to” (pp. 166-168)

Attitudes of expectancy of good scores, “ playful informality,”
and positive suggestibility in the subject seem best to help the
unnoticed or unconscious use of sensory cues. But it is these con-
ditions at work in the experimenter or recorder which seem to be
most important in attempting to understand the production of ESP.
It should be noted further that the encouragement of “ playful
informality’ by the experimenter involves the condition of split
attention which is a favorable if not an absolutely necessary condition
for unconscious error productio1

Excitement during experiments appears to be common. A sample
may be taken from Rhine’s (87) description of conditions in which a
subject made 21 hits out of 25 calls:

For some time we drove along quietly. Then it occurred to me to

t my subject on the way to the place where I had planned to make our
rst stop. I pulled the car up at the side of the road but did not bother
to turn off the engine. Putting a large notebook across Linzmayer’s
knees, I took a pack of ESP cards out of my pocket and held it in my
1and. He, meantime, had leaned back with his head resting against the
top of the seat, so that his eyes saw nothing but the roof of the car. There
vere no mirrors or shiny surfaces into which he could have looked for
possible reflections. During the actual progress of the test, his eyes were

1 ,
ciosed

“After giving the pack a cut—neither of us knew the order of the
cards in it anyway—lI drew off the top one and tipped it toward me just
enough to catch a glimpse of the symbol and then put it face down on the
notebook on Linzmayer’s lap. Without looking at it or touching it he
said, after a pause of about two seconds:

‘ Circle.’

‘Right,’ I told him, drew off the next card, and laid it on the notebook.
‘Plus,’ he said.

* Right.’

‘Waves.’

* Right.’

‘Waves.’

* Right.’

92 JOHN L. KENNEDY

At this point I shuffled the deck again, cut it once more, and again drew
off a card.

‘Star,’ Linzmayer said when the card was placed on the notebook. It
was a Star.

When he had called fifteen cards in succession without a single mis-
take, both of us were too amazed for a while to go on with the rest of
the run. No conceivable deviation from probability, no ‘ streak of luck’
which either of us had ever heard of could parallel such a sequence of
unbroken hits. We both knew that the thing Linzmayer had just done
was virtually impossible by all the rules in the book of chance, but he
had done it... &

“No reader of this book need consider the account of this extraordi-
nary run of Linzmayer’s as presumptive evidence that ESP is a fact.
The conditions of the test were not our usual laboratory ones, and the
scientific evidence for ESP rests upon work performed under the strictest
conditions. Write that amazing score off, if you like, to mere exploration.
With all of the scepticism I can muster, though, I still do not see how
any sensory cue could have revealed to Linzmayer the symbols of those
21 cards he called correctly ” (pp. 77-79).

Confirmation of the present interpretation of the meaning of the
experimental conditions prescribed by Rhine for ESP research is
found in an article by Pratt and Price (79) on the subject-experi-
menter relationship. Blind Matching and Pack Matching tests were
used and independent records were not made. “ Favorable” and
“unfavorable” conditions for high scores in ESP were defined as
follows:

“The ‘favorable’ condition previously mentioned consisted of intro-
ducing a subject to the situation by one-half hour of general conversation
before starting the tests and then continuing the conversation during the
test.. The ‘unfavorable’ one was characterized by starting to test a
subject without delay and in deliberately keeping him out of the conver-
sation as much as possible” (p. 91).

The condition of divided attention in the experimenters may define
ESP scoring ability in the subjects.

In closing this section on the conditions in subject and experi-
menter which foster ESP, some attention should be given to the
general emphasis placed on “ witnessing” by Rhine and those who
have obtained evidence for ESP outside the Duke laboratory. It is
an everyday observation that witnessing may, under some con-
ditions, be absolutely untrustworthy. Witnesses, to serve any
useful function, should take independent records of the calls and
cards so that the accuracy of recording may be ascertained later.

7 Italics mine.

A REVIEW OF EXTRA.-.

Miunsterberg (72) has discussed

“witnessing” as they appear in courts of law.

clusion has been that “
witness or one who expects high

SENSORY

witnessing ”

PERCEPTION 93

the well-known errors in human
The general con-
is unreliable since a sugyestible
results may pay attention only to

nonessential factors in the situation.

TABI

THE “ PsyCHOLOGICAL
. ESP usually exhibits an “in-
sight ” learning curve (83, p. 164)

. Some agents are better than others
(83, p. 101).

. ESP fluctuates, waxes, and wanes

(83, p. 137).

os)

A carefree, playful attitude in
both experimenter and subject is
necessary for ESP (83,
167).

5. Distances may increase
chance scoring (85).

good

extra

6. Drug results. High with caffeine,

low with sodium amytal (83, p.
163).
7. Fatigue inethe subject may de
crease ESP scoring (83, p. 128
8. ESP may be voluntarily con

trolled (75, pp. 204-205).
. Certain psychoses may be differ
entiated by ESP tests (97, p. 104).
. Blind persons have ESP (80).

ll. The presence of sceptics disrupts
good ESP scoring (83).

From the above considerations

[Tl

PHENOMENA” or ESP
Errors of attention and illusion are not
products of gradual learning; hence

their sudden intrusion as “ insight.”

Some people are more prone to make
these errors than others.

Errors in recording depend upon spe-
cial conditions of expectancy, sug-
gestibility, and inattention.

These attitudes may also be best for
unnoticed errors in recording.

When the percipient calls vocally in
telepathy experiments, the chance for
recording errors increased; when
the calls are later checked against the
cards in clairvoyance experiments,
errors may occur.

Recorder knew what effect the drug
ought to have. Caffeine may increase
ability to use minimal cues; sodium
amytal may decrease it.

Fatigue may lower subject’s sensitiv-
ity to minimal cues.

The direction of unnoticed errors may

be controlled by recorder’s precon-
ceived hypothesis.

Same as 8.

Same as 6.

Sceptics may watch for sources of

error and disrupt “playful” attitude.

of the “ atmosphere ” of the ESP

laboratory, alternate explanations for the “ psychological phenomena ”
of ESP research may be offered. Table III lists the phenomena and
the present writer’s conclusions as to their most probable explanation.
It may well be that the absence of “ playful informality ” and conse-
quent control of conditions in the experiments of Adams (1),
Baker (3), Cox (24), Soal (103), and Willoughby (126) will help

94 JOHN L. KENNEDY

to explain the lack of confirmation of the ESP hypothesis in these
cases.

B. *“‘ INEXPLICABLE’’ EXPERIMENTS

Thus far, the criticisms and suggestions for improvement of
experimental control brought forward apply only to the type of ESP
experiments discussed above, where the conditions of the experiment,
as stated in the papers themselves, are open to question. In this
section, 2 experiments will be reviewed more completely since the
reported conditions were such as to eliminate the errors discussed
above. Eventual explanation of these results appears to the present
writer to rest on an entirely different basis than the foregoing ESP
data.

Warner (120) reported a set of 250 trials in which the conditions
of the experiment were given as follows:
is . the experimenters, having told the subject that work was to begin,
retired to the upstairsroom, shut the door, cut a shuffied deck of cards and
placed the cut card face down on the table by itself. It was not seen by
the experimenters until after the guess had been made and recorded by
the subject in her room downstairs. The subject signalled when this had
been done by pressing a button which flashed a light in the experimenter’s
room. When this signal was given, the card cut was exposed and
recorded, and a different deck, newly shuffled, was cut to obtain the next
card to be guessed. This procedure was repeated without interruption
until the end of the work. At the conclusion, the subject’s record of
guesses was compared with the experimenter’s record of cards cut” ( pp.
236-237 ).

The average number of hits per 25 guesses was 9.30.

It is worth noting that recording was not completely independent
in this experiment, since the signal could be varied in duration by
the subject, thus providing a possible cue. Another unusual item
about this report is the non-random distribution of frequencies of
the card symbols: i.e. circle, 71; rectangle, 50; waves, 43; plus, 43;
and star, 43. The chi-square, obtained by comparing theoretical and
actual frequencies, is 11.76 with a P of .02 that repetition would
give as bad or worse fit by chance. The cal! preferences, however,
do not correspond with the most frequent card symbols. The possi-
bility of variation in duration of the light signal serving as an
unnoticed cue to the recorder should justify insistence on a repetition
of the experiment under the same conditions with the card symbols
recorded before the subject’s guess and the uneven frequencies of the
different symbols to be guessed eliminated. This technique involves

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 95

the added possibility of telepathy but this should not affect the scor-
ing if the experiment is repeatable. The experiment was done in the
subject’s home.

Very high scores have been reported by Riess (92) with a single
subject who later lost the ability to guess at an extra-chance level
and who is not available for further experimentation This experi-
ment is unusual for the high scoring rate and the strictness of the
conditions in ruling out the errors of ESP. For example, on the
19th run all 25 guesses were correct. The hits per pack were, con-
secutively, 5, 7, 10, 12, 15, 8, 16, 13, 18, 21, 11, 15, 19, 24, 21, 21,
22, 24, 25, 24, 21, 20, 19, 18, 14, 15, 15, 16, 12, 19, 21, 22, 24, 20,
18, 22, 21, 19, 19, 18, 18, 19, 18, 17, 18, 19, 20, 20, 20, 19, 20, 21,
and 21. <A period of no work intervened, after which the scores
were 2, 4, 7, 12, 7, 5, 4, 3, 5, and 4. Obviously, the scores in the
first series eliminate chance variation as an important factor i the
production of the results [he experimental method is given as

follows:

“The usual pack of ESP cards was employed. Since both the subject and

he experimenter lived in the same suburb of New York City, the experi-
ment was conducted in their respective home At 9:00 p.m. the experi-
menter would expose a card from the freshly shuffled deck lying on his

desk. He looked at the card and noted the symbol on the mimeographed

cord sheet. At 9:01 p.m. the subject, seated at a table in her home,
guessed at the symbol on the first card exposed by the experimenter in
his home. The experimenter, meanwhile, had placed the first card to one
side and at 9:01 had exposed the second card. This procedure was
repeated until the deck was exhausted. It was then reshuffled manually
and, after an interval of 10 minutes, the whole experiment was done again.
In this way 50 trials were run off during each experimental session. The
distance between the two homes was approximately one-quarter mile and
the respective rooms in the houses were s tuated that they faced in

opposite directions to each other ” (p. 261

The recording was done independently, although apparently the sub-
ject was not witnessed. No information as to when and how the
check-up for number of hits was made is included in the experimental
report. Since the high scores reported in this experiment are so
much at variance with the majority of ESP results, a full deter-
mination of the conditions under which the unusual results occur
would seem to be of paramount importance ;

In addition, the “ Campus Distance Series in Clairvoyance,” or
the Pierce-Pratt series, should receive further mention, although this
set of trials has been discussed already in the section on recording

96 JOHN L. KENNEDY

errors. If a fuller account of the method is given, demonstrating
that the check-up was made with completely independent records of
cards and calls, this experiment should be joined with those of
Warner and Riess as being as yet inexplicable.

IV. STATISTICAL METHODS IN ESP RESEARCH

Two major problems have arisen from controversy over ESP
statistical methods. The first problem has to do with the mathe-
matics of theoretical chance expectancy; the second, with the effect
of selection upon the statistical methods used. The first problem has
been fully discussed by Willoughby (123, 124, 125), Kellogg (55,
56, 57), Rogosin (93), Heinlein and Heinlein (46), Herr (47),
Gulliksen (40), Wolfle (127), Stuart (106, 107, 108), Greenwood
and Stuart (38), Stuart and Greenwood (110), Huntington (49, 50),
Sterne (104), Lemmon (63), Greville (39), and Greenwood (35,
37). Kellogg (58) states that essential agreement has been reached
on this theoretical point. To quote:

. . it is the mathematical aspect of the research upon which substan-
tial agreement has now been attained. It is quite clear that the problems
of selection and treatment of evidence as such, and of rigorous control of
the experimental procedures, are approaching solution, but are not yet
fully settled” (p. 148).

It is generally recognized, however, that the mathematics of chance
expectancy does not indicate a functional relationship between vari-
ables. ‘‘ Causes” for observed deviations from chance expectancy
must be sought in the experimental conditions and controls, not in the
mathematics of chance. This inductive “leap” from extra-chance
scores to extra-sensory perception has been one of the underlying
reasons for controversy.

Historically, one of the important considerations for evaluating
guessing experiments in telepathy and clairvoyance has been the
question of selection of data favorable to a preconceived hypothesis.
No one will challenge the statement that extra-chance results can
be obtained by selecting only deviations in the direction of the pre-
conceived belief and putting them through a statistical mill which is
not applicable to the scores because of the original selection. The
selection-of-data’error may be more subtle in its application in experi-
mental situations. Three recent attempts to reproduce conditions
thought to obtain in ESP experiments with respect to selection of
data are available for analysis.

A REVIEW OF EXTRA-SENSORY PERCEPTION 97

Warner (119) matched shuffled decks of ESP cards in order to
obtain information about the “run of luck” explanation of extra-
chance deviations. He selected 220 scores, from a large random
distribution of hits per run, which were 8 or above. He then con-
tinued matching decks with respect to each of these scores until the
total score (preliminary score plus further scores) fell below plus 1
sigma from the mean of 5 hits. Warner successfully demonstrated,
then, that by chance alone, initial high scores tend to level out when
enough random runs are added to the initial high score. Leuba (65),
with the same general method, has demonstrated empirically that, as
one would expect from theoretical considerations, significant devi-
ations may occur on a purely chance basis.

Greenwood (37) recently suggested the use of a correction factor
for the limit of chance expectancy, to be applied when the stopping
point in a given series is a function of the results obtained up to that
point.

V. CONCLUSIONS

In the present review, the hypothesis was presented that extra-
chance results in the majority of ESP experiments may be explicable
on the basis of unnoticed errors in methodology. The errors and
methods in which these errors may possibly occur may be sum-
marized as follows:

1. Selection of data. All the ESP methods are open to this
criticism in one form or another.

2. Lack of independent record. This criticism also applies gen-
erally to the ESP methods, with the exception, of course, of the
experiments described above as “ inexplicable.”

3. Sensory cués. Results obtained with the Open Matching,
Blind Matching, and Before Touching methods may be explained on
this basis.

4. “ Mental” habits. The Pure Telepathy methods are open to
this criticism.

5. Logical inference. The BT methods in which the subject is
given knowledge of results during a single run (BT, and BT,) are
unsatisfactory for this reason.

Certainly, the sources of error discussed here should be eliminated
from consideration by adequate experimental control. These con-
trols are not complex nor do they involve any novel principles.
Greenwood (82) has already presented the main points of these
suggestions.

98 JOHN L. KENNEDY

The controls suggested for the ESP methods follow:

1. Sufficient distance or shielding should be used to eliminate all
possibility of sensory cues.

2. Records of calls and cards should be made independently by
2 different recorders. The check-up should be carried out by juxta-
posing the 2 independent records.

3. A tested method for producing a random distribution of
symbols in the card series should be used.

4. In order to eliminate the effect of “ optional stopping,” a limit
of trials should be set before the experiment. It might even be
advantageous to postpone the check-ups until after the experiment
is terminated.

Concerning the “ inexplicable” experiments, little can be said.
Perhaps another rule to insure objectivity should be added to the
foregoing, namely :

5. The experiments should be conducted under such conditions
and auspices that the subject cannot be suspected of fraudulently
producing the results.

This rule would probably involve independent testing of the same
‘good’ subject in different laboratories.

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WitioucHsy, R. R. A critique of Rhine’s “ Extra-Sensory
126. WitLoucHBy, R. R. Further card guessing experiments. J.
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103

(soc.)

5, 4, 80.

-sensory

Soc.

Lond.,

and clair-

clair-

into

acquisition
174-197.
118. Warcoiirer, R. Methods in experimental sa J. Soc

Res.

laboratory

sub-

J. app
124. WILLOUGHBY, R. R. The use of probable error in evaluating clairvoyance
Perception
P schol
Amer

percep-

Soe

STUDIES OF MENTAL RESEMBLANCE BETWEEN
HUSBANDS AND WIVES AND BETWEEN
FRIENDS

BY HELEN M. RICHARDSON
New Jersey College for Women

The question whether opposites or likes attract in friendship and
marriage has held enough popular interest for opposing views to
become crystallized in two contradictory proverbs, Attempts to answer
it in quantitative terms with respect to traits of intellect and per-
sonality have in recent years received a strong impetus from the
development of devices for measuring such traits. The present
review will consider, first, the material on mental resemblances of
husbands and wives, then the literature on friend resemblance, and
will conclude with a comparative and critical summary.

STUDIES OF HUSBANDS AND WIVES

Reviews of the earlier literature on homogamy or assortative
mating appear in studies by Jones (23), Schiller (35), and
Schooley (36). This earlier material was quantitative in the field
of physical characteristics, but largely subjective and speculative with
regard to mental traits, particularly in the matter of personality
resemblances. The field of temperament was the only one in which
negative correlations were found.

The present article begins with the publications of 1928. Ina
number of cases the data concerning husbands and wives were inci-
dental to a larger study of family resemblance, from which the
material relevant to the present problem has been abstracted.

Table I summarizes the investigations of mental resemblance,
classified, according to the type of characteristic studied, as intellec-
tual, temperamental, or attitudinal. A compilation of results from a
number of studies such as we have here leads one to look for agree-
ments and disagreements. The similarity of the correlations in intel-
lectual traits where the groups have been representative ones with a
fairly wide range is worthy of note. Schiller’s lower correlations may
probably be ascribed to the homogeneity of her group of subjects.
If the variability of the group has such a bearing on the significance
of the correlation, one becomes conscious of the need for some indi-

104

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107

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BETWEEN HUSBANDS

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108 HELEN M. RICHARDSON

cation of the variability of the groups with respect to neurotic tend-
ency, dominance, or attitude toward Communism, for example. The
series of comparisons to which one is tempted by the array of corre-
lation coefficients is of uncertain justifiability. The correlations for
the Allport-Vernon Study of Values are particularly open to question,
since the several value scores for a given individual purport to be
relative, not absolute, measures of the weights which the several
values carry for that individual, and having a high score in one
value automatically lowers the individual’s rating in the sum of the
remaining values.

With all these qualifications in mind, we may make certain gen-
eralizations concerning the results. The correlations are higher in
the intellectual and attitudinal traits than in traits of temperament.
None of the correlations, even in temperament, are reliably negative,
as the theory of attraction of opposites would require.

An extensive survey of the problem which is not included in
Table I because it is still in progress has been reported in a pre-
liminary way by Kelly (24). This study of 300 engaged couples, to
be followed up annually for 7 years, includes measures on the Otis
Self-Administering, Bernreuter, Bell, Strong, Allport-Vernon, and
several attitude tests, as well as anthropometric measures, blood
groupings, and life history data. A preliminary analysis for the first
100 couples shows correlations ranging from approximately 0 to .79,
none of them being significantly negative.

Some of the investigations have considered the question whether
resemblances in personality are more pronounced for couples that
have been longer married. Hunt (19) found a correlation of —.05
between length of time married and similarity in ranking of 17
groups of ideals. Hoffeditz (17) compared 24 fathers and mothers
aged 56 or more and 19 pairs of parents aged 45 or less with regard
to resemblance in neurotic tendency, self-sufficiency, and dominance.
She found no evidence that resemblance increases with duration of
marriage. All the correlations were lower for the older couples,
being slightly negative. The difference was least reliable for self-
sufficiency, but approached reliability in the trait of neuroticism.
Schooley (36), drawing the dividihg line on the basis of length of
marriage, and apparently at a considerably younger age in general,
classified her 80 couples into a group of 40 who had been married
from 1 to 4 years, and another group of 40 who had been married
from 5 to 20 years. She found higher correlations for the longer-

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MENTALRESEMBLANCE BETWEEN HUSBANDSANDWIVES 109

married group in neurotic tendency, in the free association test, in
the economic and religious values, and in attitude toward birth con-
trol; lower correlations for the longer married in the theoretical and
aesthetic values; and no difference with length of marriage in corre-
lation of scores on political value or on attitude toward Communism.
Her disagreement with Hoffeditz regarding neurotic tendency may
be due to the different basis of division or to the small number of
cases. Newcomb and Svehla (29) partly agree and partly disagree
with Schooley’s results in so far as their data permit comparison.
The trend which they find in attitude toward the church is similar to
that reported by Schooley with respect to the religious value, but in
attitude toward Communism they report a lower correlation for
“fathers and mothers”’ than for “ young husbands and wives.” In
attitude toward war they find a lower correlation for the longer
married. The reliability of these differences in correlation is not
great, however, and the data do not permit conclusion as to whether
the longer mutual association has caused a change in degree of
resemblance or whether the traits under consideration have at dif-
ferent periods held different degrees of importance in determining
mutual attraction before marriage.

The relation of personality resemblance to marital compatibility
has been investigated by Terman and Buttenwieser (40, 41) and by
Kirkpatrick (25). Terman and Buttenwieser compared the degree
of resemblance between 126 happily married couples, 215 couples
with a low “ combined happiness score’ on a marriage questionnaire,
and 100 divorced couples (the latter are omitted from our Table I).
Among the correlations on the Strong and Bernreuter scales, the
only one which was significantly higher for the happily married than
for the other 2 groups was in the Y. M. C. A. interest constellation.
On certain individual items there was a distinct difference between
the happily and unhappily married with regard to the amount of
resemblance between the pair. Husband and wife were more likely
to be happy if they were similar in attitude toward avoiding argu-
ment, and more likely to be unhappy if they resembled each other
in admitted ability to “accept just criticism without being sore.”
Out of 130 items in which there was more than a chance difference
between the relative amount of correlation yielded by the first group
and the other 2, there were 96 in which agreement accompanied
happiness, 30 in which agreement was associated with unhappiness,
and 4 in which the relationship was uncertain. Terman and

110 HELEN M. RICHARDSON

Buttenweiser (40) also found that between groups selected for high
and low happiness score there were consistent differences in scores
for ‘“‘ common outside interests” and in agreement on 11 items which
included “ religious matters’’ and “ philosophy of life.”

Kirkpatrick (25) likewise found significant differences between
unhappily and happily married couples in a measure of community
of interest in a variety of activities. He considers these differences
significant enough so that the “ Relationship Family Interests "’ and
‘* Individual Family Interests’ scores might serve as an index for
measuring marital adjustment and for predicting the success of a
relationship.

STUDIES OF FRIENDS

Study of the resemblance between friends is an aspect of social
psychology which has received increasing attention in recent years.
Evidence of the recency of this interest appears in the temporal dis-
tribution of the 21 pertinent titles in the accompanying bibliography:
12 bear dates from 1931 to 1937 inclusive, 7 from 1922 to 1930, and
the other 2 were published in 1898 and 1902, respectively. These
studies reflect to a considerable degree the techniques which were
available at the time when they were made, and the special channels
in which the interests of psychologists were then directed. The 2
studies at about the turn of the century by Street (38) and Bonser (4)
obtained from each subject a direct statement concerning the resem-
blance between himself and a friend in “temperament” and in
“likes and dispositions.” The 3 studies in 1922 and 1923 by
Almack (1), Warner (43), and Williams (45) were concerned with
chronological age, mental age, and IQ. As various standardized
measures of personality traits appeared, resemblance in these traits
became the object of investigation, beginning with Wellman’s (44)
use of the Marston extroversion-introversion scale in 1926, Statis-
tical analysis in most of the studies prior to 1927 is not carried as
far as in the later ones. Prior to 1927, Almack (1) was the only
one to use the correlation technique. Of the 7 studies previous to
1929, 6 were concerned with the elementary or high school age, and
1 with ages 17 to 21. Beginning with 1929, 6 of the studies have
been concerned with college friendships, 5 with children and adoles-
cents, and 3 with preschool children.*

4 This figure includes merely the 3 studies which deal with other factors
than chronological age.and sex in relation to choice of companions.

MENTALRESEMBLANCE BETWEEN HUSBANDSANDWIVES 11

Preschool Friendships. During the preschool age, social contacts
between children increase with increasing years, according to the
observations of Beaver (2), Moreno(27), Parten (30), Salusky (34),
and Zaluzhni (50). Where the age range in the group is wide
enough to permit considerable range of choice, it has been found that
children tend to select companions of similar age (Chevaleva-
Janovskaja, 8; Challman, 7; Green, 15). Where the age range is
18 months or less, as in the groups observed by Hagman (16) and
Hubbard(18), chronological age does not appear to influence the
selection of companions within the group. Cleavage on the basis of
sex was found by Hagman (16) to be absent in a two-year-old group
but present in a four-year-old group. Chevaleva-Janovskaja (8)
likewise found that the tendency to form wnisexual associations
increased with age. Challman (7) reports a marked tendency for
preschool friends to be of the same sex.

The 3 studies which have considered other factors than chrono-
logical age and sex in relation to choice of companions are those by
Challman (7), Hagman (16), and Hubbard (18). Resemblance in
mental age appeared to be related to companionship in Hubbard’s
group of 18 children aged 21 to 39 months, and among Hagman’s
18 two-year-olds; and the same holds true for IO among Hagman’s
two-year-olds. Resemblance in mental age and IO and extroversion
ere found to be unrelated to paired companionship among Hagman’s
four-year-olds and in Challman’s group of 33 children ranging
from 27 to 59 months in age. Among two-year-olds, Hagman
obtained a correlation of —.476+.134 in extroversion when each
child was paired with his most frequent companion. Similarity with
regard to attractiveness of personality (adult ratings) was found by
Challman to be unimportant, and Hagman found the “ Social Stimu-
lus Index” similarly unimportant among her two-year-olds, though
of some significance among the four-year-olds. In both age groups
the most important factor related to choice of companions found by
Hagman was similarity in Social Reaction indices. Challman simi-
larly reports that resemblance in social participation was the most
important factor in friendships between girls, and that resemblance
in sociality apparently carries some weight in determining friendships
in either sex. Hubbard, however, found that similarity in social par-
ticipation was unimportant in her group. This inconsistency may
be due to a difference in methods of measurement or to the small
number of cases in all the groups compared. Similarity in degree of

»—n =

112 HELEN M. RICHARDSON

physical activity bears some relation to friendships in both sexes,
according to Challman.

Friendships at the Elementary and High School Level. At the
elementary and high school level resemblance between friends in
intelligence, especially mental age, is reported by Almack (1),
Warner (43), Williams (45), Furfey (13), Jenkins (20), Part-
ridge (31), Seagoe (37), and Pintner, Forlano, and Freedman (33).
Socioeconomic status of parents was found by Jenkins (20) to be of
great importance. The influence of propinquity appears strongly in
studies by Furfey (13), Seagoe (37), and Pellettieri (32). Resem-
blances rather than differences between friends were found in likes
and dispositions (Bonser, 4), social maturity (Furfey, 13), play
interests (Jenkins, 20), and a number of personal characteristics,
notably athletic ability, courtesy, and cleanliness (Seagoe, 37). ‘Data
presented by Wellman (44) reveal less friend resemblance in extro-
version than in scholarship (girls) or IQ (boys). Pintner, Forlano,
and Freedman (33) found friend correlations near 0 on measures
of cultural attitudes, ascendance, extroversion, and emotional stability.

Friendships at the College Level. In connection with a study in
moral education, Street (38), in 1898, found that out of 189 persons
(mostly girls between the ages of 17 and 21) who replied to his
questionnaire, 46 reported that they were attracted by persons of
opposite temperament, 43 by similar persons, 50 gave no clue, and
50 confused the issue.

Five more studies of college friendships are summarized in
Table II. It is evident that similarity rather than dissimilarity is
the rule, though the correlations are low or moderate. This general
trend is in harmony with that of questionnaire replies received by
Bogardus and Otto (3) from 138 men and 162 women students con-
cerning interests, attitudes, and abilities.

The Criterion for Friendship. The studies of resemblance between
friends present a problem which is not found in the studies of mar-
riage partners: the matching of the subjects in pairs. The criteria
for friendship have been of 2 main sorts: observed association, and
the designation of one friend by the other. Each of these is open to
a certain amount of criticism. Friendship may be inferred from the
fact that 2 persons are frequently seen together, but it is not thereby
proved. As for designation of one friend by another, the unsatis-
factoriness of this criterion is indicated by the fact that A may name
B as his “ best friend,” but B may name K and make no reference

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MENTALRESEMBLANCE BETWEEN HUSBANDSANDWIVES 115
to A.° The most satisfactory evidence would appear to be found
where A and B name each other as best friends. Probably each
criterion assures some degree of friendship, however, or indicates that
in some way the pair are related more than by a random matching.
Moreover, even under the same criterion not all the friendships will
be equal in intimacy.

Table III classifies the studies according to the criterion for
friendship which was adopted by the investigator, and also indicates
the ages of the subjects. In only one study, that by Seagoe (37),
were all the pairs mutually named and free from overlapping. The
figures which we quote from this investigator show what a wide net
was cast in order to obtain a group of 29 pairs who twice designated
each other as first choice.

CoMPARISONS AND CONCLUSIONS

In view of the facts that the present measures of personality traits
still leave something to be desired, that the groups measured have
differed widely in age and in degree of homogeneity, that the criteria
for pairing of friends have not been entirely satisfactory, and that
there were different degrees of compatibility among the husbands

5 The question whether or not choices are mutual receives especial attention
in the sociometric studies of Moreno (27). Pupils in an elementary public
school and a private preparatory school were asked to indicate whom they
would like to have sit near by, and girls in the New York State Training School
were asked whom they would prefer for housemates. Persons were found
who “like stars, capture most of the choices, others forming mutual pairs,
sometimes linked into long mutual chains or into triangles, squares, or circles,
and then an unlooked-for number of unchosen children.” In one “ social
atom,’ A might be attracted to B, C, D, E, F, and G; B, C, and D might
reject A; and G might be the only one positively attracted to A.

Moreno’s approach differs from that in the other investigations included
in the present review. The aim was to study the network of psychological
currents in a group with regard to its bearing on the group adjustment. Indi-
viduals were interviewed as to the reasons for their attractions or repulsions.
There is little statistical analysis of the factors which led to “clicking” or the
reverse. Among the generalizations from some of the interviews reported in
a supplementary section by Jennings (21) appear the statements that “ children
appear to choose associates according to attributes necessary for the joint
pursuit of common aims” (third grade); “the motivations are often based on
similarities of traits, physical and mental, of social standing, and of interests
in common pursuits. . . The rejections are . . . based largely on differences,
physical and mental” (fifth grade); “occasionally choices are made motivated
by complementary attributes” (seventh grade).

HELEN M. RICHARDSON

116

and wives, such consistencies as appear among the results of these
studies are all the more worthy of note. *
Throughout all the traits and the range of ages the correlations

TABLE III

CLASSIFICATION OF STUDIES OF FRIENDS ACCORDING TO THE CRITERION FOR
FRIENDSHIP

A. Observed Association.
Systematic Recording of the Number of Times the Subjects Were Seen
Together.

Challman (preschool)
Hagman (preschool )
Hubbard (preschool)
Wellman (elementary school)

Self-selected Groups at Summer Camp.
Partridge (adolescent boys)

Close Companionship Recognized by Others.
Vreeland & Corey (college)
Warner (elementary school age, boys’ gangs)

B. Designation of One Friend by Another.
Without Regard for Mutuality.
Almack (elementary school )
First choice for inviting to a party.
First choice to help in work.
Bogardus & Otto (college): “ chum.”
Bonser (high school): “chum.”
Cattell (college): “one intimate friend.”. (Some named more than
one. )
Flemming (college) : “best friend.”
Out of 61 women there were 38 mutual designations.
Out of 48 men there were 18 mutual designations.
Garrett (college): “one best friend.”
Pintner, Forlano, & Freedman (elementary school )

Each child listed his 3 best friends in order of preference. In 3 out
of 4 school groups, the friends named had to be from the child's
own grade.

Street (ages 17 to 21 years)
Williams (delinquent adolescents) : 2 “ chums” named by each.
Winslow (college)

Each student who answered the questionnaire also gave it to 1 friend.

Mutual Naming.
Furfey (Boy Scouts)
35 boys each named the ones he most liked to play with. 62 mutual
pairs were found.
Partridge (adolescent boys)
Each boy named 3-camp chums. Only mutual pairs were included.
Seagoe (elementary school)
First choice for inviting to a party.
Out of 823 children, 115 choices were mutual. Group I.
Out of these 115 pairs, 29 chose each other again 1 month later.
Group II.

C. No Statement Regarding Criterion.
Jenkins (junior high school)

ut
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id.

er.

MENTALRESEMBLANCE BETWEEN HUSBANDS AND WIVES

117

between the paired scores of friends or marriage partners have been

positive with very few exceptions.

At all ages, with the possible exception of part or all of the

preschool period, a tendency to resemblance in intelligence was found.

Where the population sample under consideration showed a relatively
narrow range—notably in the case of college friends and in Schiller’s
group of married couples—the correlations in intelligence were low ;
otherwise they were moderately high. This influence of the varia-
bility of the group upon the size of the correlation for mental age

appears clearly in the study by Pintner, Forlano, and Freedman (33).

When Grades 5 to 8 were included in the group, the correlations
ranged from .45 to .62 in various schools and for varying friend
combinations. When a single-grade group was under considera-
tion, the correlations ranged from .05 to .17. These data suggest
that among children a large part of the friend correlation in mental
age is due to a related chronological age factor. In the adult studies
which cover a wide social-economic range it would be desirable to
know how much correlation in intelligence scores would remain if
the social-economic factor were partialed out.

In traits of temperament, the correlations at most ages have
tended to run considerably lower than in intelligence, though
they are still positive in the great majority of cases. The question
may be raised whether the low and unreliable coefficients are due
to a lack of a definite trend with respect to resemblance, or whether
they are partly a by-product of the unreliability of the available
measuring instruments in this field. It is in the field of temperament
that the one negative correlation which approached reliability
appeared: the correlation for extroversion in a group of 15 two-
year-olds.

In attitudinal traits appear the greatest differences between the
results for the several age groups. At the elementary school level,
Pintner, Forlano, and Freedman (33) found correlations in measures
of cultural attitudes to be near 0. Between husbands and wives,
however, correlations in attitude scores are among the highest that
have been found in any type of trait. The fact that they are lower
between college friends may be due to an age factor again; the data
are meager, however. The field of attitudes and interests appears to
be one of the most promising approaches to the study of marital
compatibility, judging from Kirkpatrick’s (25) success in discrimi-
nating between the happily and the unhappily married by means of

118 HELEN M. RICHARDSON

his

measures of community of interests, and from some of Terman

and Buttenwieser’s results (40, 41). Further studies of this type

are desirable.

“J

10.

11.

12.

18.

19.

. Furrey, P. H. Some factors influencing the selection of boys’ chums.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Sch. & Soc., 1922, 16, 529-530.

. Beaver, A. P. The initiation of social contacts by preschool children: a

study of technique in recording social behavior. Child Develpm.
Monogr., 1932, No. 7.

. Bocarpus, R., & Orto, P. Social psychology of chums. Sociol. soc. Res.,

1936, 20, 260-270.
30nsER, F. G. Chums: a study in youthful friendships. Ped. Sem., 1902,

9, 221-236.

. Burks, B. S. The relative influence of nature and nurture upon mental

development. 27th Yearb. nat. Soc. Stud. Educ., 1928, Part I, 219-321.

. Catrett, R. B. Friends and enemies: a psychological study of character

and temperament. Character & Pers., 1934, 3, 54-63.

. CHALLMAN, R. C. Factors influencing friendships among preschool chil-

dren. Child Develpm., 1932, 3, 146-158.

. CHEVALEVA-JANOVSKAJA, E, Les groupements spontanes d’enfants a |’age

préscolaire. Arch. Psychol., Genéve, 1927, 20, 219-233.

. Crook, M. N. Intra-family relationships in personality test performance

Psychol. Rec., 1937, 1, 479-502.
Crook, M. N., & Tuomas, M. Family relationships in ascendance-sub-
mission. Publ. Univ. Calif. Educ., Phil., Psychol., 1934, 1, 189-192.
FLEMMING, E. G. Best friends. J. soc. Psychol., 1932, 8, 385-390.
FREEMAN, F. N., Horzrncer, J., & Mircuertt, B. C. The influence of the
environment on the intelligence, school achievement, and conduct of
foster children. 27th Yearb. nat. Soc. Stud. Educ., 1928, Part I, 103-217.

appl. Psychol., 1927, 11, 47-51.

. Garrett, H. E. Jews and others: some group differences in personality,

intelligence, and college achievement. Person. J., 1929, 7, 341-348.

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Develpm., 1933, 4, 237-252.

. Hagman, E,. P. The companionships of preschool children. Univ. Ja

Stud. Child Welf., 1933, 7, No. 4.

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Psychol., 1934, 5, 214-227.
Child Develpm. Monogr., 1929, No. 1, 76-85.

(soc.) Psychol., 1935, 30, 222-228.

. Jenxtns, G. G. Factors involved in children’s friendships. J. educ.

Psychol., 1931, 22, 440-448.

Hupparp, R. M. A method of studying spontaneous group formation.

Hunt, A. M. A study of the relative value of certain ideals. J. abnorm.

38. Ss

MENTALRESEMBLANCE BETWEEN HUSBANDSANDWIVES 119

Jennincs, H. Sociometric studies In Moreno, J. L., Who Shall
Survive? A New Approach to the Problem of Human Interrelations.
Nerv. ment. Dis. Monogr. Ser., 1934, No. 58, 373-425.

Jones, H. E. A first study of parent-child resemblance. 27th Yearb. nat.
Soc. Stud. Educ., 1928, Part I, 61-72.

Jones, H. E. Homogamy in intellectual abilities. Amer. J. Sociol., 1929,

35, 369-382.

KeLtty, E. L. A preliminary report on psychological factors in assortative

mating. Psychol. Bull., 1937, 34, 749. (Abstract.)

KIRKPATRICK, C. Community of interest and the measurement of marriage
adjustment. Family, 1937, 18, 133-137.

Kirkpatrick, C., & Stone, S. Attitude measurement and the comparison
of generations. J. appl. Psychol., 1935, 19, 564-582.

Moreno, J. L. Who shall survive \ new approach to the problem of
human interrelations. Nerv. ment. Dis. Monogr. Ser., 1934, No. 58.
Morcan, C. L., & Remmers, H. H Liberalism and conservatism of
college students as affected by the depression h. & Soc., 1935, 41,

780-784.
Newcoms, T., & SvVEHLA, G Intra-family relationships in attitude.

Sociometry, 1937, 1, 180-205.

Parten, M. B. Social participation among preschool children. J. abnorm.
(soc.) Psychol., 1932, 27, 243-269.

Partripce, E. D. A study of friendships among adolescent boys. J. genet.
Psychol., 1933, 43, 472-477.

PeLLettirert, A. J. Friends: factors volved in friendship-making among
adolescent boys. Nashville: Author, 1935

PINTNER, R., Fortano, G., & FrReEpMAN, H. Personality and attitudinal
similarity among classroom friends. J. appl. Psychol., 1937, 21, 48-65.

Satusky, A. S. Collective behavior of children at a preschool age. J. soc.
Psychol., 1930, 1, 367-378.

. ScHILLeR, B. A quantitative analysis of marriage selection in a small

group. J. soc. Psychol., 1932, 3, 297-319

ScnHootey, M. Personality resemblances among married couples. J.
abnorm. (soc.) Psychol., 1936, 31, 340-347.

Seacor, M. V. Factors influencing the selection of associates. J. educ.
Res., 1933, 27, 32-40.

Street, J. R. A study in moral education. Ped. Sem., 1898, 5, 2-40.

Swarp, K., & Frrepman, M. B. The family resemblance in temperament
J. abnorm. (soc.) Psychol., 1935, 30, 256-261

. TERMAN, L. M., & Butrenwieser, P. Personality factors in marital com-

patibility: I. J. soc. Psychol., 1935, 6, 143-171.

. TERMAN, L. M., & Buttenwieser, P. Personality factors in marital com-

patibility: II. J. soc. Psychol., 1935, 6, 267-289.

. VREELAND, F. M., & Corey, S. M. A study of college friendships. J.

abnorm. (soc.) Psychol., 1935, 30, 229-236.

. Warner, M. L. Influence of mental level in the formation of boys’ gangs.

J. appl. Psychol., 1923, 7, 224-236

120 HELEN M. RICHARDSON

44. Wettman, B. The school child’s choice of companions. J. educ. Res.,
1926, 14, 126-132.

45. Wuurams, P. E. Study of adolescent friendships. Ped. Sem., 1923, 30,
342-346.

46. Wiuttovcusy, R. R. Family similarities in mental test abilities. Genet.
Psychol. Monogr., 1927, 2, 235-275.

47. WiutoucHsy, R. R. Family similarities in mental test abilities. 27th
Vearb. nat. Soc. Stud. Educ., 1928, Part I, 55-59.

48. WrttoucHupy, R. R. Neuroticism in marriage: IV. Homogamy. J. soc.

Psychol., 1936, 7, 19-31.

Wrinstow, C. N. A study of the extent of agreement between friends’
opinions and their ability to estimate the opinions of each other. J. soc.
Psychol., 1937, 8, 433-441.

50. ZaALuzuHwntr. A. S. Formation of social habits in children of preschool age.

In Murphy, G., & Murphy, L. B., Experimental Social Psychology.

New York: Harper, 1931. Pp. 282-283.

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BOOK REVIEWS

SKINNER, B. F. The behavior of organisms. New York: Appleton-
Century, 1938. Pp. ix+45/.

Skinner proposes a system for the convenient formulation of
behavioral data, and then proceeds to describe experiments which test the
system. The book represents the culmination of a program of research
originally projected in a semihistorical doctoral dissertation at Harvard
on the concept of the reflex. The experimentation, concerned almost
exclusively with the lever-pressing activity of rats, began to appear in
1930. The book summarizes previous reports and adds new data. In
order to estimate the success with which the author achieved his pur-
poses, tentative answers to three questions will be attempted: (1) What
are the chief characteristics of the system which he proposes? (2) Of
what significance are the experimental findings, both as a validation of
his system, and in relation to the problems of psychology conceived in
other ways? (3) Is the system as formulated and supported experi-
mentally likely to become a competitor to other existing systems of
psychology? These are difficult qugstions, which cannot be answered
confidently. Yet to ask any less sigmificant questions would be to under-
estimate the task which the author set himself.

1. The Nature of the System. Skinner proposes what is strictly a
science of behavior, therefore neither a mental science nor a neural
science. His system is in this respect in keeping with current trends as
represented, for example, in the writings of Guthrie, Hull, Lewin, and
Tolman. In none of these systems is there recourse to neuroanatomy.
Skinner takes a firm stand in favor of descriptive positivism, against
hypotheses. “A purely descriptive science is never popular. For the
man whose curiosity about nature is not equal to his interest in the
accuracy of his guesses, the hypothesis is the very life-blood of science ”’
(p. 426). “ Deductions and the testing of hypotheses are actually sub-
ordinate processes in a descriptive science, which proceeds largely or
wholly without hypotheses to the quantitative determination of the prop-
erties of behavior and through induction to the establishment of laws”
(p. 437). In this he is, of course, outside the trends currently popular
in psychology.

Since the structure of a descriptive system is determined by its
subject matter, it is pertinent to inquire how the subject matter is selected.
It is evident that two influences have directed Skinner’s choice of repre-
sentative behavior. In the first place, he believes that the reflex is the
analytical unit which makes possible the scientific investigation of
behavior (p. 9). The reflex is not to be thought of in neural terms.
however, but is to be defined as a correlation between stimulus and
response. The choice cf the reflex as the analytical unit determines the

121

122 BOOK REVIEWS

——

general formulation of the ‘laws’ which include after-discharge, tem-
poral summation, refractory phase, facilitation, inhibition, conditioning,
extinction, and so on. It is evident that the laws are not discovered or
formulated entirely de novo, but derive largely from Sherrington,
Magnus, and Pavlov. They are all redefined operationally to apply to
behavior without neurological implication, and as so defined they are not
the laws of spinal reflexes. As stated, they do not appear to the reviewer
to be laws at all, but collections of variables probably correlated in such
ways that laws might be looked for. To describe them as laws of behavior
is like speaking of a ‘law of moisture’ or a ‘law of sunshine’ as laws
of growth at the stage when little more is known than that moisture and
sunshine favor growth. The ‘laws’ do, however, direct the inquiry, and
hence are surrogates for hypotheses. The choice of the rat’s lever-
pressing for food as the representative reflex was probably dictated by
the desire to show that precise relationships much like those of the
neurologists could be validated within behavior which physiologists
would not be tempted to call reflex.

It would be a mistake to give the impression that Skinner makes a
careless use of analogy in calling a rewarded act a reflex or in adopting
the physiologist’s names for the laws which describe this act. His is a
formal and sophisticated system, and when he does violence to the con-
temporary socially accepted concept of the reflex, he knows very well
what he is doing. Definitions are given with extreme care.

Che real significance of the selection of a rewarded act as the repre-
sentative behavior apparently became clearer to Skinner as the experi-
ments progressed, for one of the more important distinctions did not
ippear in the published reports until 1937. This is the distinction between
respondent behavior, which, like an ordinary reflex, is elicited by a
precise stimulus, and operani behavior, which is not elicited by identi-
fiable stimuli but may be said to be emitted. This is the behavior, some-
times called random or spontaneous, important in trial-and-error situ-
itions such as that which Skinner studies. Respondent behavior is sig-
nificantly correlated with antecedent stimuli; the relations into which
operant behavior enters are different. It is operant behavior which is
strengthened when lever-pressing is rewarded. It does not matter what
caused the rat to depress the lever the first time; once the operant
response has produced food, the operant is strengthened. When operant
behavior is correlated with a stimulus, the situation always involves
discrimination. The discriminated stimulus is really only a cue or
occasion for the behavior, not a true stimulus to elicit the behavior. The
distinction between respondent and operant has been implicit in
Thorndike’s work all along, but it did not become explicit because the
use of ‘ situation’ to cover discriminated as well as eliciting stimuli per-
mitted a spurious application of the stimulus-response formula. This
clear distinction is perhaps Skinner’s most significant conceptual contri-
bution. He hopes to correct the disproportionate emphasis upon
respondent behavior by basing all of his work on operant behavior.
Having formulated laws after the pattern of reflex physiology, Skinner’s
problem is to validate and quantify the laws within operant behavior.

the
evi

BOOK REVIEWS 123

The respondent-operant distinction is an important one in setting up
two types of conditioned reflex. Pavlov’s variety is based on respondents,
and because the correlation of response is with substituted stimuli, this
is designated as Type S. Skinner’s variety strengthens a response (an
operant) by rewarding it, and to emphasize the response this is desig-
nated as Type R. Actually, Pavlov’s experiments are not pure illustra-
tions of Type S, but for expository purposes a fairly stereotyped descrip-
tion of Pavlov’s experiment is used by Skinner. The distinction between
these types is that made earlier by Thorndike between associative shift-
ing and trial-and-error.

2. The Experimental Data. The bulk of the book is devoted to
experimental findings in which the rate of response in the lever-pressing
situation is correlated with many pertinent variables: drive, reinforce-
ment, nonreinforcement, delayed reinforcement, periodic reinforcement,
liscriminatory stimuli, and differentiated response. The data are pre-
sented chiefly in the form of 148 figures, most of which are reproduced
kymograph records. Many uniformities are demonstrated, confirming
the position that lawfulness may be found in this situation. The result

lawfulness rather than new or reformulated laws. It is difficult to
letermine within a positivist system just what level of generality con-
stitutes a law. The laws formally stated before the experimentation is
eported are not resummarized after the data have been discussed. It is
to be supposed that they were found adequate. If this interpretation is

rrect, the laws were merely definitions of variables to be investigated,
and experimental verification means not that the laws are proved or
disproved, but merely that the variables chosen were convenient to direct
inquiry.

[he real quantitative laws are not, then, the laws formally stated, but
the equations which fit the reported curves in each specific instance.
There is a uniformity about the eating rate under standard conditions
which may be expressed by the law that N=kt", where N is the number
of pellets eaten in time ¢, with k and m appropriate constants. This is
never specifically called a law, but it is as near to one as any relationship
which Skinner reports. There are many relationships of this kind which
are important contributions both to the factual knowledge of behavior
and to methodology in behavioral investigations. One or two illustra-
tions may be added to indicate the richness of the data. After a single
reinforcement (once receiving a pellet following lever-pressing), there
follow a number of responses to the lever although pressing is no longer
reinforced. This yields a characteristic extinction curve. Probably no
other conditioning method provides as sensitive an indicator of the result
of a single reinforcement. The concept of the ‘ reflex reserve’ emerges,
to be distinguished from momentary strength. The ‘reflex reserve’ is
the potential number of responses to be made without further reinforce-
ment: it might be called ‘ resistance to extinction,’ in more conventional
terminology, although this does not define it adequately. A further
demonstration of considerable methodological interest is provided under
the concept of ‘ periodic reconditioning.’ When responses are reinforced
every three minutes or every six or nine or twelve minutes, a character-

124 BOOK REVIEWS

istic uniform rate of responding results, represented graphically by a
straight line of slope varying with the interval. The number of responses
under standard conditions is relatively constant, say eighteen per rein-
forcement. This value is characterized as the ‘ extinction-ratio.’ Because
of the linearity of the response curve within periodic reconditioning, it
is feasible to use this curve to test the influence of other variables, such
as differences in drive. Periodic reconditioning is not to be confused
with reinforcement at a fixed ratio. That is, if every tenth response is
reinforced, the result is not uniformity of response, but acceleration.
Ratios as large as one reinforcement for every 192 responses are
reported; under these circumstances very high rates of responding occur,
showing positive acceleration between reinforcements similar to that
which would be predicted from Hull’s goal-gradient hypothesis. These
few specimens can only suggest the great variety of relationships which
have been explored, many of which are distinctly new and should be
assimilated to the body of psychological knowledge.

3. Estimate in Relation to Other Systems. In choosing a representa-
tive sample of behavior, Skinner has been restricted by his bias in favor
of the reflex. Having made the choice for operant behavior against
respondent behavior he believes himself to have chosen more representative
behavior than that usually chosen, i.e. by Sherrington and Pavlov (p. 438).
Although he is outspoken in his denunciation of a science of behavior
which subordinates itself to neural science, he is more conspicuously aware
of neurologists and physiologists than of psychologists. Respondent
behavior is, after all, not very prominent in Ebbinghaus, Freud, McDougall,
the later Thorndike, Gestalt, and in many other behavioral systems less
physiological than Skinner’s. Had he chosen to modify their systems,
rather than the systems of those working with reflexes, he might have
developed an entirely different program, based on different representative
behavior. It is interesting in this connection to note that he devotes a
whole chapter to clarifying his service to neurology, with which he has
broken, but he devotes only three pages specifically to the systems of other
psychologists with which his work is codérdinate. The statements about
Lewin, Hull, and Tolman on these pages are intelligent, but cursory.
Tolman’s system is recognized as the nearest relative. Thorndike, another
close relative, is ignored in this comparison.

It is unfortunate that Skinner did not do his readers the service of
relating his system in greater detail to the experimental data of other
investigators. His own comment is significant: “ There is no implication
whatever that this is the only important work that has been done in the
field, but simply that I have had little luck in finding relevant material
elsewhere because of differences in basic formulations and their effect on
the choice of variables to be studied” (p. 47). If Skinner has been unable
to relate his work to that of other investigators, how can a reader, coming
fresh upon this new body of material, be asked to make the transitions?
The difficulties in making the extensions of the system may result in the

book’s being less useful, and perhaps less influential, than it ought to be.

That Skinner’s task of going beyond his own experiment would not
have been insurmountable is evident through the studies now beginning
to appear from Hull’s laboratory, in which Skinner’s situation is used, but

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BOOK REVIEWS 125

the results of which are reported in accordance with more familiar con-
ventions. The expedient of adding a second lever codrdinates his situation
with choice-point behavior, so important in other systems. It may be that
these and related studies will result in bringing to Skinner’s work the
attention which it deserves.
Ernest R. HiILGaArp.
Stanford University.

OcpeNn, R. M. The psychology of art. New York: Scribner, 1938.
Pp. xviiit+291.

In the early years of his academic life R. M. Ogden acquired an
interest in things aesthetic at least partly through his contacts with W. A.
Hammond and O. Kilpe. In 1905 he published the Esthetic attitude
and in 1907 he was the cotranslator with Max Meyer of A. Hildebrand’s
The problem of form in painting and sculpture. Since that time he has
published an occasional treatise on the psychology of the arts, the best
known being his book, Hearing, which appeared in 1924. The scope of
these offerings has not been narrowly confined but has dealt with such
widely different problems as psychical distance, consonance, naive
geometry applied to painting and architecture, and schools of art. The
present book can be considered as touching on all of these interests.

The title, The psychology of art, adequately indicates the book’s con-
tents only if one accepts a rather restricted view of psychology. The
treatment is observational and quantitative, but rarely experimental in
the sense in which modern psychologists employ the term. Of the few
experimental findings noted, the majority are to be found in the auditory
sections. The only American psychologists to whom reference is made
are G. T. Buswell,-R. C. Givler, and H. S. Langfeld, and the German-
Americans included are W. Kohler and K. Lewin. The contents reveal
the interests of a well-trained psychologist who has a tremendous interest
in and a large knowledge of the arts. In consideration of the tr-~tment,
a more adequate title might have been The arts as a psychclogist sees
them.

The author defines the aesthetic as “a felt behavior, the pattern of
which lacks discernment.” The artistic is “the perfection of means to
ends, a perfection which becomes artful only as the means themselves
become an end” (p. 16). Asa Gestalt psychologist, Ogden warns against
too static a type of aesthetic analysis. Birkhoff’s well-known M, for
example, is far too static for a place in the author’s system. Every work
of art is a figure-ground pattern which is nonenumerative.

After an introductory section, two chapters are devoted to the prob-
lems of music. The material is essentially, with a few extensions, what
is to be found in Max Meyer’s The musician’s arithmetic. Ogden’s treat-
ment is rather uneven. Valuable space needed to amplify the description
of difficult material is occasionally devoted to what is essentially grade-
school material, e.g. over a page is devoted to a description of the several
sorts of rests and notes. On the whole, however, the treatment is concise
and fair.

Poetry is discussed under the major headings of literary art and

126 BOOK REVIEWS

prosody. The subheadings are: poetry and prose, the nature of literary
art, linguistic sound, rhyme, assonance, alliteration, rhythm, literary style,
the poetic foot, poetic metre, modern poetry, poetic inspiration, and
literary forms. The material, in the main, is far-removed from the
psychological laboratory. Ogden’s treatment, therefore, is forced to be
largely that of the professor of English. The chapters, nevertheless,
make interesting reading.

The five chapters devoted to visual art are profusely illustrated with
photographs and figures. The more important of the currently accepted
art principles are described and many psychological findings are shown
to bear directly on the problems of the arts. Attention is paid to the
tectonic arts as well as to drawing, painting, and sculpture. The author
dislikes the currently popular “modern house.” To justify this dislike
he has presented a photograph at which even the enthusiasts for modern
housing will shudder. His choice of a photograph to illustrate the modern
factory building (which, incidentally, he likes) is a much happier one.

Throughout these chapters the author’s ‘ gestaltish’ inclination is
shown by frequent references to figure and ground, by the mention of
“strong figures,” by a lack of interest in preferences for isolated colors
and forms, and by the quest for functional entities. The discussion of the
last-mentioned quest furnishes what is perhaps the most intriguing
portion of the book. Art objects are analyzed in an attempt to learn
whether they show static or dynamic symmetries. Naive geometries are
assumed to have operated in the construction of the famous art objects of
antiquity. In speaking of architecture Ogden says: “It is surely not a
matter of chance that measurements of the whole permit an analysis of
its members into subtle geometrical proportions” (p. 239).

Many aestheticians and psychologists will not hold with Ogden that
geometry has these intimate connections with the arts. They may see,
for example, little relation between our high regard for the Parthenon
and the fact that its Euthynteria contains two squares and two root-five
rectangles. Yet it is the reviewer’s guess that they cannot but be
fascinated by Ogden’s discourse on golden sectors, root rectangles,
Pythagorean stars, whirling squares, and all the other geometric oddities.

The last section is devoted to an appeal for eurhythmics, for “ the use
of right rhythms in postural behavior” (p. 272). As Ogden conceives
the issue, our pedagogy should retrieve, if possible, the rhythmic pro-
cedures of classical Greece. Dalcroze’s more narrowly conceived system
of eurhythmics furnishes a step in the correct direction. To this should
be added the rhythmic approach to vocalization and _ verbalization.
“ Aesthetic pleasure and efficient performance go hand in hand” (p. 272).

The Carnegie Corporation of New York should be thanked for financ-
ing Ogden’s The psychology of art. Except for the section on music,
the Ogden book overlaps very little the other modern volumes devoted to
the psychological aspects of aesthetics. It is packed with interesting
observations and speculations. For these reasons it should find its place
on the book shelf of every psychologist who has an interest in some one
of the arts.

Pau R. FARNSworTH.

Stanford University.

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BOOK REVIEWS 127

FREDERICK, R. W. How to study handbook. New York: Appleton-
Century, 1938. Pp. xxviiit+442

So many crimes have been committed in the name of secondary school
handbooks on “ How to Study” that one has come to look askance at any
volume bearing this title. Because volumes of this sort have issued chiefly
from the hands of well-intentioned but uninformed folk, the appearance
of a carefully written handbook which bears the earmarks of firsthand
acquaintance with cognate psychological researches is an event worth
noting. Frederick’s manual unquestionably belongs in the latter category.
Instead of presenting speculative ‘rules’ proclaimed as true by a man of
experience, Frederick has produced a series of discussions which are
uniformly aligned with the literature of experimental psychology. Fur-
thermore, he has, without loss of dignity, written on a level suitable tor
secondary school students. Some portion of the credit should go to
W. H. Burton for the editorial assistance acknowledged by the author,
but the coherence of the final product leaves no doubt as to the soundness
of the groundwork itself.

lhe volume opens with a dozen brief chapters on reading, which
occupy a total of ninety-eight pages. The exposition is clear and thought-
provoking. One might wish for a more extensive treatment of remedial
measures, but one cannot quarrel with the correctness of the discussion
that is presented. Indeed, there are few college students who would fail
to profit from a careful perusal of this section.

Later chapters deal with such topics as listening in class, gathering
materials for reports, making notes, and dealing with examinations. The
chapter on experimentation seems to this reviewer to present too simple
a view of the case, and the chapters on thinking might with profit have
been carried beyond the conventional limits. The author does occa-
sionally slip into careless use of such psychologically flavored terms as
‘unconscious ’ and ‘ subconscious’ and he does go into details which have
nothing to do with studying and which only serve to interrupt the march
of the exposition. These shortcomings, however, are not of great impor-
tance, and they are more than nullified by the empirical tenor and logical
coherence of the volume. It may be enough to say that many psycholo-
gists will probably be pleased to see it in the hands of the teachers of
their own offspring.

Joun G. JENKINS.

University of Maryland

Rei, A. C. Elements of psychology: an introduction. New York:
Prentice-Hall, 1938. Pp. xix+409

The appearance of a new textbook in general psychology is hardly a
novelty these days. Hall’s concern in the period of the nineties about
the “ multiplication of textbooks” would appear to be more germane if
expressed today than in Hall’s own day. It is not easy to classify current
textbooks in general psychology. Undoubtedly, however, it would be fair
to state that many texts show the influence of functional and dynamic
concepts—perhaps the dominant psychological mode in America. Several
current texts utilize behavioristic concepts and

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Gestalt interpretations.

128 BOOK REVIEWS

A great many—perhaps a large majority—are undeniably eclectic in
treatment. There appears to be a slight tendency to write psychology
texts down to the level of the great mediocrity. This trend is hazardous
for psychology or any other science. (The above statement is not to
imply, however, that there may not be a field for books written in a
humanistic vein. )

Taking as a point of reference the current modes of psychological
treatment, Reid’s psychology appears to be anachronistic; for “ Elements
of Psychology” is a thoroughgoing introspectionism. The writer has
undoubtedly been influenced very greatly by the teachings and writings
of the late Professor Titchener, and the pattern of the book resembles
closely the Titchenerian model. Since mind is defined in terms of con-
scious content, it will be obvious that the text omits a discussion of many
topics that are of current interest in psychology, such as perceptual-
motor learning, motivation, intelligence, and personality.

Of the 379 pages of text, 130 pages, or slightly over a third of the
book, are devoted to the topic of sensation, including intensity relations.
Other orthodox topics, from the introspective point of view, are, of
course, image, affection (sensation, image, and affection are regarded as
mental elements), perception, association and memory, attention, emotion,
and action.

The material of the book is systematically organized. The style is
clear and concise, and the treatment is serious and dignified. For any
teacher who might wish to introduce psychology from an introspective
point of view, the reviewer would recommend the book without equivo-
cation. So far as the reviewer was able to detect, the book is relatively
free from errers. However, he was disturbed by the definition of ‘ retro-
active inhibition’: “ Retroactive inhibition is the condition in which the
process of forming associations seems to stop some time prior to the
moment at which one’s experiences cease.” The discussion following
this statement seems to indicate that the author has in mind what is
generally referred to as anterograde amnesia. From an etymological
standpoint, this might be a possible usage of the term; however it has
come to have a technical meaning in psychology which is quite different
from this, and which has widespread acceptance.

Paut L. WHiITELY.

Franklin and Marshall College.

Powers, F. F., McConnerr, T. R., Trow, W. C., Moore, B. V., &
Skinner, C. E. Psychology in everyday living. Boston: Heath,
1938. Pp. x+511.

The purpose of the authors in writing this volume was “to meet the
need of the college student for a well-integrated, modern text which will
materially contribute to his abilitv to manage his own life, and to the
realization of certain other fundamental purposes of a general ‘liberal
education.” This book is intended for those “students who, for the
most part, will never become professional psychologists.” Hence, “ such
concepts as managing one’s own life, personality development, planning 4

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BOOK REVIEWS 129

career, socialization, learning, and other practical applications have been
stressed.” In the words of the authors “the volume is not just another
traditional textbook.”

An attempt is made not only to present ‘the facts of empirical psy-
chology, but also to show their implications where possible.” Therefore,
to this end, the book, consisting of twenty-one chapters, is divided into
five parts: (1) “ The Nature of Psychology,” (2) “ Understanding Our-
selves,’ (3) “ Adjustment to College and Life,” (4) “ Learning and
Study,” and (5) “ Applications of Psychology.”

Chapters I and II deal with topics that are usually considered in the
introductory chapters of texts written for beginners. These chapters,
however, are flavored somewhat with practical suggestions, and, the
writer thinks, should prove to be rather stimulating to the beginner.
Many of the traditional topics usually treated in a text intended for
beginners are omitted. Others are briefly treated in Chapters III to IX,
inclusive. The discussions of the determinants of behavior, the physio-
logical and functional principles, and types of behavior are inadequate.
The treatment ot receptors, connectors, and effectors is hardly more than
an outline of these parts. Some valuable and practical suggestions are
offered in the chapters dealing with personality and adjustments.
Although the treatments of emotions, intelligence, motivation, and indi-
vidual differences are simple in nature, they are modern in substance and
thought-provoking.

There is a tendency on the part of the authors to do a lot of listing
and enumerating. Throughout the entire book discussions are brief.
Hence, the writer thinks that perhaps beginning students who use the
book as a text will be apt to learn more about psychology and less of
psychology. However, this approach to a study of the science may be
the better one. If and when a student learns a lot about a science, his
interests usually become more profound in it, and he is stimulated to
further study in that field. Often, the first course taken in a field of
study furnishes the basis for a decision, on the part of the student, either
to take more courses in that field or to drop the study there. In that case,
the comprehension of the real nature and subject matter of psychology
might well be left for succeeding courses.

The materials discussed in Part Three, comprising Chapters X, XI,
and XII, rightly belong to the fields of social psychology, vocational
guidance, and matrimonial guidance. The brief consideration of prob-
lems in these fields might well be extended. While the treatment is brief,
many timely suggestions are offered that should prove to be most
valuable.

The discussion of the learning process, constituting all of Part Four,
continues for five chapters. This consideration, including a discussion
of the formation of study habits, is the most exhaustive treatment in the
book. The authors avoid all controversial topics and theories in this
field. Also, they do not advocate any new theories and short cuts in the
learning process.

Part Five is a treatise on applied psychology. The fields of appli-
cation here considered are business, industry, law, politics, religion, medi-

130 BOOK REVIEWS

cine, and education. It is surprising to one to learn how much practical
psychology is to be found in the volume. Relatively few footnotes are
employed, but copious references are to be found in connection with the
various chapters. In addition, there is an appendix containing a long
list of supplementary books.
OssporNE WILLIAMS.
University of Florida.

StrRANG, R. An introduction to child study. (Rev. ed.) New York:
Macmillan, 1938. Pp. xv+681.

“Tt is hoped that this book will prove useful to individual
parents . . .; to parents’ clubs, county demonstration groups, and other
organizations of adults; to parent-teacher associations; to advanced high-
school students in home-economics classes; to teachers . . . ; to students
in liberal arts colleges . . .; and to students of psychology .. .; as
well as to students in teachers’ colleges, normal schools, and nurses’
training schools, for whom the book is primarily intended.”’ Dr. Strang’s
statement of the composite reader-group for whom she is writing explains
to the critical reader the essentially elementary character of the book.
She has succeeded in keeping the style and treatment simple enough for
the comprehension of high school students and of so-called “ average”
parents. By so doing she has undoubtedly oversimplified to the pcint
that the work has lost some of its value as a textbook for the more
advanced groups for which she also designed it. This is inevitable; and
it is probable that the greater need today is for a book which will meet
the needs of the larger group of less specialized students, elementary
teachers, nurses, and parents.

In her selection of material the author has been no less restricted
than in delimiting her audience. Obviously, it is conceivable that, in its
broader scope, “ child study ” does include material from a great variety
of approaches, including those of medicine, pediatrics, anthropology, and

nutrition, as well as those of psychology, education, and “ child training.” |

However, it is a Herculean task to attempt to unify material from so great
a variety of sources, and it is not surprising that some sections of the
book are little more than compendia of useful information.

In developing her material, Dr. Strang has followed a strict chrono-
logical order, from the prenatal period through adolescence. Each sec-
tion is divided into chapters on development, how the child learns, special
problems of the period, and suggestions on how to study the child. There
is evidence of thorough familiarity with the literature of the subject,
although on occasion the tendency to simplify leads the author to draw
somewhat more definite conclusions than those of the original study.
Each chapter is followed by a list of “ questions and problems for class
discussion or study groups”; each section carries an annotated bibliog-
raphy of standard books in the field. From time to time there are blanks
in which a mother may record the development of her own child, and
compare this with the norm. The appendix contains height-weight tables
for children from one month to twelve years of age, and a summary of

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BOOK REVIEWS 131

play materials for children from birth to eighteen years of age. (This
latter was prepared by Dr. Katherine B. Greene.)

In spite of the various individual excellences of the book, it is unfor-
tunate that the general impression on the reader is that of a handbook
of helpful hints, which might have been compiled from daily articles in
a newspaper column. For the lay mother it probably has a certain value
which might justify giving it a place on the shelf between the cookbook
and the World Almanac.

HeLen MARSHALL:
Stanford University.

June, C. G. Psychology and religion. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press,

1938. Pp. 131.

Dr. Jung works from the facts which his clinical experience discovers
to broad and far-reaching hypotheses which, in turn, largely control his
clinical methods—an entirely proper practice which is used by all scien-
tists. Dr. Jung, no more and no less than others, faces the danger that
facts which support his basic thesis are more easily discerned than those
which apparently oppose it. Since the most fundamental hypothesis
which Dr. Jung accepts is distinctly different from those accepted by the
majority of psychiatrists, psychologists, and students of religion gen-
erally, his Terry Lectures for 1938 are somewhat difficult to read
appreciatively.

[he basic thesis which Dr. Jung accepts is that “ self” is the totality
of conscious and unconscious existence, a summation of individual and
racial experience of wh... the latter is the more important both in bulk
and in dynamic quality. Every individual experience contains something
unknown, since some of its content comes from a psyche more complete
than consciousness. In other words, it is a mistake to consider the indi-
vidual human psyche as a merely personal affair.

The unconscious portion of the self makes itself obvious only in special
circumstances. In emergencies, for instance, unexpected, new, and
strange instinctive forces appear. Character is amazingly changed. In
neurosis much the same kind of thing occurs. There is a manifestation
of a power and a meaning which is not yet understood but ‘which has a
devastating effect upon even highly rationalistic and intellectual men.

The modern mind has forgotten those old truths which speak of the
death of the “ old man” and the making of the new, of spiritual rebirth,
and so on. The modern attitude is to look back upon the mists of
credulity and superstition from which man has emerged with pride, for-
getting that he carries all of the past in his unconscious. The reviewer
at this point is uncomfortably uncertain whether or not Dr. Jung regards
the disappearance of superstition and credulity as regrettable. But per-
haps he means that since, in his view, these have to exist somewhere it
is better that they exist on the conscious level.

Religious experience seems to have to do with the unconscious areas
of self which are, now and then, faced consciously. Such confrontation
is terrifying and from it man seeks refuge in dogma and ritual. That is to
say, religion is a substitute which replaces the immediate experience

132 BOOK REVIEWS

of unconsciously retained racial history with symbols which are vested
in creed and ritual authoritatively supported by an institutional church
or by evangelistic fervor. Dogma represents the self more completely
than any scientific theory since the latter expresses the conscious mind
alone. Ritual, largely abandoned by Protestants, to their partial undoing,
has always been a safe and pleasant way of dealing with the unaccountable
forces of the unconscious mind.

Religion is a relationship to the highest or strongest value. That
psychological fact which is the greatest power in any system is its Deity.
Any religion rooted in the history of a people is a true exposition of its
psychology; that is, of its fears, desires, and frustrations. This relation-
ship is expressed in symbols, the likeness of which in different religious
groups proves the existence of an archetypal image of Deity—not at all
the same thing as proving the existence of Deity, but very important
nevertheless.

There is more in this compact littke volume than this. Dr. Jung is
convinced that dreams, especially those with any repeated content, are
revelatory of the unconscious territories of mind. Dreams, he says, are
visible links in a chain of unconscious events. In his argument he works
from dream analysis to the more general theories reported above. ‘There
is also an interesting description of the quaternity symbol and of what
the author calls the “ heretical attempt to improve on the dogma of the
Trinity.”

Psychology and religion is interesting and valuable after the reader
has mastered a somewhat difficult style. When properly considered as
phenomena of social psychology rather than as a sacrosanctus beyond
the possibility of intelligent consideration, religion must be recognized
as of enormous importance. Every attempt at fundamental analysis is
welcome. Dr. Jung has made a contribution of importance to scholars,
though one more easily understood by devotees of his variety of psycho-
analysis than by those who are skeptical of the whole psychoanalytic
approach. The book is not intended for and has little to offer one who
may be termed ‘the practical religious worker.’

Grorce R. WELLS.

Hartford Seminary Foundation.

Partripce, E. D. Social psychology of adolescence. New York:
Prentice-Hall, 1938. Pp. xv+36l.

In writing the Social psychology of adolescence, Partridge set for
himself the task of surveying the fields of psychology and sociology as
they relate to young people. He emphasizes the rdle of patterns of
culture as determinants of behavior of the young individual; hence,
adolescence is attributed importance more because of social implications
attendant upon development than because of biological processes occurring
at that age. The point of view adopted is that an understanding of the
behavior of young people entails a study of the “total configuration of
the individual as a part of a large and complicated social scheme.”

Chapters I and II are introductory to the main treatment of adoles-
cence. In them Partridge stresses again and again the relationships in

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BOOK REVIEWS 133

the environment as they influence behavior. A field-theoretical approach,
Gestalt method, is suggested as a means of attacking these relationships.
The timeworn arguments in favor of Gestalt methods and the typical
Gestaltian attacks on analytical psychology are given. This controversial
matter might well have been omitted. It can contribute little to a lay
reader, or even an elementary student in psychology; furthermore, the
treatment of subsequent portions of the book is little influenced by it.

In the remaining chapters of the book, the social psychology of
adolescence is presented. As one would anticipate, the physical and
physiological facts pertaining to adolescence are not stressed. Recog-
nition is given them, however, as influences upon the personal and social
adjustment of the individual. The author discusses the nature of the
individual with respect to his adaptability through learning and through
the adoption of common ways of maintaining integrity: retreating,
rationalizing, sublimating, etc. The social implications of individual dif-
ferences in mental abilities and pliysical characteristics are then pre-
sented. Following this, the informal group is characterized and its
influences on individual behavior are given. Adolescent leaders and
their influences on individuals are ably discussed in the light of numerous
investigations. The remainder of the book is a comprehensive treatment
of the influences on behavior of the group, the sexes, the family, leisure
time, the community, education, and factors which lead to delinquency
and other abnormalities.

For use as a one-semester text on adolescence this book has many
virtues and few defects. It is interesting to read and is readily compre-
hensible. While it contains few figures, graphs, and tables, it has ade-
quate contemporary references given in footnotes and at the end of each
chapter. The transition from chapter to chapter is orderly and coherent.
The author does not deviate from the field of study, the process of
acquiring social maturity. This coherence is due in part to his contention
that few characteristics of development are peculiar to adolescence. Thus
he recognizes that development is continuous and that processes beginning
early in life affect behavior as a constant rather than as a periodic influ-
ence. The book should be more teachable than its contemporaries which
treat separately and often unrelatedly the development of such aspects as
physique, intelligence, emotion, motivation, morality, and personality.

Joun B. Wotre.

University of Mississippi.

Grecc, F. M. The psychology of a growing personality. Lincoln,

Nebraska: Personality Press, 1938. Pp. xvt489.

In The psychology of a growing personality, Gregg presents a
McDougallian-tinged view of psychology for character educators and
nonacademic men and women. He discusses the general topics of intro-
ductory psychology, personality, and mental hygiene around an outline of
~ Stages” of individual development: Babyhood, Dramatic Age, Big-
Injun Age, Age of Loyalty, Mate-seeking Age, Romantic Age, Adulthood.

Much of the material of the book came from lectures which the author
had given to parents, teachers, and lay audiences. Hence, it is not sur-
prising that little experimental data are given and, further, that the bibli-

134 BOOK REVIEWS

ography is heavily weighted with popular and secondary source materials.
Stories and anecdotes are used extensively as interest-holding devices
and as vehicles for character education, as the author conceives it.

Readers of this book may gain improper impressions from it. They
are told, for example, that conditioning from environmental influences
begins at the moment of birth; that an IQ of 77 means that the individual
possessing it is 77% as smart as the average boy or girl of his chrono-
logical age; that educational psychologists are environmentalists partly
because they have had little background in neurology; that extreme
behaviorism (present-day behaviorism is ignored) is undesirable and
frequently leads an individual into sensuality; that there are seven psycho-
logical theories of why people behave, four theories of personality deter-
mination, ten schools of psychology. Too much stress is placed upon
instinctive tendencies as explanations of behavior and upon precarious
“ stages ” into which development of behavior has been classified.

Joun B. Wo tre.
University of Mississippi.

BiueMeL, C. S. The troubled mind: a study of nervous and mental
illnesses. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1938. Pp. ix+520.

A common procedure for books dealing with psychopathology is to
give rather scanty descriptive material accompanied by extensive theoreti-
cal interpretations. Bluemel reverses this emphasis and presents a wealth
of excerpts from the behavior records of patients while devoting relatively
little space to the exposition of views as to why they behave as they do.
Furthermore, instead of dwelling largely upon cases of extreme mental
derangement, he devotes about 70% of his book to the milder forms of
psychoneuroses.

He takes up in order some fifty symptoms. His general procedure
is to give a description of the symptom and then to illustrate from case
records the several ways in which this symptom may appear. He does
not clutter up his case descriptions with irrelevant items the way so
many writers in this field do.

The manifold forms that psychopathic behavior may take are made
exceedingly clear by the multiplicity of types which Bluemel describes.
To those persons who have not had extensive contact with psychotic
patients this book should be exceptionally illuminating. It should help
to dispel the current lay notion that there is some common factor running
through all mentally disturbed individuals.

There is no doubt that the author himself considers the greatest con-
tribution of his book to be the application of the principles set forth to
an understanding of psychopathic individuals who are at large and
especially those in public life. He considers the aggressive psychopath
who manages to gain some official position to be more dangerous than
the more modest psychotic individual who keeps his maladjustments a
private matter. The drive of the public-spirited psychopath may lead to
social unrest, political upheaval, war, and revolution.

The book is not intended for psychiatrists or specialists but for those
individuals who must deal with people and who might be helped in their
social contacts by substituting understanding for intolerance. Because

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BOOK REVIEWS 135

of this aim the book says very little about treatment and the methods of
treatment that are suggested are usually of a very general nature.
Bluemel gives some theoretical discussion of the way in which the prin-
ciples of learning and conditioning may be invoked to explain functional
mental abnormalities but does not fall into the error of attempting to
trace all abnormalities to some such central factors as the libido, inferi-
ority complex, Oedipus complex, instincts, or the like.

The reader who is not familiar with psychopathology may be rather
confused after reading this book because of the great variety of behavior
types which are discussed, but this confusion is probably more wholesome
than the false assurance that comes to the reader of an oversimplified
treatment of mental diseases. The facts in this field are complicated and
Bluemel does not gloss over differences in any attempt to ride a hobby.

Although the greatest emphasis is given to the description of symp-
toms, the author does not leave the reader with the impression that the
removal of symptoms is the essential aim of therapy. He shows very
clearly that these symptoms are the result of more deep-seated difficulties
and, while temporary measures are sometimes demanded, sound procedure
involves a search for the more basic causal factors.

The person who knows nothing of psychopathology can read this book
with interest and profit, and the expert in the field will find the book
very reireshing.

Joun J. B. Morcan.

Ve rthwestern ( ‘niversit

Apams, R. Interracial marriage in Hawaii. New York: Macmillan,

1937. Pp. xviit+353.

Dr. Adams’ book on racial intermarriage has for a factual foundation
census reports, supplemented further by annual reports of the Governor
of Hawaii. The discussion of the various population trends, as shown
by these figures, is based, however, on Dr. Adams’ own observations and
experience as professor of sociology in the University of Hawaii, and
leads directly to an interesting interpretation of the customs and atti-
tudes of the various ethnic groups resident there. It is primarily a
sociological document, but contains considerable material of value to
social psychologists.

iii

widely known, but not the details. The early coming of the first

The general outlines of the history of immigration to Hawaii are

Polynesian navigators who crossed the immense open spaces of the
Pacific, first to discover and then to populate the islands, is lost to view
except through the shadowy media of myth and tradition. The whites
were the next discoverers and the earliest nonnative settlers. Then came
in successive waves the peoples who now make up the bulk of Hawaii’s
population: Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Koreans, Puerto Ricans,
Filipinos—each group contributing its share to the racial composite.

Hawaii has been called many things: the Paradise of the Pacific,
a racial laboratory, the crossroads of the Pacific, America’s listening post
towards the Orient—all designations more or less deserved.

From the human standpoint, an interracial poker game in which the
Whites have assumed the perpetual right to shuffle and deal the cards

wo | SN

136 BOOK REVIEWS

and call the turn would be, in the reviewer’s opinion, as apt an analogy
as any. That it is as friendly a game, with the players borrowing and
lending among themselves—and occasionally taking a peek at their
opponents’ hands—is rather extraordinary. To those who are interested
in these adjustments and an authoritative account of when the players
arrived and what they paid to sit in the game, Adams’ book will be a
useful guide. Racial intermarriage was and is the outstanding feature
of these group adjustments and determines more than anything else who
can borrow from whom.

Space will not permit any extended review of the author’s observa-
tions and interpretations of the acculturation processes in Hawaii, but
as the Japanese are the most numerous group and represent the plaver
about whose hand the dealer is most uncertain, we might pay some atten-
tion to the chapter which deals with their social organization.

The Japanese, in 1930, constituted about 38% of the total population
and four years later this proportion had not shrunk. Meanwhile, the fact
that 44% of the female population was of this ancestry does not indicate
any decided drop in the future size of the group.

Probably the most interesting fact about this immigrant group is that,
unlike the Americans, British, and Chinese, they have not intermarried
freely with other peoples. Their outmarriages have been comparatively
few. Adams explains this unusual restraint as being largely due to
cultural considerations, a most important one being that Japanese mar-
riages were arranged on the basis of equivalence of family status. This
cultural attitude was preserved through the fact that the Japanese came
in large numbers and thus were able to maintain their own social life
with its customary sanctions. Adams remarks on their superior social
morale and attributes to this their good record in the Territory. “ Rela-
tive to numbers,” he says, “there are fewer arrests and convictions, there
are fewer juvenile delinquents, fewer who receive charitable aid, fewer
insane, fewer who are mentally defective.” The psychologist would, of
course, suggest that at least some of these advantages are due not only
to “superior social morale” but also to superior biological inheritance.
Even their lessened tendency to crime and delinquency may also indicate
superior temperamental qualities, and the incidence of mental defect
certainly is not dependent on social morale. Granting the fact that the
greater number of Japanese made social organization easier, we still are
at a loss to find a sufficient explanation of the dearth of outmarriages,
unless we also concede the view that these people are better disciplined
through being more conscious of social pressure and having the will
to obey.

In all other groups, especially that of the whites, Adams fully recog-
nizes the strong urge to find mates outside their own group, if women
of their own race are not available. “ Public opinion,” he states (p. 53),
“never develops among men isolated from women of their own race.”
Again he remarks: ‘“ A man is so fundamentally a social being that it is
much more important for him to enjoy something approaching normal
human relationships than it is that he shall have his first choice as to the
character of the people with whom he associates” (p. 123). To the

ro Te

‘y

BOOK REVIEWS 137

reviewer, this seems 'ike a polite sociological statement of a common
saying in Northwest Australia: ‘“ Necessity is the mother of half-castes.”

Though it is true, as Adams suggests, that brides of their own nation-
ality were more easily obtained by the Japanese than by the Chinese,
this advantage was, with regard to the great body of immigrants, more
theoretical than real. By the end of the Nineteenth Century only 20%
of the Japanese were married, while even by 1916 the Japanese sex ratio
was more highly abnormal than the average for the general population.
In other words, there was a fairly lengthy period during which Japanese
women were not available as brides and yet in this period Japanese out-
marriages were comparatively rare. Some other explanation than those
usually advanced would seem to be needed to account for this extraordi-
nary fact.

In the reviewer’s opinion, social conformity is easy for some, difficult
for others. Temperamentally, some people are submissive to discipline,
willing to remain in step, and wary of adverse public opinion. All indi-
viduals are susceptible to cultural training, but some are more susceptible
than others. The psychologist, I believe, is inclined to give more weight
to the facts of individual and group differences than is the sociologist.
Adams, however, does not neglect this factor and the reader will find in
various chapters, but particularly in the chapter (XVIII) dealing with
the character of the mixed bloods, considerable discussion of this topic.

For those who are interested in what is probably the most intensive,
though circumscribed, racial contact and amalgamation that the world
has known, the skillful observations of the sociologist on the spot will
have extreme interest and value. Hawaii maintains on the rim of her
most active volcano a laboratory under the charge of a renowned
volcanologist. The sociologists at the University of Hawaii have a
similar point of vantage on the very edge of this miniature melting pot.

Adams’ observations are characterized by shrewdness, common sense,
and scientific detachment. Except for some tendency towards repetition,
the book is interesting reading and can be highly recommended to students
of social change.

S. D. Porreus.
Umiversity of Hawaii.

Seapury, D. Adventures in self-discovery. New York: McGraw-Hill,

1938. Pp. ix+324.

The professional psychologist will find nothing of importance here.
Good precepts for living, much talk about the soul, the power of the
unconscious, subliminal forces, cosmic energy, and something vaguely
termed “neurosis ”—all expressed in a style which is sometimes simple
and clear but quite as often vague and mystical—do not make up a very
impressive book. Where it is intelligible, it is commonplace; where it
is not commonplace, it is obscure and verbose. The author has evidently
read widely but uncritically. All forms of psychoanalysis (J. B. Rhine,
Eddington, Millikan, and Bohr) appear to be accepted as equally reliable.

EpMuNpD S. ConkKLIN.
Indiana University.

BOOKS RECEIVED

Ayau, A. E. The social psychology of hunger and sex. Cam-
bridge, Mass.: Sci-Art, 1939. Pp. 160.

GiLBerT, M. S. Biography of the unborn. Baltimore: Williams
& Wilkins, 1938. Pp. x+-132.

Jacopson, E. You can sleep well: the ABC’s of restful sleep
for the average person. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1938. Pp. xx+
269.

KALLMANN, F. J., with the assistance of S. J. Rypins (with an
introduction by N. D. C. Lewis). The genetics of schizophrenia: a
study of heredity and reproduction in the families of 1,087 schizo-
phrenics. New York: Augustin, 1938. Pp. xvi+291.

KOHLER, W. The place of value in a world of facts. New York:
Liveright, 1938. Pp. ix+418.

Latour, M. Premiers principes d’une théorie générale des
émotions. (Nouvelle édition revue et augmentée: Observations
complémentaires. Douziéme série.) La stylisation au terme des
formes et des concepts. Paris: Félix Alcan, 108, Boulevard Saint-
Germain, VI*, 1938. Pp. 60.

Mutter, G. E. Hegel tiber Offenbarung Kirche und Philosophie.
Miinchen: Ernst Reinhardt, Miinchen 13, Isabellastrasse 11, 1939.
Pp. 60.

Race, H. V. The psychology of learning through experience.
Boston: Ginn, 1938. Pp. viii+384.

Riese, W., in collaboration with A. Requet. L’idée de l’homme

dans la neurologie contemporaine. Paris: Félix Alcan, 108, Boule-
vard Saint-Germain, VI*, 1938. Pp. vii+97.

Scumipt, F. Kleine Logik der Geisteswissenschaften.
Miinchen: Ernst Reinhardt, Miinchen 13, Isabellastrasse 11, 1938.
Pp. 128.

SKEELS, H. M., Uppecrarr, R., Wertman, B. L., & WILLIAMS,
H. M. A study of environmental stimulation: an orphanage pre-
school project. Univ. Ja Stud. Child Welf., Vol. XV, No. 4. Towa
City: University, 1938. Pp. 191.

138

BOOKS RECEIVE! 139

SmitH, B. O. Logical aspects of educational measurement.
New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1938. Pp. x+182.

Vittey, G. La psychiatrie et les sciences de l’‘homme. Paris:
Félix Alcan, 108, Boulevard Saint-Germain, VI*, 1938. Pp. 194.

Watton, R. P. Marihuana: America’s new drug problem.
Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1938. Pp. ix+-223

WELLMAN, B. L. The intelligence of preschool children as meas-
ured by the Merrill-Palmer scale of performance tests. Univ. Ja
Stud. Child Weif., Vol. XV, No. 3. Iowa City: University, 1938.
Pp. 150.

NOTES AND NEWS

Dr. WiLL1AM McDouGa.Lt, since 1927 professor of psychology’ at
Duke University and from 1920 to 1927 professor of psychology at
Harvard University, previously reader in mentai philosophy at the
University of Oxford and a fellow of Corpus Christi College, died on
November 28 at the age of sixty-seven years.—Science.

Dr. Harry R. DeSitva, lecturer in psychology at Harvard Univer-
sity, has been appointed research associate in psychology at Yale Uni-
versity. He will have charge of a program of Automobile Driver
Research in the Institute of Human Relations. Research on drivers will
be carried out by a staff in codperation with neighboring motor vehicle
departments. The work is made possible by a grant to Yale University
from the recently established Esso Safety Foundation.—Science.

Tue Sixteenth Annual Meeting of the American Orthopsychiatric
Association, an organization for the study and treatment of bel.avior and
its disorders, will be held at the Commodore Hotel, Lexington Avenue
and 42nd Street, New York City, on February 23, 24, and 25, 1939,
Communications relative to this meeting should be addressed to Dr.
Norvelle C. LaMar, Secretary, 149 East 73rd Street, New York City.

Tue Washington-Baltimore branch of the American Psychological
Association held its first meeting of the year at the Catholic University
of America in Washington, D. C., on November 9, in connection with
the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of that Univer-
sity. The following program was presented:

C. J. ConnaALLyY, Catholic University: “ Physique and Psychoses.”

J. P. Forey, fr., George Washington University: “ Effect of Pro-
longed Inverted Retinal Stimulation upon Spatially Codrdinated
Behavior in the Rhesus Monkey.”

T. V. Moore, Catholic University: “Theory of Perception in the
Light of Pathology and Experimental Psychology.”

A CONFERENCE on the Educational Production of Motion Pictures,
sponsored jointly by the College of Education, Ohio State University, the
National Council of Teachers of English, and the Film Project of the
American Council on Education, was held on the campus of the Ohio
State University on November 22 and 23, 1938. The program included
demonstrations, discussions of techniques, and talks on the application of
films to the various fields of education.

140

ru:
Ne
sic
rey
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NOTES AND NEWS 141

Tue Institute of Educational Research, Teachers College, Columbia
University, has completed the Semantic Word Count. This study, which
was carried out under the direction of Dr. Edward L. Thorndike, lists
all the words of more than 1 meaning which occurred in a sample df
2,500,000 words. It gives an estimate of the number of times a par-
ticular meaning is likely to occur in 1000 occurrences of a word. It
also notes the number of different types of material in which that mean-
ing is to be found; that is, its range of occurrence.

[he Semantic Word Count furthers the principle of economical
learning which was inherent in the publication of Dr. Thorndike’s first
count, The teachers word book. That book lists the 20,000 most common
words and has been used as a guide for those who write or edit school
readers and other textbooks. Educational psychology has by now
accepted the idea that the more common words are the most important
for a child to know.

[here would be no further problem if all English words had but 1
meaning. But since this is not so, it becomes equally important to know
which meanings or concepts of a word are the most important to teach.
The Semantic Count offers the first quantitative approach to this problem.

\side from its importance in grading readers, the Count provides an
opportunity for the editors of school dictionaries to improve their
product. There has always been a twofold problem for school lexi-
cographers: which meanings to include and in what order meanings
should be placed. The Semantic Count offers the solution to both of these
questions.

[he Semantic Count will also provide a useful instrument of research
in the fields of language, psychometry, and adult education, especially the
teaching of English to adult foreigners. Much interest has been expressed
in the project by educators in charge of the program of teaching English
as a secondary language in such places as India, Egypt, and the United
States Territories.

[ue Inter-Society Color Council will hold its annual meeting Feb-
ruary 23, 1939, in the auditorium of the Electric and Gas Association of
New York, 480 Lexington Avenue, New York City. The morning ses-
sion will deal with the business of the Council, which will include the
reports of committees through which the activities of the Council are
carried on. In the afternoon and evening the following programs of
invited papers of general color interest will be offered:

2:00 p.m. TECHNICAL SESSION ON COLOR TOLERANCES
This meeting is sponsored jointly by the Inter-Society Color

Council and the American Psychological Association.

Forrest Lee Dimmicx, Hobart College, Chairman

The Physics of Color Tolerances. Deane B. Jupp, National Bureau

of Standards. The physicist evaluates color differences opera-
tionally in a standard coordinate system; perceptibility of color
difference is relatively unimportant in tolerance consideration.

142 NOTES AND NEWS

The Psychophysics of Tolerances. Epwtn G. Bortne, Harvard Uni-
versity. The fundamental significance of the psychophysical
methods and techniques in the evaluation of small sensory
differences.

The Ratio Method in the Review of the Munsell Colors. Swney M.
NEWHALL, Johns Hopkins University. A promising application
in a different field of a psychological method which is being used
in color tolerance determination.

Color Tolerances as Affected by Changes in Composition and Intensity
of Illumination and Reflectance of Background. Harry HE son,
Bryn Mawr College. Typical data illustrating lawful relationships
between the hue, saturation, and lightness of surface colors and
principal conditions of viewing.

Representation of Color Tolerances on the Chromaticity ‘Diagram.
Davin L. MacApam, Eastman Kodak Company. The ICI coérdi-
nate system is recommended for color tolerance representations;
use of a coordinate system based on just noticeable color-differ-
ence data would be unjustified and misleading.

Specification of Color Tolerances at the National Bureau of Stand-
ards. DEANE B. Jupp, National Bureau of Standards. Color
tolerances have been applied by (1) specification of permissible
area on a mixture diagram, (2) use of a standard and tolerance
sample, and (3) use of the ‘NBS unit of surface-color difference.’

Industrial Color Tolerances. Isay BALINKtN, Cambridge Tile Manu-
facturing Company, Cincinnati, Ohio. Techniques and results in
the establishment of color tolerances for particular products and
purposes, and with special reference to ceramics. Control of
color uniformity by determination of rates of color variation as a
function of various: physical or chemical factors.

COLOR TOLERANCE EXHIBIT

There will be an exhibit of color tolerance problems in connection
with the afternoon program.
8:00 P.M. POPULAR SESSION: PARADE OF COLOR
M. Rea Paut, National Lead Company, Chairman

Each member body has been invited to contribute a short demon-
stration of recent color developments or of a research project of
outstanding importance to its field. The purpose is to illustrate the
color interests of each one of the member groups.

Demonstrations are assured of color in medicine; color in psy-
chology; color in textiles; color in paper; color in lighting; and color
in fashion.

Every effort will be made to present each story as dramatically as
possible. It is appreciated that the evening session will attract many
whose color experience encompasses only one limited sphere, and that
their primary interest will be to understand how color is used im
other fields. By this method a mutual appreciation of the future
possibilities in coordinated color work will be engendered.

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