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nited Nations 



DEC 13 1960 

December 1960 Volume 7 

The News in Review 
Australia, 55; Bolivia, 54; Burma, 67; Byelorussian SSR, 57; Cameroun, 
75; Ceylon, 73; Chile, 71; China, 63; Congo (Brazzaville), 61; Costa 
Rica, 78; Cyprus, 79; El Salvador, 78; Federation of Malaya, 66; 
Ghana’s reply, 62; Guinea, 64; Haiti, 71; India (second statement), 
79; Indonesia’s reply, 53; Iraq, 58, and reply (77); Ireland, 59; Israel, 
68, and replies (70); Jordan’s reply, 70; Laos, 74; Lebanon’s reply, 
70; Liberia’s reply, 77; Mali, 72; Morocco, 51; Netherlands, 52, and 
reply (53); New Zealand, 49; Norway, 60, and reply (77); Philip- 
pines, 56; Portugal, 62; Saudi Arabia’s reply, 69; Spain, 49; Sudan, 
54; Sweden, 73, and reply (77); Tunisia, 66; Union of South Africa, 

76; United Arab Republic’s reply, 69; Yemen, 64. 
United Nations Digest 
International Meetings 

aa ~ 

nited Nations 

Number 6 






Above: The International Court of Justice 
in session at The Hague. Elections to fill six 
vacancies on the Court were held in the 
Security Council and General Assembly last 
month. (See page 3.) 

Front cover: Distribution of milk to school 
children, as part of general aid in food 
supply, is carried out under the United 
Nations Civilian Operations in the Congo. 
(See page 2.) 

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The News in Revieuo 

Assembly Agenda 

The number of items on the agenda 
of the current General Assembly ses- 
sidn was raised from 88 to 90 when, 
on October 31, the Assembly approved 
without objection the recommendation 
of the General Committee that two 
additional items be included. These 
were the question of Oman, submit- 
ted by 10 Arab member states (Iraq, 
Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, ‘Morocco, 
Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Tunisia, United 
Arab Republic and Yemen); and the 
item submitted by Cuba _ entitled 
“Complaint by the Revolutionary Gov- 
ernment of Cuba regarding the various 
plans of aggression and acts of inter- 
vention being executed by the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of Amer- 
ica against the Republic of Cuba, 
constituting a manifest violation of its 
territorial integrity, sovereignty and 
independence, and a clear threat to in- 
ternational peace and security.” 

The item relating to Oman was 
referred to the Special Political Com- 
mittee. After discussion, the Assem- 
bly, on November 1, by a roll-call vote 
of 53 to 11, with 27 abstentions, ap- 
proved the recommendation of the 
General Committee that the Cuban 
item be referred to the First (Political) 
Committee. A Cuban amendment to 
have the item considered in plenary 
meeting was rejected by a roll-call 
vote of 29 to 45, with 18 abstentions. 

Congo Report 

The second progress report to the 
Secretary-General by his Special Rep- 
resentative in the Congo, Ambassador 
Rajeshwar Dayal, of India, was issued 
at United Nations Headquarters on 
November 2 (see page 24 for text). 
The report covers what it described 
as “significant developments” during 
the period September 21—the date of 
the Special Representative’s first report 
—to the end of October. 

The report, especially in regard to 
its references to Belgium, was sharply 
criticized by Pierre Wigny, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. Speaking 
at a press conference which he held 
at United Nations Headquarters on 
November 14, Mr. Wigny said that 
in his opinion it was not “a report” 

UNR—December 1960 

but an “indictment.” Referring to the 
report’s account of current United Na- 
tions activities in the Congo, he said: 
“If it is a report, then it is a report 
of a failure.” 

With regard to references to Belgian 

technicians and specialists in the 
Congo, Mr. Wigny said these now 
totalled some 2,100. They had been 
called back by the Congolese authori- 
ties and were there in their capacity 
as private citizens, not as government 
servants, he said. 

The Belgian Foreign Minister held 
that the foundations of the Congo 
were “solid” and that they had not 
been taken away “by the recent 
shocks.” He added: “For our part, we 
had no desire to take part in the inter- 
nal political life of the Congo because 
we know it would be useless after inde- 
pendence, and it would do no good. 
We are always prepared to give the 
Congo the assistance it needs.” 

Mr. Wigny said he did not favor 
“liquidation of the United Nations 
action in the Congo.” Belgium agreed 
on the need for “collaboration” of 
some sort with the United Nations on 
the matter, but he said “the present 
terms are absolutely unacceptable.” 

Conciliation Commission 

Composition of the Conciliation Com- 
mission for the Congo, appointed by 
the Advisory Committee for the 
Congo, was announced on November 
17, as follows: 

Ato Andom Mellesse (Ethiopia), 
Mohamed Sopiee (Federation of Ma- 
laya), Nana Kobina Ketsia (Ghana), 
Keita Fodeba (Guinea), Shri Ramesh- 
war Roa (India), Major-General Ab- 
dul Kadir (Indonesia), George Sher- 
man (Liberia), Demba Diallo (Mali), 
Ahmed Snoussi (Morocco), Jaja A. 
Wachuku (Nigeria), Agha Shahi (Pak- 
istan), Alioune Cisse (Senegal), Fadl 
Obeid (Sudan), Taieb Sahbani (Tu- 
nisia), and Dr. Mohamed Hassan El 
Zayet (United Arab Republic.) 

The Advisory Committee for the 
Congo, which was appointed by the 
Secretary-General, consists of the 15 
countries represented in the Concilia- 
tion Commission plus Canada, Ireland 
and Sweden. 

The Conciliation Commission held 
its first meeting on November 17 and 
unanimously elected Jaja A. Wachuku, 
Minister of Economic Development of 
the Federation of Nigeria, as Chair- 
man. Mohamed Sopiee was elected 
Vice-Chairman, and Ato Andom Mel- 
lesse Rapporteur. The Commission 
had decided to assemble in Leopold- 
ville on Saturday, November 26, but 
its departure was deferred. 

Congo Delegation Seated 

After a debate which continued through 
eight plenary meetings, the General 
Assembly on November 22 adopted a 
recommendation by its Credentials 
Committee that the credentials of the 
representatives of the Republic of the 
Congo (Leopoldville) issued by the 
Head of State and communicated by 
him to the President of the General 
Assembly in a letter dated November 
8, 1960, be accepted. The decision was 
arrived at by a roll-call vote of 53 to 
24, with 19 abstentions. The Head of 
State referred to in the resolution is 
President Joseph Kasavubu. 

The question of seating the delega- 
tion had been before the Assembly 
since September .20. On that date the 
Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) 
was admitted to membership of the 
United Nations, but, in view of the 
unclear constitutional and political sit- 
uation in the Republic, the Assem- 
bly was faced with difficulty in imple- 
menting that decision and, on the pro- 
posal of the President, referred the 
question to the Credentials Committee. 

The Committee debated the problem 
through three meetings, on November 
9 and 10, and finally recommended 
that the Assembly take the action 
which it in fact took on November 22. 
The proposal for such a decision was 
made in the Credentials Committee by 
the United States, and after the repre- 
sentatives of Morocco and the United 
Arab Republic had stated that they 
could not participate in the vote, the 
United States draft resolution was 
adopted by a vote of six to one, with 
no abstentions. The Credentials Com- 
mittee is composed of the following 
members: Costa Rica, Haiti, Morocco, 
New Zealand, the Philippines, Spain, 


the USSR, the United Arab Republic 
and the United States. 

Congo Civilian Operations 

A progress report on United Nations 
Civilian Operations in the Congo from 
their inception in mid-July to the end 
of October, issued by the United Na- 
tions mission in Leopoldville, reviews 
the background of economic problems 
before the Republic of the Congo 
(Leopoldville) became independent; 
describes needs that arose in the early 
days of independence; and summarizes 
Operations carried out through the 
United Nations Civilian Operations, 
headed by Dr. Sture C. Linner, of 

An introduction comments that, in 
a quarter of a year, “an integrated ad- 
visory and expert team, now number- 
ing 170 members, was brought in 
from six continents and placed within 
a framework of 11 major fields of 
United Nations assistance.” The oper- 
ations, it states, “developed with a 
speed and scope unprecedented in 
United Nations history.” 

The report describes aid in agri- 
culture and food supply; communica- 
tions; education; finance and eco- 
nomics; foreign trade; health; judica- 
ture; labor; military instruction; nat- 
ural resources; public administration; 
and social affairs. It cites “tangible 
progress” in activities such as the ini- 
tiation of the first public works proj- 
ects, the administration of United 
Nations-prepared foreign exchange 
and import-export regulations, the 
maintenance of stopgap hospital serv- 
ices by Red Cross teams, maintenance 
of telecommunications, air traffic con- 
trol and meteorological services, oper- 
ation of basic rail and water transport 
facilities, and the organization of train- 
ing courses. A full summary of the 
report will be published in the next 


A patrol of 11 Irish soldiers serving 
with the United Nations Force in the 
Congo was ambushed on November 8 
in the Niemba area of North Katanga. 
The bodies of five of the patrol were 
found, and an intensive search later 
succeeded in locating two survivors 
and the bodies of three others. The 
eleventh soldier was still missing and 
presumed dead. 

Ambassador Frederick H. Boland of 
Ireland, President of the General As- 
sembly, cabled his profound condo- 
lences to Major-General Sean Mac- 
Eoin, Chief of Staff of the Irish De- 
fence Forces, Dublin. The memory of 
the men lost in the ambush, he cabled, 
“will be honored everywhere as men 


who gave their lives in a noble and 
unselfish cause.” 

Service for Colonel McCarthy 

A funeral service for Colonel Justin 
McCarthy, of Ireland, Deputy Chief 
of Staff of the United Nations Force 
in the Congo, who was killed in an 
automobile accident in Leopoldville 
on October 28, was held at the Church 
of Ste. Marie, in the African quarter 
of the city two days later. 


Among those who attended the 
solemn requiem mass was Ambassador 
Rajeshwar Dayal, the Special Repre- 
sentative of the Secretary-General. The 
coffin, drapped with United Nations 
and Irish flags, was met at Leopold- 
ville station by an honor guard of 
the Congolese National Army when 
the casket was entrained for Matadi, 
en route to Ireland for interment. 

Treatment of Radiation 

Thirty of the world’s leading spe- 
cialists in the diagnosis and treatment 
of radiation injury reached general 
agreement on basic therapy for such 
injuries at a week-long meeting re- 
cently held in Geneva under the joint 
auspices of the World Health Or- 
ganization and the _ International 
Atomic Energy Agency. The spe- 
cialists at the meeting came from 
France, the United Kingdom, India, 
the Netherlands, the Soviet Union, the 
United States and Yugoslavia. They 
agreed that although future radiation 
accidents would differ from those ex- 
perienced so far, certain essential fea- 
tures in diagnosis and treatment of 
acute radiation would remain un- 

IDA Ready for Business 

A new affiliate of the International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment, known as the International De- 
velopment Association (IDA), which 
has been organized to finance eco- 
nomic growth in the less developed 
countries, is now ready for business. 
Ipa officially began business on No- 
vember 8, when the inaugural meeting 
of its Executive Directors was held. 

The Directors sanctioned an adminis- 
trative budget, approved the agency’s 
by-laws and seal and authorized Iba 
to engage in financial transactions 
necessary to its operations. Under the 
new agency’s articles, Eugene R. 
Black, as President of the World 
Bank, is ex-officio President of Iba 
and Chairman of Ipa Executive Direc- 
tors. Officers and staff of the World 
Bank have been appointed to serve 
concurrently as officers and staff of Iba 
without additional compensation. 

Membership of Ipa is open to any 
member of the World Bank. To date, 
22 countries have accepted member- 
ship, and others in Africa, Asia, Europe 
and Latin America have completed 
various stages of membership pro- 

Locust Control 

The first training course under a 
United Nations Special Fund project 
for prevention and control of the 
desert locust in Africa and southwest 
Asia opened in Rabat, Morocco, on 
November 12 and will run for eight 
weeks with 36 students participating. 
The course was organized by the 
Food and Agriculture Organization, 
executing agency for the $3.8 million 
project which, over a period of six 
years, will seek to formulate plans 
and adopt techniques for the pre- 
vention and control of the desert 
locust which, from north Africa 
through the Middle East to Pakistan 
and India, threatens the crops of coun- 
tries and territories containing ap- 
proximately one eighth of the world’s 
population. Twenty-one countries are 
participating in the project, to which 
they will contribute the equivalent of 
$1,378,850, with the Special Fund 
contributing $2,492,700. 

United Nations Finances 

The serious and “crucial question of 
the financial status of the United Na- 
tions” was emphasized by Secretary- 
General Dag Hammarskjold in a state- 
ment he made to the General Assem- 
bly’s Fifth Committee on November 
21. He summed up the present finan- 
cial outlook as being “that the Organi- 
zation will commence the financial 
year 1961 with a virtually empty treas- 
ury; with arrears of assessed contribu- 
tions totalling approximately $31 mil- 
lion ($8.5 million regular budget and 
$22.5 million on the UNEF budget); 
and, at the same time, the necessity 
of financing normal budgetary dis- 
bursements amounting to some $5 mil- 
lion a month, UNEF expenditures of 
about $1.5 million a month and sub- 
stantially larger monthly requirements 
for the United Nations Force in the 
Congo (perhaps of the order of $10 

UNR—December 1960 

million monthly for such period as 
the Force and its supporting services 
must be maintained at their present 
strength) .” 

On the financing of the Congo op- 
eration, which Mr. Hammarskjold re- 
called had been considered vitally nec- 
essary both by the Security Council 
and the General Assembly, he pointed 
out that unanimity had prevailed re- 
garding the political decisions giving 
rise to these expenditures, but there 
had been “considerable hesitation” 
when it came to the question of volun- 
tary contributions and of assessments 
of the budget. 

“The Organization cannot have it 
both ways,” commented Mr. Hammar- 
skjold. “It must either pursue its 
policy, as represented by the presence 
of the Force in the Congo, and make 
appropriate and speedy arrangements 
for covering the cost, or it must take 
the initial steps for a liquidation of the 
military operation and the reversal of 
the policy which this would mean. 
This choice must be squarely faced, 
and faced at such time as to avoid 
that financial considerations cast a 
shadow of uncertainty over the politi- 
cal steps.” 

Estimates quoted in the Assembly, 
said Mr. Hammarskjold, had put the 
current cost of armaments at $320 
million a day, and he added: “It may 
be felt by members that the cost of 
peace is high, but indeed what is it 
in comparison to the cost for the 
preparation of war—not to speak of 
war itself?” 

What he had said about the United 
Nations Force in the Congo applied 
equally to United Nations civilian ac- 
tivities in the Congo, he continued. 
These were now limited to the most 
urgent emergency operations, but the 
needs were vastly more extensive. 
“Every vacuum needs to be filled. If 
no steps are taken by the United Na- 
tions to fill, under its flag, the vacuum 
that exists today in the Congo, it will 
inexorably be filled in other ways as 
pressures become irresistible,” he 

Election of Judges 

In separate but simultaneous ballotting, 
the Security Council and the General 
Assembly elected five new judges of 
the International Court of Justice to 
fill vacancies which will occur in the 
Court on February 5, 1961, and one 
judge to fill a vacancy caused by the 
death of Sir Hersch Lauterpacht, of 
the United Kingdom. The elections 
were held on November 16 and 17. 

The five elected to fill rotation va- 
cancies were Philip C. Jessup (United 
States), Viadimir M. Koretsky (USSR), 
Kotaro Tanaka (Japan), José Luis 
Bustamante y Rivero (Peru) and 

UNR—December 1960 

Gaetano Morelli (Italy). These judges 
will replace the following, who have 
completed their nine-year term of 
office: Helge Klaestad (Norway), Sir 
Muhammad Zafrulla Khan (Pakistan), 
Green H. Hackworth (United States), 
Enrique C. Armand-Ugon (Uruguay) 
and Feodor I. Kojevnikov (USSR). 

Sir Gerald Fitzmaurice (United 
Kingdom) was elected to fill the 
vacancy caused by the death of Sir 
Hersch Lauterpacht, whose term runs 
until February 5, 1964. 

Sea Pollution 

The Maritime Safety Committee of the 
Intergovernmental Maritime Consul- 
tative Organization (tMco) has de- 
cided that a revision of the Interna- 
tional Convention for the Prevention 
of the Pollution of the Sea by Oil is 
necessary and that a conference for 
this purpose should be held in 1962. 

UN Building in Chile 

The United Nations has announced 
the winners in a contest to select plans 
for the building in Santiago, Chile, to 
house the Economic Commission for 
Latin America and other United Na- 
tions bodies. From 40 entries in the 
contest, the plans submitted jointly 
by Emilio Duhart, Roberto Goyco- 
chea, Christian de Groote and Oscar 
Santelices were judged the best. Con- 
struction of the new building on a site 
donated by the Government of Chile 
is expected to begin in May 1961. 

Addis Ababa Seminar 

The first human rights seminar to be 
organized by the United Nations on 
the continent of Africa will open in 
Addis Ababa on December 12. It is 
one of a series being held in different 
regions of the world under the pro- 
gram of advisory services in human 
rights established by the General As- 
sembly in 1955. The subject of the 
Addis Ababa seminar will be the par- 

ticipation of women in public life, 
and it will be attended by women lead- 
ers from countries and territories in 
Africa. The Government of Ethiopia 
is acting as host to the meeting, which 
will be held in the Haile Selassie I 
Theatre in Addis Ababa. 

These seminars bring together key 
people for an exchange of ideas and 
experience in solving, or attempting to 
solve, human rights problems. The 
first was held in Bangkok in June 
1957, and the second at Bogota in 
May 1959. 

In addition to participants, alter- 
nates and observers nominated by gov- 
ernments, the seminar will be attend- 
ed by observers from a number of 
specialized agencies and from non- 
governmental organizations in con- 
sultative status with the Economic and 
Social Council whose purposes and 
programs are closely concerned with 
the status of women. 

South West Africa 

The Union of South Africa on No- 
vember 14 announced that it would 
not participate in the debate on the 
mandated territory of South West 
Africa in the Assembly’s Fourth 
(Trusteeship) Committee. Eric H. 
Louw, South Africa’s Foreign Minister, 
told the Committee that “it would not 
be proper” for the Committee to con- 
sider the South West Africa question 
while the issue was before the Interna- 
tional Court of Justice. Mr. Louw 
noted that Liberia and Ethiopia on 
November 4 had filed with the Inter- 
national Court an application for an 
interpretation on certain matters con- 
nected with South West Africa. In 
view of that development, he urged 
that the Committee should not discuss 
the item which, he said, “deals with 
matters pending before the Interna- 
tional Court and which are thus sub 
judice”; but his motion for adjourn- 
ment was rejected by 67 votes to 1 
(South Africa), with 11 abstentions. 
After the vote, Mr. Louw informed 

This picture, taken during the visit of the Swedish princesses to the United 


Nations, shows (l. to r.): Osten Unden, Foreign Minister of Sweden, Princess 
Birgitta, Mrs. Agda Rossel, Sweden’s permanent representative to the UN, 
Princess Desirée, and the Secretary-General. 

the Committee that his delegation 
could not be a party to discussion of 
the question while it was before the 

The Committee, which on Novem- 
ber 11 completed action on various 
issues concerning non-self-governing 
territories (see page 19), then began 
consideration of the report of the 
Committee on South West Africa. It 
also heard statements by a number of 
petitioners concerning conditions in 
the territory. 

Elections in Ruanda-Urundi 

United Nations observers have been 
invited by Belgium to witness prepar- 
ations for the legislative elections due 
to be held in Ruanda-Urundi about 
mid-January 1961. An announcement 
to this effect was made in the General 
Assembly’s Fourth (Trusteeship) Com- 
mittee on November 17 by the Chair- 
man, Adnan Pachachi, of Iraq. The 
elections, under United Nations super- 
vision, are for the purpose of con- 
stituting national assemblies for Ru- 
anda and Urundi, the two states which 
comprise the East African trust ter- 
ritory under Belgium’s administration. 
At its session last June the Trusteeship 
Council welcomed Belgium’s statement 
that after the elections it intended to 
hold a meeting with representatives 
of both Ruanda and Urundi to discuss 
further constitutional plans leading to 
ultimate independence for the ter- 

Economic Study of Libya 

Ways in which Libya can promote eco- 
nomic advancement through develop- 
ment of agriculture, livestock raising 
and tourism, as well as through the ex- 
ploitation of its recently discovered 
oil resources, are recommended in the 
report of a mission to that country by 
the International Bank for Reconstruc- 
tion and Development. 

The report points out that while 
the discovery of oil holds out long-term 
prospects of establishing a prosperous 
economy, the petroleum industry is 
unlikely to provide employment and 
wages for more than a small fraction 
of the Libyan people. Libya’s princi- 
pal natural resources are agricultural 
and production from the land can be 
greatly increased—with better educa- 
tion and training, good administration 
and an adequate supply of capital. 

Libya’s attractions for tourists in- 
clude a sunny climate, a long Mediter- 
ranean coastline with numerous sandy 
beaches and monuments ranging from 
Greek and Roman antiquities through 
Islamic architecture to the battlefields 
of the Second World War. 

Other recommendations in the re- 
port refer to the development of an 
industrial structure “consisting mainly 


of small units,” handicrafts expansion 
and promotion, fisheries, electric 
power, transport and communications 
and health and community services. 

Highways in Mexico 

A loan by the Bank equivalent to $25 
million will assist in the development 
of Mexico’s highway network by fi- 
nancing the foreign exchange cost of 
building or improving 13 roads with 
a total length of approximately 2,000 
miles in central and southern Mexico. 
The roads are among the most impor- 
tant in a five-year program being 
undertaken by the Government of 
Mexico to develop the Federal High- 
way System. 

Surinam Mineral Survey 

An agreement providing for a $1.5 
million detailed geophysical survey of 
the mineral resources of Surinam has 
been signed by representatives of the 
International Bank and the Govern- 
ment of Surinam. Surinam, on the 
northeastern coast of South America, 
is one of the constituent parts of the 
Kingdom of the Netherlands. The 
project is one approved earlier by the 
United Nations Special Fund, which 
has allocated $770,000 to the cost of 
the survey to be carried out over the 
next two to three years. The remainder 
of the cost will be borne by the Gov- 
ernment of Surinam. 

UNEF Troop Rotation 

Rotation of Indian troops serving with 
the United Nations Emergency Force 
in the Gaza Strip began on November 
9 with the arrival at Suez of a con- 
tingent of the fourth battalion of the 
Rajput Regiment to replace the fourth 
battalion of the Kumaon Regiment, 
which left the Strip on November 13 
after a year’s service there. 

The eighth Yugoslav contingent, 
which has served with UNEF in the 
Gaza Strip for six months, has also 
been replaced by Yugoslavia’s ninth 

New UNESCO Official 

Dr. Vittorino Veronese, Director- 
General of the United Nations Educa- 
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organi- 
zation, has announced that on Jan- 
uary 1 next year Pavel Ivanovitch 
Erchov, of the USSR, will take up his 
appointment as Assistant Director- 
General of UNEsco. Mr. Erchov, who 
was born in 1914 and completed his 
studies at the Pedagogical Institute of 
Leningrad in 1939, was named 
Minister Plenipotentiary to Israel in 
1948. He served in that capacity until 
1953, when he became Assistant Chief 
of the European Section of the Sovict 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From 

1955 to 1957 he was Soviet Ambas- 
sador to Switzerland. 

IMCO Membership Increase 

The Ivory Coast, Senegal, Iceland and 
New Zealand have become members 
of the Intergovernmental Maritime 
Consultative Organization. Their ad- 
mission at the beginning of November 
brought membership of this specialized 
agency to a total of 43. Imco formal- 
ly came into existence in 1959, with 
headquarters in London. 

African States Join WHO 

Eight African states have been ad- 
mitted to membership of the World 
Health Organization, bringing the 
membership of this specialized agency 
to 99. The eight new members are the 
Central African Republic and the Re- 
publics of Dahomey, the Upper Volta, 
the Niger, Mali, the Congo (Brazza- 
ville), the Ivory Coast and Chad. 
With the exception of Dahomey, all 
were formerly associate members of 
the agency. Cyprus, Gabon and 
Nigeria, also associate members, will 
become full members upon deposit of 
their instruments of ratification. The 
Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasa- 
land and Sierra Leone are also asso- 
ciate members of WHO. 

Loan To India 

If India’s targets for employment and 
production under the government’s 
third five-year plan are to be achieved 
during the 1961-1966 period, a rapid 
rate of expansion of private industry 
must be maintained during the current 
five-year plan. To facilitate this, the 
International Bank has granted a loan 
of $20 million to the Industrial Credit 
and Investment Corporation of India, 
Limited. Ictct is a privately owned and 
managed development bank, and the 
corporation has previously received 
two earlier loans, each of $10 mil- 
lion. These and the present loan will 
be used to meet foreign exchange re- 
quirements of projects which the corp- 
oration is financing. The current loan 
by the International Bank is for a term 
of ten years. 

Atomic Energy 

The sixth” mission to be sent out to 
member nations by the International 
Atomic Energy Agency to study on a 
preliminary basis the possibility of 
atomic energy developments has 
visited Latin America. Following ten 
days of consultation in Mexico City 
at the end of October, the mission 
visited El Salvador, Guatemala, Peru 
and Paraguay. The experts studied pos- 
sibilities of starting programs on the 
peaceful uses of atomic energy and 
gathered information to assist govern- 
ments in assessing requirements in 

UNR—December 1960 

formulating requests for Agency as- 
sistance. It also advised on atomic 
plans and programs, with special refer- 
ence to the use of radioisotopes in 
agriculture and medicine, the training 
of specialists, nuclear research and 
power and mining nuclear raw ma- 

Friends Donate 

Members of the Society of Friends in 
many parts of the United States have 
taxed themselves voluntarily and have 
given the proceeds to the United Na- 
tions. In mid-November a group of 
40 Quakers presented checks totalling 
$16,000 to further United Nations 
technical assistance programs in Afri- 
ca. Colin Bell, a member of the 
Swarthmore, Pennsylvania, Meeting of 
Friends, who made the presentation, 
said that the present contributions rep- 
resented merely a first installment of 
anonymous Quaker donations given as 
a “manifestation of their positive role 
in favor of peace.” William McCaw, 
United Nations Deputy Controller, 
told the group that during the previous 
two months the United Nations had 
received additional donations amount- 
ing to about $15,000 from meetings 
and individual members of the Society 
of Friends in many parts of the United 

Food Surpluses 

The General Assembly resolution on 
the distribution of food surpluses (see 
page 14) was hailed as a “challenge 
and opportunity” by B. R. Sen, Di- 
rector-General of the Food and Agri- 
culture Organization. “There can be 
no doubt,” he said, “that the resolu- 
tion reflects the great change in out- 
look that international developments 
have brought about. There seems to be 
much clearer appreciation today than 
ever before of the contribution that the 
United Nations system can make in 
strengthening cooperation by govern- 
ments to assist in economic develop- 
ment of underdeveloped countries. I 
feel happy that the resolution estab- 
lishes such an explicit link with the 
Objectives of the Freedom-from- 
Hunger Campaign.” 

Funds to Fight Malaria 

The World Health Organization’s 
Malaria Eradication Special Account 
has fallen short by about $5 million 
for 1961. The wHo Executive Board 
decided to recommend to the next 
World Health Assembly that some 
part of the cost of the malaria eradica- 
tion program be financed by the or- 
ganization’s regular budget, which is 
based on assessments of all wHO mem- 
ber states. It was emphasized that 
there was no intention of abandoning 

UNR—December 1960 

the Malaria Eradication Special Ac- 
count, which was established by the 
World Health Assembly as an interna- 
tional repository of funds for anti- 
malaria work. WHO has appealed to 
governments, industry and private 
sources for voluntary donations to this 
fund. The most recent contribution, 
$4,257.50, came from the Govern- 
ment of the Federation of Malaya. 

New UNRWA Training Centre 

A new vocational training centre for 
Palestine refugees, built by the United 
Nations Relief and Works Agency at 
Wadi Seer, near Amman, Jordan, was 
formally opened by King Hussein of 
Jordan on United Nations Day, Octo- 
ber 24. 

The centre, which has 232 youths 
in residence, is part of UNRWA’s pro- 
posed expanded vocational training 
program, designed to increase the 
number of graduates from this and 
similar centres. 

In inaugurating the Wadi Seer cen- 
tre, King Hussein paid tribute to 
UNRWA for alleviating “the human 
misery and pain suffered by the refu- 
gees” and commended the Director’s 
proposals to the General Assembly 
for expanding the training program. 


Among the distinguished visitors to the 
United Nations last month was the 
Prime Minister of the Federation of 
Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman. Dur- 
ing his visit, the Prime Minister met 
with the members of the Asian-African 
group and is shown above being greet- 
ed by Ambassador Nong Kimny of 
Cambodia, Chairman of that group for 

Secretariat Organization 

Three past Presidents of the General 
Assembly were invited by the Secre- 
tary-General to consultations with him 
on questions related to the organiza- 
tion of the work of the Secretariat at 
the Under-Secretary level. Convening 
at United Nations Headquarters on 
November 25 for a three-day session 
of consultation were: Lester B. Pear- 
son, of Canada, President of the sev- 
enth Assembly session; Prince Wan 

Waithayakon, of Thailand, President 
of the eleventh session; and Dr. Victor 
Andrés Belatiinde, of Peru, President 
of the fourteenth session. 

In asking the three past Presidents 
for their advice, the Secretary-General 
called attention to the introduction to 
his annual report of August 31, 1960, 
in which he stated that there is, gen- 
erally speaking, within the Secretariat 
not enough of a diplomatic tradition 
or staff with training in political and 
diplomatic field activities to meet the 
needs which have developed over the 

He indicated also that the group 
might like to give thought to various 
ideas which have been expressed by 
various delegates in the general de- 
bate, with special emphasis on the 
question as to how those ideas could 
be developed in a way that would cor- 
respond to the explicit terms of the 
Charter by increasing the efficiency of 
the Organization, and also reflecting 
the changes in the geographical basis 
of the membership of the United Na- 
tions. The conclusions reached on the 
basis of these consultations will be 
embodied in a report which the 
Secretary-General will submit to the 
Committee established by the Gen- 
eral Assembly to study the organiza- 
tion and activities of the Secretariat. 

Technical Assistance 

When the proposed expanded program 
of technical assistance for 1961-62 
came before the Technical Assistance 
Committee of the Economic and So- 
cial Council on November 23, David 
Owen, Executive Chairman of the 
Technical Assistance Board, reported 
that indications were that about half 
the governments participating would 
increase their voluntary contributions 
in 1961. Mr. Owen was speaking be- 
fore the opening meeting of the Com- 
mittee, which was to review the larg- 
est program of technical aid to under- 
developed nations ever proposed under 
the expanded program. During . the 
two-year period the recommendation 
was for aid to 119 less-developed 
countries amounting to $84.5 million 
compared with an overall program of 
$34.3 in 1960 and $35.8 million in 
1959. Voluntary contributions in sup- 
port of the 1961 program were esti- 
mated in the TAB report at $41.8 mil- 
lion, or about $7.8 million more than 
1960 contributions. The most signifi- 
cant development in the proposed pro- 
gram, said Mr. Owen, related to the 
program for Africa, where the per- 
centage share had risen from 8.9 in 
1956 to 15.9 in 1960 and to about 29 
per cent in 1961-62. But, he stressed, 
while the African region would get 
more, no other region would get less 
because of the African program. 

The Major Problem: 


Twelve Draft Resolutions Before Furst Committee 

T its fourteenth regular session, the 

General Assembly declared in a 
resolution unanimously adopted that 
“the question of general and complete 
disarmament is the most important 
one facing the world today.” And, at 
the opening of the current fifteenth 
session, speaker after speaker in the 
general debate emphasized the added 
urgency and importance of disarma- 
ment as the major problem confront- 
ing the United Nations. 

This general consensus was reflected 
in the decision of the Assembly’s First 
(Political) Committee to give priority 
in its work to consideration of the four 
agenda items relating to disarmament 
which had been referred to it. 

These four items were: the main 
item on disarmament and the situation 
with regard to the fulfilment of the 
Assembly’s 1959 resolution on the 
problem, the report of the Disarma- 
ment Commission, and the items relat- 
ing to the suspension of nuclear and 
thermonuclear tests and the prevention 
of the wider dissemination of nuclear 

Committee consideration of these 
items began on October 19 and, in the 
course of 25 meetings held between 
that date and November 17, 65 de- 
legations — some of them on more 
than one occasion — spoke in the gen- 
eral debate or in connection with the 
various draft proposals submitted. As 
this issue of the Review went to press, 
the debate had not been concluded, 
and no decision had been reached on 
any of the draft resolutions before the 

As of November 23, there were 12 
separate proposals under considera- 
tion. Two of these—among several 
which had been circulated even before 
the Committee began its work—re- 
presented the positions of the Soviet 


Union and the Western powers on the 
main question, that of general and 
complete disarmament. One was sub- 
mitted by the USSR; the other jointly 
by Italy, the United Kingdom and the 
United States. 

There was a short break in the dis- 
cussions between November 8 and 14, 
during which, it was indicated, efforts 
were continued outside the Committee 
to draft a compromise draft resolution, 
more or less on agreed lines, which 
would lead to the resumption of the 
disarmament negotiations. This was 
sponsored jointly by 12 members— 
Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Ghana, 
India, Indonesia, Iraq, Morocco, 
Nepal, the United Arab Republic, 
Venezuela and Yugoslavia, described 
by one of them as “small uncom- 
mitted states which have no axe to 
grind”—and was introduced by the 
representative of India on November 
15. The sponsors indicated that they 
recognized that no attempt should be 
made to press to the vote any draft 
resolution that was not acceptable to 
the big powers concerned and that the 
United Nations could take action on 
major issues only if the United States 
and the Soviet Union were in agree- 

Below will be found a summary of 
the 12 draft proposals that were before 
the First Committee by November 23, 
with a brief indication of their purpose 
as outlined by the delegations which 
sponsored them. 

Soviet Draft Resolution 

The USSR draft resolution set forth 
six principles on the basis of which 
the Assembly would recommend that 
a treaty on general and complete dis- 
armament be drawn up and concluded 
as quickly as possible. 

The first five of these principles 


general and complete disarmament 
must include the disbanding of all 
armed forces, the destruction of all 
armaments, the cessation of war pro- 
duction, the liquidation of all foreign 
bases in the territory of other states, 
the prohibition of nuclear, chemical, 
bacteriological and rocket weapons, 
the cessation of the manufacture of 
such weapons, the destruction of stock- 
piles of such weapons and of all means 
of delivering them, the abolition of 
agencies and institutions intended for 
the organization of military affairs in 
states, the prohibition of military train- 
ing and the discontinuance of the ex- 
penditure of funds for military pur- 

such disarmament must be carried 
out in an agreed sequence, by stages 
and within a specified period; 

the disarmament measures relating 
to nuclear weapons and conventional 
armaments are to be so balanced that 
no one state or group of states can 
obtain a military advantage, with se- 
curity ensured for all in equal meas- 

the measures provided for in the 
program of general and complete dis- 
armament are to be carried out from 
beginning to end under international 
control, the scope of which is to cor- 
respond to the scope and nature of 
the disarmament measures  imple- 
mented at each stage; an international 
control organization to carry out con- 
trol over and inspection of disarma- 
ment is to be established under the 
United Nations, with all states partici- 

under conditions of general and 
complete disarmament, necessaty 
measures are to be adopted, in ac- 
cordance with the Charter, for main- 
taining international peace and se- 
curity, including an undertaking by 

UNR—December 1960 

[— ~_— FF. ewe 

states to make available to the Security 
Council, where necessary,-units—from 
their_contingents of police (militia) 
retained for maintaining internal order 
and ensuring the personal security of 
_ As the sixth principle the Soviet 
{draft resolution included a provision 
regarding a change in the structure of 
the Secretariat and of the Security 
Council. Under it, the Assembly would 
recognize that, in order to create con- 
fidence in the correct use of interna- 
\tional armed forces of police (militia) 
and to preclude the possibility of their 
use in the interests of a particular state 
or group of states, “it is necessary to 
change the structure of the United 
Nations Secretariat and of the Security 
Council so that all three groups of 
\states—the socialist countries, the 
countries members of the Western 
powers’ blocs, and the neutralist coun- 
tries—may be represented in those 
organs on a basis of equality.” 

The Assembly would also transmit 
to the Disarmament Committee for 
examination the proposals of the So- 
viet Government concerning “Basic 
Provisions of a Treaty on General and 
Complete Disarmament,” submitted by 
Chairman Khrushchev to the Assem- 
bly on September 23, and other pro- 
posals on the question with a view 
to drafting such a treaty, including a 
system of international control and in- 
spection which must ensure strict com- 
pliance with the treaty. 

In the preamble of the Soviet pro- 
posal, the Assembly would state that, 
“in conditions in which modern weap- 
ons are of infinite destructive power 
and range, the continuing arms race 
is fraught with tremendous danger for 
the peoples of all countries”; and that, 
“in the face of the danger of nuclear- 
rocket war, the problem of general 
and complete disarmament is the most 
important question of our time and 
requires immediate solution.” 

The Assembly would also reaffirm 
its 1959 resolution on general and 
complete disarmament and would note 
with regret that that resolution had 
not been carried out and that appro- 
priate measures to put it into effect 
had not yet been taken. 

The Assembly then would again call 
on governments to make every effort 
to achieve a constructive solution of 
the problem and recommend that a 
treaty should be drawn up and con- 
cluded as quickly as possible on the 

basis of the principles set forth. 
Valerian Zorin, of the USSR, re- 
ferred to the proposals submitted to 
the Assembly during the general de- 
bate by Chairman Khrushchev as 
“Basic Provisions of a Treaty on Gen- 
eral and Complete Disarmament” and 
said that those proposals were drawn 

UNR—December 1960 

up with due account taken of the 
views expressed by various states and 
of world public opinion in the year 
since the fourteenth session of the 

Thus all states should carry out 
gradually, in three consecutive stages 
during an agreed period of time, the 
complete and final elimination of all 
their armed forces and armaments, 
under strict and effective international 
control, Mr. Zorin said. 

The program had not been sub- 
mitted on a take-it-or-leave-it basis, to 
be adopted or rejected in toto, but to 
be thoroughly discussed while making 
use of everything helpful that might 
be proposed during the discussion. 

If, as a result of the work of the 
First Committee, members could agree 
on the basic provisions of a treaty, 
that would be a great step forward in 
the solution of the most important 
question of the time, Mr. Zorin re- 
marked. If, as a minimum, they could 
agree on specific instructions for the 
subsequent work of the Disarmament 
Committee, that alone would be a job 
well done. A draft of such instructions 
was provided by the Soviet draft res- 
olution, which Chairman Khrushchev 
had also submitted. 

As soon as all the basic principles 
had been approved by the Assembly, 
negotiations to work out the draft 
treaty could be continued in the Dis- 
armament Committee which, under 
another draft resolution (see page 84), 
the Soviet Union was proposing should 
be broadened to include five members 
in addition to the members of the 
existing Ten-Nation Committee on 

“At an appropriate stage of the 
negotiations,” Mr. Zorin added, “it 
will be necessary to work out a de- 
tailed program of measures on dis- 
armament for each stage of general 
and complete disarmament, together 
with the corresponding measures of 
control; and for this purpose appro- 
priate specialists should be invited. 
However, there is a time for every- 

He reiterated Chairman Khru- 
shchev’s warning of October 13 that if 
the Western powers again deflected 
matters from the working out of a 
treaty on general and complete dis- 
armament and if they again used the 
negotiations to deceive the peoples, 
the Soviet delegation would not par- 
ticipate in the discussion either in the 
First Committee or in a more re- 
stricted negotiating body. 

Three-Power Proposal 

The draft resolution sponsored by 
Italy, the United Kingdom and the 
United States set forth six achieve- 
ments which the Assembly would con- 

clude must be the final goal of a pro- 
gram of general and complete dis- 
armament under effective international 
control, as well as six principles which 
it would recommend should guide any 
disarmament negotiations. 

The following were listed as what 
must be achieved: 

reduction of all national armed 
forces and armaments to levels re- 
quired for internal security and for 
the provision of agreed contingents’ to 
an international peace force within the 
United Nations; 

elimination of delivery systems of 
all weapons of mass destruction; 

elimination of all weapons of mass 
destruction — nuclear, chemical and 

the use of outer space for peaceful 
purposes only; 

the establishment of effective means 
for verification of the observance of 
disarmament obligations and for the 
maintenance of peace; 

the achievement of a secure, free 
and open world, in which all peoples 
are protected from the dangers of 
surprise attack or the outbreak of war 
by miscalculation. 

The six principles which, under the 
draft resolution, the Assembly would 
recommend as guidance for disarma- 
ment negotiations were: 

disarmament should be carried out 
progressively, with measures to be 
completed as rapidly as possible with- 
in specified periods of time; 

transition from one stage to the next 
is to be initiated when the measures 
in the preceding stage have been satis- 
factorily implemented, provided that 
effective verification is continuing and 
that any additional verification ar- 
rangements required for measures in 
the next stage have been agreed to 
and are ready to operate effectively; 

nuclear and conventional measures 
of disarmament must be so balanced 
that no country or group of countries 
will obtain, at any stage, a significant 
military advantage and that equal se- 
curity for all will be maintained and 
thus international confidence progres- 
sively increased; 

compliance with all disarmament 
obligations must be effectively verified 
throughout by an international dis- 
armament organization within the 
framework of the United Nations to 
ensure that compliance with those ob- 
ligations is verified from their entry 
into force; such verification should in- 
clude the capability to ascertain not 
only that reductions of armed forces 
and armaments in agreed amounts 
take place, but also that retained 
armed forces and armaments do not 
exceed agreed levels at any stage; 

provisions in respect of international 
control and verification are to form an 


integral part of any agreement on dis- 

general and complete disarmament 
must begin with those measures which 
are capable of early implementation 
under effective international control 
and are compatible with the third 
principle requiring a balance in the 
nuclear and conventional measures of 

Finally, under the three-power pro- 
posal, the Assembly would urge that 
negotiations be resumed as soon as 
possible on the basis outlined. 

As in the Soviet draft resolution, 
the Assembly would, in the preamble, 
reaffirm its resolution of the four- 
teenth session on general and com- 
plete disarmament. It would note with 
regret that negotiations on disarma- 
ment had not yielded the expected 
positive results, and would recognize 
that general and complete disarma- 
ment requires the maintenance of in- 
ternational law and order in a dis- 
armed world by strengthened interna- 
tional peace-keeping machinery with- 
in the United Nations. It would re- 
affirm its hope that measures leading 
toward the goal of general and com- 
plete disarmament under effective in- 
ternational control will be worked out 
in detail and agreed upon in the short- 
est possible time. 

James J. Wadsworth, of the United 
States, expressed his delegation’s hope 
that the debate in the First Committee 
would lead to an early resumption of 
disarmament negotiations among the 
powers principally concerned and 
would help to give the negotiators the 
necessary guidance. The only effective 
approach to balanced and verified dis- 
armament was through patient and 
probably prolonged negotiation, he 
emphasized. The joint draft resolu- 
tion sponsored by Italy, the United 
Kingdom and the United States was 
designed to lead to general and com- 
plete disarmament under international 

Mr. Wadsworth commented that the 
First Committee was an important 
deliberative forum which commanded 
great respect, and he added, “We will 
not walk out of this Committee under 
any circumstances, and we will not be 
intimidated by any threats on the part 
of any other delegation to do so.” 

He then set forth the basic prin- 
ciples of disarmament to which the 
United States adhered and to which, 
he said, the joint draft resolution 
sought to give expression. 

That proposal and the USSR draft 
resolution shared many similarities, he 
stated, but differed in many important 
respects. The essential question was 
which was more likely to bring about 
the goal of full and balanced disarma- 



The Soviet proposal, he asserted, 
was intended to forestall rather than 
promote real disarmament. Aside from 
other deficiencies, it put two funda- 
mental obstacles in the way of real 
disarmament negotiations. First, it in- 
sisted on a reorganization of the Sec- 
retariat and of the Security Council, 
intended solely to break down the 
administrative machinery of the 
United Nations and further to cripple 
its primary organ for preserving peace 
and security. Such steps would critical- 
ly impair the ability of the United 
Nations to prevent or deter an aggres- 
sion in an armed world, a partially 
disarmed world or a completely dis- 
armed world. 

Second, it insisted that progress to- 
ward disarmament had to be made 
only through a single treaty in which 
all disarmament measures were to be 
laid out for all time. Negotiation of 
such a treaty, Mr. Wadsworth ob- 
served, would be a process so long and 
arduous as to delay for many months, 
and perhaps years, the immediate and 
concrete steps that should be taken 
right away. The realistic approach 
would be to isolate and identify those 
areas, whether broad or limited, in 
which agreement and action now could 
clearly serve the interests of both sides 
and lead toward the goal on which all 
had agreed. He mentioned in this re- 
gard nuclear disarmament, outer 
space, surprise attack and reductions 
in conventional armaments and armed 
forces, and in delivery systems for 
weapons of mass destruction, prog- 
ress in any one of which would not 
have to await agreement on a full 
treaty for complete and general dis- 

David Ormsby-Gore, of the United 
Kingdom, commented that many 
points in the Soviet draft resolution 
paralleled those in the three-power 
proposal and that perhaps it might be 
possible to reconcile the existing 
points of difference. Examining what 
he regarded as the main differences, 
he said that the phrase “shall cor- 
respond to the scope and nature of 
the disarmament measures” in the So- 
viet draft resolution was obscure and 
appeared to indicate reluctance to ac- 
cept complete and effective verifica- 
tion and control; the proposed Soviet 
measures for maintaining peace in a 
disarmed world seemed subject to 
paralysis and hence wholly inadequate; 
the Soviet Union had unfortunately 
introduced into its draft resolution 
proposals for the reorganization of the 
United Nations Secretariat which were 
unacceptable to a large majority of 
the member states; and the Soviet 
draft made no mention of four im- 
portant points dealt with in the three- 
power draft, that is, the use of outer 

space for peaceful purposes only, the 
need to promote greater confidence 
between states by proceeding with 
measures which could be implemented 
at an early date, procedures govera- 
ing the transition from one stage of 
disarmament to the next, and the prin- 
ciple that provisions on control should 
form an integral part of any disarma- 
ment agreement. 

12-Power Draft Resolution 

The third draft resolution on gen- 
eral and complete disarmament was 
sponsored jointly by Burma, Cam- 
bodia, Ceylon, Ghana, India, Indo- 

nesia, Iraq, Morocco, Nepal, the 
United Arab Republic, Venezuela and 

In the preamble, the Assembly 
would recall its 1959 resolution on 
the same subject, the Disarmament 
Commission’s resolution of August 18 
and its own appeal of October 17 in 
the interests of peace and progress— 
all unanimously adopted—and would 
then state: 

the definitive purpose of general and 
complete disarmament is that war 
should no longer be possible or be an 
instrument for settling international 

implementation of any or all phases 
and steps of disarmament requires the 
simultaneous establishment and opera- 
tion of effective machinery for their 
inspection and control, and no state 
should obtain a military advantage 
over other states at any phase or step 
of disarmament; 

negotiations have not yielded agree- 
ments which would bring general and 
complete disarmament within measur- 
able distance but stand deadlocked; 

delays and deadlocks constitute a 
serious threat to prospects of real dis- 
armament and of a world without 

retention of the present levels of 
armaments and, even more, the con- 
tinuing increase of them and the adop- 
tion of newer and more weapons make 
the achievement of general and com- 
plete disarmament not only impera- 
tive but urgent; 

the United Nations has a continu- 
ing responsibility for bringing about 
general and complete disarmament. 

In the operative part of the draft 
resolution, the Assembly then would 
set forth five directives which it would 
declare should form the basis for an 
agreement on general and complete 
disarmament. The directive on what 
such disarmament should consist of 
was in seven parts. The first three di- 
rectives were: 

& general and complete disarmament 
‘should result in a world in which the 
method of war for the solution of in- 

UNR—December 1960 


ternational problems and the con- 
tinued existence of all the instruments 
and machinery of war should stand 
—~ no phase or step adopted should 
“enable any state or group of states to 
acquire military superiority over an- 
. in respect of each phase and step 
“there must be established, by agree- 
ment, effective machinery of inspec- 
tion and control for its operation and 
» The fourth directive was that gen- 
Yeral and complete disarmament should 
consist of: 

1. the elimination of armed forces 
and armaments and of armament pro- 

2. the total prohibitio the man- 
ufacture, maintenance and use of nu- 
clear and thermonuclear weapons and 
of bacteriological and chemical weap- 
ons of war, 

3. the elimination of all existing es- 
tablishments and training institutions 
for military_purposes, 

4. the elimination of all equipment 
and facilities for the delivery, the 
placement and the operation of all 
weapons of mass destruction within 
national territories and of all foreign 
military bases and launching sites of 
all categories, 

_S. the maintenance by each_mem- 
ber state of necessary security units 
and training establishments, arms and 

) their production as are agreed fo be 
necessary exclusively for the purposes 
of internal security and of acing at 
the disposal of the United Nations for 

( thé maintenance of international peace 
and security, in accordance with the 

*© the United Nations should un- 

\. dergo such agreed changes for the im- 

plementation of the proposed resolu- 
tion and for the maintenance of peace 
in a disarmed world which would ex- 
clude the possibility of the interna- 
tional police force being used for any 
purpose inconsistent with the Charter 
including such use in the interests of 
one state or group of states against 
another state or group of states, 

7. the exclusive use of outer space 
and all developmental efforts in re- 
gard to it for peaceful purposes. 

Z The fifth directive was: 

a treaty on general and complete 
disarmament embodying the terms and 
provisions set out in the first four 
directives is to include the time-limits 
and schedules for the implementation 
of each successive step and phase of 
general and complete disarmament, 
and the completion of each stage is to 
be followed by the implementation of 
the next stage. 

Further, under the 12-power draft 
resolution, the Assembly would urge 

UNR—December 1960 

that negotiations should be resumed 
for the purpose of the earliest con- 
clusion of an agreement on general 
and complete disarmament under ef- 
fective international control and tak- 
ing into account the provisions of the 
draft resolution itself. 

It would add that the possibility of 
putting into effect either agreed or 
unilateral measures which would create 
more favorable conditions for general 
and complete disarmament and which 
would help the fulfilment of the di- 
rectives would not be precluded. 

The Assembly would also urge that, 
pending the establishment of agreed 
machinery for their prevention, all 
countries should refrain from all forms 
of surprise attacks and preparations 
for the same. 

It would remind all countries of the 
October 17 resolution in the interests 
of peace and progress and request 
them to refrain from actions likely to 
aggravate international tensions, and 
would appeal to them to give their full 
cooperation for the fulfilment of the 
purposes of the 12-power proposal. 

This 12-power draft was not sub- 
mitted until late in the First Com- 
mittee’s discussion—on November 15. 
It was the result of patient talking to 
everyone concerned, explained V. K. 
Krishna Menon, of India. 

The sponsors had hoped that they 
might have been able to ask for 
priority for their proposal and to see 
it adopted at least without a dissent- 
ing voice, if not unanimously. But 
regrettably that was not the case, Mr. 
Krishna Menon said. The suspicion 
that existed on both sides, the con- 
text in which the Assembly session 
had taken place, and other circum- 
stances had contributed, and the spon- 
sors had had a great deal of searching 
of mind and heart as to whether it was 
the right course to follow. 

But there was the basic fact that 
the United States, on the one hand, 
and the Soviet Union, on the other, 
were both anxious to bring about dis- 
armament and to establish peace in the 
world. There was also their recog- 
nition that no longer could that be 
done in the old way of trying to bal- 
ance reductions, which would no long- 
er provide security, but that they must 
proceed all together for the total eli- 
mination of war, and that whatever 
phases had to come into it were part 
of the general unfolding of total dis- 
armament. Thus the members should 
look to a world where war would be- 
come impossible, not for sentimental 
or pacifist reasons, but purely for prac- 
tical reasons. 

In submitting their draft resolution, 
Mr. Krishna Menon said, the spon- 
sors were grateful to the representa- 
tives on both sides who had given 

them a patient hearing, had examined 
various details and difficulties, had 
made suggestions and had tried so far 
as possible to widen the areas of 
agreement. In fact, he said, such areas 
of agreement were far wider than any 
that had been reached before. 

The draft resolution also tried to 
place the onus on the General Assem- 
bly to take the responsibility of telling 
the people concerned what they were 
to do—of giving them directives. This 
was necessary in view of the deadlock 
and the inescapable fact that the world 
had to abandon war and resolve its 
disputes, if any continued, by other 

Mr. Krishna Menon declared that 
the purpose of the draft resolution was 
to create a basis where the principles 
would be so wide as to accommodate 
different points of view and to contain 
nothing which would preclude any 
reasonable, legitimate or desirable at- 
tempt that could be made. It would 
preclude the idea that something small 
could be pleaded as an obstacle to the 
main objective. The sponsors hoped 
that the Assembly would throw its 
weight behind the world attitude that 
one side or the other could not expect 
its own viewpoint to prevail and, 
equally, that it would be recognized 
that the Assembly was bending over 
backwards so that decisions might be 
agreed upon between the two sides. 

The Indian delegation had repeated- 
ly stated in the First Committee that 
attempts to pass resolutions by mobil- 
izing votes would not achieve disarm- 
ament. The fact that India was an 
uncommitted nation, suffering as much 
as others from the effects of the arms 
race, and the reception which a num- 
ber of representatives had given to the 
broad outlines of the proposed text, 
had encouraged the Indian delegation 
to co-sponsor it. The Indian delega- 
tion was confident that, once the dire 
alternatives to disarmament were real- 
ized, the Assembly would be able to 
bring about a further improvement in 
the situation in a comparatively short 
time. The sponsors were not seeking a 
majority decision, which would merely 
add further confusion to the problem; 
they hoped unanimous support would 
be possible. No resolution or decision 
of the Assembly on disarmament 
would ultimately have any effect un- 
less it was adopted with the consent of 
those primarily concerned. 

Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons: 
10-Power Draft 
A draft resolution on the prohibi- 
tion of the use of nuclear and thermo- 
nuclear weapons was sponsored by 
Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria, 
(Continued on page 82) 

Future of West African Trust Territory 

Preparing for Plebiscites 

in Northern and Southern Cameroons 

R. DJALAL ABDOH, United Nations 
Commissioner for supervising 
plebiscites to be held in the British 
Cameroons on the future of that West 
Afri¢an trust territory, arrived in 
Buea, capital of Southern Cameroons, 
in mid-October to take up the task of 
supervising for the United Nations the 
organization and conduct of the plebis- 
cites scheduled for February 11, 1961, 
in the northern and southern sections 
of the United Nations trust territory 
administered by the United Kingdom. 
The holding of the plebiscites was 
recommended by the United Nations 
General Assembly in 1959 in order to 
determine the freely expressed wishes 
of the population of the two sections 
of the territory as to their political 
future. The United Kingdom, as ad- 
ministering authority of the trust terri- 
tory, is responsible for the actual 
carrying out of the plebiscites. 
Ambassador Abdoh, a former for- 
eign minister of Iran, for many years 
was Iran’s permanent representative to 
the United Nations, and one time was 


Chairman of the Assembly’s Political 
Committee. He was elected by the 
Assembly in March 1959 to serve as 
United Nations Commissioner for su- 
pervising the plebiscites and to report 
to the United Nations on the conduct 
and results of the operation. 

Two Questions To Be Asked 

The General Assembly recommend- 
ed that, in the plebiscites, the two 
questions to be put to the people of 
both the northern and southern sec- 
tions of British Cameroons should be: 

1. Do you wish to achieve inde- 
pendence by joining the independent 
Federation of Nigeria? 


2. Do you wish to achieve in- 
dependence by joining the independent 
Republic of Cameroun? [That repub- 
lic was formerly the United Nations 
trust territory of the Cameroons ad- 
ministered by France.] 

The Federation of Nigeria became 
independent on October 1 and the 

Wrapping banana stems at Tiko in the Southern Cameroons. Bananas, one of 
the main exports, are shipped to the United Kingdom from Tiko and Victoria. 

Republic of Cameroun became inde- 
pendent on January 1 this year. British 
Cameroons lies between these two 
newly independent states. 

Ambassador Abdoh is assisted by 
35 international staff members, rep- 
resenting 21 nationalities appointed by 
United Nations Secretary-General Dag 
Hammarskjold in consultation with 
Dr. Abdoh. His official headquarters 
for the plebiscites are located at Buea, 
and he will also have an office in 
Mubi, seat of the Northern Came- 
roons administration. 

A former German colony, the British 
Cameroons has been administered by 
the United Kingdom since World War 
I, first as a League of Nations man- 
date and later as a United Nations 
trust territory. The territory has an 
area of 34,081 square miles and a 
population of about 1,600,000, divided 
fairly evenly between north and south. 

Registration of Voters 

Registration of voters for the plebis- 
cites, the first phase of the operation, 
was scheduled to begin in Northern 
Cameroons on October 17 and in 
Southern Cameroons on October 26. 
After publication of a preliminary 
voters’ list, there followed a period 
allowed for submission of claims be- 
fore publication of the final lists. Poll- 
ing day, for both Northern and 
Southern Cameroons, is February 11. 

The arrangements for the plebis- 
cites, as directed by the General As- 
sembly,”are being carried out during 
the period from October 1960 to 
March 1961, the dry season. 

Nineteen United Nations observers, 
whose task is to assist the Commis- 
sioner in supervising the various stages 
of the plebiscite operation, were in 
their assigned stations when registra- 
tion began. 

Events Leading to Plebiscites 

The background of events leading 
to the decision to hold the plebiscites 

UNR—December 1960 

Djalal Abdoh of Iran, Plebiscite Com- 
missioner for the British Cameroons. 

in the northern and southern sections 
of British Cameroons is briefly as 

From 1922 until October 1, 1960, 

the United Kingdom administered the 
' trust territory—both the northern and 
' southern sections—as integral parts of 
, Nigeria, formerly a British colony and 
' protectorate. 
4 Until October 1, Northern Came- 
roons was administered as part of the 
Northern Region of the Federation of 
Nigeria, sharing in the system of 
government of that region. Southern 
Cameroons was a region within the 
Federation of Nigeria, with its own 
legislature. Since October 1, the two 
parts of the trust territory have been 
administered directly by the United 

In 1958, the United Kingdom, in 
the expectation that Nigeria soon 
would become independent, raised in 
the United Nations the question of 
the future of the trust territory. It 
stated that the inhabitants of British 
Cameroons would not be obliged to 
remain part of an independent Nigeria 
if that was contrary to their wishes, 
and that before Nigeria became in- 
dependent the people of Northern and 
Southern Cameroons would have to 
say freely what their wishes were as 
to their own future. 

— _—_ wr me we TET 

ee en 

, = oe 


g Visiting Mission’s Report 
0 That same year, the United Nations 
Trusteeship Council, which supervises 
s, the administration of trust territories 
$- under the authority of the General 
~] Assembly, sent a visiting mission to 
nD the Cameroons to study the question. 
4 The mission reported in brief that 
the future of British Cameroons had 
become a question of urgency in view 
of the fact that both its neighbors— 
Nigeria and the former French Came- 
roons—were soon to attain independ- 

UNR—December 1960 

It pointed out that each of these 
neighbors had indicated its desire to 
have British Cameroons join it, if that 
should be the wish of the population 
of the trust territory. 

The mission emphasized that for all 
practical purposes the two sections of 
British Cameroons—north and south 
—should be regarded as having sepa- 
rate and different existence. 

From the Trusteeship Council, the 
matter went before the General As- 
sembly which, at a special resumed 
thirteenth session, recommended in 
March 1959 that separate plebiscites 
be held in the northern and southern 
sections of British Cameroons to as- 
certain the wishes of the population 
regarding their future. 

The plebiscite in Northern Came- 
roons was scheduled to take place in 
November of that year, and the one 

in Southern Cameroons between De- 
cember 1959 and April 1960. 

Southern Cameroons 

In respect to Southern Cameroons, 
however, the Assembly was not able 
to reach a decision at that time on the 
questions to be asked in the proposed 
plebiscite and on the qualifications of 
the voters. The reason was that leaders 
of the territory who were attending 
the Assembly session expressed differ- 
ing Opinions on these two issues. At 
the Assembly’s fourteenth session, in 
October 1959, agreement was reached 
on the two pending issues. 

Thus, the plebiscite in Southern 
Cameroons, originally planned for 
1959-60, did not take place. 

The Assembly has recommended 
that only persons born in the Southern 
Cameroons, or one of whose parents 



r— 10° 



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MAP NO. 1203 REV.I 


Villagers in the Southern Cameroons discuss land-leasing proposals. 

was born in the Southern Cameroons, 
should vote in the plebiscite. 

Northern Cameroons 

The plebiscite originally recom- 
mended for the Northern Cameroons 
was held on November 7, 1959. The 
two questions asked in that plebiscite 

1. Do you wish the Northern 
Cameroons to be part of the Northern 
Region of Nigeria when the Federa- 
tion of Nigeria becomes independent? 


2. Are you in favor of deciding 
the future of the Northern Cameroons 
at a later date? 

That plebiscite was supervised by 
Ambassador Abdoh as United Nations 
Commissioner with a United Nations 
staff working under his direction. It 
was carried out, as provided in the 
Assembly resolution, on the basis of 
the register for the elections in North- 
ern Cameroons to the Nigerian Fed- 
eral House of Representatives. 

Ambassador Abdoh’s report on the 
plebiscite stated that nearly 88 per 
cent of the registered voters had par- 
ticipated, and that almost 62 per cent 
of the total votes cast favored deciding 
the future of Northern Cameroons at 
a later date (the second alternative 
offered in 1959). 

The matter was first discussed by 
the Trusteeship Council and later by 
the General Assembly. The Assembly, 
in December 1959, recommended that 
a further plebiscite be held in North- 
ern Cameroons. It asked that this 
second plebiscite take place at the 
same time as the one recommended 
for the Southern Cameroons. 

The questions to be put in this 
second plebiscite in Northern Came- 
roons will be different from those in 
the first plebiscite there. Under the 


Assembly’s recommendation, the two 
questions before the voters in the 1960 
plebiscite will be the same for both 
Northern and Southern Cameroons. 

As for voters’ qualifications, the 
Assembly recommended that the sec- 
ond plebiscite in Northern Cameroons 
should be conducted on the basis of 
universal adult suffrage, with all those 
over 21 and ordinarily resident in 
Northern Cameroons qualified to vote. 
This means that women there will be 
voting for the first time in the terri- 
tory’s history. 

As the forthcoming plebiscites in 
both Northern and Southern Came- 
roons will now be held after Nigeria’s 
independence, the Assembly recom- 
mended that the United Kingdom take 
steps to separate the administration of 

i>. ere 

Homecraft classes are held at a number of domestic science centres in the Came- 

the two parts of the trust territory 
from that of Nigeria. 

Regarding Northern Cameroons, 
the Assembly further recommended 
that the necessary measures be taken 
without delay for the further decen- 
tralization of governmental functions 
and the effective democratization of 
the system of local government in the 

In response to these requests, the 
United Kingdom in May 1960 sub- 
mitted two reports to the Trusteeship 
Council concerning the measures it 
was taking to separate the administra- 
tion of British Cameroons from 

The United Kingdom stated that 
the formal separation would take place 
on October 1, 1960, the date of 
Nigeria’s independence. 

In a resolution adopted on May 31, 
1960, on this matter, the Trusteeship 
Council requested the administering 
authority to take into account the 
observations and suggestions made at 
the Trusteeship Council’s session in 
completing the separation of the ad- 
ministration of the two parts of the 
territory from that of Nigeria not 
later than October 1, 1960. In par- 
ticular, it requested the United King- 
dom to ensure the existence, until the 
completion of the plebiscites, of police 
forces wholly responsible to the au- 
thorities in the territory. 

Another provision of the Council’s 
resolution requested the United King- 
dom to take appropriate steps, in con- 
sultation with the authorities con- 
cerned, to ensure that the people of 
the territory were fully informed, be- 
fore the plebiscites, of the constitu- 
tional arrangements that would have 
to be made, at the appropriate time, 

roons. A land of rugged mountains and dense forests, the territory extends for 

about 700 miles from Lake Chad in the north to the Gulf of Guinea in the south. 

UNR—December 1960 

for the implementation of the deci- 
sions at the plebiscites. 

Registration Period 

By the end of November it was ex- 
pected that the registration phase of 
the plebiscites in both sections of the 
trust territory would be completed. 
Registration for the plebiscite in the 
Northern Cameroons got under way 
during the last two weeks of October. 
Reports from United Nations observers 
stationed at various points in the re- 
gion revealed that women outnum- 
bered men during the first few days 
of registration. 

Dr. Abdoh, the Plebiscite Commis- 
sioner, witnessed the process of regis- 
tration at several centres in the North- 
ern Cameroons and saw both Moslem 
and “pagan” women waiting their 
turn to register. 

In the Southern Cameroons, where 
registration began a little later and was 
due to end about November 22, wo- 
menfolk have participated in previous 
elections and are more familiar with 
the registration process. 

During his tour of the Northern 
Cameroons, Dr. Abdoh visited Mubi, 
administrative seat of the region, 
where he was welcomed by Sir Percy 
Wyn-Harris, the United Kingdom’s 
Plebiscite Administrator, and by vari- 
ous local leaders. Dr. Abdoh held 
talks with representatives of the politi- 
cal parties of the North who, in his 
presence, agreed on the choice of bal- 

lot box colors to symbolize the two 
alternatives facing the voters. 

The parties agreed that the color 
black will symbolize the alternative of 
the Northern Cameroons’ achieving 
independence by joining the Federa- 
tion of Nigeria, while light purple will 
symbolize the other alternative—the 
achievement of independence by join- 
ing the Republic of Cameroun. 

Enlightenment Program 

Dr. Abdoh has also held consulta- 
tions with Hubert Childs, the United 
Kingdom’s Plebiscite Administrator in 
the Southern Cameroons, and with 
leaders of political parties in that re- 
gion. As in the North, the registration 
phase of the plebiscite in the Southern 
Cameroons began with a public en- 
lightenment program. United Kingdom 
plebiscite officers trekked throughout 
the region and, with the aid of leaflets 
and posters, told the people that a 
plebiscite under United Nations super- 
vision would soon be held to decide 
the territory’s future. 

The officials explained the two al- 
ternatives facing the electorate in the 
plebiscite and also the procedure for 
registration. They also stressed that 
people must first register in order to 
be able to vote in the plebiscite. 

Major problems in conducting and 
supervising a plebiscite in a territory 
like the British Cameroons, with its 
rugged terrain and almost complete 

lack of roads, are transportation and 
communications. Long treks through 
the districts often lead through thick 
jungles and crocodile-infested rivers. 
The traveller usually takes with him 
such necessities in his camp equip- 
ment as mosquito net, filter for drink- 
ing water, tinned foods, a small first- 
aid kit, kerosene storm lamps, torches, 
a canvas bath, and a folding chair and 
table. The packages are carried by 
“bearers” who, on a long trek, may 
number as many as ten. 

To make regular contacts between 
the Northern and the Southern Cam- 
eroons, a chartered “Piper Apache” 
plane is available, which normally 
makes a weekly flight between the 
centres of Buea and Mubi. The flights 
are used to send instructions from 
the United Nations Commissioner to 
observers in the North and to bring 
back their reports. The plane is also 
used by the Commissioner for making 
periodic inspection trips to the North- 
ern Cameroons. To speed communica- 
tions for the plebiscite in the territory, 
special army signal units are also being 
established by the United Kingdom 

The most isolated of the United 
Nations observers is stationed in 
Gembu on the Mambilla Plateau. Be- 
cause of washed-out bridges and tracks, 
it took one observer several days to 
reach his lonely station, which is about 
four days’ trek from the nearest road- 

United Nations Social Work 

EPORTS on the social work being 

done by the United Nations, espe- 
cially for children, were made when 
the General Assembly’s Third Com- 
mittee considered sections of the re- 
port of the Economic and Social 

Mr. F. Schnyder, of Switzerland, 
Chairman of the Executive Board of 
the United Nations Children’s Fund, 
informed the Committee that UNICEF 
was receiving more and more requests 
for assistance. About 55 million chil- 
dren in developing countries were re- 
ceiving aid, but these were but a small 
fraction of 600 million or so who 
needed protection from misery, hun- 
ger and disease. UNICEF, therefore had 
decided to organize its assistance in 

UNR—December 1960 

such a way as to strengthen efforts by 
governments to help themselves. By 
supporting only those programs to 
which beneficiary countries made at 
least an equal contribution, national 
programs involving $100 million a 
year became possible, even though 
UNICEF’s budget was only about a 
quarter of that. Special attention was 
being paid to Africa, and it was in- 
tended to appoint a special represen- 
tative for UNICEF activities south of 
the Sahara. 

A series of resolutions emerged from 
the Committee’s discussion on these 
questions. These proposals, among oth- 
er points, would have the General 
Assembly commend UNICEF; invite the 
Economic and Social Council and the 

Commission on the Status of Women 
to take appropriate measures that 
would lead to special assistance by 
the United Nations and the special- 
ized agencies for the advancement of 
women in developing countries; con- 
demn all manifestations of racial and 
national hatred and call upon govern- 
ments to take measures to prevent 
such manifestations; urge all con- 
cerned to continue their efforts to 
promote in primary and secondary 
schools the teaching of the purposes, 
principles, structure and activities of 
the United Nations; and request the 
Economic and Social Council to in- 
vestigate the possibilities for domestic 
and international financing of low- 
cost housing programs in less devel- 
oped countries. 


To Help Fight Hunger in Underdeveloped Lands 

Assembly Adopts Plan 

for Distribution of Food Surpluses 

—- of the impelling need 
to solve the problems of hunger 
and malnutrition confronting many 
peoples, the United Nations General 
Assembly has taken new steps to use 
United Nations machinery to help 
solve this critical problem. 

On October 27, 1960, it unani- 
mously adopted a resolution aimed at 
providing food surpluses to food-de- 
ficient peoples through the United 
Nations system. It invited the Food 
and Agriculture Organization (FAO) 
to work on procedures without delay 
for making available the largest prac- 
ticable quantities of surplus food to 
help fight hunger in less developed 
countries, on mutually agreeable terms. 
(For details of resolution, see page 18.) 

These procedures are to be com- 
patible with desirable agricultural de- 
velopment as a contribution to eco- 
nomic development, without prejudice 
to bilateral arrangements for this pur- 
pose. They are to be compatible, too, 
with FAO’s principles for the disposal 
of surpluses. 

Fao was also invited to study the 
feasibility and practicability of addi- 
tional arrangements, including multi- 
lateral arrangements under FAO aus- 
pices, with a view to mobilizing avail- 
able surplus foodstuffs and distributing 
them in areas of greatest need, particu- 
larly in the economically less devel- 
oped countries. 

The Assembly, in addition, stressed 
the need for adequate safeguards and 
appropriate measures against: (i) 
dumping agricultural surpluses on in- 
ternational markets; and (ii) adverse 



effects upon the economic and finan- 
cial position of countries primarily de- 
pendent on food exports for their for- 
eign exchange earnings. The avoidance 
of damage to normal trading in food- 
stuffs, it was recognized, would best 
be assured by multilateral trading 

The Assembly’s resolution was 
transmitted for consideration by the 
FAO Council meeting in Rome. 

The ultimate solution to the hunger 
problem, the Assembly’s resolution 
recognized, lies in an effective speed- 
ing-up of economic development, al- 
lowing underdeveloped countries to in- 
crease their food output and enabling 
them to purchase more food through 
normal international trade channels. It 
believed, too, that international aid in 
establishing national food reserves was 
one effective transitional measure of 
helping accelerate economic develop- 
ment in the less developed countries. 

In adopting the resolution on the 
use of food surpluses, the Assembly 
also endorsed, and called on members 
of the United Nations and of the 
specialized agencies to support, FAO’s 
*‘Freedom-from-Hunger Campaign” 
launched in July 1960 as a concerted 
attack on the problem of providing 
adequate food for food-deficient peo- 

Fao will report on the action taken 
on the food surplus question to the 
United Nations Economic and Social 
Council in mid-1961. The Secretary- 
General of the United Nations will 
also report to the Council’s mid-1961 
session—on the role which the United 

Nations and the appropriate special- 
ized agencies can play in facilitating 
the best possible uses of food surpluses 
for the economic development of the 
less developed countries. 

The Assembly’s resolution was based 
on a proposal originally introduced, 
in its Second (Economic and Finan- 
cial) Committee, by Canada, Haiti, 
Liberia, Pakistan, the United States 
and Venezuela. After several revisions, 
it was adopted by the Second Com- 
mittee in an amended form by a 
unanimous vote on October 26, 1960. 

The six-power proposal, as origi- 
nally introduced in the Second Com- 
mittee on October 18 by Frederick 
Payne, of the United States, urged 
all members of the United Nations 
and of the specialized agencies to 
support FAO’s Freedom-from-Hunger 
Campaign and to take suitable meas- 
ures to relieve the suffering of needy 
people in other nations and assist 
them in their efforts toward a better 
life. Among other things, it called at- 
tention to the contribution which the 
appropriate use of food surpluses 
could make in the economic develop- 
ment of the less developed countries 
and affirmed the value of establishing 
food reserves in food-deficient coun- 
tries. It also invited FAO, after consult- 
ing member governments, the Secre- 
tary-General and the specialized agen- 
cies, to establish without delay pro- 
cedures by which, with the assistance 
of the United Nations system, the 
largest practicable quantities of surplus 
food could be made available on spe- 
cial conditions. 

Fao, Mr. Payne explained, would 
offer information and advice to the 
food-surplus and food-deficient coun- 
tries, on the basis of which the coun- 
tries concerned could negotiate agree- 
ments for the transfer of food on 
special terms. 

The original draft also invited FAo 
to study the feasibility of additional 
arrangements having as their objective 
the mobilization of available surplus 
foodstuffs and their distribution in 
areas of greatest need. 

Finally, the Secretary-General was 
requested by the six-power text to 
report to the Economic and Social 
Council on the role which the United 
Nations and the specialized agencies 
could play to facilitate the best possi- 
ble use of food surpluses for the eco- 
nomic development of the less de- 
veloped countries. 

The following criteria, added Mr. 
Payne, should be taken into account 
in deciding on the final shape of the 
program: There should be no harmful 
interference with normal patterns of 
international and domestic trade. There 
should be no adverse effect on indige- 
nous production; and the transfers 
must help the recipient countries to 
increase their productivity. The long- 
term goal must be a world in which 
all people had enough to eat. Special 
terms must be transitional. 

Héctor Bernardo, of Argentina, 
found difficulty in seeing why the 
General Assembly should assume re- 
sponsibility for a problem already 
being dealt with by Fao, which pos- 
sessed the technical facilities for re- 
solving it. Moreover, the draft resolu- 
tion might have quite the opposite 
consequences from what was intended, 
he said, for the release of surpluses 
might have disastrous effects on the 
trade of producing countries and re- 
duce the foreign currency earnings 
they needed to speed up their rate of 
development. In adopting the pro- 
posal, the General Assembly would 
also run the risk of sanctioning the 
protectionist agricultural policies fol- 
lowed by certain industrial countries, 
against which many countries and in- 
ternational bodies had objected. Gifts 
of free food would not be enough to 
solve the problem of hunger in certain 
underdeveloped countries. The process 
of development in those countries 
must be accelerated to enable them 
to earn enough to buy food for them- 
selves, or to develop techniques for 
producing food cheaply at home. 

Mr. Bernardo also saw no adequate 
reason for hasty action. 

P. M. Chernyshev, of the USSR, 
agreed with the Argentine representa- 
tive that the United States proposal 
was neither new nor urgent. If the 
United States so desired, it could dis- 
tribute its surpluses either direct or 

UNR—December 1960 

through Fao, he said. In his view, the 
American monopolies were wanting to 
use the United Nations as a means 
of enriching themselves and the pro- 
posal was part of the United States 
election campaign. 

Mohammad Sarwar Omar, of Af- 
ghanistan, stressing the need for in- 
creased capital investment in agricul- 
ture to produce more food, and for a 
worldwide surplus program to raise 
nutritional levels and provide a source 
of financing for development projects, 
welcomed the six-power proposal and 
FAO’s Freedom-from-Hunger drive. 

Arguing in favor of the proposal, 
W. Arthur Irwin, of Canada, said it 
was one of the great anomalies of 
modern times that there were wide- 
spread areas in desperate need of food 
while there were other areas where 
foodstuffs were in abundant surplus. 

Canada, he added, earnestly hoped 
that in studying the feasibility and 
acceptability of additional arrange- 
ments for mobilizing and distributing 
available surplus foodstuffs in areas 
of greatest need, FAO would find it 
possible to recommend the establish- 
ment of a United Nations food bank, 
which would be supported by all mem- 
ber countries on an equitable financial 
basis. He agreed with those who held 
that any international arrangements 
for the disposal of surplus agricultural 
commodities must not prejudice nor- 
mal trade. Canada had no intention 
of supporting action with that effect. 

Also speaking in favor of the six- 
power proposal, Max Dorsinville, of 
Haiti, said that peoples freed from 
the scourge of hunger would be better 
equipped to continue the task of per- 
sonal and national rehabilitation. Fur- 
ther, the proposal ensured that surplus 
disposal would no longer be regarded 
solely as a question of charity but 
would provide a basis for broad inter- 
national cooperation. He did not think 
there was any basis for fear that the 
proposal would prejudice normal trade. 

B. K. Nehru, of India, also sup- 
ported the six-power draft resolution. 
Its adoption would enable international 
institutions to have a voice in pro- 
grams which were at the moment com- 
pletely bilateral, he said. 

Pointing out that India had bene- 
fited considerably from the surplus dis- 
posal programs of the United States 
and, more recently, of Canada, he 
added that foodstuffs made available 
under such programs were of im- 
mense value in assisting recipient 
countries to maintain social and politi- 
cal stability while engaged in the 
task of economic development. There 
was no truth in the contention that the 
programs interfered with the normal 
course of trade and that, if food sur- 
pluses were not made available, the 

countries receiving them would buy 
more from those willing to sell com- 
mercially. If India, for example, did 
not receive such surpluses, it would 
not buy more food grains from abroad, 
for the simple reason that it did not 
possess the necessary foreign exchange. 

Food surplus programs were not, 
however, tantamount to giving the re- 
cipient countries direct economic as- 
sistance for capital development, Mr. 
Nehru stated. What the provision -of 
food in fact did was to enable people 
who would otherwise have died to con- 
tinue to live. It did not enable them to 
earn their own living and was there- 
fore no substitute for capital assistance 
for the provision of tools, plant and 

The six-power draft resolution, 
maintained Hassan Mohamed Hassan, 
of the Sudan, was an effort to give 
the United Nations a greater role in 
connection with food disposal pro- 
grams, without harming the normal 
economic development of the recipient 
countries. He therefore supported it. 
Some countries, he pointed out, had 
food surpluses which they could dis- 
pose of only by depressing world mar- 
ket prices or by physical destruction 
of the foodstuffs. At the same time 
other parts of the world suffered from 
serious food shortages. Concerned 
over the lack of United Nations ma- 
chinery for dealing with such emer- 
gencies, his delegation felt that the 
United Nations should be one of the 
principal channels through which as- 
sistance in eradicating human misery 
should be extended. 

Mr. Hassan also wanted full assur- 
ance that the action contemplated un- 
der the draft resolution would not 
endanger the commercial interests of 
trading countries or the development 
of agriculture in the underdeveloped 

Speaking for New Zealand, W. A. 
E. Green said his Government fully 
supported the use of food surpluses 
to combat hunger, provided that the 
principles and guiding lines laid down 
by FAO for the disposal of surpluses 
were fully observed. At the same time, 
he cautioned that the production of 
surpluses had important side effects 
on national economies, and that the 
policies which gave rise to surpluses 
must be modified if international trade 
was to develop healthily. The draft 
resolution, he suggested, would be im- 
proved if it stressed that any action 
taken or contemplated under the reso- 
lution should proceed in accordance 
with FAo’s principles for the disposal 
of surplus commodities, and it should 
be recognized that avoidance of dam- 
age to normal trading in foodstuffs 
would best be assured by multilateral 
trading practices. 


Further, the disposal of surplus 
foodstuffs should not be undertaken 
in a manner which would prejudice 
the trade of normal exporters of food- 
stuffs. For that reason, the United 
Nations should undertake no action, 
such as the establishment of a world 
food bank, which would tend to insti- 
tutionalize the existence of surpluses. 
This would involve real difficulties. 

Scheme’s Many Benefits 

Pointing out that more than 1,000 
million human beings suffered from 
malnutrition, Mario Franzi, of Italy, 
did not share the fear that the action 
proposed in the draft resolution would 
result in a fundamental alteration of 
traditional trade patterns and a de- 
cline in the world market prices of 
foodstuffs. Distribution of surplus 
foodstuffs on special terms would 
raise the nutritional level of millions 
of human beings and help to increase 
their productivity so that in the near 
future they would be able to buy at 
world market prices what they were 
now to be given on special terms. The 
system proposed would not only have 
the advantage of channelling surplus 
disposal programs through the United 
Nations but would also guarantee the 
foodstuff-producing countries greater 
protection of their interests. It was 
thus in the long-term interests of the 
foodstuff-producing countries. As to 
short-term problems, he said, arrange- 
ments could be made which would 
make it possible to satisfy potential 
demand with the least possible dis- 
turbance of the world market. 

Abdel-Hamid Abdel-Ghani, of the 
United Arab Republic, warned against 
overestimating the significance of the 
six-power proposal. It was not de- 
signed to solve the problem of hunger 
and malnutrition, or that of surplus 
foodstuffs. It did not even radically 
change the present praiseworthy ar- 
rangements to channel surplus foods 
to needy countries, principally on a 
bilateral basis, but also through inter- 
national and philanthropic institutions. 
The draft resolution in effect sought 
to associate the United Nations and 
its affiliated organizations more closely 
with that practice. It was also less 
far-reaching than other Assembly reso- 
lutions such as that approved at the 
Assembly’s ninth session, which en- 
visaged creating a world food reserve. 

Mr. Abdel-Ghani suggested amend- 
ing the text so as to encourage action 
to tackle the problems of national and 
world food reserves and studies of the 
effect of the distribution of surplus 
foodstuffs on the agricultural develop- 
ment of underdeveloped countries. 

U Hla Maung, of Burnia, suggested 
that the six-power text be amended 


to stress the need for safeguards 
against adverse effects of disposing of 
food surpluses on the economies of 
food-producing countries. 

W. M. Q. Halm, of Ghana, thought 
that some time limit should be speci- 
fied for the distribution of surplus 
foodstuffs, since underdeveloped coun- 
tries were not likely to remain in per- 
petual need of them, particularly if 
the necessary action was taken to 
speed up their agricultural develop- 
ment and expand their production. 
The more advanced countries could 
promote that development more effec- 
tively by providing scholarship facili- 
ties for students from underdeveloped 
countries than by making their surplus 
foodstuffs available to the latter coun- 
tries at low prices. 

Mr. Chernyshev contended that the 
United States had been prompted pri- 
marily by domestic considerations to 
submit the proposal. Agriculture in 
the United States had for many years 
been in a state of crisis, a feature of 
which was gross relative overproduc- 
tion of agricultural produce. United 
States monopolies hoped to secure 
large profits in the world market 
through the agency of the United Na- 
tions to the detriment of other food- 
producing countries, he said. Adop- 
tion of the proposal would undoubted- 
ly disrupt the world agricultural mar- 
ket. Offers of foodstuffs, however 
large or attractive they. might seem, 
could not solve the problem of food 
shortages in the underdeveloped coun- 
tries or their economic development 
problems. Such deliveries could at 
best only constitute a temporary 
emergency measure. Food shortages 
could only be overcome by the de- 
velopment of national agriculture, 
thus avoiding continued dependence 
on countries possessing so-called sur- 
pluses. To achieve that, the under- 
developed countries needed agricul- 
tural machinery and implements, seed, 
fertilizer, agricultural experts, and ad- 
vice on crop cultivation and land 
reform. Such assistance could properly 
be given under the Expanded Pro- 
gram of Technical Assistance and the 
operation of the United Nations Spe- 
cial Fund. The Soviet Union was 
ready to provide such aid as part of 
its 1961 contribution to these pro- 
grams. The USSR was also prepared 
to extend agricultural assistance to 
countries on a bilateral basis. 

If the United States and other high- 
ly developed capitalist countries sin- 
cerely wished to help the underde- 
veloped countries overcome their food 
shortages and achieve economic prog- 
ress, Mr. Chernyshev added, they 
should consider how to promote the 
industrial and agricultural develop- 

ment of these countries and improve 
their terms of trade. 

The USSR’s attitude to the draft 
resolution would depend on _ ihe 
amendments to the text, which should 
include a recommendation that FAo 
draw up measures to guard against 
the dumping of agricultural surpluses. 

Mr. Bernardo, deploring the politi- 
cal turn in the discussion, called for 
adequate safeguards to ensure stability 
of commodity prices on world mar- 
kets. The resolution, he said, should 
be amended to have the Assembly 
recognize that the true solution to the 
problem of hunger lay in effective 
acceleration of the economic develop- 
ment of underdeveloped countries as 
a means of increasing their purchas- 
ing power. Also, a study should be 
made of the question of the produc- 
tion of and demand for primary com- 
modities in relation to the problem 
of hunger. 

Supporting Argentina’s proposed 
amendment, D. W. Rajapatirana, of 
Ceylon, said that his country’s experi- 
ence showed that, while the bilateral 
disposal of surpluses resulted in some 
savings in foreign exchange, the local 
cost was often in excess of that of 
supplies from normal sources. Never- 
theless, it was true that if the under- 
developed countries could import 
cheaper food, they had a better chance 
of expanding their economies. The 
provision of surplus foodstuffs, he also 
stressed, was not a _ substitute for 
development capital. 

Three Principles 

W. C. Wentworth, of Australia, said 
that three principles had to be taken 
into account: (1) Commercial stocks 
produced under normal competitive 
conditions must be distinguished from 
surpluses arising as a result of agricul- 
tural protectionism. (2) The markets 
of the primary-producing countries 
must be safeguarded. (3) Domestic 
production in the recipient countries 
must be protected and encouraged. 

The draft resolution, he observed, 
explicitly noted that any procedures 
which might be developed should con- 
form to the generally recognized prin- 
ciples laid down by Fao for surplus 
disposal. It’should also be remembered 
that many of the less developed coun- 
tries were handicapped in their strug- 
gle for better nutrition by the low 
purchasing power of their peoples as 
well as by their shortage of foreign 
exchange. The problem was to find 
enough foreign exchange to finance 
imports of both foodstuffs and manu- 
factured goods. 

No one, Mr. Wentworth added, 
would disagree that ultimately the 
only satisfactory solution was to raise 
the effective demand in the countries 

UNR—December 1960 

in greatest need and to facilitate the 
development of their agriculture. These 
required soundly-based programs of 
economic development. There was, 
nevertheless, an interim period in 
which increased commodity aid could 
prove beneficial. He hoped that the 
proposal to reappraise the procedures 
for surplus disposal would enable suffi- 
cient foodstuffs to be made available 
without delay to meet the essential 
nutritional needs of impoverished peo- 
ples. Accordingly, Australia supported 
the six-power draft resolution. 

Bilateral Assistance 

‘Mr. Omar, of Afghanistan, pointed 
out that his country and others re- 
ceived wheat on a bilateral basis from 
both the United States. and the Soviet 
Union, and there were doubtless other 
less developed countries in a similar 
position. Such countries earnestly 
hoped that the draft resolution would 
not prejudice bilateral assistance. 

Afghanistan, together with the Unit- 
ed Arab Republic, proposed amending 
the text accordingly. 

Anand Panyarachun, of Thailand, 
while fully endorsing the humanitarian 
aims of the six-power draft resolution, 
said he could not support it as long 
as it did not protect the economic and 
financial position of the food-export- 
ing countries against being adversely 
affected by the proposals embodied in 
the draft. There was no point, he com- 
mented, in feeding the hungry peoples 
of the world if, at the same time, the 
measures recommended involved starv- 
ing others. 

Ladislav Smid, of Czechoslovakia, 
stressing the need for wide interna- 
tional cooperation to raise food pro- 
duction in needy countries by techni- 
cal aid and equipment, by industrial- 
ization and by land reforms, said that 
the proposal on the provision of sur- 
plus foodstuffs was obviously of benefit 
to the producers of the surpluses, 
which had become a fixed feature of 
the capitalist system. It would make 
no radical changes in the present situ- 
ation. It would not even solve the 
problem of hunger. On the other hand, 
there was a positive danger that sur- 
plus foodstuffs from the United States 
and Canada would be channelled into 
the markets normally supplied by 
food-exporting countries which were 
dependent on their export earnings for 
the financing of their economic devel- 
Opment. The draft resolution as it 
stood did not contain adequate safe- 
guards against this. He accordingly 
proposed that the text be amended 
to ask FAO to elaborate further ap- 
propriate measures against the dump- 
ing of agricultural surpluses in the 
international market. While the pro- 
posal would continue to deal only with 

UNR—December 1960 

a temporary expedient, many of its 
drawbacks would thus be eliminated. 

Janvid Flere, of Yugoslavia, said 
FAO should devote special attention to 
the favorable effects which surpluses 
might have on the economic develop- 
ment of underdeveloped countries. It 
should take into full account the legiti- 
mate need for agricultural develop- 
ment in the less developed countries. 

He also stressed the need to 
strengthen the role of the United Na- 
tions in the field of surplus disposal, 
and thus to expand and improve the 
distribution of surpluses to less devel- 
oped countries. 

Agreeing with those who held that 
the distribution of surplus food stocks 
was only a temporary expedient, Denis 
A. Holmes, of Ireland, considered it 
necessary that the six-power text be 
altered to help allay the fear that one 
effect of the action proposed might be 
to encourage and perpetuate excess 
stocks of agricultural products. 

Mr. Green, approving the idea in 
the Czechoslovak amendment that FAO 
should elaborate further appropriate 
measures against dumping of agricul- 
tural surpluses on the international 
markets, said New Zealand had itself 
felt the effects of the dumping of food- 
stuffs by certain countries of the So- 
viet bloc. However, since the Czecho- 
slovak amendment seemed to be in 
conformity with one of the FAo prin- 
ciples of surplus disposal, it was fair 
to ask whether Czechoslovakia and 
the other countries of the Soviet bloc 
also subscribed to the others. 

To Stop Dumping 

Mr. Smid stated that the sole object 
of his amendment was to stop the 
dumping of agricultural surpluses on 
international markets, since such 
dumping would have serious conse- 
quences. It was therefore advisable to 
draw up specific recommendations on 
that point and to request FAO to give 
the problem its attention. 

Replying to Mr. Green, the repre- 
sentative of the Byelorussian SSR, A. 
E. Gurinovich, said the socialist coun- 
tries had never dumped agricultural or 
other commodities on the markets of 
other countries, and certainly not on 
the New Zealand market. The coun- 
tries which exported agricultural com- 
modities certainly suffered losses be- 
cause of price fluctuations in the world 
market and because of the deteriora- 
tion of their terms of trade, but the 
socialist countries were not involved; 
these losses were due to the workings 
of the capitalist system. 

S. Korteweg, of the Netherlands, 
said that a real solution of the surplus 
problem could not be sought in the 
disposal of those surpluses through a 

series of ad hoc arrangements, even if 
carried out under United Nations or 
FAO auspices. The real solution lay in 
an increase in effective demand and in 
a better international distribution of 
production. Action to be taken under 
the proposal should be in accordance 
with FAO’s principles for surplus dis- 
posal and should also cover transport 

Camara Sikhé, of Guinea, thought 
that the six-power proposal could 
jeopardize the economic development 
of the underdeveloped countries if it 
led their peoples to believe that they 
need make no further effort to speed 
up their economic development and 
raise their level of living, and that all 
they had to do was to wait for the 
food surpluses which the more de- 
veloped countries would kindly offer 
them. The text also contained certain 
terms not consonant with the dignity 
of the peoples who might benefit from 
the food surpluses. He suggested 
amendments to correct this. 

Second Revised Draft 

Introducing a second revision of 
the six-power text on October 26, Mr. 
Payne, of the United States, pointed 
out that it included most of the 
amendments suggested during the de- 
bate. It took into account, for in- 
stance, the views of representatives of 
food-exporting nations. Further, al- 
though the FAo principles and actions 
were designed specifically to prevent 
disruptive and harmful actions such 
as dumping, the sponsors believed 
that, as some members of the United 
Nations were not members of FAO, it 
would be useful for the General As- 
sembly to be on record against dump- 
ing. Their revised text therefore in- 
cluded a reference to “adequate safe- 
guards against dumping.” 

Mr. Smid regretted that the spon- 
sors had not accepted his delegation’s 
amendment. The reference to dump- 
ing in the new text did not satisfy him. 
It was necessary to stress the need for 
elaborating further positive measures 
against the dumping to which the reso- 
lution might give rise. 

Mr. Gurinovich supported Mr. 
Smid’s stand. The fact that Fao had 
already elaborated measures against 
dumping, he said, was not a sufficient 
reason for rejecting the Czechoslovak 
amendment, which requested FAO to 
elaborate further appropriate meas- 
ures. In fact, dumping had continued, 
in spite of the measures taken by FAO. 

The spokesman for the United Arab 
Republic suggested a compromise pro- 
posal which, he said, might be accep- 
table to the sponsors and to Czecho- 
slovakia by having the six-power text 
call not only for “adequate safe- 
guards” but also for “appropriate 


measures” against dumping of agri- 
cultural surpluses. To this the spon- 
sors agreed, whereupon Czechoslovak- 
ia withdrew its amendment. 

Mr. Gurinovich also stated that his 
delegation had always supported the 
principle of universality in the in- 
terests of the underdeveloped coun- 
tries themselves. It would be wholly 
illogical not to respect that principle 
in making an appeal for support for 
a world campaign against hunger. He 
therefore proposed amending the re- 
vised six-power text so that it would 
appeal to “all states” rather than “to 
members of the United Nations and 
specialized agencies.” Countries which 
were not members of the United Na- 
tions or of the specialized agencies 
should not be denied the right to fight 
hunger and help the hungry. This 
point was also made by Chedli Ayari, 
of Tunisia, and by Hassan Hajoui, of 

In addition, Mr. Gurinovich pro- 
posed other amendments to ensure 
that trading practices should not be 
prejudicial to the interests of the 
underdeveloped countries. 

Mrs. Nonny Wright, of Denmark, 
stressed three principles embodied in 
the revised text. First, the use of agri- 
cultural surpluses for the benefit of 
the hungry was only a short-term 
measure. If the problem was to be 
finally resolved, it was necessary to 
promote the economic development of 
countries whose agricultural produc- 
tion was inadequate, so that they 
could import the necessary foodstuffs 
on normal terms. Secondly, the dis- 
posal of surplus commodities should 
not hamper the economic develop- 
ment of the underdeveloped countries 
or do injury to normal trade or the 
interests of other member countries. 
Thirdly, surplus foodstuffs would be 
transported under normal conditions. 
She said she would vote for the draft 
resolution, on the understanding that 
no specific arrangement made under 
its provisions would affect normal 
competition in agricultural commodi- 
ties and international transport. 

The resolution, she said, could not 
then be used to favor the agricultural 
or shipping interests of any country. 
A similar point was also made by 

Birger Breivik, of Norway, and A. A. 
Dudley, of the United Kingdom. 

After some further amendments, 
the six-power text was unanimously 
adopted following a series of votes on 
individual paragraphs. The approved 
text also included an amendment by 
Afghanistan and the United Arab 
Republic. This action followed rejec- 
tion of the Byelorussian amendments. 

Explaining his vote, the USSR rep-: 
resentative said he would have pre- 
ferred to see the Committee adopt 
the Czechoslovak amendment and the 
Byelorussian amendments. Making 
what he called “a point of principle 
applicable to all resolutions,” he said 
that the text just adopted gave wide 
powers to the Secretary-General. The 
Soviet delegation could not concur in 
that arrangement, for it no longer 
had complete confidence in the Secre- 
tary-General for reasons which Mr. 
Khrushchev had outlined in the As- 

The resolution was later submitted 
to a plenary meeting of the Assembly, 
where it was unanimously adopted on 
October 27. 

Excerpts from General Assembly’s Resolution 

The General Assembly... . 

Recognizing further that the ultimate 
solution to the problem of hunger lies in 
an effective acceleration of economic 
development allowing the underdeveloped 
countries to increase their food produc- 
tion and enabling them to purchase more 
food through normal channels of inter- 
national trade. . . . 

Further convinced that assistance to 
food-deficient peoples will help raise pro- 
ductivity and thus contribute to the im- 
provement of their standard of living, 

1. Endorses the Freedom-from-Hung- 
er Campaign launched by the Food and 
Agriculture Organization of the United 
Nations and urges all states members of 
the United Nations and members of the 
specialized agencies to support this cam- 
paign in every appropriate way; 

2. Appeals to states members of the 
United Nations and members of the 
specialized agencies to take suitable mea- 
sures to relieve the suffering of food- 
deficient people in other nations and 
assist them in their economic develop- 
ment and in their efforts toward a better 

3. Expresses the belief that interna- 
tional assistance in the establishment of 
national food reserves in food-deficient 
countries is one effective transitional 
means of assisting accelerated economic 
development in the less developed coun- 

4. Invites the Food and Agriculture 
Organization, after consulting govern- 

ments of member states, the Secretary- 
General and 

appropriate specialized 


agencies, to establish without delay pro- 
cedures—in particular, for consultation 
and the dissemination of information— 
by which, with the assistance of the 
United Nations system, the largest prac- 
ticable quantities of surplus food may 
be made available on mutually agreeable 
terms as a transitional measure against 
hunger, such procedures to be compatible 
with desirable agricultural development 
as a contribution to economic develop- 
ment in the less developed countries and 
without prejudice to bilateral arrange- 
ments for this purpose and compatible 
with the principles of the Food and 
Agriculture Organization; 

5. Further invites the Food and Agri- 
culture Organization, in consultation 
with governments of member states, the 
Secretary-General, appropriate special- 
ized agencies and other international 
bodies [such as the International Wheat 
Council, the Wheat Utilization Commit- 
tee, etc.], to undertake a study of the 
feasibility and acceptability of additional 
arrangements, including multilateral ar- 
rangements under the auspices of the 
Food and Agriculture Organization, hav- 
ing as their objective the mobiilzation 
of available surplus foodstuffs and their 
distribution in areas of greatest need, 
particularly in the economically less 
developed countries; 

6. Requests the Director-General of 
the Food and Agriculture Organization 
to report on action taken to the Eco- 
nomic and Social Council at its thirty- 
second session; 

7. Requests the Secretary-General, in 
consultation with the Director-General 
of the Food and Agriculture Organiza- 

tion and after such other consultations 
as he may deem necessary, to report to 
the Economic and Social Council at its 
thirty-second session on the role which 
the United Nations and the appropriate 
specialized agencies could play in order 
to facilitate the best possible use of food 
surpluses for the economic development 
of the less developed countries; 

8. Recommends that the Secretary- 
General, in preparing, in consultation 
with the Director-General of the Food 
and Agriculture Organization, the pro- 
visional program for the joint session of 
the Commission on International Com- 
modity Trade and the Committee on 
Commodity Problems of the Food and 
Agriculture Organization which will ex- 
amine a report on the prospects of the 
production of, and demand for, primary 
commodities, include the question of the 
production of, and demand for, food in 
relation to the problem of hunger; 

9. Stresses that any action taken or 
contemplated under the present resolu- 
tion proceed in accordance with the 
Principles of Surplus Disposal and Guid- 
ing Lines of the Food and Agriculture 
Organization, and, specifically, with ade- 
quate safeguards and appropriate mea- 
sures against the dumping of agricultural 
surpluses on the international markets 
and against adverse effects upon the eco- 
nomic and financial position of those 
countries which depend for their foreign 
exchange earnings primarily on the ex- 
port of food commodities, and in the 
recognition that the avoidance of dam- 
age to normal trading in foodstuffs will 
best be assured by multilateral trading 

UNR—December 1960 

Committee Acts on Obligation of Nations 

to Report on Dependencies 

Portugal Asked to Transmit Information on Territornes 

B bag obligation of member nations 
to supply information to the 
United Nations on conditions in de- 
pendent territories under their admin- 
istration, in accordance with the Char- 
ter, was the subject of recommenda- 
tions made by the General Assembly’s 
Fourth Committee on November 10. 
The Committee called on the As- 
sembly to adopt a set of 12 principles 
as guidance for members to be applied 
“in the light of the facts and the cir- 
cumstances of each case to determine 
whether or not an obligation exists to 
transmit information under Article 73e 
of the Charter.” 

One of the most important of the 
principles, which were drawn up by a 
special committee established by the 
Assembly in 1959 (see below), states 
that “there is an obligation to transmit 
information in respect of a territory 
which is geographically separate and 
is distinct ethnically and/or culturally 
from the country administering it.” 

The draft resolution endorsing the 
principles was adopted by the Fourth 
Committee by 62 votes to 3 (Portugal, 
Spain and the Union of South Africa), 
with 19 abstentions. Previously, on 
the proposal of Togo and Tunisia, the 
Committee incorporated a clause in 
Principle IX (concerning integration) 
to the effect that the United Nations 
could, when necessary, supervise pro- 
cesses of integration. 

Portugal's Territories 

A second draft resolution on the 
subject, recommended by the Fourth 
Committee on November 11, would 
have the Assembly request the Govern- 
ment of Portugal to transmit informa- 

UNR—December 1960 

tion to the United Nations on terri- 
tories under its administration, in ac- 
cordance with Chapter XI of the 
Charter—the “Declaration on Non- 
Self-Governing Territories.” 

The Fourth Committee’s proposal 
then goes on to declare that “an obli- 
gation exists on the part of the Gov- 
ernment of Portugal” to supply such 
information and that this obligation 
“should be discharged without further 
delay.” As originally presented in 
the Committee by nine African and 
Asian states, it had also included a 
specific request to Spain to transmit 
data to the United Nations on its 
overseas territories. That was deleted, 
however, after the representative of 
Spain announced that his Government 
would transmit such information. 

As recommended by the Committee, 
the draft resolution includes an expres- 
sion of satisfaction over Spain’s agree- 
ment to do so. 

The third preambular paragraph of 
the proposal recognizes that “the de- 
sire for independence is the rightful 
aspiration of peoples under colonial 
subjugation and that the denial of 
their right to self-determination con- 
stitutes a threat to the well-being of 
humanity and a threat to international 

The draft resolution lists nine Portu- 
guese-administered territories as falling 
within the meaning of Chapter XI: the 
Cape Verde Archipelago; Guinea 
(called Portuguese Guinea) ; Sao Tomé 
and Principe and their dependencies; 
Sao Joao Baptista de Ajuda; Angola 
(including the enclave of Cabinda); 
Mozambique; Goa and dependencies 
(called “State of India”); Macao and 

dependencies; and Timor and depend- 

By far the largest of those territories 
are Angola and Mozambique, situated 
on the western and on the eastern coast 
of Africa, respectively. Angola has an 
area of 481,000 square miles and a 
population of about 4.5 million. Mo- 
zambique covers an area of 297,654 
square miles and has a population 
of about 4.55 million. 

The Committee’s action followed an 
eleven-day debate in which differences 
arose concerning the status of certain 
territories administered by Spain and 
Portugal and the obligations of the two 
countries to submit data to the United 
Nations on those territories in accord- 
ance with the provisions of Article 
73 of the Charter. 

Committee of Six 

With a view to resolving such differ- 
ences regarding non-self-governing ter- 
ritories, the General Assembly in 1959 
set up a Special Committee of Six 
charged with studying the principles 
which should guide members in deter- 
mining whether or not an obligation 
exists to transmit the information 
called for in Article 73e. The Assem- 
bly, in its resolution 1467(XIV), of 
December 12, 1959, considered it 
“would be desirable” to enumerate 
such principles. 

The Committee of Six was com- 
posed of an equal number of admin- 
istering and non-administering mem- 
bers. After meetings in September it 
submitted its report containing the 
12 principles. 

In general considerations prefacing 
the list of principles, the Committee 
of Six stated: “The right of depend- 
ent peoples to choose their own destiny 


is more universally accepted today 
than at any time since the signing of 
the Charter in San Francisco. 
There now exists general recognition 
that independence is among the right- 
ful aspirations of every nation, the 
fulfilment of which is an important 
factor in the preservation of interna- 
tional peace and security. . The 
Charter is a living document, and the 
obligations under Chapter XI must 
be viewed in the light of the changing 
spirit of the times.” 

In presenting the report to the 
Assembly’s Fourth Committee, J. S. 
Jha, of India, Chairman of the Special 
Committee of Six, explained that his 
group had confined itself to the enu- 
meration of universal principles with- 
out reference to any particular non- 
self-governing territories, although in- 
dividual territories had occasionally 
been cited in order to illustrate certain 

Mr. Jha said the entire discussion 
of the Special Committee had been held 
in the context of the present-day situ- 
ation and of the problems of the non- 
self-governing territories as they had 
been studied in recent years in the 
Fourth Committee and the General 

Mr. Jha added that not only had the 
Committee’s work been carried out 
against the background of the no 
longer controversial ideal of a world 
in which no people could dominate 
another, but that the Committee had 
also taken account of such practical 
aspects as the different sizes and geo- 
graphical situations of the non-self- 
governing territories, the development 
and experiences of the last few years 
and the various studies that had al- 
ready been made on the subject. 

Dr. F. Cuevas Cancino, of Mexico, 
a member of the Committee of Six, 
also stressed the constructive conclu- 
sions reached by that body. He thought 
the principles drawn up set out clearly 
the conditions in which the obligations 
imposed under Article 73e were ap- 

“Overseas Provinces” Claim 

The Fourth Committee’s debate, in 
which more than 50 representatives 
participated, centred mainly on the 
question of the obligations of Spain 
and Portugal to submit information to 
the United Nations on current condi- 
tions in their territories in Africa, 
Asia and the Atlantic islands. 

It may be recalled that since attain- 
ing membership in the United Nations 
in 1955, Portugal and Spain have con- 
sistently maintained that the territories 
involved are “overseas provinces” of 
the homeland and as such do not 
come within the scope of the Charter’s 
provisions regarding non-self-govern- 


ing territories. The representative of 
Portugal, Alberto Franco Nogueira, 
again adduced a number of legal argu- 
ments on the issue and maintained 
that the principles enumerated by the 
Committee of Six did not apply to 
the “overseas provinces” of Portugal. 

Mr. Nogueira reiterated his Govern- 
ment’s stand regarding the proceed- 
ings which led to the establishment of 
the Committee of Six. He said his 
delegation had always kept an open 
mind on the matter and had studied 
the Committee’s report without any 
preconceived views. It had also ex- 
amined the replies received from gov- 
ernments (in regard to the invitation 
contained in the Assembly’s resolution 
of December 12, 1959). In that re- 
spect he pointed out that only 25 
governments had taken the trouble to 
reply, a fact which seemed to suggest 
that the subject had failed to arouse 
the interest of the large majority of 
member governments. 

Differing Interpretations 

Mr. Nogueira thought the question 
before the Fourth Committee was 
again that of the interpretation of Ar- 
ticle 73 of the Charter. Precisely be- 
cause various divergent interpretations 
had been placed on Article 73, the 
Committee of Six had tried to estab- 
lish a set of principles which sought 
to implement that provision without 
interpreting it. 

Portugal, however, considered that 
no provision of the Charter, or of any 
other legal document, could be prop- 
erly implemented without prior defini- 
tion of its meaning and scope and 
that there could be no agreement on 
the implementation if there was no 
agreement on the substance. The ques- 
tion of interpretation, therefore, was 
again of paramount importance. 

Many interpretations had been sug- 
gested for Article 73. Every delegation 
was entitled to its opinion. Portugal 
requested for its views the same re- 
spect that it readily accorded to others. 
Nevertheless, he felt the fact remained 
that Article 73 was a written provision 
of the Charter and that no interpreta- 
tion was valid unless it was based on 

Noting that Chapter XI of the Char- 
ter was entitled “Declaration Regard- 
ing Non-Self-Governing Territories,” 
Mr. Nogueira said that some might 
suggest that the word “declaration” 
should not be understood literally but 
rather in the sense of an obligation. 
Such an interpretation might, in prin- 
ciple, be valid, but its validity must 
be tested and, to that end, Chapter XI 
must be placed in its proper context. 
If that were done, he thought the 
word “declaration” meant nothing 
else than a declaration, or an act left 

entirely to the initiative and discretion 
of member governments. 

Mr. Nogueira argued that the ques- 
tion was therefore: in what context 
should Article 73 and Chapter XI be 
read? The obvious answer was that 
they should be read in the context of 
the Charter. The Charter established 
three different systems for the promo- 
tion of the welfare of peoples and for 
cooperation among nations in the so- 
cial, economic, educational and politi- 
cal fields. The first system was that 
provided by Chapters IX and X of the 
Charter, entitled “International Eco- 
nomic and Social Cooperation” and 
“The Economic and Social Council”; 
the second was that outlined in Chap- 
ter XI, entitled “Declaration Regard- 
ing Non-Self-Governing Territories”; 
the third was laid down in Chapter 
XII, entitled “International Trustee- 
ship System.” 

Those systems were clearly de- 
limited, and the Charter had empha- 
sized the differences by creating differ- 
ent forms of application for each of 
them. The first and third systems 
were “international” systems. In other 
words, the authors of the Charter, by 
placing them under that heading, had 
intended that the international commu- 
nity, through the appropriate machin- 
ery of the United Nations, should 
have a say in their implementation. As 
for the second system, the word 
“international” had been omitted, 
which was an indication that the prob- 
lem was considered to be national 
rather than international in character. 

Mr. Nogueira pointed out, more- 
over, that the Charter emphasized the 
differences among the various systems 
by providing machinery for “interna- 
tional economic and social coopera- 
tion” in the form of the Economic and 
Social Council and for the “interna- 
tional trusteeship system” in the form 
of the Trusteeship Council, while it 
did not provide any machinery fo 
the supervision of the implementation 
of Chapter XI. He considered there 
was no doubt, therefore, that the 
Charter did not ascribe to Chapter XI 
the same scope and the same obliga- 
tions that it had embodied in Chapters 
IX and X on the one hand, and in 
Chapter XII on the other. 

Two Important Points 

The representative of Portugal also 
pointed out that Article 73e of the 
Charter referred to two important 
points: transmission of information 
and limitations arising from security 
and constitutional _ considerations. 
There was no question that Article 73 
did not, either in letter or spirit, pre- 
scribe any specific obligation: it merely 
made a declaration, the terms and 

UNR—December 1960 

scope of which were left entirely to 
the discretion of member states. It 
followed that the only obligations as- 
sumed by member states were those 
arising from that declaration; were it 
not so, the precepts laid down in Arti- 
cles 73 and 74, addressed solely to 
member states, would not be compre- 

If member states, by their free dec- 
larations, assumed obligations under 
Article 73, Mr. Nogueira affirmed that 
they alone had the power to determine, 
in accordance with their own consti- 
tutions, the limitations which might 
exist. The interpretation of a national 
constitution was a matter within the 
exclusive competence of a member 
state and was not one for discussion 
by any international body; a dangerous 
precedent would be set by acting 
otherwise. Constitutional limitation op- 
erated in two ways: it could limit the 
nature or amount of the information 
provided, in cases where a govern- 
ment was allowed to transmit informa- 
tion, and it could prohibit a member 
state from supplying information on 
territories and populations whose politi- 
cal status that state alone could define. 

Question of National Laws 

The representative of Portugal noted 
that some delegations, when defining a 
non-self-governing territory, sought to 
discard entirely the concept of na- 
tional law and were apparently guided 
exclusively by political considerations; 
for them, legal arguments and the ex- 
istence of national law were merely 
obstacles to progress and to the devel- 
opment of societies and peoples. If 
they discarded the national laws of 
Others, the time might come when 
their own might be brushed aside. 
Such a course of political expediency 
involved seeking shelter behind a ma- 
jority gathered at random and 
prompted by motives which, however 
much they might at one time coin- 
cide, might become opposed; the state 
concerned would then be in a minor- 
ity, at a time when their own national 
law was no longer respected. The ques- 
tion arose, he said, whether the ma- 
jority of the General Assembly had 
the power to impose its decisions on 
a country in matters pertaining to 
that country’s internal juridical order. 
Portugal’s reply to that question was 
firmly in the negative; the United Na- 
tions was not a world parliament or 
a world government. 

In conclusion, Mr. Nogueira pointed 
to a “most serious omission” in the 
report. The questions concerning non- 
self-governing territories had been 
“tied up with what was usually called 
colonialism and imperialism,” he said. 
The Fourth Committee for years had 
concerned itself with a particular and 

UNR—December 1960 

“narrow type” of colonialism and im- 
perialism. This year the field to be 
covered should embrace all kinds of 
colonialism and imperialism, including 
those of a political and ideological 
nature. The report had been drawn 
up without taking such things into 
account. Mr. Nogueira thought that 
those “new types of colonialism” 
should be taken into account. 

Africa's ‘Wind of Change” 

Portugal’s arguments were rebutted 
by many speakers during the Commit- 
tee’s debate. A majority of representa- 
tives were critical of the attitude 
adopted by both Portugal and Spain, 
which was described as being “com- 
pletely out of step with the times.” 
Several speakers pointed to the “wind 
of change” and the movement for 
freedom sweeping across Africa. 

Such a movement, said Joseph A. 
Braimah, of Ghana, could not be 
stopped by “legal and juridical for- 
mulas.” The so-called “overseas prov- 
inces” of Portugal could not be indefi- 
nitely isolated from the changes taking 
place in the rest of Africa. Mr. Brai- 
mah warned that the recent events in 
the Congo and in Nyasaland had in- 
fluenced those who were fighting for 
freedom in Angola and Mozambique. 
The flight to Ghana of increasing 
numbers of political refugees from 
Angola indicated that the nationalist 
movement there was being intensified, 
he said. Portugal’s continued suppres- 
sion of such movements would lead 
to explosions and perhaps even con- 
flicts which might endanger interna- 
tional peace and security. 

Similar views were expressed by 
representatives of other African coun- 
tries, including some of those which 
recently emerged from dependency. 
Speaking for Nigeria, Nuhu Bamalli 
said that Angola and Mozambique 
were both geographically and ethni- 
cally separated from Portugal. - Their 
people did not enjoy the same rights 
as the Portuguese people, and fewer 
than 0.1 per cent of the indigenous 
inhabitants of the two territories were 
Portuguese citizens. 

The Nigerian representative joined 
others in commending the report of 
the Committee of Six. That body, he 
said, had accomplished a long-standing 
task, one which, if done earlier, might 
have prevented certain member na- 
tions from violating the spirit and let- 
ter of the Charter and evading the 
obligations they had accepted at the 
time of their admission into the United 

Miss Angie Brooks, of Liberia, 
thought the Assembly had no choice 
but to request Portugal to implement 
the obligations it undertook in joining 

the United Nations. The Assembly 
should recommend that Portugal ad- 
vance with the tide of history and see 
that the territories under its admin- 
istration and the peoples under its 
rule in Africa and Asia were delivered 
from Portuguese administration and 
that they join the community of free 

In welcoming the great change in 
the spirit now prevailing in the Fourth 
Committee and in the Committee on 
Information from Non-Self-Governing 
Territories from that of a few years 
earlier, Miss Brooks appreciated the 
wisdom of those administering mem- 
bers which in fact and in practice had 
accepted international responsibility 
for the administration of dependent 
territories and had adjusted their poli- 
cies to the facts. She hoped that a 
similar but more rapid change would 
take place on the part of the Portu- 
guese Government. 

Legal Arguments Dated 

A number of speakers felt the time 
had long since passed for legal argu- 
menis and a discussion of general 
principles on the issue. Thus, M. I. 
Kuchava, of the USSR, maintained 
that the Fourth Committee should 
not waste time but should immediately 
take note of the fact that since 1955 
Portugal and Spain had been under an 
unconditional obligation to transmit 
information about their colonies, in 
accordance with Article 73 of the 
Charter. The General Assembly should 
then deal with the vital question of 
the grant of independence to all de- 
pendent territories, including those of 
Portugal and Spain, where so many 
millions were deprived of their rights 
and were the victims of cruel oppres- 
sion. Mr. Kuchava said the Fourth 
Committee had already wasted much 
time in studying procedural and for- 
mal questions. 

V. K. Krishna Menon, of India, 
noted that in different ways Portugal 
and Spain were maintaining that none 
of their territories came within the 
scope of the provisions of Chapter XI 
and therefore they were not obliged 
to transmit information under Article 
73e. At the same time Spain had 
adopted “a more conciliatory attitude,” 
in the sense that, although making 
legal reservations, it had transmitted 
material to the Secretary-General for 
information purposes. He regarded 
that as a gratifying step forward and 
hoped to be able to note further prog- 
ress when the Assembly had “clearly 
expressed its opinion.” 

Portugal, on the other hand, he 
said, felt itself under no obligation to 
transmit information, as if its rights 
and duties were different from those 


of other states signatories of the Char- 

The representative of India, in a 
lengthy analysis of the question, also 
observed that Portugal claimed exemp- 
tion from the obligations imposed by 
Articles 73 and 74 by using as an 
argument the meaning of the word 
“territory.” That word signified only 
an area of land or a region of the 
world; since it was not capitalized, 
he held, there was no need to give 
it a special definition or interpretation. 
Therefore Portugal could not claim 
that its colonies were not “territories,” 
since that word had no special mean- 
ing. The only way of knowing whether 
the regions were within the scope of 
Articles 73 and 74 was to determine 
whether their “peoples had not yet 
attained a full measure of self-govern- 
ment.” That was the case with the 
Portuguese possessions. 

In accepting the “sacred trust” de- 
fined in Article 73, states signatories 
to the Charter acknowledged their ac- 
countability to the United Nations, he 
continued. While those Articles did 
not, like the ones dealing with the 
international trusteeship system, give 
the United Nations the right to ex- 
ercise supervision, they placed the 
General Assembly under a duty to 
require information from the admin- 
istering members in order to see that 
they discharged their trust. No ad- 
ministering member before Portugal 
had made the slightest difficulty; Por- 
tugal alone had raised the question of 

Portugal’s only title was the right 
of conquest. First in search of spices 
and then to spread Christianity, Por- 
tuguese explorers had set out to dis- 
cover the world. The only ground 
invoked by Portugal for keeping its 
possessions was that they were very 
old. No conquest of that kind would 
be accepted today. Be that as it might, 
Portugal was the only country which 
wanted to make the inhabitants of its 
colonies Portuguese. The United King- 
dom had never claimed the Indians to 
be English! 

Educational Situation Deplored 

Referring to conditions in the ter- 
ritories under Portuguese administra- 
tion, Mr. Krishna Menon stressed “the 
deplorable educational situation.” He 
said that in Angola, with a population 
of four million, only 58,000 children 
had been attending school in 1954. 
Most schools reserved the few vacant 
places for the Portuguese. Generally 
speaking, it appeared that only five 
per cent of the children of school age 
were able to attend school. 

Mr. Krishna Menon also referred to 
Goa, the territory on India’s west 


coast. There, he said, public meetings 
were banned, and permission was re- 
quired even for prayer meetings. In 
1955 Portuguese troops had fired on 
the inhabitants taking part in demon- 
strations of passive resistance. Many 
persons had been killed and others 
sentenced to imprisonment terms of 
up to 28 years. Still others had been 
deported to Africa and to Portugal. 
Between 1954 and 1959 several hun- 
dred Goans had been arrested, tor- 
tured and imprisoned for taking part 
in the freedom movement. 

Despite all that, Mr. Krishna Menon 
pointed out, India had not stationed 
any troops on the Goan frontier—but 
its silence must not be interpreted as 
approval. It was because India was 
aware of its international responsibili- 
ties that it did not want to have any 
difficulties with Portugal or the inter- 
national community. Nevertheless, In- 
dia reserved the right to call for the 
liberation of Goa, which was as much 
an integral part of Indian territory as 
were the former French establishments. 

The Indian representative empha- 
sized that the realities of the world 
could not be ignored. It had become 
impossible to speak of colonies from 
a purely legislative point of view. The 
Charter prescribed respect for human 
rights and the maintenance of inter- 
national peace and security. It im- 
posed on the Portuguese Government 
the obligation at transmit in- 
formation on the economic, social and 
educational conditions in the territories 
it administered. In that connection the 
General Assembly had the right to 
apply the provisions of Article 10 of 
the Charter (on functions and pow- 
ers). Because it was convinced of the 
truth of that assertion, India had 
sponsored, with 11 other delegations, 
the draft resolution on transmission of 
information from _ non-self-governing 
territories, specifically asking Portugal 
to submit information on its territories. 

Other Views 

Many other speakers during the 
long debate emphatically endorsed the 
12 principles enumerated in the report 
of the Committee of Six, which they 
hoped would be approved by the Gen- 
eral Assembly. Expressing such a 
hope, Wayne Morse, of the United 
States, noted that his Government had 
already applied the principles estab- 
lished by the Committee of Six in 
the territories under its administration. 
The United States, he said, had regu- 
larly transmitted detailed information. 
In the cases of Puerto Rico, Alaska 
and Hawaii, it had only ceased to do 
so when the people of those territories 
had themselves determined their new 


Mr. Morse considered that the As- 
sembly should face up to the obvious 
reality that the overseas territories of 
Portugal and Spain were certainly 
causing tension “among thousands and 
thousands of people indigenous to 
those areas.” The Assembly should 
seek, as a united body, to resolve 
those tensions in a friendly way. 

Position of Spain 

Presenting Spain’s position on the 
question, Manuel Aznar regretted that 
“political passions” entering the dis- 
cussion had prevented the Committee 
from making a thorough study of the 
legal problem as stated by the repre- 
sentative of Portugal. The latter had 
analyzed in detail the scope and sig- 
nificance of Article 73e of the Char- 
ter, and it would be difficult to equal 
his arguments, Mr. Aznar said. 

He considered that the intransigent 
position of those who refused to con- 
sider the substance of the problem, 
because they could see only its super- 
ficial aspects, might entail serious con- 
sequences for the coexistence, within 
the United Nations, of delegations of 
differing opinions, and might, indeed, 
extend the “cold war” to the Fourth 
Committee itself. 

Referring to the report of the Com- 
mittee of Six and the 12 principles it 
contained, Mr. Aznar thought these 
had been praised in very general 
terms, as if “out of mere courtesy.” 
For its part, Spain wished to congratu- 
late that Committee, several of whose 
members had had to renounce certain 
ideas and abandon certain profound 
personal convictions. The Committee 
of Six had stated that the “Charter is 
a living document and the obligations 
under Chapter XI must be viewed 
in the light of the changing spirit of 
the times.” To whom was that dis- 
covery directed? Was the inescapable 
corollary that the Fourth Committee 
might modify the Charter, simply to 
keep it in step with the “changing 

When it was realized to what extent 
a country’s constitution was protected 
against any violations and how pro- 
vision was made for amendments only 
through a carefully controlled process, 
one had to ask what would happen 
if a majority group could without 
hindrance interpret a national constitu- 
tion along lines favorable to its inter- 
ests. Who, moreover, was going to 
define “the changing spirit of the 

Desire to Cooperate 

Mr. Aznar felt that many delega- 
tions had forgotten the position pre- 
viously taken by Spain on the inter- 
pretation of Chapter XI of the Char- 

UNR—December 1960 

ter. He therefore reiterated his state- 
ment made at the 1959 session to 
the effect that Spain neither knew 
what a non-self-governing territory was 
nor accepted the obligation to send 
information on territories which it 
administered. In view of Spain’s desire 
to cooperate with the United Nations, 
however, it was prepared in due course 
to transmit information on its over- 
seas provinces, in the selection of 
which information he had himself col- 

Although some had questioned that 
attitude, the allegation could hardly 
be made that the Spanish Government 
replied only with refusals. Spain con- 
demned colonialism and all exploita- 
tions of peoples as being an “anachron- 
ism,” Mr. Aznar declared. Spain had 
nothing to hide. No territory under 
its jurisdiction presented problems 
which could not be resolved within 
the framework of bilateral discussion 
with countries which had the same 
rights toward it. The Spanish Govern- 
ment based its attitude “on honor and 
justice and only asked the same in 

Subsequently, the representative of 
Spain reiterated his Government’s in- 
tention of transmitting information. 

12-Nation Proposal 

Further debate in the Fourth Com- 
mittee turned on the draft resolution 
sponsored by 12 member states con- 
cerning the transmission of information 
under Article 73e and containing a spe- 
cific request to Portugal and Spain 
regarding information on their terri- 
tories. The sponsors were Afghanistan, 
Burma, Ceylon, Ghana, Guinea, India, 
Iraq, Liberia, Libya, Nepal, Nigeria 
and Senegal. After Spain’s statement 
regarding the submission of data on 
its territories, the sponsors deleted a 
request appearing in the original draft 
calling on Spain to transmit informa- 
tion. At the same time the proposal, in 
its operative part, asked the Secretary- 
General to take “the necessary steps 
in pursuance of the declaration of the 
Government of Spain that they are 
ready to act in accordance with the 
provisions of the Charter.” 

In the course of further considera- 
tion of the proposal, Ivan G. Neklessa, 
of the Ukrainian SSR, submitted a 
series of amendments, the general effect 
of which was to reinstate references to 
Spain and its obligations to transmit in- 
formation on its territories. Another 
Ukrainian amendment called for an 
additional clause in the draft urging 
the Governments of Spain and Por- 
tugal “to grant to the indigenous popu- 
lations of the non-self-governing ter- 
Titories under their administration the 
enjoyment of full freedom for demo- 
cratic political activities which would 

UNR—December 1960 

ensure their attainment of independ- 

Speaking in support of the Ukrain- 
ian amendments, Mieczyslaw Blusztajn, 
of Poland, considered that the declara- 
tion made by the representative of 
Spain left “too many doubts” on the 
question of submission of data. He 
found nothing in that declaration 
which could be interpreted as express- 
ing the willingness of the Spanish 
Government to abide by the provisions 
of Article 73 of the Charter. 

Ali Yavar Jung, of India, while 
appreciating the spirit which inspired 
the Ukrainian amendments, said he 
could not agree with most of the 
suggestions contained in them. He 
felt that the Assembly should express 
satisfaction over any positive step for- 
ward in the matter, however small. 
He noted that the enumeration of 
Spain’s territories—contained in the 
original draft resolution — had been 
deleted from the proposal to comply 
with the wishes expressed by a num- 
ber of delegations. 

Resolution Adopted 

After further discussion, the Com- 
mittee, late on November 11, voted 
on the various proposals submitted. 
The Ukrainian amendments were all 
rejected by varying votes (see page 
91). After a paragraph-by-paragraph 
vote, the draft resolution as a whole 
was then adopted by 45 votes to 6, 
with 24 abstentions (23 delegations 
were absent). 

Member states voting against the 
draft resolution were: Belgium, Brazil, 
France, Portugal, Spain and the Union 
of South Africa. Abstentions were 
cast by: Albania, Australia, Austria, 
Bulgaria, Byelorussian SSR, Canada, 
Chile, China, Colombia, Czechoslo- 
vakia, Dominican Republic, Hungary, 
Italy, Japan, Netherlands, New Zea- 
land, Pakistan, Panama, Poland, Ro- 
mania, Ukrainian SSR, USSR, United 
Kingdom and United States. 

After the voting, the representative 
of Portugal told the Committee that 
he “categorically” reserved the position 
of his Government on the recommen- 

Explanations of Vote 

A number of delegations which had 
opposed or abstained on the Com- 
mittee’s recommendation subsequently 
explained their positions. Pedro de 
Souza-Braga, of Brazil, said his dele- 
gation had voted against the proposal 
because it considered that the enu- 
meration of territories in the draft 
went beyond the principles which had 
been approved by the Committee and 
“created a dangerous precedent.” He 
hoped Brazil’s stand would not be 

misinterpreted either by the young 
nations of Africa or by Portugal, with 
which Brazil had close ties. 

France, said Jacques Koscziusko- 
Morizet, had opposed the draft resolu- 
tion because its werding ran counter 
to the principles enshrined in the 
Charter, which France had always de- 
fended. Article 73 referred to an ac- 
ceptance, not to an obligation. The 
Charter, he said, had not given the 
United Nations the right of supervision 
over non-self-governing territories; it 
did not enumerate the territories to 
which Article 73 might apply, nor 
empower the Assembly to draw up 
such a list. Nor were the administering 
members called upon to supply a list 
of such territories. 

As the Charter stood, the Assembly 
was not entitled to decide whether a 
territory was or was not self-governing, 
said Mr. Koscziusko-Morizet. Accord- 
ingly, the Assembly had refrained 
from drawing up any lists and had 
merely taken into account the informa- 
tion voluntarily supplied by the ad- 
ministering members. France, which 
had applied with the letter of the law, 
felt that respect for a rule that was 
common to all, however imperfect it 
might be, was the best guarantee that 
the United Nations aims would be 

Reasons of a legal character were 
advanced by Belgium for its negative 
vote on the draft resolution. In ex- 
plaining these, E. Vanderborght held 
that in the light of Article 73 the 
recommendation was an infringement 
of the prerogatives of member states. 
It was for them alone to decide 
whether or not to transmit to the Sec- 
retary-General the statistical and other 
information referred to in Article 73e. 

Mr. Vanderborght said Belgium 
considered there were a number of ter- 
ritories concerning which information 
had never been transmitted but which 
should have been regarded as coming 
within the terms of Chapter XI. If, 
however, the Assembly had assumed 
the right to enumerate those territories, 
it would have overstepped its func- 
tions and “undermined the contractual 
foundations on which the provisions 
of the Charter were based.” Belgium’s 
position could be summed up in one 
phrase—“the whole Charter and noth- 
ing but the Charter.” 

Doubts on Wording 

A number of delegations which ab- 
stained on the proposal expressed 
doubts over its implications, and some 
questioned the wording of its third 
preambular paragraph. Thus Sir An- 
drew Cohen, of the United Kingdom, 
thought that the meaning of the latter 

(Continued on page 42) 

Second Progress Report 

to the Secretary-General 

from his Special Representative 

in the Congo 

Ambassador Rajeshwar Dayal 

1. Introduction 

HE first progress report of the 
Special Representative of the Sec- 
retary-General of the United Nations 
in the Congo was submitted on Sep- 
tember 21, 1960. This second report 
covers significant developments during 
the period from September 21 to the 
end of October 1960, without trespas- 
sing on ground already covered by the 
first report, except in referring to 
earlier events in so far as they have 
conditioned subsequent developments. 
The Special Representative would, 
however, point to the general conclu- 
sion in his first report, indicating the 
magnitude and intricacy of the diffi- 
culties facing ONUC. The urgent prob- 
lems both in the field of law and 
order and in the field of civilian opera- 
tions continue seriously to obstruct 
progress toward national unity and the 
establishment of a coherent govern- 
ment and administration which could 
assume responsibility, with the assist- 
ance of the United Nations, for the 
conduct of the affairs of the country. 
The basic conditions prerequisite to 
such progress—namely, some measure 
of stability in the Central Government, 
an integrated policy and the assurance 
throughout the country of a sense of 
security and freedom from disorder— 
are still tragically lacking, and in many 
respects the situation both in Leopold- 
ville and throughout the provinces 
markedly deteriorated during the 
period under report. 
At the heart of the present confu- 
sion and disintegration in the Congo 


November 2, 1960 

is the complete lack of progress in the 
way of a political settlement, clearly a 
matter for the Congolese people them- 
selves, which could provide a stable 
and recognized government and allow 
the assistance provided by ONUC to be 
increasingly and more effectively ap- 
plied. The various contenders for 
political power are still at a complete 
stalemate, and no effective, constitu- 
tional central government exists to 
give direction to the solution of the 
nation’s urgent problems. All that can 
be said is that the most vocal con- 
tenders for power have gradually 
tempered their extravagant claims to 
sole authority, or at least their threats 
of force or other forms of intimidation 
to assume full power, and that steady 
pressure applied by ONUC against 
arbitrary acts and violence has pre- 
vented worse disorder. An analysis, in 
the light of recent developments, of 
the various conflicting claims and the 
lack of effective progress toward a 
political settlement is given in chapter 
II of this report. 

Not only is an effective central 
government non-existent, but the po- 
litical chaos has spread in a large 
measure to the provincial govern- 
ments, often beset by inner strife and 
lack of continuing and purposeful sup- 
port and collaboration from a central 
government. Repeated arrests and 

changes of provincial leaders, arbi- 
trary assumption of political authority 
with the backing of units of the ANC 
[Congolese National Army], absence 
of effective machinery and qualified 
staff in the provincial ministries, vir- 

tual bankruptcy and lack of prospec- 
tive revenues—all these reflect the 
political disorganization in the pro- 
vincial capitals. 

The single most disturbing, even 
alarming, development since Septem- 
ber 21, 1960, has been a steady and 
often rapid breakdown of law and 
order. The greatest contributing factor 
to this breakdown has been the further 
indiscipline of the aNc forces, which 
have increasingly been guilty of illegal 
and arbitrary acts of all sorts. This 
indiscipline constitutes at the present 
time one of the greatest menaces to 
the objectives of the United Nations 
operations in the Congo. The illegal 
and violent acts of the ANC in the past 
few weeks have occurred both in 
Leopoldville and in the various prov- 
inces. A more detailed analysis of 
these sombre developments appears in 
chapter V below. 

The financial and economic situa- 
tion of the Congo has also grown 
steadily worse. The depletion of for- 
eign reserves, the virtual absence of 
orderly tax collection, the inability to 
pay salaries of public servants, have 
reached a stage where only quick and 
drastic remedial measures can prevent 
total collapse. 

In the last few weeks there has 
been increasing evidence of the return 
of Belgian nationals into many phases 
of public life in the Congo. While the 
reactivation of economic enterprises 
and the participation in bona fide 
humanitarian pursuits is of benefit to 
the country, unfortunately there has 
been a substantial incursion of those 
elements which appear to seek a 
dominating influence in the councils 
of administration and to exclude or 
obstruct the application of United Na- 
tions technical assistance and _ influ- 
ence. Some Belgian nationals are be- 
lieved to have been actively arming 
separatist Congolese forces, and, in 
some cases, Belgian officers have di- 
rected and led such forces, which, in 
certain areas, have been responsible 
for brutal and oppressive acts of vio- 
lence. Advisers of Belgian nationality 
have been returning to governmental 
ministries both in Leopoldville and in 
the provinces, partially through what 
seems to be an organized recruiting 
campaign in Belgium. The motives and 
activities of a significant portion of 
these returning officials appear to be 
clearly at variance with the principles 
of the General Assembly resolution 
and with oNuc’s basic objectives. 
These developments are analyzed in 
greater detail in chapter IV below. 

Attention must be drawn to the fact 
that the appeal addressed in the Gen- 
eral Assembly resolution of September 
20, 1960 [the resolution adopted by 
the General Assembly at its emergency 
special session], “to all Congolese with- 

UNR—December 1960 

in the Republic of the Congo to seek 
a speedy solution by peaceful means 
of all their internal conflicts for the 
unity and integrity of the Congo,” 
unfortunately remains largely un- 

The people of the Congo are vigor- 
ous and fully conscious of their re- 
cently won independence. They would 
like to see their country advance on 
the road to stability and progress and 
to utilize to the full its enormous na- 
tural resources and the talent and 
labor of the people. The difficulties 
encountered by the United Nations 
operations in the Congo are often the 
result of past experiences and the 
conditioning of the people during the 
years of colonial administration. One 
may express the hope that the spirit 
of independence will induce a change 
in attitudes and increase the national 
consciousness in regard to the grave 
responsibilities facing the new nation. 
With the single-minded devotion of 
the leaders and with such assistance as 
the United Nations can render, the 
sovereign independent Republic of the 
Congo should be able to raise itself in 
a measurable period of time to a 
position of economic independence 
and political and social well-being. 

ll. The Constitutional Crisis 

The first progress report outlined 
the basic problem facing ONUC in the 
political field. In its section II on 
“Political Instability and the Problems 
of Non-Intervention,” it gave a chron- 
ological account of the development of 
the constitutional crisis within the 
Central Government up to September 
20, 1960. In so doing, it drew atten- 
tion to the essential predicament of 
ONUC, i.e. that it is bound by the 
principles of the Charter and the ex- 
press terms of its mandate from the 
Security Council not to “be a party to 
or in any way intervene in or be used 
to influence the outcome of any in- 
ternal conflict, constitutional or other- 

Onuc has therefore had the delicate 
task of maintaining, in the midst of a 
deepening political crisis, an attitude 
of strict neutrality while at the same 
time complying with the requirements 
of General Assembly resolution A/ 
RES/1474/Rev.1. (ES-IV) that it “con- 
tinue to take vigorous action,” in 
accordance with Security Council reso- 
lutions, “to assist the central govern- 
ment of the Congo in the restoration 
and maintenance of law and order 
throughout the territory of the Repub- 
lic of the Congo.” The onuc dilemma 
has accordingly centred upon the fact 
that it is confronted with rival group- 
ings claiming to constitute the Central 
Government of the Congo. This is 
further complicated by the rivalry be- 

UNR—December 1960 

tween central and separatist “govern- 

In such a situation each contestant 
for power has continually attempted 
to enlist United Nations support to 
enforce his own particular or factional 
political solution. The inevitable result 
has been that almost every significant 
measure taken by ONUC, in the im- 
partial fulfilment of its mandate, has 
been interpreted by one faction or 
another as being directed against itself 
by the United Nations, or by some of 
its member states. Indeed, even a 
decision by oNnuc to refrain from a 
particular measure, in order to pre- 
serve its neutrality, has often been 
interpreted as an act of political collu- 
sion on its part. In the heat of political 
passion the same party which has con- 
demned onuc for “interference in 
domestic affairs” not infrequently calls 
upon it to “intervene” against the 
actions of a rival. 

These tendencies, previously noted, 
have increased with the prolongation 
of the crisis in the period under re- 
view to the point where at times ONUC 
has had to face waves of manufactured 
propaganda in an orchestrated local 
press, periodic bouts of official non- 
cooperation, and even public threats 
of countrywide military or individual 
personal assault. 

The following paragraphs will trace 
the development of the political crisis 
in relation to the ONUC mandate and 
the principle of non-intervention. 

At the end of the period covered by 
the first progress report, the Chief of 
Staff of the Congolese National Army 
proclaimed that the army had decided 
to solve the problems of the country, 
“tint it would take power, in view of 
the struggle going on between two 
opposing governments, until December 
31, 1960,” and that a Collége des 
universitaires would be charged with 
the management of the ministerial de- 
partments, acting neither as ministers 
nor as substitutes for popularly elected 
representatives, but only as_ tech- 
nicians. It was announced that, in 
addition to keeping the administrative 
machinery of government in operation, 
it would be the task of these tech- 
nicians to prepare a reunion of all 
Congolese political leaders with a view 
to a broad national entente. 

These technicians were installed in 
office by a military occupation of the 
administrative buildings of govern- 
ment under orders of the Chief of 
Staff. They were ultimaiely designated 
as a college, or council, of commis- 
sioners-general, and appointed by a 
presidential ordinance which, under 
date of September 20, 1960, named 
14. commissioners-general and an 
equal number of commissioners. Citing 
the article of the Fundamental Law 
which confers on the Chief of State 

executive authority—as regulated by 
that law—under countersignature of 
the responsible minister, this ordi- 
nance was signed by the President and 
countersigned by the Minister of Fi- 
nance (who held that office in the 
Lumumba government and also in the 
cabinet designated by Mr. Ileo). No 
rescission of the presidential ordinance 
of September 12 naming the Ileo 
government was announced. 

On September 20 and 21, Mr. 
Patrice Lumumba formally requested 
the immediate armed “intervention” of 
ONUC to counter this action and repel 
the Congolese troops—an act which 
would have violated the terms of its 
mandate. On September 27 a delega- 
tion of parliamentarians, styling them- 
selves a majority group, presented to 
the United Nations a memorandum 
which, after accusing ONUC both of 
inaction and of interference in internal 
affairs, laid down an ultimatum that 
its troops liberate the Parliament, evict 
Congolese troops from the airport and 
national radio station, and restrict 
these latter to the sole use of the 
Lumumba government. This was ac- 
companied by a threat that if the 
United Nations failed to comply with 
the demands, steps would be taken to 
“requisition” the Afro-Asian troops 
serving under the United Nations com- 
mand for the exclusive use of that 
government. Such appeals for inter- 
vention have occurred intermittently 
during the period under review. 

On September 27 and 28, the Presi- 
dent and Mr. Ileo announced that 
within a few days a round-table con- 
ference would bring together the prin- 
cipal political leaders of the six prov- 
inces with a view to resolving the 
political crisis and settling the defini- 
tive structures of the state. The Col- 
lege of Commissioners-General was to 
be responsible for the arrangements. 
Twenty-six officers of the Congolese 
National Army began an infructuous 
tour of the provinces to select dele- 
gates. They were ultimately discharged 
from the army by the Chief of Staff 
on the ground that they had, in the 
course of their mission, been “in- 
doctrinated.” On September 29 the 
Chief of State conducted a ceremory 
in which he swore in the commission- 
ers, praised and ratified the decision 
of the Chief of Staff to install the 
college, and again announced his in- 
tention to pursue the project of calling 
a round-table conference. The Chief 
of Staff let it be known that he ob- 
jected to the ceremony, on the ground 
that he had “neutralized political per- 
sonalities” whose homes were guarded 
by onuc in order that they not emerge 
therefrom or make tendentious declar- 

Discussions about a round-table 
conference continued through October 


but without any agreement either as to 
its venue, functions or composition. 
Mr. Lumumba made it known that he 
favored the use of Parliament instead. 
Mr. Kalonji objected to this on the 
ground that Mr. Lumumba controlled 
the deputies. Mr. Tshombe preferred 
a conference in another country. 
Others would not participate in any 
conference entailing a reconciliation 
with Mr. Lumumba. By the end of 
October it was generally conceded that 
for the present the project had failed. 

Centrifugal political tendencies con- 
tinued during this period. Different 
separatist moves within Leopoldville 
Province and the contiguous lake dis- 
trict and in the Maniema district of 
Kivu Province were threatened. A 
group of 29 members of the MNC, 
Lumumba’s party, including a number 
of members of Parliament and Mr. 
Lumumba’s Minister of Communica- 
tions, Mr. Songolo, on October 3 pub- 
lished a communiqué in which they 
announced their decision to break with 
Mr. Lumumba. 

Meanwhile, several lists of reshuffled 
cabinets were compiled. On October 6, 
the leaders of the Chambers of Parlia- 
ment circulated a proposed list revis- 
ing the Lumumba Cabinet and con- 
taining 11 new additions, including 
some prominent opponents of Mr. 
Lumumba who, however, denied any 
previous consultation or, indeed, any 
connection with the scheme. Previous 
Cabinet members who had since op- 
posed him were dropped from the list. 
At the same time another list appeared 
with the apparent backing of the Chief 
of Staff, with all parties of conse- 
quence represented, but including a 
variety of mutually hostile personali- 

On October 10, representatives of 
the ANC appeared at ONUC headquar- 
ters and showed a warrant against 
“Patrice Lumumba, Deputy.” It cited 
an article of the criminal code (con- 
tinued in force from the colonial 
régime), punishing speech exciting the 
population against the established au- 
thorities. They demanded that the 
ONuUC guard (which had long been 
stationed at the residence of Mr. 
Lumumba, as at those of President 
Kasavubu, of the Chief of Staff, 
Colonel Mobutu, and others) be in- 
structed to facilitate the arrest. ONUC 
took the position that it would not, 
consistently with its neutrality, alter 
the standing orders of any guard in 
order to facilitate the execution of a 
warrant which was not prima facie 
valid. In this instance the action was 
patently wanting in due process, as 
there had been no attempt at com- 
pliance with the provisions of the 
Fundamental Law requiring certain 
parliamentary procedures to authorize 
the arrest of a deputy, provisions de- 


signed to protect the state and not 
individuals. Although ONUC had not 
the competence to interpret domestic 
law, neither could it withdraw from 
its functions in order to facilitate an 
arbitrary military arrest which amount- 
ed to an act of political violence. At 
the same time ONuc felt obliged to 
communicate to the Chief of Staff that 
such an action against a leading figure 
was difficult to reconcile with the 
declared purpose of his régime, that 
of bringing together all political fac- 
tions to negotiate a national settlement. 

This decision evoked a violent re- 
action, with public accusations of bad 
faith, from both the Chief of Staff and 
the president of the College of Com- 
missioners-General, who published an 
“ultimatum” against ONUC. It was 
threatened that from all the garrisons 
of the Congo the troops of the ANC 
would attack onuc if it did not hand 
over Mr. Lumumba by a specified 
hour. Extensive pourparlers were en- 
tered into by onuc, the guard was 
reinforced, and the hour passed with- 
out incident. The Chief of Staff ulti- 
mately advised the press that the Chief 
of State, being neutralized, had acted 
without authority in approving the 

On the other hand, numerous com- 
missioners for some while thereafter 
conspicuously withheld their coopera- 
tion. The Commissioner-General of 
Information announced that ONUC 
would henceforth be denied the use of 
the national radio for its programs for 
the troops, but ONUC succeeded in 
obtaining a reversal of this arbitrary 
decision at a higher level. As noted in 
another section of this report, the 
uniform campaign of slander and 
vilification in the local press against 
ONUC, its troops and its professional 
personnel mounted in intensity as 
rapidly as it sank in decency, not stop- 
ping at the headlining of scurrilities 
directed by name at the leading per- 
sonalities of the mission. 

On October 11, the Chief of State 
signed a “constitutional decree-law” 
creating the Council [or College] of 
Commissioners-General, conferring on 
himself the authority to name and 
revoke the commissioners-general and 
their deputies, adjourning Parliament, 
transferring to that Council the legisla- 
tive power granted to Parliament by 
the Fundamental Law (this new au- 
thority to be exercised by decree-law) 
and devolving the executive authority 
of the Prime Minister upon the Presi- 
dent of the Council and that of 

ministers upon the respective commis- 

It will already have been noted that 
the commissioners were originally ap- 
pointed by a presidential ordinance 
said to derive its authority from article 
17 of the Fundamental Law confer- 

ring executive authority on the Chief 
of State under countersignature of the 
responsible minister “as regulated by 
the present law.” The constitutional 
decree-law of October 11 did not pur- 
port to be based on any article of the 
Fundamental Law. Article 21 of that 
law states: “The Chief of State has no 
other powers than those which the 
present law formally attributes to 
him.” By article 15, his legislative au- 
thority is exercised “collectively” with 
the Chambers of the Parliament, and 
“within the limits determined by the 
present law.” By article 27, he issues 
ordinances “necessary for the execu- 
tion of the laws, without power ever 
either to suspend the laws themselves 
or to dispense with their execution.” 
Only article 37 permits him to adopt 
measures by ordonnance-loi, but it 
confines this to matters, normally in 
the domain of the law, as to which 
the Government has obtained from 
the Chambers a narrowly restricted 

As concerns the provision of the 
decree-law of October 11 adjourning 
Parliament indefinitely, it will be re- 
called from the first progress report 
that the Chief of State had on Septem- 
ber 14 suspended Parliament. In 
accordance with article 70 of the 
Fundamental Law, any adjournment 
pronounced by him could not exceed 
the term of one month, nor be re- 
newed in the same session without the 
assent of the Chambers. 

From the foregoing paragraphs, the 
entry of a new element in the political 
dilemma of oNuc will be apparent. 
Committed to the principle of neutral- 
ity, it could not have chosen between 
rival governments, nor could it re- 
spond to the continuing appeals that 
it install one or another government 
or “reinstate the legal government.” 
Equally committed to the principle of 
legality, it was now unable to give 
recognition to a régime founded in 
fact only on military force. On the 
other hand, its mission could not be 
accomplished without many routine 
day-to-day contacts with ministries, 
for urgent arrangements in specific 
fields of work must be undertaken if 
the grave situation of the country is 
not to deteriorate further. 

Onuc accordingly, while taking no 
position on the legality of the con- 
stitutional decree-law of October 11, 
1960, creating the Council of Com- 
missioners-General, has continued to 
follow its policy of dealing, in routine 
matters, with whatever authority it 
finds in the ministerial chairs. It has 
thus maintained useful contacts of an 
informal character on all matters of 
practical value in the fields of adminis- 
tration and technical assistance, with- 
out admitting any element of political 
recognition. Thus, it has not been 

UNR—December 1960 

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possible to conclude formal agree- 
ments, for want of an effective central 
government as well as for legal and 
political reasons. It has nevertheless 
been possible—in specific fields of an 
urgent nature such as teacher recruit- 
ment and unemployment relief — to 
draw up, with the individual commis- 
sioners concerned, memoranda setting 
out the details of practical action. 
Such memoranda specify that their 
terms are subject to review and altera- 
tion by any constitutional government 
succeeding the present régime. 

The President of the Council of 
Commissioners-General, Mr. Bombo- 
ko, has formally acknowledged that 
this policy governing relations “limited 
solely to the technical plane” is not to 
be treated as amounting to a recogni- 
tion of the Council as a government. 
He has observed that it exactly cor- 
responds to the mission assumed by 
the Council, that of an interim service 
in a technical capacity. 

Meanwhile, official contacts have 
continued between the Special Repre- 
sentative of the Secretary-General and 
President Kasavubu as Chief of State, 
as well as between the Supreme Com- 
mander and Colonel Mobutu as Chief 
of Staff. 

On United Nations Day, October 
24, 1960, the Special Representative 
of the Secretary-General addressed a 
solemn “appeal to the Congolese lead- 
ers to take stock of the situation, to 
put an end to the factional and party 
strife and to embark on the path of 
national unity. That path, which has 
been taken by other newly independ- 
ent countries in Africa and Asia, 
would lead to stability, integrity and 
progress. The path of division would 
lead only to fratricidal strife, disinte- 
gration and chaos, dangerous not only 
to the Congolese people but to the 
continent of Africa and indeed to the 

il. The Question of Katanga 

The initial events relating to the 
entry of the United Nations Force into 
the Province of Katanga have pre- 
viously been reported to the Security 
Council by the Secretary-General (S/ 
4417 and Addenda), and the subse- 
quent developments in his succeeding 
reports to the Security Council and to 
the fourth emergency special session 
of the General Assembly. 

The period under review has been 
characterized by the following impor- 
tant developments: 

(a) The withdrawal, at the insist- 
ence of the Secretary-General, of regu- 
lar Belgian troops from Katanga in 
accordance with resolution $/4426 of 
August 9, 1960; 

(b) The recrudescence of hostili- 

UNR—December 1960 

ties throughout the province between 
the Balubakat and Conakat political 
groups and the resulting disturbances 
in North Katanga, which are described 
in chapter V of this report; and 

(c) The violent reaction of the 
Katangese authorities to the letter of 
the Secretary-General of October 10 
to Mr. Tshombe inviting him to solve 
in a spirit of conciliation and national 
unity the constitutional problem cre- 
ated by the secessionist claims of the 
Katangese authorities, and transmitting 
the contents of the Secretary-General’s 
communication of October 8 to the 
Belgian Government requesting the 
withdrawal from the territory of the 
Republic of the Congo (including 
Katanga) of all military, para-military 
and civilian personnel engaged in an 
advisory or executive capacity by the 
Congolese authorities. 

The withdrawal of Belgian troops 
from Katanga, with the sole exception 
of technical personnel temporarily re- 
quired at Kamina base, has been com- 
pleted. As of October 31 there re- 
mained, however, 231 Belgian na- 
tionals (114 officers and 117 of other 
ranks) in the Katangese gendarmerie 
and 58 Belgian officers in the police. 

The grave incidents in North Ka- 
tanga and the United Nations attempt 
at pacification of the area through 
open consultations with all the parties 
involved, and not by the use of force 
on behalf of one of them, have had 
an untoward effect on the general atti- 
tude of the Katangese authorities to- 
ward the solution of their internal 
problems and toward their relations 
with the United Nations. Despite their 
obvious failure to restore normality 
through acts of violent repression, the 
Katangese authorities persist in believ- 
ing that argument of force is the only 
argument that the opposition groups 
are able to understand. Thus, the in- 
terruption of hostilities that has been 
brought about by the United Nations 
approach not only has not been ap- 
preciated but has provoked a series of 
unfounded charges and recriminations. 
The United Nations Force has been 
accused by Mr. Tshombe of “abetting” 
the cause of the rebels, and a number 
of gross and baseless allegations have 
been publicly made against the Force’s 
comportment and professional integ- 
rity. Finally, in a letter to the Secre- 
tary-General, Mr. Tshombe asked for 
the recall of the oNuc representative 
in Elisabethville and of part of the 
general staff of the United Nations 
Force in Katanga. 

The letter of the Secretary-General 
mentioned above has intensified the 
factious attitude of the Katangese au- 
thorities. The proposals of the Secre- 
tary-General to Mr. Tshombe and to 
the Belgian Government have been 
officially denounced as “a flagrant in- 

terference in the internal affairs” of 
two sovereign states. The denunciation 
has been accompanied by a persistent 
and methodical press campaign against 
the United Nations. The official an- 
swer of Mr. Tshombe to the letter of 
the Secretary-General has been unco- 
operative and intransigent. 

The negative position of the Ka- 
tangese authorities has extended to 
virtually all aspects of their relations 
with the United Nations, including 
their boycott of the celebration of 
United Nations Day. This attitude may 
be ascribed in part to the influence of 
Belgian advisers in Katanga. It may 
also be due in part to the frustration 
of the Katangese authorities in their 
efforts to obtain international recogni- 
tion and to a concern at the decline of 
their influence in some regions of the 
Katanga Province. It is hoped, how- 
ever, that the Katangese authorities 
will be persuaded to take a realistic 
view of the situation and of the prob- 
lems facing them, in the larger frame- 
work of the unity and independence 
of the Congo, so that progress toward 
a solution may be achieved by means 
of peaceful negotiations and concilia- 

IV. The Question of New 
Belgian Return 

There is clear evidence of the steady 
return in recent weeks of Belgians 
to the Congo and, within this frame- 
work, of increasing Belgian participa- 
tion in political and administrative 
activities, whether as advisers, coun- 
sellors or executive officials. Belgian 
military and para-military personnel 
as well as civilian personnel continue 
to be available to authorities in the 
Congo, notably in Katanga and South 

This steady return, following the 
precipitate mass departure of last July, 
may be attributed in part to spontane- 
ous, individual reactions to an im- 
provement in the security factor fol- 
lowing the arrival of the United Na- 
tions forces in the Congo, but the 
magnitude and nature of subsequent 
developments are difficult to explain 
in such terms. 

Symptomatic of the changing pic- 
ture is the rise of the Belgian popula- 
tion in Leopoldville from a low of 
4,500 in July to at least 6,000. While 
a proportion have come back from 
Brazzaville, the regular Sabena service 
brings back full loads of passengers. 
An overwhelming majority of the re- 
turnees remain in Leopoldville. 

Soon after a measure of security 
had been re-established in the Congo, 
a recruiting agency for the Congo was 
set up in Brussels and supported by 
Leopoldville. Congolese contacts with 


the agency were made through stu- 
dents in Brussels and visiting emis- 
saries from the central and provincial 
authorities. Members of the College of 
Commissioners, for their part, have 
made statements to the effect that the 
Belgians, better than anyone else, 
could bring prosperity back to the 

The object of the agency seems to 
be to assist in re-establishing a civil 
service of Belgian nationality prin- 
cipally at the policy level. Specifically, 
the posts occupied by or envisaged 
for Belgians are in the first instance 
those of chefs de cabinet in the exec- 
utive offices and technical advisers to 
the Congolese directors-general in the 

One striking illustration has been 
the recent joint application of 122 
candidates from Belgium for posts in 
the Congolese judiciary. In this and 
other cases, there is an implication of 
considerably more than that individu- 
als are seeking employment solely 
and directly with the Congolese au- 

As a result of the concerted ac- 
tivities of the recruiting agency, the 
task of onuc has been made more 
difficult. For example, in the Ministry 
of Economic Coordination and Plan- 
ning, which played a part in setting 
up the agency, the Chef de Cabinet 
Adjoint has been responsible for de- 
laying the submission of applications 
for United Nations technical aid. The 
Ministry of Public Health has also 
been strongly manned by Belgians. 
Half a dozen Belgian advisers arrived 
with the newly appointed Commis- 
sioner-General for Health on Septem- 
ber 20, and one of them publicly ex- 
pressed the opinion that there was 
therefore no longer any need for the 
United Nations advisory team. Simi- 
larly in other ministries, cooperation 
with ONUC, vital to its smooth func- 
tioning, has been hampered in various 
ways by high-ranking Belgians. United 
Nations documents and reports have 
frequently been withheld from the 
Congolese officials in the ministries, 
and propaganda has been engineered 
regarding the supposed dangers of the 
emergence of United Nations trustee- 
ship as a result of ONUC’s mission. 

In the field of telecommunications 
and civil aviation, while the Congo- 
lese officials have generally welcomed 
and eagerly cooperated with Icao [the 
International Civil Aviation Organi- 
zation] personnel, Belgian nationals 
have sought to discredit the Icao mis- 
sion as a whole and many of its ex- 
perts individually. A Belgian national 
at Ndjili Airport has sought to in- 
terfere with United Nations work 
by withholding appropriate facilities 
from 1cao officials. At Luluabourg and 
Stanleyville transition from Belgian to 


Congolese operation of radio facilities 
has not proceeded according to plan; 
in explaining his difficulties, the 
Congolese radio official at Luluabourg 
has complained that Belgian nationals 
failed to hand over to him the rele- 
vant archives, and that they committed 
acts of physical sabotage of radio- 
electrical equipment; an 1cao official 
has investigated and confirmed these 


In the Information Ministry, the 
Commissioner-General, Mr. Albert 
Bolela, having brought back from 
Brussels four Belgian advisers, issued 
instructions on October 22 that in- 
ternational news on the Congolese 
radio was no longer to be given in the 
four main indigenous languages of the 
Congo. This is a return to an earlier 

Belgian influence is also seen in the 
military field. A Belgian colonel, who 
recently arrived from Brazzaville, acts 
as an adviser to the Leopoldville 
Ministry of National Defence, while a 
former Belgian warrant officer serves 
as aide-de-camp to Colonel Mobutu, 
with the rank of captain. Thirty-six 
Congolese, recently promoted to sec- 
ond lieutenants, have been sent by 
Colonel Mobutu to Brussels for mili- 
tary training. In the outlying area of 
Thysville, where ANC armored cars 
are stationed, the number of Belgian 
military officers has increased from 
one to five, and they are presumably 
training ANC personnel! in the use of 
their equipment. 


In Katanga, Belgian influence is 
omnipresent. Virtually all key civilian 
and security posts are either held di- 
rectly by officials of Belgian nation- 
ality or controlled by advisers to re- 
cently appointed and often inexperi- 
enced Congolese officials. Significantly, 
within the security forces there are, 
according to the latest available data, 
114 Belgian officers and 117 Belgians 
of other ranks in the gendarmerie, and 
58 Belgian officers in the police. These 
figures do not reflect any significant 
recent increase, although several offi- 
cials have been brought from Belgium 
recently to fill specific key posts. 
What is abundantly clear is that the 
Belgian encadrement remains strong. 

In the last week of October 1960, 
Mr. Yav of the Katangese Provincial 
Government arrived in Belgium with 
47 Katangese cadets of the so-called 
Katangese Army to begin an extended 
course of military training. 

On October 13, it was announced 
that the Belgian technical mission to 
Katanga was being withdrawn and 
that all but one of its political mem- 
bers were leaving. The chief of the 

mission, Ambassador Robert Rots- 
child, departed from Elisabethville on 
October 16. It may be noted that 
Belgians now direct the reorganiza- 
tion policy in some Katangese minis- 
tries, which is in the direction of 

South Kasai 

In the so-called “Autonomous State 
of South Kasai” there is also a con- 
siderable Belgian presence. The current 
emphasis there is on warlike prepara- 
tions directed by a Colonel Crevecoeur, 
serving in Belgian uniform, and as- 
sisted by another Belgian, Colonel 
Levaux. There is no apparent short- 
age of rifles. Moreover, arms from 
Katanga are brought in through the 
Mwene-Ditu territory of the Kabinda 
district, reportedly with the help of a 
Belgian businessman. As _ described 
elsewhere, a Captain Roberts and three 
other non-Congolese officers have re- 
cently been taken into United Nations 
protective custody (see chapter V). 


There is reliable information that 
at Coquilhatville anti-United Nations 
rumors and propaganda are originat- 
ing from a Belgian national there, 
who, in effect, manages the airport, 
notwithstanding the presence of a 
Congolese director. In the provincial 
ministries most of the seven Belgian 
conseillers généraux have been in of- 
fice since independence, but there are 
two newcomers. 


From the above data and the gen- 
eral consensus of well-informed oNUC 
officers and from other sources, it 
may be concluded that a gradual 
but purposeful return is being staged 
by Belgian nationals, which has as- 
sumed serious significance in view of 
the key areas which they have pene- 
trated in the public life of the country 
and the possible effect of their ac- 
tivities on all aspects of ONuUC’s re- 
sponsibilities. All too often these de- 
velopments have coincided with anti- 
United Nations policies or feelings at 
the various points of impact. 

Belgian activities in recent weeks 
have increased the intransigence of 
the anc Command as well as of the 
Katangese authorities, inhibited peace- 
ful political activity and therefore the 
possibility of an eventual return to 
constitutional government and the re- 
establishment of the unity and integrity 
of the country. These activities have 
also had their repercussions, direct or 
indirect, on the technical assistance 
program, as has been indicated in this 
and other chapters. 

UNR—December 1960 

V. The Question of the 
Maintenance of Law and Order 

The maintenance of law and order is 
the primary responsibility of the na- 
tional government, acting through its 
appropriate security organs. The Re- 
public of the Congo is no exception to 
this rule. But because of the particular 
circumstances obtaining in the Congo 
at the time of its independence, the 
United Nations assumed the obliga- 
tion to maintain law and order as part 
of its general mandate in the Congo 
to render assistance to the Congolese 
authorities in the discharge of this 
basic responsibility. 

A brief analysis of the concept of 
the responsibility for the maintenance 
of law and order is here necessary in 
order to clarify the role of the United 
Nations troops. In all organized so- 
cieties this basic function of govern- 
ment is primarily entrusted to the in- 
ternal security organs of the state, 
namely, the police, gendarmerie if any, 
and the magistracy. It is only when the 
civil authority is powerless to handle 
a particular situation that may have 
arisen, that the military power is 
called upon in aid of the civil power. 

In the Congo, the situation has been 
that the internal security organs have 
ceased to function effectively; the 
police force has practically disin- 
tegrated; the gendarmerie is ineffec- 
tive, while the magistracy exists only 
in name. The situation prevailing in 
Leopoldville is illustrative of the state 
of affairs. While there are 17 police 
stations and some 1,500 police per- 
sonnel on the rolls, the stations are 
lightly manned and they do not func- 
tion during the night, which is the 
very time when increased vigilance is 
necessary. Of the police force, the 
majority has melted away and hardly 
a couple of hundred can be regarded 
as at all reliable. The Police Commis- 
sioner himself is entirely new to his 
responsibilities and lacks the experi- 
ence to reconstitute his force. There 
is no patrolling done by the Congolese 
police, and traffic control is practically 
non-existent. In the absence of a 
magistracy, arrested persons are either 
let off or languish indefinitely in the 
jails and lockups, and the case lists 
are choked with cases awaiting refer- 
ence to a magistrate. 

In such a situation the aNc has been 
called upon by the authorities to as- 
sume the responsibility for the mainte- 
nance of the basic elements of law and 
order in Leopoldville and elsewhere. 
This force is some 25,000 strong and, 
because of the prominent role which it 
has played in the turbulent events of 
the past weeks, some background in- 
formation about it would be relevant. 
Under Belgian rule, the anc, then 

UNR—December 1960 

called the Force Publique, officered by 
Belgians and equipped with modern 
weapons, was mostly employed in re- 
lation to tribal and other internal con- 
flicts, and it used methods of its own 
to achieve its objectives. Soon after 
the withdrawal of Belgian authority, 
the Force mutinied against its Belgian 
officers and so was left without any 
control or leadership. Only Congolese 
non-commissioned officers were avail- 
able to fill the gaps in all officer 
ranks. The mutiny and the concomitant 
public disturbance resulted in the in- 
tervention of Belgian paratroopers and 
other Belgian military personnel. It 
was a principal responsibility of the 
United Nations operations in the 
Congo to facilitate the withdrawal of 
the Belgian forces. 

The ANC, disorganized by the de- 
parture of its Belgian cadres and of- 
ficered by persons unused to their new 
responsibilities, suddenly assumed the 
responsibility for the maintenance of 
law and order. This responsibility was 
in fact further extended by the usurpa- 
tion of political powers by the Chief of 
Staff. A description of the consequen- 
ces of these developments in relation 
to the activities of the ANc and their 
impact on the United Nations troops 
and the general law and order situa- 
tion in the country follows in the 
succeeding paragraphs. 

During the past few weeks, the at- 
tention of the anc Command has re- 
peatedly been drawn by the ONUC au- 
thorities to the high-handed and il- 
legal activities of ANC personnel not 
only in Leopoldville but throughout 
the country. Indeed, the situation de- 
teriorated to such an extent that these 
lawless activities constituted a grow- 
ing danger to the lives and security of 
the law-abiding citizens, obstructing 
peaceful association, freedom of the 
press and of speech, and inhibiting 
peaceful political activity. Sanctity of 
private property or respect for the hu- 
man person have frequently been 
gravely violated. Arbitrary acts of 
lawlessness, such as unauthorized ar- 
rests, detentions, deportations and as- 
sault, have grown in number. Often 
such acts have been committed by 
groups of armed ANc personnel, travel- 
ing about in military vehicles. There 
have been frequent cases of large 
bodies of troops locking up their of- 
ficers and threatening them with vio- 
lence; equally, threats have been held 
out against members of provincial gov- 
ernments and civil servants, and these 
threats have sometimes actually been 
carried out. Large bodies of undis- 
ciplined troops in some centres have 
broken out of their camps and 
threatened the population with vio- 
lence. It is only the timely presence 
of United Nations troops that has 

prevented these outbreaks from threa- 
tening the complete disruption of the 
life of the community. 

In a situation where the supposed 
guardians of the honor, integrity and 
security of the country are themselves 
constantly menacing and frequently 
violating law and order, the dangers to 
the lives, property and honor of the 
peaceful inhabitants are gravely in- 
creased. If, in addition, the police and 
the gendarmerie, who are likewise in- 
effective, join in these lawless acts, the 
danger is further heightened. 

It is a regrettable fact that the anc, 
scattered over various parts of the 
country, lacks cohesion or discipline. 
In few centres does the force have any 
actual leadership. There is no evidence 
that the ANC troops are properly em- 
ployed or subject to the ordinary 
routine, such as physical training, 
drilling or other exercises which are 
the normal practice in all armies. The 
ANC troops, disgruntled and dissatis- 
fied, merely sit around in their camps, 
a prey to every type of rumor and 
suspicion. Since the assumption of 
power by their Chief of Staff on Sep- 
tember 14, these undisciplined troops, 
lacking any coherent control, have 
been drawn into the vortex of the 
political strife. Their lawless actions 
have had varying and sometimes con- 
tradictory political motivations. Gen- 
erally, however, it is hunger, idleness 
and the consciousness of their extreme 
nuisance value which have driven 
them either singly or in bands or, 
more dangerously still, in large groups 
to threaten the honor and safety not 
only of their own officers but also of 
the peaceful civilians and govern- 
mental functionaries. As these troops 
are armed, often heavily, the danger 
is greatly magnified. 

The seriousness of the situation lies 
in the fact that although their Chief 
of Staff claims to have neutralized 
political activity, he has in a sense 
assumed governmental responsibility 
which he attempts to exercise through 
a College of Commissioners nominated 
by him. Although his army has not it- 
self formally assumed the prerogatives 
of the judiciary or the functions of the 
police, members of the aNc have fre- 
quently usurped those functions. They 
have set themselves up as judges of 
what type of activity they will allow 
or disallow, regardless of the laws of 
the land. It is they who have taken 
upon themselves to decide who is to 
be imprisoned or detained, for how 
long and under what conditions. It 
is they who have issued orders for the 
deportation of persons or prevention 
of movement, generally without writ- 
ten authority of any kind. For the law 
of the land, the arbitrary will of the 
soldiery has been substituted. 


The disregard for the norms of 
justice and legality at the ANc head- 
quarters naturally finds its reflection 
in a yet more indiscriminate form at 
other centres where large numbers of 
troops are congregated, threatening a 
paralysis of the life of the country. 
The fear of arbitrary arrest, assault, 
deportation, detention, looting or 
worse hangs over the populace and, 
principally, over political figures who 
at the moment may be out of favor 
with the military group in the ascend- 
ant in a given area. 

The ANC command in Leopoldville 
denies authorization for many of the 
acts of lawlessness committed by ANC 
personnel. The very fact of the denial 
is conclusive evidence of the complete 
absence of control. Even in Leopold- 
ville itself, the ANC troops are not un- 
der any single effective command, and 
the Chief of Staff himself has sought 
and long enjoyed the protection of 
United Nations troops. The former 
Commander-in-Chief, General Lundu- 
la, had similarly sought United Na- 
tions protection. As the high com- 
mand of the ANC seems unable to ac- 
cept responsibility for the 25,000 
ANC troops scattered throughout the 
country, and indeed is incapable of 
exercising it, the United Nations op- 
erations in the Congo are faced 
with an extremely difficult problem, 
which goes to the heart of its re- 
sponsibility in regard to the preserva- 
tion of law and order. 

For the present ONUC has sought to 
combat this situation by reinforcing 
its existing procedures and developing 
new measures consonant with its 
mandate and the means at its disposal. 
In Leopoldville strong representation 
made to the Chief of Staff of the anc 
in the last weeks of October obtained 
a general withdrawal of his troops 
from the streets of Leopoldville to 
their barracks. Patrolling, both by 
United Nations troops and by United 
Nations police, was intensified. Route 
marches were organized to show the 
United Nations flag and to emphasize 
the presence of the ONUC troops, with 
a view to restoring confidence and im- 
proving public morale. Experiments 
were begun with the establishment in 
several critical sectors of the city of 
joint foot patrols by United Nations 
and Congolese police, although the 
latter have proven scarcely prepared 
for such a measure. A rising clamor 
from political figures for personal pro- 
tection was met by an increase in 
mobile patrols. 

Where provincial capitals have been 
put in a state of alarm by anc riot- 
ing, acts of indiscipline, or political 
arrests, much has been accomplished 
by determined action on the part of 
the Force, by security surveillance to 


protect provincial officials against il- 
legal harassment, by a concentrated 
show of strength at key points, and 
by firm persuasion to rectify illegal 
measures through good offices. In- 
creasing deployment of troops has 
brought new confidence to some re- 
gions which had been harried, as in 
areas of Equateur Province, where 
many of the plantations have begun 
work again, with a consequent im- 
provement in the economy. When the 
passage of unpaid ANC troops with- 
drawing from Katanga to Orientale 
Province brought looting and pillage 
along the route followed, ONUC trans- 
port planes were used to airlift them 
to their destinations in order to elim- 
inate these incidents. 

A principal effort for dealing with 
the problems of inactivity and indis- 
cipline has been the preparation of a 
program of reorganization and train- 
ing of the anc. Unfortunately, prog- 
ress in training measures actually 
launched has been disappointing, as 
a result of non-cooperation and disin- 
terest on the part of the anc, both 
officers and men. To some extent this 
is undoubtedly due to the current 
tendency to place politics before pro- 
fession. Nevertheless, ONUC efforts to 
advise on the necessary reorganiza- 
tion and encourage the professional 
spirit prerequisite to any real pro- 
gram of instruction have been intensi- 
fied, while ONUC military headquar- 
ters continues with its preparation of 
the details of the project. 

As a result of the negotiations 
undertaken by the United Nations for 
the enactment of a cease-fire order in 
the area of South Kasai, President 
Kasavubu issued an order on Sep- 
tember 23 instructing the troops of 
the ANc stationed in or passing through 
the southern region of the Kasai 
Province to return immediately to 
Leopoldville. Subsequently, on Sep- 
tember 24, President Kasavubu re- 
quested the assistance of the United 
Nations in the establishment of a no- 
man’s land roughly covering the ter- 
ritories of Luiza, Kazumba, Lulua- 
bourg, Dibaya, Mwene-Ditu§ and 

In accordance with this order, the 
bulk of the ANC was withdrawn from 
the Province of Kasai, and only a 
small contingent was left in the city 
of Luluabourg to protect it against 
the possibility of an armed attack by 
the Katangese gendarmerie or by Bal- 
uba forces from south Kasai. Coin- 
ciding with the aNc withdrawal, and 
in Opposition to the cease-fire order, 
the troops of Mr. Kalonji, which until 
then had been concentrated in the 
area of Gandajika near the Katanga 
border, extended their zone of oc- 
cupation to a region delimited by the 

Katanga Province on the south, the 
rivers Bushimaie and Lubi to the west 
and the territories of Bakwanga and 
Gandajika on the north and southeast. 
In the absence of ANc troops, the area 
was occupied without resistance. An 
attempt to enter the territory of Ka- 
binda was, however, frustrated by a 
group of armed members of the 
Basonge tribe, supported by the Ka- 
binda gendarmerie. 

Negotiations with Colonel Gillet 
and Colonel Crevecoeur and other 
European commanding officers of the 
Kalonji troops were immediately 
started by United Nations representa- 
tives for the enforcement of the cease- 
fire in the area occupied by their 
troops, and the conversion of these 
troops into a police force exclusively 
devoted to the maintenance of law 
and order was tentatively agreed to by 
both parties. However, the feelings 
of apprehension created among the 
surrounding Basonge and Kanioka 
tribes by the frequent sallies and re- 
pressive actions of the Kalonji troops 
resulted in the adoption by these tribes 
of a series of defensive measures, 
which were in turn interpreted by the 
Kalonji officers as indicative of the 
existence of a concerted plan of at- 
tack against the area occupied by their 
troops. The tense state of alert created 
by such mutual fears and suspicions 
made it impossible for the United Na- 
tions representatives to achieve the en- 
visaged neutralization of the Kalonji 

On October 25 an armed clash took 
place between the Kanioka and the 
Baluba in the regions of Mwene-Ditu 
and Kabinda, resulting in a large but 
still undetermined number of casual- 
ties. The clash was temporarily halted 
by the United Nations Force but was 
later resumed with greater violence, 
despite United Nations efforts at paci- 
fication. A force estimated at 5,000 
men and led by Captain Roberts, an 
English-speaking European, and by 
non-Congolese residents of Mvwene- 
Ditu began to advance toward Luiza 
on October 28 against the opposition 
of armed Kanioka. The Belgian-led 
Kalonji forces burnt the village of 
Malunda and killed its inhabitants. 

The United Nations forces have 
been instructed to utilize all means at 
their disposal to prevent the Kalonji 
troops from pursuing their advance 
and are attempting to form a neutral 
zone between the Baluba and the 
Kanioka tribes in the area separating 
the Mwene-Ditu territory from the 
territories of Bakwanga and Ganda- 
jika, and between the Bakwanga and 
Kabinda territories. Captain Roberts 
and three of his assistants were taken 
into custody on October 29 while at- 
tempting to lead their units across 

UNR—December 1960 

United Nations lines in defiance of the 
cease-fire orders. 

The presence in central and north 
Katanga of heavily armed gendarmerie 
units under the command of Belgian 
officers had been for some time a 
source of irritation to the Baluba 
tribes opposed to the present Katan- 
gese authorities. The prevailing state 
of tension increased to the point 
where, on September 13 and 14, 
groups of armed Baluba engaged the 
gendarmerie forces at Manano and 
kept them in check in spite of the 
gendarmerie’s considerable numbers 
and superior armament. Arson and 
looting occurred in the town before 
the United Nations forces could inter- 
vene to stop the conflict. 

On the following day the United 
Nations forces averted a clash between 
the Balubakat and the pro-Tshombe 
Conakat workers of the nearby coal 
mine of Luena but were unable to 
persuade the demonstrators to dis- 
perse. On the afternoon of that day, 
however, and when the situation ap- 
peared to be relatively stable, a train 
with two seemingly empty carriages 
arrived at the station of Luena; there 
emerged a force of 95 Katangese 
gendarmes, including 30 special re- 
cruits, who immediately took up posi- 
tions. On the other side of a wire 
barrier there was a large crowd of 
Baluba, many of them armed with 
primitive weapons or bicycle chains. 
After a short interval, the gendarmerie 
opened fire on the crowd and, after 
dispersing it, despatched patrols in 
various directions which hunted down 
and shot numerous Baluba, some of 
whom had offered no resistance to the 
patrols’ advance. 

On September 16, further patrols 
were sent by the gendarmerie to 
neighboring villages, which were sub- 
sequently found by United Nations 
troops to be deserted, with several 
dwellings burnt. Two truckloads of 
prisoners were taken out of Luena by 
the gendarmerie. The trucks were later 
found abandoned by the roadside and 
the United Nations troops counted 68 
dead, all of them Baluba. There were 
no casualties on the side of the gen- 

As was to be expected, this brutal 
repressive operation, and raids which 
were carried out by the Katangese 
gendarmerie in the towns of Niemba, 
Kabalo and Mitwaba, aroused the 
feelings of the local population to a 
degree bordering on desperation. In 
some cases, as in Luena, the civilian 
population sought the protection of 
the United Nations forces, but in 
general their desire was to take re- 
venge, whatever the risks involved. 

In view of the explosive character 
of the situation, it was proposed to 
the Katangese authorities at Elisabeth- 

UNR—December 1960 

ville that the regions comprising the 
territories of Nyunzu, Kabalo and 
Manono, and the north of the terri- 
tories of Malemba-Nkulu and Kabon- 
go, and the area of Luena and Bu- 
kama, be placed under the protection 
of the United Nations Force. The 
Katangese authorities accepted the 
proposal and it was agreed that the 
Katangese gendarmerie would abstain 
from actively intervening in these re- 
gions and that the United Nations 
troops would defend the sectors 
against incursions by armed groups 
and would assume primary responsi- 
bility for their security. On October 
19, before the arrangement had come 
into force, the town of Kabalo was 
surrounded by some 1,000 to 3,000 
tribesmen armed with primitive weap- 
ons, but after protracted negotiations 
a major clash was successfully avert- 
ed. Similarly, peaceful negotiations 
with all the parties involved have also 
contributed to prevent the outbreak 
of hostilities in other parts of the pro- 
tected sector. 

As part of the United Nations ar- 
rangements for the pacification of 
north and central Katanga and in ac- 
cordance with established United Na- 
tions principles and procedures, the 
United Nations has arranged a visit to 
Bukama, Manono and Kabalo of rec- 
ognized leaders of the Baluba popula- 
tions in those areas. 

Vi. Military Operations 

The United Nations Force in the 
Congo continues to serve, during this 
period of emergency, as a security 
force at the request of the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of the Congo, 
to assist the Government in the resto- 
ration and maintenance of law and 

There has been an increase in the 
total strength since the previous re- 
port. The United Nations Force in 
the Congo now consists of 18,451 
officers and men provided by 29 na- 
tions. The main contingents, however, 
continue tc be supplied by 15 coun- 
tries, the remainder furnishing the 
administrative and ancillary units, in- 
cluding the air force personnel and 
the headquarters staff. The major ad- 
ditions have been a battalion from 
Indonesia, which is now serving in 
southern Equateur Province, and a 
battalion from Malaya, just arrived, 
and designated for service in Kasai 
Province. In addition, a battalion from 
Nigeria is expected early in Novem- 
ber 1960 and will be deployed in Kivu 
Province. With the change in the 
political structure of the Mali Federa- 
tion, the Mali battalion is shortly to 
leave the Congo. After the above 
changes, the Force will have the 

equivalent of 22 battalions in addi- 
tion to a complement of signals, an 
ordnance depot, a field hospital, sup- 
ply and transport units and an air 
transport unit. 

During the period under review, as 
already indicated, law and order in 
the Congo deteriorated. Apart from 
heavy calls on the troops in the areas 
in which they were deployed, there 
were numerous occasions when re- 
deployment had to be made in con- 
sequence of serious situations that 
arose from time to time. In some of 
these instances, reinforcements had to 
be airlifted from other provinces, im- 
posing a heavy strain on the already 
fully-committed resources of the air 
force. In spite of an increase in the 
total strength of the United Nations 
Force in the Congo, it can by no 
means be considered as adequate to 
deal with the complex situations that 
arise in the various parts of the coun- 
try from time to time, especially bear- 
ing in mind the enormous distances 
involved. Moreover, political and other 
disturbances occur so rapidly that it 
is often very difficult to predict mili- 
tary requirements in any given area. 

The United Nations troops often 
find themselves faced with situations 
beyond normal military experience and 
yet they have acted with the utmost 
tact and moderation in carrying out 
their duties as a peace force. By de- 
votion, restraint and good discipline, 
they have been able to inspire admira- 
tion and respect. The troops have dis- 
played great patience in the face of 
serious provocations to which they 
are continually subjected. Throughout 
the political turmoil, the United Na- 
tions soldier has remained impartial, 
unbiased and devoted to his task of 
helping to maintain law and order. 

Air Operations 

Since the first progress report, the 
number of hours flown by United Na- 
tions aircraft has increased, while the 
incidence of charter work has de- 
creased. Despite this, the total United 
Nations airlift has not been as great 
as during the previous period. More 
surface transport is now being utilized 
than previously, and during the period 
under review there were no major, 
apart from operational, troop move- 
ments by air. 

Operations by C-119 aircraft have 
been curtailed because of an increase 
in unserviceability resulting from a 
lack of spare parts. The serviceability 
of DC-3 aircraft is improving, and 
many have now had their first main- 
tenance inspection by United Nations 
personnel at the air transport unit, 
Kamina. The serviceability of light 
aircraft and helicopters is not yet sat- 
isfactory but should improve with the 


arrival of additional personnel and 
spare parts. 

Costly training of air crew and 
technicians has shown a marked de- 
crease during the period. This was to 
be expected, as sufficient personnel 
have gained experience in the type of 
flying required in the Congo. To date, 
fortunately, there have been no flying 
accidents, and an active flight safety 
program has been introduced. 

The important air operations during 
this period included: 

(a) The movement of the Indo- 
nesian advance party from Leopold- 
ville to Coquilhatville and the Moroc- 
can parachute company from Coquil- 
hatville to Leopoldville; 

(b) The movement of the Indo- 
nesian troops and of their equipment 
from Leopoldville to Boende; 

(c) The movement of an Indo- 
nesian company from Coquilhatville 
to Kamina for duties in north Katanga; 

(d) The movement of the Ghanaian 
troops and their equipment from 
Leopoldville to Tshikapa and of Tuni- 
sian troops from Tshikapa to Leopold- 
ville. All aircraft with available space 
were moved through Luluabourg en 
route to Leopoldville so that the Tuni- 
sian Brigade could use all the space 
and therefore reduce the total amount 
which would have to go by surface 

The United Nations scheduled flight 
service connecting all major terminals 
throughout the Congo commenced on 
November 1. This should reduce sig- 
nificantly the number of requests for 
special flights and at the same time 
improve mail deliveries, individual 
personnel movements, urgently re- 
quired medical and logistics items and 
generally result in an overall economy 
in the utilization of air transport. 

During the period an air mainte- 
nance unit was established at Kamina. 
The centralization of this facility has 
resulted in a significant saving in man- 
power and has avoided a duplication 
of equipment such as would be re- 
quired if separate maintenance bases 
were established. An effective organi- 
zation and system of maintenance 
adapted to the peculiar requirements 
of the Congo have been evolved. This 
system is such that maximum utiliza- 
tion of the aircraft will be realized 
while retaining the highest possible 
standards of maintenance. 

The United Nations Air Transport 
Force is still hampered by a shortage 
of adequate personnel. The manning 
position of the air staff at oNUC head- 
quarters is now satisfactory, but there 
are still serious deficiencies in the 

Force Logistics 

The problem of logistics for a Force 
of nearly 19,000 troops, widely de- 


ployed, often at vary short notice, 
throughout a large country, with in- 
adequate transportation facilities and 
shortages of essential supplies, con- 
tinues to be one of the most difficult 
facing the oNuUC Force. Sufficient ex- 
perienced personnel have not been 
prompily available, and only the most 
strenuous efforts of those assigned to 
the task, with full support of the civil- 
ian procurement services, have pre- 
vented serious breakdowns. At the 
start of operations, the magnitude of 
the logistics task had not been fully 
realized, with the result that the ad hoc 
organization to meet it was found to 
be inadequate. With the experience 
gained, the entire organization, par- 
ticularly its movement control element, 
has been revised, and it is hoped to 
put these revisions into effect in the 
near future. The scope and complexity 
of the logistics problem are indicated 
by a few illustrative items taken from 
a detailed report covering the period 
under review: air passengers, 1,676; 
air freight, approximately 500 tons; 
sea passengers, 1,840; 20 ships with 
cargo of approximately 1,100 tons of 
stores and 403 vehicles; river passen- 
gers, 2,127; river freight, approximate- 
ly 1,550 tons plus 300 vehicles; ord- 
nance equipment for the entire Force, 
including clothing and personal issue, 
beds, cots and mattresses, vehicles, 
technical equipment; supplies in wide 
variety, and mail; accommodations 
provided in Leopoldville for a further 
1,000 troops. 


While the health of the troops in 
general has been satisfactory during 
the period under review, there has 
been some increase in _ sickness 
amongst certain units, due to seasonal 
symptoms and also the stress and 
strain of service in the Congo. There 
has been an overall deterioration in 
the civilian health services and pre- 
ventive measures for the civilian popu- 
lation; as a result, there is a real 
danger to the health of troops de- 
ployed in rural areas. Thus there is a 
need for more military hygienists with 
experience of tropical diseases, who 
would be located at each territorial 
command headquarters to advise units 
on environmental sanitary methods. 

The Indian field hospital has set up 
a large base hospital in Leopoldville 
and is in the process of setting up 
two 50-bed units each in Luluabourg 
and Coquilhatville. An Italian hospital 
is being set up in Elisabethville with 
a forward detachment at Albertville. 
Plans call for an Austrian hospital to 
be established in Stanleyville with a 
detachment at Bukavu; reconnaissance 
for this purpose has been carried out. 
Arrangements have been made to pro- 

vide dental services at each main 

A medical store has been set up for 
ONUC troops in Leopoldville, and ef- 
forts are being made to stock it with 

six months’ supplies for 20,000 troops. 


Radio teletype facilities have been 
made available from Leopoldville to 
each of the provincial capitals and 
Matadi. In addition, hand speed Morse 
circuits operate to Kamina, Goma and 
Albertville. The Indian signals com- 
pany has arrived and communications 
in Katanga Province have been taken 
over by them. A major problem for 
tactical communications results from 
the vast distances involved. 


The political and economic situa- 
tion has deteriorated to such an extent 
as to impose a considerable strain on 
the resources of the ONUC Force. The 
activities of the ANC and the gendar- 
merie, throughout the provinces, have 
in no small way contributed to the 
present chaotic conditions. This dan- 
ger will remain until this force is 
properly handled, officered and dis- 
ciplined. The oNuc Force has suc- 
ceeded to a considerable extent in 
restoring law and order in areas which 
had been the scene of intense inter- 
tribal conflict. Though the strength of 
the Force is less than adequate for the 
task confronting it, much has been 
achieved during the period under re- 
view. The presence and sustained ac- 
tivity of the United Nations troops 
have been a major contribution to 
peace and security throughout the 

On the organizational plane, multi- 
farious problems, especially those of 
logistics involved in the movement 
and deployment of troops, have been 
overcome through intensive effort. 
However, more means of transporta- 
tion are needed, by river and air, along 
with the necessary staff to handle 
them. The air transport force in par- 
ticular is seriously deficient in aircraft 
and personnel to carry out its mission 

Vil. Former Belgian Military 

As reported by the Secretary-Gen- 
eral to the Security Council in his 
third report on the implementation of 
the Security Council resolutions, the 
United Nations took over, on the 
withdrawal of Belgian combat troops, 
full responsibility for the administra- 
tion of the military bases of Kamina 
and Kitona (including Banana). The 
report also stated that the Secretary- 
General had called upon the Belgian 

UNR—December 1960 

Government to put the necessary num- 
ber of Belgians, in a civilian capacity, 
at the disposal of the United Nations 
for technical assistance for the tem- 
porary administration of the bases, 
until such time as the necessary United 
Nations staff could be assembled and 
organized for that purpose. 

On October 15, while a number of 
Belgian technicians were still necessary 
for the performance of essential tasks, 
a point had been reached where ONUC, 
having deployed the necessary mini- 
mum personnel, could take over the 
actual managerial functions of the 
bases. Where appropriate, ONUC also 
assumed contractual obligations relat- 
ing to their operation, which concerned 
essentially the employment of Congo- 
lese workers on the bases and the 
supply and procurement contracts 
necessary to their maintenance. 

Meanwhile, a study group appointed 
by the Secretary-General to inquire 
into the future use of the bases of 
Kamina and Kitona, under the chair- 
manship of Mr. Galo Plaza (Ecuador), 
had visited the Congo from August 29 
to September 15. Proposals resulting 
from the report of this study group 
will be discussed with the Congolese 
authorities and their views and agree- 
ment sought on the future use of the 
bases. In accordance with the terms 
of Article 40 of the United Nations 
Charter, these discussions will reserve 
the question of the settlement of issues 
of title to, and payment for, the prop- 
erty. The circumstances of the politi- 
cal situation, however, have not yet 
permitted fruitful consultations with 
the Congolese authorities in this re- 


Whereas the Belgian military base 
of Kamina had a normal establish- 
ment of 1,105 non-combat personnel, 
the actual number was 759 early in 
September. On November 1, 392 of 
this personnel were still at Kamina, 
but the great majority of them were 
by then completing the briefing of the 
United Nations personnel which had 
arrived to replace them. It is planned 
that the number of Belgian technical 
personnel working at Kamina base as 
of November 15 will be 95—of whom 
28 will be employed at the hospital, 
to be shortly replaced by ONUC per- 
sonnel; 11 for the supervision of con- 
struction works; 22 in the air main- 
tenance unit; 10 (including four wom- 
en social workers) in the administra- 
tion and welfare of Congolese labor; 
and the others in various essential 
engineering and technical tasks. The 
departure of this personnel will de- 
pend only upon the speed with which 
minimum essential replacements, in 
addition to the oNUC personnel al- 

UNR—December 1960 

ready assigned to the base, can be 

The problem of the continued op- 
eration, as an immediate measure, of 
the various services of Kamina base 
has a special importance because the 
base provides at present a source of 
employment for nearly 4,000 Congo- 
lese, who live on the base with their 
families — some 10,000 in all — and 
have the benefit of important social 
services. This immediate problem has 
been solved by the fact that some of 
the facilities of the base have been 
put to use for the support of the 
United Nations Force in the Congo. 
An air transport and maintenance unit 
has been established, and some troops 
of the Force stationed on the base; 
supporting engineering, medical, ord- 
nance, signals and supply services are 
being maintained. 

Some of the construction contracts 
which had been cancelled by the Bel- 
gian military authorities during the 
month of August were revived and 
taken over by ONuc, thus ensuring 
renewed work for several hundreds 
of Congolese who would have other- 
wise been unemployed. Only those 
contracts were revived, however, which 
related to work beneficial to the Con- 
golese population of the base or which 
were important in relation to its future 
use. Appropriate measures were also 
taken, within the framework of the 
exercise by the United Nations of its 
exclusive authority over the base, for 
the regulation of the municipal life of 
the approximately 15,000 Congolese 
population living there. 


In the first days of September there 
were 650 Belgian military personnel 
at the base of Kitona (including 
Banana). On November 1, this num- 
ber had been reduced to 77 technical, 
non-combatant personnel. The com- 
plete withdrawal of all Belgian per- 
sonnel from Kitona will be possible 
in a short time (not exceeding one 
month), once a decision has been 
taken as to the immediate future of 
the base. 

Contrary to the situation at Kamina, 
the United Nations has not found the 
base of Kitona necessary or useful 
for the support of the United Nations 
Force. Moreover, the problem of the 
Congolese population living on the 
base is less acute than in Kamina, 
since a much smaller number of per- 
sons is involved. The total number of 
Congolese employed at Kitona base 
is approximately 1,000, and the total 
population only slightly over 2,000, 
as many women and children have 
left following the events of the past 

The study group referred to above, 
in its report, has suggested that, as an 
interim measure, the buildings and 
other facilities at Kitona could be put 
into immediate and effective use for 
the training of the Congolese Army. 
This suggestion is presently under 
discussion with the Command of the 
Congolese Army. Should this solution 
not be adopted, the only practical 
solution would consist in closing down 
the base and in preserving it, pending 
final disposition, on a care and main- 
tenance basis. 

Meanwhile, a number of Congolese 
who had been left without work fol- 
lowing the cancellation by the Belgian 
military authorities of construction 
contracts were re-employed during the 
month of October by onuc for the 
completion of some construction work 
on the base. 


The period under review was one 
of acute difficulty for technical assist- 
ance operations, owing to the pro- 
longed state of political instability and 
the absence of security. In fact, new 
obstacles arose to the continuance of 
existing programs, while the launching 
of new programs was rendered diffi- 
cult if not impossible by the absence 
of any governmental authority with 
which formal contracts and agreements 
could be concluded. The economy of 
the country verged on collapse, and 
the treasury was so depleted that the 
country stood on the brink of bank- 
ruptcy. Nevertheless, in spite of the 
manifold difficulties, the problems 
were confronted with persistence and 
determination, with the result that not 
only were the existing programs con- 
tinued but in some cases even ex- 
tended, where fresh authorizations 
were not necessary, and, in the case 
of unemployment relief, were under- 
taken as a humanitarian measure in 
consultation with the local authorities. 
The financial situation was temporarily 
salvaged by the timely application of 
ONUC assistance. In result therefore, 
as the following paragraphs will show, 
advances of some significance have 
been made in several fields of techni- 
cal assistance. 

Civilian Operations 

Special Points of Progress 

In the last report, the accomplish- 
ments listed were mostly of an emer- 
gency and operational nature. This 
type of activity continues on an effec- 
tive scale and has beca supplemented 
in the past month by the start of an 
emergency public works program for 
the relief of unemployment. One of 
the first of the public works projects 
was started toward the end of October 
in Leopoldville, where 1,000 of an 


expected force of 2,200 laborers are 
now at work draining the first 1,200 
hectares of swampland. The drainage 
of the swamp will eliminate the re- 
maining breeding spot for the malaria 
mosquito in the area of the capital 
and will also provide a stretch of land 
with rich agricultural possibilities. 

The United Nations work, however, 
has gone well beyond the purely op- 
erative phase in the past month, to the 
point where it is having a wider and, 
if conditions permit, a long-term effect 
on the economic and social conditions 
of the country: 

(a) Two experts have been provid- 
ed for a monetary council providing, 
on a transitional basis, for Congo 
management of monetary and credit 

(b) The release by the United Na- 
tions of a grant of $5 million not only 
gives the country access to desperately 
needed foreign exchange for essential 
imports, but also makes it possible for 
the Central Bank to credit the full 
countervalue in Congolese francs, to 
add to the depleted treasury. 

(c) The adoption of a series of 
import-export and foreign exchange 
controls, with advice from United Na- 
tions experts, safeguards the country 
against further drains on its foreign 
earnings and allows essential imports 
to begin again on a modest scale. 

(d) The completion of background 
studies on the economic status of the 
country, on the status of unemploy- 
ment, on budgetary principles, on the 
mining industries, etc., has given Con- 
golese authorities a documentary basis 
on which to build future policy. 

The plans of ONUC to provide train- 
ing facilities for Congolese so as to 
enable as many as possible to take 
over positions of responsibility has 
reached the stage of definite action. 
Thus, 60 fellows are en route to a full 
medical education in different coun- 
tries of Europe. Seven fellows have 
left for meteorological training in 
France. The accelerated agriculture 
courses which have been established by 
ONUC at Lovanium University, as well 
as the more informal in-service courses 
being given by the meteorological and 
financial experts to their Congolese 
counterparts, are likewise part of a 
larger scheme to prepare the people 
for immediate participation in the 
development of their country. 

As regards the provision of foreign 
staff, WHO [the World Health Organi- 
zation] and UNESCO [the United Na- 
tions Educational, Scientific and Cul- 
tural Organization] have recently 
agreed with responsible authorities to 
start immediate recruitment in their 
respective fields. WHo will send 130 
doctors and medical aides to support 
preventive health services, and UNESCO 
will provide 500 teachers to replace 


those who have left. This arrangement, 
however, represents a setback in the 
plan originally conceived. Whereas 
one month ago it was hoped that 
these people would be recruited on 
behalf of the Government and be paid 
wholly or at least partially by the 
Government, they will now have to 
begin under ONUC auspices, with ONUC 
paying their salaries for an_ initial 
period. Doctors and teachers being of 
the first priority, it was felt that re- 
cruitment simply could not be held 
up while waiting for the proper con- 
ditions of service. ONUC may en- 
counter the same prospect in the judi- 
ciary field, where an equally pressing 
need exists. 

Special Points of Difficulty 

The difficulties hampering civilian 
operations are many. Most of them 
are carry-overs from the first months, 
but serious new ones have been added: 

(a) The virtual lack of a central 
government, with which a technical 
assistance mission would ordinarily be 
able to cooperate; 

(b) The inexperience, and in many 
cases the political preoccupations, of 
ministerial officials and even heads of 
technical departments, which prevent 
them from devoting themselves with 
sufficient competence and attention to 
the organization of their respective 

(c) The continuing transport prob- 
lem, particularly as it affects move- 
ment of goods from a rail or plane 
depot to the consuming area. This 
has been particularly acute in the 
Bakwanga area of Kasai Province, 
where the ONUC programs of food re- 
lief for refugees are constantly dis- 
rupted by the lack of transport; 

(d) The danger of a loss of con- 
fidence in ONUC aid. One of the more 
ominous difficulties which has pre- 
sented itself recently is the feeling in 
different parts of the country that 
ONUC civilian operations have not re- 
sponded to the situation as quickly 
as the Congolese had expected. The 
fact that many requests were not well- 
founded, or that a good portion of 
the “delays” were attributable to lack 
of action by the Congolese themselves, 
does not in any way lessen the threat 
inherent in the spread of this attitude. 
Part of the problem can be attributed 
to the situation regarding public 
works, where the first attempt by 
ONUC to draw up a sizable list of proj- 
ects gave rise to the belief that the 
unemployment problem would be 
speedily remedied. When these proj- 
ects did not all materialize at once, 
the feeling of “being let down” by 
ONUC began to gain momentum. If 
civilian operations have been able to 
rise above the political stagnation, it 

is only because some Congolese offi- 
cials understood the economic aims of 
ONUC on their behalf and welcomed 
technical assistance. It would be most 
unfortunate if this reservoir of good 
will were to be lost through a mis- 
guided impression that ONUC is not 
fulfilling its promises. 

(e) A psychological climate domi- 
nated by fear or misunderstanding. In 
some cases, the operation has been 
handicapped, not by an attitude of 
disappointment, but by groundless 
fears and misapprehensions, often the 
result of hostile propaganda. A re- 
grettable example was the treatment 
of five diesel mechanics who had been 
provided by ONUC to cope with the 
accumulation of diesel breakdowns. 
Fearing another disruption of rail 
services, this time for lack of work- 
able engines, ONUC had recruited this 
team as an emergency measure. The 
five experts arrived in the Congo at 
the end of October and were assigned 
to the Thysville railway workshop, 
only to be driven out by the local 
workers. Although they have been re- 
assigned to equally important work in 
other fields, i.e. the maintenance of 
steamship equipment at Boma and the 
maintenance of facilities at the Kamina 
base, the fact remains that it was not 
possible to use their services for the 
crucial purpose originally intended. 

(f) Activities of Belgians returning 
to advisory and administrative posts 
of government. Chapter IV deals with 
this subject, but a listing of the diffi- 
culties facing civilian operations would 
be incomplete without a pointed refer- 
ence to the problems posed by a con- 
certed influx of Belgians. Administra- 
tive advisers of Belgian nationality 
have in several instances tried to 
create a barrier between Congolese 
officials and ONUC representatives. 
Onuc programs for the training of 
Congolese have sometimes been ob- 
structed by Belgians. Reports and in- 
formation intended for the Congolese 
have been blocked. Non-Congolese 
advisers and experts could surely be 
of great value at this critical juncture. 
But their assistance should be given in 
close coordination with the United 
Nations and in a spirit adapted to the 
independent Congo’s desire to take a 
new course in the shaping of its own 
economic and social affairs. 

The Status of Civilian Operations 
in the Provinces 

The period covered by this report 
is notable for the liaison which has 
been established between the Chief of 
Civilian Operations in Leopoldville 
and the onuc civilian officers in the 
provinces. The reports of these offi- 
cers, and of other members of the 
civilian operations mission who have 

UNR—December 1960 

begun to travel more _ frequently 
through the country, have given the 
United Nations a much more adequate 
picture than it had a month ago of 
the economic and social situation out- 
side Leopoldville. 

The existence of one or even two 
ONUC Officers in each province cannot 
make up for the breakdown in the 
transmission of essential economic in- 
formation and statistics, which has, in 
fact, isolated Leopoldville from other 
parts of the country, nor can it make 
up entirely for the disruption in liaison 
between central and provincial minis- 
tries. Nevertheless, the information 
which has thus far been received 
makes it possible to estimate the na- 
ture and scope of technical assistance 
needed in different areas and to sug- 
gest a system of priorities. Unfortu- 
nately, this information has also tend- 
ed to confirm earlier impressions of 
the state of administrative, economic 
and social disruption. The general diffi- 
culties which have been listed in the 
previous section can be said to apply 
to the provinces as well as the capital, 
but the following considerations must 
be added: 

(a) The oONuc civilian officer—in 
terms of his responsibility for techni- 
cal assistance—finds himseif deluged 
with miscellaneous information from 
all sources. The latter include not 
only government officials, but com- 
mercial interests and private citizens 
as well. The demand on his time has, 
in fact, negated part of the job which 
it was visualized he would do—name- 
ly, to travel widely within the province 
to which he is assigned. As most of 
the officers have already reported, 
their impressions are confined to the 
area of the capital city because the 
demands on their time tend to keep 
them there. 

(b) With the possible exception of 
one province, provincial governments 
are very weak, and the uncertainty as 
to whether a president or minister will 
be in power the next day makes it 
almost impossible to begin work on 
any serious economic or social plan. 
The situation which apparently obtains 
throughout the country was summed 
up recently by one of the civilian offi- 
cers in the following words: “It is 
necessary to realize that they [the 
ministers] are particularly inclined to 
ask my assistance whenever they are 
faced with an urgent problem, but 
that they hardly ever take advantage 
of the opportunity to consult me on 
longer-term problems.” 

(c) Although the scope of civilian 
operations in the various provinces 
has increased over the past month, it 
must be realized that oNUC technical 
assistance outside of Leopoldville is 
still modest. In most of the provinces, 
civilian operations are represented by 

UNR—December 1960 

the Red Cross and telecommunica- 
tions teams, who are continuing their 
excellent practical work. On the ad- 
visory level, and in addition to the 
ONUC civilian officers, there are WHO 
specialists attached to the ministers of 
health of five provinces. The success 
which the wHo experts have had and 
the need which has been expressed by 
the other ministers themselves make 
it seem wise to attach advisers to key 
ministries in each province. Belgian 
consultants are now present in most 
provincial ministries. 

(d) Reports from the provinces 
make it clear that the injection of 
financial aid is essential if the eco- 
nomic structure is to be kept intact. 
Although, as was mentioned in the 
last report, the momentum of the past 
has carried most of the industrial, 
agricultural and mining enterprises 
through the first few months, many 
may yet be abandoned if money for 
salaries and equipment is not forth- 
coming. Indeed, the civilian officer in 
Bukavu has warned that small in- 
dustries and agricultural concerns 
“threaten to flow away unless a means 
is found of continuing their financing.” 
He has also warned that the mines 
now operating in Kivu Province might 
very well be crippled if all the per- 
sonnel who have already handed in 
their notices follow through on their 
plans to leave. 


The conclusion to the section on 
civilian operations in the last progress 
report expressed the hope that ONUC 
could contribute toward the solution 
of the multiple economic problems of 
the Congo in a measurable period of 
time, provided the basic conditions 
were assured. That hope has unfortu- 
nately not advanced materially be- 
cause of the manifold considerations 
described in this and other chapters. 
Nevertheless, as stated at the outset 
of this chapter, the economy and the 
essential public services have been 
prevented from collapsing, thanks 
largely to the efforts of the ONUC 
technicians. The technical assistance 
consultants are always available, when 
the proper conditions are created, to 
advance the country rapidly toward 
economic stability, assisted by fur- 
ther teams of experts who would be 
required when they can be usefully 
and purposefully employed in different 
parts of the country. 

IX. Conclusion 

The period under report has been 
one of great uncertainty and much 
turbulence. Various rival “govern- 
ments” were announced and their 

composition revised, but they existed 
on paper only. The coup of the ANC 
Chief of Staff had introduced a new 
factor adding to the complexity of the 
situation. The aim of this incursion 
was ostensibly to neutralize the two 
principal political figures and the 
Parliament, with a view to political 
solutions being found in the resultant 
state of suspended animation. The 
day-to-day business of the administra- 
tion was to be conducted by a College 
of Commissioners recruited predomi- - 
nantly from students. In fact, however, 
as indicated earlier in this report, the 
eruption of the army into the political 
scene constituted a new menace to 
peace and security and actually in- 
hibited peaceful political activity. Far 
from the ANC’s providing any measure 
of security or stability, it became the 
principal fomenter of lawlessness. This 
force, scattered in different centres 
throughout the country, lacking any 
coherent leadership or control, undis- 
ciplined and unpaid and fully armed, 
began to take the law into its own 
hands. The carrying out of arbitrary 
arrests and imprisonments without 
any shadow of legal justification be- 
came the order of the day. In Leo- 
poldville, the hub of the life of the 
country and the principal centre of 
political activity, it introduced a state 
of terror threatening a paralysis of the 
life of the community. 

Such a situation had to be coun- 
tered with firmness, as the continuance 
of a state of anarchy and lawlessness 
became increasingly dangerous. After 
persistent effort, the Chief of Staff of 
the ANC was persuaded to withdraw 
his troops from the city, where they 
had been roaming the streets at 
will. Concurrently, the United Nations 
troops took on added responsibilities 
in regard to the maintenance of law 
and order. This has had an immediate 
calming effect on the city which has 
found some reflection in the provincial 
capitals. But the serious problem posed 
by the ANC continues. Its proper solu- 
tion is the responsibility of the Congo- 
lese leaders themselves if the country 
is not to be repeatedly menaced by 
chaos and anarchy. 

Another complicating factor has 
been the violent advent of bands of 
lawless youths, ostensibly subscribing 
to one political persuasion or another, 
and having sometimes no more than 
tribal affiliations. These bands, some- 
times armed, taking advantage of the 
prevailing disorder, have become in- 
creasingly bold and active. From 
carrying out violent physical assaults, 
generally inspired by dubious political 
motives, they have been implicated in 
acts of assassination and abduction, a 
few cases of the kind having occurred 
in Leopoldville itself. This is a form 
of activity which is extremely danger- 


ous to the future of the country and 
must be controlled by the leaders in 
whose name these youths claim to 

The College of Commissioners, 
drawn from inexperienced young stu- 
dents and whose declared purpose was 
to keep the elements of the administra- 
tion running, created problems of its 
own in relation to the United Nations 
effort. The young men were invariably 
accompanied by numerous Belgian 
advisers, occasionally drawn from 
among their own teachers. The in- 
evitable consequence was that the 
commissioners were more inclined to 
listen to their own mentors than to 
act in cooperation with the United 
Nations consultants, who in many 
ministries found a wall of opposition 
building up against them. Indeed, in- 
stead of cooperating with the United 
Nations technical aid mission, as was 
their proclaimed purpose, the commis- 
sioners actually set themselves up in 
opposition to it. Their inexperience, 
their lack of method and order, their 
susceptibility to outside influences, 
combined with a propensity to issue 
conflicting statements, introduced new 
elements of delay, confusion and dis- 
organization. As a result of these 
combined factors, the chaotic admin- 
istrative and economic situation 
reached the verge of collapse. 

As a result of the initiatives of 
oNuc and offers of cooperation from 

the head of the College of Commis- 
sioners, efforts are being made to re- 
move some of the obstructions and 
impediments which bedevilled work- 
ing relations between the commis- 
sioners and the United Nations con- 

In dealing with the College on a 
purely technical plane, for the purpose 
of continuing the existing technical 
aid programs, there has been no ques- 
tion whatsoever of recognizing the 
College as a legitimate government, 
for its existence does not derive any 
sanction from the Loi fondamentzele. 
The College was nominated by the 
ANC Chief of Staff and later formally 
installed by the Chief of State, an 
action which the Chief of Staff im- 
mediately criticized as unauthorized, 
since he had “neutralized” the Chief 
of State. The authority of the com- 
missioners is at best only derivative; 
as a body nominated by the Chief of 
Staff, its ultimate sanction is his will 
and such authority over his troops 
as he may be in a position to exercise 
from time to time. There have been 
frequent conflicts between the College 
or some of its members and the Chief 
of Staff, the will of the latter generally 

Nevertheless, despite the absence of 
a single effective government, or even 
a coherent administration, technical 
assistance programs have continued, 
and much devoted work has been done 

in manning the hospitals, preventing 
the spread of disease, keeping the 
arteries of the country open, feeding 
the hungriest, starting relief programs 
for the growing number of unem- 
ployed and preventing complete finan- 
cial bankruptcy. It can therefore safely 
be said that by dint of the incessant 
labors of the United Nations team of 
consultants, who, despite the difficul- 
ties and obstructions, have continued 
in the face of seemingly insuperable 
odds to carry out their task, the situa- 
tion has, for the moment, been sal- 
vaged from the disaster that threatened 

In the sphere of law and order, 
United Nations troops have been un- 
der tremendous pressure everywhere, 
working around the clock without rest 
or relaxation to provide the minimum 
of security to the peaceful inhabitants. 
The situation in north Katanga, which 
has been earlier described, has im- 
posed an added burden on the Force, 
which has taken up the responsibility 
for the pacification of the area. In 
Kasai, where ruthless tribal and po- 
litical warfare has been in progress, 
the Force has interposed itself and 
thus avoided much bloodshed; the 
situation there is still troubled. In 
other areas, the Force has prevented 
the situation from deteriorating into 
complete anarchy and lawlessness. In 
Leopoldville itself, what measure of 
order and security reigns is due large- 
(Continued on page 81) 

Summary Chronology of United Nations 

Action Relating to the Congo 


Dr. Ralph J. Bunche, Under-Secretary 
for Special Political Affairs, returned to 
New York from service in the Congo 
as Personal Representative there of the 
Secretary-General. At a news conference 
later in the day, he said that “despite all 
the difficulties and misunderstandings, the 
United Nations Organization in the 
Congo is definitely off the ground.” There 
were now some 16,000 United Nations 
troops deployed throughout the vast 
country, he reported. The civilian tech- 
nical assistance program was burgeoning, 
with a large number of experts already 
at work. 

He expressed the belief that “there 
has never been in the history of interna- 
tional organization the spirit of coopera- 
tion amongst all the organizations—the 


PART Ill: September 1-30, 1960 

United Nations, the specialized agencies 
and indeed private institutions as well— 
that has been evidenced out there in 
these last two months,” and never before 
had there been “so generous a response 
on the part of the nations of the world, 
large and small” to an appeal for aid. 

The overall health situation in the 
Congo remained generally satisfactory, 
the World Health Organization’s Regional 
Office for Africa, in Brazzaville, reported. 
WHo’s senior representative in the Congo 
stated in his latest report that develop- 
ments in the fourth week of health as- 
sistance proved that “wHo enjoys the full 
trust and confidence of the Congolese 
health authorities.” He added that the 
Congo’s Central Minister of Health had 
recognized WHO as his advisory body and 
as the sole coordinating agency in all 

matters related to health services in the 
Congo. WHO activities are carried out 
as part of the overall United Nations 
civilian operation there. WuHo public 
health engineers were keeping a close 
watch on water supplies. Arrangements 
were being made to send medical supplies 
urgently needed by hospitals and dis- 
pensaries in the refugee areas in Kasai 


The Secretary-General met with his 
Advisory Committee on the Congo, con- 
sisting of representatives of states so far 
contributing units to the United Nations 
Force in the Congo—Canada, Ethiopia, 
Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Ireland, 
Liberia, the Mali Federation, Morocco, 
Pakistan, the Sudan, Sweden, Tunisia 
and the United Arab Republic. 

UNR—December 1960 


Texts of resolutions and special state- 
ments adopted by the Conference of 
Independent African States, in Leopold- 
ville, August 25-30, were issued in a 
press release circulated at United Nations 
Headquarters on September 3. 

The resolutions, among other things, 
stressed the need to maintain the unity 
and territorial integrity of the Republic 
of the Congo; condemned any “seces- 
sion and all colonialist maneuvers aimed 
at dividing” the territory of the Congo; 
extended full support and backing to 
the Central Government of the Republic 
of the Congo; expressed hope that Afri- 
can assistance to the Congo would be 
given “rapidly and on an ever-increasing 
scale”; and paid tribute to the United 
Nations for its work for peace in the 
Congo. In a special message to Dr. 
Bunche, the Conference congratulated 
him for his work for peace and under- 
standing in the Congo. 


Ambassador Rajeshwar Dayal, of In- 
dia, left New York to serve as the Sec- 
retary-General’s Special Representative 
in the Congo and arrived there on Sep- 
tember 5. 


The United States transmitted to the 
Secretary-General a check for $5 million 
for use in the United Nations program 
of international assistance to the Republic 
of the Congo. The money was earmarked 
for financing imports into the Congo as 
stipulated in an agreement signed on 
August 23 by representatives of the 
United Nations and the Republic of the 


A second addendum to the third report 
of the Secretary-General on implementa- 
tion of Security Council resolutions of 
July 14 and 22 and August 9, was is- 
sued (S/4475/Add.2). This contained ex- 
changes of communications between the 
Secretary-General and the Belgian For- 
eign Minister and the permanent repre- 
sentative of Belgium to the United Na- 
tions regarding delays in the withdrawal 
of Belgian troops from the Congo. These 
included: the letter of September 4 from 
Ambassador Loridan to the Secretary- 
General, the cable of the same date from 
the Secretary-General to the Belgian For- 
eign Minister and the latter’s reply of 
September 5 and the Secretary-General’s 
letter of September 5 to Ambassador 

The fourth report of the Secretary- 
General on implementation of the Secu- 
rity Council resolutions of July 14 and 
22 and August 9 was issued (S/4482). 
In it, the Secretary-General set before 
the Security Council estimates of urgently 
needed international financial aid to the 
Republic of the Congo. 

The Secretary-General requested the 
Council to appeal to member states for 
contributions to a total of $100 million 
in convertible currencies for a United 
Nations Fund for the Congo; to urge 
the parties within the Congo to bring 
their conflicts to an end and to seek by 

UNR—December 1960 

peaceful means a solution to their in- 
ternal problems; and to reaffirm its ear- 
lier resolutions, 

In making this last request, Mr. Ham- 
marskjold declared: “The internal con- 
flicts which have become increasingly 
grave in the last few weeks and even 
days, have taken on a particularly seri- 
ous aspect due to the fact that parties 
have relied on and obtained certain as- 
sistance from the outside, contrary to 
the spirit of the Security Council resolu- 
tions, and tending to reintroduce elements 
of the very kind which the Security 
Council wished to eliminate when it re- 
quested the immediate withdrawal of 
Belgian troops.” 

The Secretary-General also asked the 
Council to “clarify, in appropriate terms, 
the mandate of the United Nations 
Force.” He envisaged the possible need 
for temporarily disarming Congolese mili- 
tary units. 

The Secretary-General stated that in 
deciding to send the United Nations 
Force to the Congo in fulfilment of its 
primary duty to maintain peace and 
security, the Council had made only the 
first move to stabilize the country and 
protect peace in Africa. He warned that 
the very major efforts of a great num- 
ber of member countries, assisted by the 
Organization, would be of no avail unless 
parallel and consecutive steps were taken 
to rebuild national life. 

Stressing the need for a speedy end 
to internal conflicts, the Secretary-Gen- 
eral stated that no United Nations aid 
to the Congo could serve its purpose if 
the Organization “cannot count on full 
cooperation from all responsible quarters 
within the Republic of the Congo itself.” 

He noted that the country had been 
“torn by internal strife” centering around 
constitutional problems but reaching 
deeper and being linked to tribal differ- 
ences and claims. He said that conflicts, 
“which so far have completely stymied 
all efforts to re-establish normal life, must 
speedily be brought to an end if disinte- 
gration is not to continue in spite of all 
efforts made from the outside to achieve 
a stabilization. And they must be brought 
to an end by peaceful means.” He added 
that it should be kept in mind that 
solutions to internal problems “should 
aim at the conservation and consolida- 
tion of the unity and integrity of the 

The Secretary-General emphasized that 
the program of financial assistance he 
urged for the Congo was not intended to 
initiate “a permanent régime of external 
subsidy, but is rather a relatively short- 
term effort designed to set the Congo 
on the road to becoming a source of 
economic strength once more.” 

The Secretary-General requested the 
President of the Security Council to con- 
vene a meeting of the Security Council 
to consider his fourth report on the 


In an addendum to his fourth report 
(S/4482/Add.1) the Secretary-General 
gave the text of a note verbale dated 
September 8 and addressed to the per- 

manent representative of Belgium con- 
cerning reports he had received of a 
cargo marked “Belgian weapons” un- 
loaded at Elisabethville airport from a 
Sabena plane on September 7. 

The Government of Yugoslavia con- 
veyed through its delegation to the 
United Nations a request for the urgent 
convening of the Security Council to 
consider the situation in the Congo in 
order to take measures which would 
finally ensure full implementation of the 
decisions of the Security Council on the 
question. The Yugoslav letter stated, inter 
alia, that “in the last few days particu- 
larly, new and very serious difficulties 
have arisen,” and charged that “outside 
interferences” had given support to 
“secessionist ringleaders” such as Moise 
Tshombe in Katanga Province and AIl- 
bert Kalonji in Kasai Province. “These 
actions,” the letter added, “have, un- 
fortunately, been facilitated by the prac- 
tices adhered to by the Command of the 
United Nations Force under the ap- 
pearance of non-intervention in the in- 
ternal affairs of the Republic of the 

A cable from Prime Minister Patrice 
Lumumba addressed to the Secretary- 
General urged the Security Council to 
hold its next meeting in Leopoldville to 
give Council members “the opportunity 
to see for themselves the situation exist- 
ing in the Republic of the Congo as a 
result of the United Nations authorities’ 
interference in the Congo’s domestic 
problems . . .” (S/4486). 


In a further letter to the President of 
the Security Council, the Secretary-Gen- 
eral urged that the Council meeting he 
had requested in his letter of September 
7 be held “tonight”—September 9. 

Andrew W. Cordier, Executive Assist- 
ant to the Secretary-General, returned 
to New York after a two-week mission 
to the Republic of the Congo. Mr. 
Cordier had left for Leopoldville August 
26 to review for the Secretary-General 
the administrative organization in the 
civilian and military United Nations op- 
eration in the Congo. 

The Secretary-General received a cable 
from J. Kasongo, President of the Cham- 
ber of Representatives, Republic of the 
Congo. The cable said that the Chamber 
had congratulated the United Nations 
on the stand taken with the Belgian 
Government against the slowness in im- 
plementing the Security Council’s resolu- 
tion on Katanga; requested the Secretary- 
General to free immediately the Congo- 
lese National Broadcasting Station; to 
leave to the Congolese National Army 
control of the Republic’s airfields; to 
negotiate exclusively with the “only cen- 
tral government of the Republic”; to 
withdraw from the Congo all United 
Nations troops belonging to NATO coun- 
tries and to replace them by troops from 
African countries; to send a commission 
to the Congo to supervise on the spot 
the implementation of the Security Coun- 
cil’s resolutions; not to reconvene the 
Security Council on the question of the 
Congo before the full implementation 


of the resolutions previously adopted by 
that body. 

Mr. Kasongo added that the Chamber 
of Representatives protested against in- 
terference of United Nations troops in 
the internal conflict of the Republic of 
the Congo and any attempt to place 
“our independent and sovereign state 
under the trusteeship of any organ what- 

The Security Council met in urgent 
session to consider the Secretary-Gen- 
eral’s fourth report on the Congo situ- 
ation. Yugoslavia and Indonesia — not 
members of the Council—were invited to 
participate, at their request, in its delib- 

The Secretary-General introduced his 
report on implementation of the Coun- 
cil’s resolutions on the Congo. 

At the beginning of the meeting, Vasily 
Kuznetsov, of the Soviet Union, drew 
attention to a cable dated September 8 
from Patrice Lumumba, Prime Minister 
of the Republic of the Congo, asking 
the Council to hold a meeting in Leopold- 
ville. The Council rejected a Soviet draft 
resolution under which it would have 
decided, in accordance with Article 28 of 
the Charter, to hold immediately a spe- 
cial meeting in Leopoldville. The vote 
was 3 in favor (Ceylon, Poland and the 
USSR) to 6 against (Argentina, China, 
France, Italy, the United Kingdom and 
the United States), with 2 abstentions 
(Ecuador and Tunisia). 

In the course of a lengthy statement 
in introducing his fourth report to the 
Council, the Secretary-General declared 
that the Security Council had now come 
to a point where it must take a clear 
line as regards all assistance to the 
Congo. He believed the Council would 
achieve its aims only if it requested that 
such assistance be channeled through the 
United Nations, and only through the 
United Nations. That would solve the 
problem of military assistance to Ka- 
tanga and of abuse of technical assist- 
ance in other parts of the Congo, thus 
serving the vital interest in a localization 
of the conflict and in a peaceful solution 
of the Congo’s domestic problems “with- 
out any interference from outside influ- 
encing the outcome.” The Secretary- 
General declared, “Thus, and only thus, 
could it justify its appeal to member 
nations for the funds now so desperately 
needed by the Congo.” 


A letter from the permanent repre- 
sentative of Belgium to the Secretary- 
General regarding Belgian troops at the 
Kitona base, issued as addendum 3 to 
the third report of the Secretary-General 
(S/4475/Add. 3), stated that “there are 
no operational troops left in the Congo.” 

Also issued on September 10, as ad- 
dendum 2 to the Secretary-General’s 
fourth report (S/4482/Add.2), was a 
Belgian note verbale replying to the Sec- 
retary-General’s communication of Sep- 
tember 8 regarding a cargo of weapons 
said to have been unloaded at Elisabeth- 
ville. The reply stated that some light 
weapons of Belgian origin had reached 


Katanga. They had been ordered before 
June 30 but the execution of the order 
was due to the incompetence of an ill- 
informed official. Measures had been 
taken to make certain no action of this 
kind would recur. 

In a letter to the President of the 
Security Council the Secretary-General 
reported he had received from his Special 
Representative in the Congo the informa- 
tion that the Central Government of the 
Republic of the Congo requested post- 
ponement of the Security Council meet- 
ing until a Congo delegation arrived. 
If postponement were granted, the dele- 
gation would leave on September 11. 

As addendum 3 to the Secretary-Gen- 
eral’s fourth report (S/4482/Add.3) was 
issued: a note verbale dated September 
4 from the Secretary-General to the per- 
manent representative of Belgium re- 
garding officers of Belgian nationality at- 
tached to Katanga forces and other 
groups in armed conflict with the Congo 
Central Government; and the Belgian 
note verbale of September 9 in reply, 
which stated, inter alia, that the Katanga 
forces were not an army but a gendar- 
merie and that a small number of Bel- 
gian experts had been supplied to this 
gendarmerie as technical assistance. It 
was hard to see in this technical assist- 
ance a measure contrary to the Security 
Council's resolution of July 22, especially 
as the only mission of the forces to which 
the experts were assigned was the main- 
tenance of order. 

At the request of the First Deputy 
Foreign Minister of the USSR, a state- 
ment of the Soviet Government on the 
situation in the Congo was circulated 
as a Security Council document (S/4497). 
The statement declared that developments 
in the Congo “indicate that the con- 
spiracy of the colonialists against the 
independence and integrity of this Afri- 
can state, against its people and lawful 
government, is assuming an increasingly 
dangerous nature.” Belgium, its NATO 
allies, particularly the United States, and 
the Command of the troops sent to the 
Congo under the Security Council resolu- 
tion were acting in concert in an attempt 
to snuff out the freedom of the Congolese 
people. The Secretary-General had failed 
to display the minimum of impartiality 
required of him in the situation, added 
the statement. 

The text of a “solemn appeal” ad- 
dressed to the Secretary-General by the 
Prime Minister of the Republic of the 
Congo was issued as document S/4498. 
The communication requested (1) that 
the Secretary-General and his fellow 
workers in the Congo “cease to interfere 
either directly or indirectly in the internal 
affairs of the Republic”; (2) that the 
United Nations adopt no further resolu- 
tion on the Congo, since the resolutions 
already adopted were clear and specific 
but were not being fully implemented 
due to the bad faith of the Belgian 
Government and its allies. 

A cable from the President of the 
Republic of the Congo (Mr. Kasavubu) 
announced that the composition of a 
new Congo Government was imminent. 

Meanwhile, he asked that the United 
Nations not deal with the former Prime 
Minister and other ministers whose man- 
dates had been revoked. This was fol- 
lowed by another cable under the same 
date naming Joseph Ileo as Prime Min- 
ister, Justin Bomboko as Foreign Min- 
ister, and other appointments. 

The Security Council met in the after- 
noon to continue its consideration, begun 
the previous day, of the Secretary-Gen- 
eral’s fourth report on the situation in 
the Congo. The representative of Ghana 
was invited to participate in the discus- 

During the meeting, Vasily Kuznet- 
sov, of the Soviet Union, moved that the 
Council accede to the Congo request 
for a postponement of the meeting, but 
later withdrew the motion because, he 
said, the discussion on the point had 
assumed a substantive character. 

After statements had been made by 
the representatives of the USSR, the 
United Kingdom, Ecuador, the United 
States, Poland, Argentina, Ceylon and 
by the Secretary-General, the representa- 
tive of Tunisia called attention to the 
fact that since the discussion had begun, 
the Council had constantly received new 
information and new documents. The 
Council needed to study these and, after 
consulting delegations from the African 
countries particularly concerned with this 
question, he considered it his duty to 
propose an adjournment of the meeting 
until September 12. The motion was 
agreed upon without objection. 

The President, Egidio Ortona of Italy, 
made an appeal that no action be taken 
by any party which would aggravate an 
already dangerous situation in the Congo. 
He said he was certain he was expressing 
the consensus in the Council if he 
stressed the importance of such a course 
in conformity with the letter and spirit 
of the United Nations Charter. He re- 
minded members that the Council had 
already, in its previous resolutions of 
July 22 and August 9, very clearly called 
upon all member states to refrain from 
any acts which could aggravate the situa- 
tion in the Congo, and he stressed that 
those resolutions were of the utmost 
relevance at this juncture. 

A number of communications were 
circulated to the Security Council. 
Document S/4503 contained the text 
of a note verbale dated September 5 from 
the Secretary-General to the delegation 
of the USSR regarding Soviet protests 
about the sending of United States troop 
units to the Congo and insisting on their 
immediate withdrawal, and also regard- 
ing the provision by the Soviet Govern- 
ment of the temporary use of five Soviet 
aircraft for the transport of Ghanaian 
troops and material to Leopoldville. The 
Secretary-General referred also to infor- 
mation that a certain number of planes 
had been put at the disposal of the 
Congo Government by the USSR and 
that ten of these planes, coming from 
Stanleyville, arrived at Luluabourg carry- 
ing Congolese troops to reinforce the 
Congolese force in the Sakwanga area. 

UNR—December 1960 

The reply of the Soviet delegation 
dated September 10 and contained in 
the same document said that the Security 
Council resolution of July 14, providing 
for military assistance to the Republic of 
the Congo to ensure the withdrawal of 
Belgian troops, did not restrict, “nor 
indeed can it restrict,” the right of the 
Government of the sovereign Republic 
of the Congo to request assistance from 
the governments of other countries, apart 
from the United Nations, and to receive 
such assistance. Nor did it give United 
Nations officials any right to control the 
assistance rendered to the Congo by any 
state at the request of the Congolese 
Government. Further, the Security Coun- 
cil resolution of July 22 requested all 
states to refrain from any action which 
might tend to impede the restoration of 
law and order and the exercise by the 
Congolese Government of its authority, 
and also to refrain from any action which 
might undermine the territorial integrity 
and the political independence of the 
Republic of the Congo. 

Soviet assistance to the Congolese Gov- 
ernment in the form of civil aircraft and 
motor vehicles was in no way at variance 
with the above-mentioned resolutions of 
the Security Council. “It is surprising, 
therefore, to read the Secretary-General’s 
note dated September 5, 1960, which 
seeks to control the relations between the 
Republic of the Congo and other states, 
specifically the Soviet Union, although 
the Security Council has not given the 
Secretary-General any such mandate and 
the Charter does not give any United 
Nations administrative officer . . . the 
right to intervene in the relations between 
sovereign states unless they request his 

Other documents circulated were: 

A cable signed by Patrice Lumumba, 
Prime Minister of the Republic of the 
Congo, announcing that a delegation 
headed by Thomas Kanza, Ambassador 
to the United Nations, was leaving Leo- 
poldville and expected to arrive in New 
York on September 12 (S/4504). 

A cable from Joseph Kasavubu, Presi- 
dent of the Republic of the Congo, an- 
nouncing that an “official delegation,” 
headed by Justin Bomboko, Foreign Min- 
ister, had been appointed to represent 
the Republic of the Congo in the Security 
Council and informing the Council that 
any other delegation did not represent 
the legal Government of the Republic 
and should not be received by the Secu- 
rity Council (S/4504). 

A cable to the Secretary-General from 
President Kasavubu accrediting Foreign 
Minister Justin Bomboko as _representa- 
tive to the Security Council, accom- 
panied by two other delegates. That cable 
said that the delegation had left Brazza- 
ville for New York September 11 and 
requested the Council to delay its meet- 
ing pending the delegation’s arrival (S/ 

A communication to the Secretary- 
General from his Special Representative 
in the Congo, Ambassador Dayal, stating 
that Mr. Lumumba, accompanied by a 
personal civilian guard and about eight 
to ten ANC (Armée nationale congolaise) 

UNR—December 1960 

personnel, under General Lundula, had 
arrived at the Leopoldville radio station 
at 3:20 p.m. local time. Mr. Lumumba 
had forced his way in despite the warn- 
ings of the Ghana guard on duty. On 
entering the studio, a member of Mr. 
Lumumba’s personal bodyguard drew a 
pistol at the Ghana Nco in charge of 
the guard. The Nco, “with commend- 
able presence of mind” and with the 
help of the guard, immediately disarmed 
the bodyguard and the aNc personnel 
and ousted the entire party from the 
studio. After protesting, Mr. Lumumba 
left the studio with his entourage (S/4505). 

A cable from President Kasavubu re- 
questing the United Nations (1) to re- 
organize and train the National Army of 
the Congo; (2) to provide for the speedy 
formation of army and police units; (3) 
to help the Congo reactivate the courts; 
(4) to provide “for the transport and pro- 
tection of Mr. Tshombe and Mr. Kalonji, 
whom I am inviting to a national con- 
ference to be held at Leopoldviile” (S/ 


A report from the office of the Special 
Representative of the Secretary-General 
in Leopoldville announced the reopening 
of Radio Leopoldville that day. An ap- 
peal had been broadcast “to all patriotic 
sons of the Congo to refrain from using 
this national means of communication in 
a manner that may cause incitement to 
violence or result in the shedding of 
innocent blood.” 

Two different Congolese delegations 
arrived at United Nations Headquarters 
—one headed by Foreign Minister Justin 
Bomboko, the other by Ambassador Des- 
ignate to the United Nations, Thomas 

The Security Council met briefly, ad- 
journing after 11 minutes on a motion 
proposed by the United States, whose 
representative said that, as the latest in- 
formation showed that the situation in 
the Congo was still confused, the Council 
should adjourn and meet again at the 
call of the President. 

The motion was carried by 9 votes in 
favor to 2 against (USSR and Poland). 

Valerian Zorin, of the USSR, later 
moved that the Council be reconvened 
that night. The President, however, ruled 
that, as adjournment had been agreed, 
no other motion could be considered. 

In a statement issued in the evening 
of September 12, the Soviet delegation 
protested the cancellation of the Council 
meeting that had been scheduled for 
3:00 p.m. that day and charged that “the 
colonialists, with the active assistance of 
the United States . . . are using more 
and more openly the United Nations in 
order to bring the new independent 
African state to the position of a trust 


The Soviet Union called for a meeting 
of the Security Council on September 13 
for urgent consideration of the imple- 
mentation of the resolutions of July 14 
and 22 and August 9 on the situation in 
the Republic of the Congo (S/4506). 

The statement charged that there was 
more than enough justification for assert- 
ing that the new situation in the Congo 
was an out-and-out conspiracy against 
the country’s independence and integrity. 
A coalition of Belgium, its NaTo allies 
—particularly the United States—and 
the Command of the forces sent to the 
Congo under the Security Council resolu- 
tion were trying to replace one set of 
colonialists by another under cover of 
the United Nations flag, it said. There 
were still Belgian troops on Congolese 
territory. The Belgian Government was 
actively encouraging criminal elements 
in the Republic of the Congo, was fo- 
menting civil war and plotting against 
the Government. Katanga, the country’s 
most important province, had been trans- 
formed by Belgium, with the direct sup- 
port of its NATO allies and the United 
Nations Command, “into a camp of 
forces hostile to the lawful Government 
of the Republic.” The note charged the 
United Nations Command and the Secre- 
tary-General with open violation of the 
Security Council’s resolutions. 

A cable signed by the Prime Minister 
and transmitted to the Secretary-General 
by his Special Representative urged, “in 
view of the aggression committed against 
Prime Minister Lumumba” and in order 
to prevent other attacks being prepared 
behind the scenes, that the United Na- 
tions furnish the Government of the 
Republic of the Congo with 20 aircraft 
with crews, a large quantity of ammuni- 
tion and a powerful radio transmitter. 
If refused this assistance, the message 
added, “the Government will be obliged 
to seek such assistance elsewhere” (S/ 

The permanent representative of Yugo- 
slavia to the United Nations, Dobrivoje 
Vidic, requested the President of the 
Security Council to consider a prompt 
reconvening of the Security Council that 
day. In view of the arrival of the official 
delegation of the Republic of the Congo, 
headed by Ambassador Kanza, the Yugo- 
slav delegation saw no justifiable reason 
for further delay in the work of the 
Security Council (S/4511). 

The Secretary-General’s Special Rep- 
resentative in the Congo reported an at- 
tempt by Prime Minister Lumumba’s 
military aide to arrest Mr. Bolikango at 
the Leopoldville radio station on Sep- 
tember 13. The arrest was prevented by 
the Ghana Liaison Officer, who informed 
the aide that no arrest could be made 
without a warrant (S/4505/Add.2). 


The Secretary-General received two 
messages transmitted by Thomas Kanza, 
Congolese Minister-Delegate to the Unit- 
ed Nations, describing the arrest and 
detention of Prime Minister Patrice Lu- 
mumba for a few hours at his residence 
by a small group of soldiers sent by Mr. 
Kasavubu and Mr. Bolikango. 

One of the messages, a cable from 
Prime Minister Lumumba addressed to 
all heads of African states, Ambassador 
Thomas Kanza and the Chairman of the 
Afro-Asian group at the United Nations, 
included a complaint that, after his re- 


lease, United Nations guards had pre- 
vented him from broadcasting a message 
to the people but had permitted Mr. 
Bolikango to speak over the Leopoldville 

The second message, addressed to the 
Secretary-General and to Mr. Kanza and 
signed by Joseph Kasongo, President of 
the Chamber of Representatives, and 
Joseph Okita, President of the Senate, 
protested “vehemently” against Prime 
Minister Lumumba’s arrest. 

The Ileo government, the message 
stated, had not yet had a parliamentary 
vote of confidence and consequently 
could not replace the legal government. 
Charging the Ileo government with crim- 
inal acts against democratic freedoms 
and the sovereignty of the constitution- 
ally recognized Congolese Parliament, 
the signers insisted that the matter be 
taken before the Security Council that 
evening. The message closed with an 
appeal to the free world and to Security 
Council members for protection “against 
such degrading dangerous machinations, 
provocation, civil war and fratricide” 

The Security Council held three meet- 
ings on this date on the question of the 
Congo. The first meeting, which opened 
at noon, adjourned at 3:00 p.m. without 
any decision on the question of the 
representation of the Republic of the 

At its afternoon meeting, the Council 
rejected a Polish proposal to invite 
Thomas Kanza, representative of the 
Central Government of the Congo, to 
participate in the debate by 3 votes in 
favor (Ceylon, USSR and Poland), none 
against, with 8 abstentions. 

A request of the representative of 
Guinea, Caba Sory, to speak on the 
seating of the Congo representative was 
rejected by a vote of 4 in favor (Ceylon, 
Poland, Tunisia, Soviet Union), 5 
against (China, France, Italy, United 
Kingdom, United States), with 2 ab- 
stentions (Argentina, Ecuador). 

At the evening meeting, the Security 
Council heard statements by the repre- 
sentatives of the USSR and Tunisia and 
by the Secretary-General. 

Mr. Zorin, of the Soviet Union, 
charged that the United Nations Com- 
mand in the Congo and the Secretary- 
General had consciously violated the 
Security Council resolutions on the Con- 
go and had played into the hands of the 
colonial powers. He demanded that the 
United Nations Command be replaced 
and that the Security Council take im- 
mediate measures to stop all interference 
in the internal affairs of the Congo. 

The Secretary-General replied in de- 
tail to a number of allegations made by 
the Soviet representative, concluding: 
“No misunderstandings, no misinforma- 
tion, no misinterpretations of the actions 
of the United Nations Organization 
should be permitted to hamper an opera- 
tion the importance of which, I know, is 
fully appreciated by all those African 
countries which, with great efforts of 
their own, support the work of the 
United Nations in the Congo.” 


Mongi Slim, of Tunisia, charged that 
Belgium had shown bad faith in respect 
of the withdrawal of its troops from the 
Congo. He suggested that the Council 
take the initiative in offering its good 
offices to the various political leaders in 
the Congo. Such a good-offices mission, 
he added, could be composed of a cer- 
tain number of African states which were 
now members of the Secretary-General’s 
Advisory Committee on the Congo. He 
also paid tribute to the untiring efforts 
of the Secretary-General in the Congo. 

A letter from Mr. Kanza to the 
Secretary-General reported that the two 
Legislative Chambers of the Republic of 
the Congo, convened in extraordinary 
meeting on September 13, voted full 
powers to the Government of Patrice 
Lumumba by 88 votes to 25, with 3 ab- 
stentions. The same meeting declared 
outlawed and illegal any other central 
government which might claim to exist 
in the Republic of the Congo. Mr. Kanza 
added that he had been instructed not 
to participate in the proceedings of the 
Security Council if it should permit rep- 
resentatives of an outlawed and illegal 
government to take places at the Council 
table (S/4514). 

Another letter from Mr. Kanza, ad- 
dressed to the President of the Security 
Council, transmitted messages received 
from Prime Minister Lumumba and the 
Presidents of the Congolese Chamber of 
Representatives and Senate protesting 
the “arbitrary, illegal and shameful ar- 
rest for a few hours” of Mr. Lumumba 
on September 12 in Leopoldville by sol- 
diers sent by Mr. Kasavubu. 


On this date a letter was issued, dated 
September 14, from Mr. J. M. Lumbala, 
Special Delegate of the Republic of the 
Congo, to the President of the Security 
Council (S/4517). After reviewing at 
length the situation in the Congo and 
the constitutional position, Mr. Lumbala 
concluded by appealing to the Council 
to recommend (1) that the Secretary- 
General place at the disposal of the Cen- 
tral Government aircraft, arms and am- 
munition which would enable it to make 
“a triumphal entry into Katanga escorted 
by the National Army”; (2) that the 
Secretary-General and representatives of 
the United Nations deal direct with Mr. 
Lumumba, the only head of the Govern- 
ment of the Republic. 

The Security Council held two further 
meetings on the Congo. 

At the morning meeting, the repre- 
sentative of Belgium was invited to the 
Council table. Statements were made by 
the representatives of Argentina and the 
United States. The latter introduced a 
draft resolution which would have urged 
the Secretary-General “to continue to 
give vigorous effect to the resolutions 
of the Council.” It called on member 
governments to make voluntary financial 
contributions to a United Nations Fund 
for the Congo, to be used under United 
Nations control “as determined by the 
Secretary-General,” for financing the nec- 
essary governmental expenditures not 
covered by governmental revenue, owing 
to the present disruption of administra- 

tion and civilian life. It also urged all 
parties to the internal conflict in the 
Congo, in the interest of its unity and 
integrity, to seek a speedy settlement by 
peaceful means, with such assistance 
from the Secretary-General as might be 
required. The draft reaffirmed the Coun- 
cil’s request to all member nations to 
“refrain from sending personnel, supplies 
or equipment to be used for military pur- 
poses into the Congo other than through 
the United Nations.” Finally, the pro- 
posal reiterated that the United Nations 
Force should continue to act to restore 
and maintain law and order as necessary 
for the maintenance of international 
peace and security (S/4516). 

At the afternoon meeting, the Council 
heard statements by the USSR, Ecuador, 
France and the United Kingdom. A 
Soviet draft resolution was introduced by 
Mr. Zorin (S/4519) which would have the 
Council request the Secretary-General 
and the United Nations Command in 
the Congo “immediately to put an end 
to all forms of interference in the inter- 
nal affairs of the Republic of the Congo” 
and to evacuate all airfields and radio 
stations presently occupied by United 
Nations troops. It would also instruct the 
Secretary-General to remove the present 
United Nations Command because “its 
actions constitute gross violations of the 
decisions of the Security Council on the 
Congo question.” The draft resolution 
would appeal to all member states to 
provide the Congo urgent financial and 
other economic aid, which “should be 
placed at the direct disposal” of the 
Central Government. 


A telegram to the Secretary-General, 
dated September 15, was issued (S/4520) 
from the President of the Republic of 
the Congo, who lodged a “vigorous” pro- 
test against “United Nations interference 
in the Congo’s internal and, above all, 
judicial affairs.” He informed the Secre- 
tary-General that “Ex-Prime Minister 
Lumumba had just been arrested by the 
Congolese Army” on a legally issued 
warrant, but that Ghanaian troops of 
the United Nations Force were prevent- 
ing his being taken before an examining 


The Security Council held three further 
meetings on September 16. In the early 
hours of September 17, the Council 
voted to convene an emergency special 
session of the General Assembly on the 
Congo question. 

At its morning meeting, the Council 
heard statements by the representatives 
of Ceylon, Poland and China and a 
reply by the Secretary-General to the 
Polish representative, who had charged 
that the Security Council’s objectives in 
the Congo were not being fulfilled. 

Continuing its debate in the afternoon, 
the Council heard statements by the rep- 
resentatives of Italy and five non-mem- 
bers—Indonesia, Ghana, Guinea, Belgium 
and the United Arab Republic. 

Meeting again at 8:30 p.m., the Coun- 
cil received a joint draft resolution from 

UNR—December 1960 

Ceylon and Tunisia in the course of a 
five-hour meeting (S/4523). 

Under the resolution, the Council 
would urge the Secretary-General to give 
“vigorous” implementation to previous 
Council resolutions on the situation in 
the Congo. The draft proposal called 
upon all Congolese to seek a speedy solu- 
tion by peaceful means of all their inter- 
nal conflicts for the unity and integrity 
of the Congo and reaffirmed that the 
United Nations Force should continue 
to act to restore and maintain law and 
order “as necessary for the maintenance 
of international peace and security” and 
appealed to all member governments 
for urgent voluntary contributions to a 
United Naiions Fund for the Congo to 
be used under United Nations control and 
in consultation with the Central Govern- 
ment of the Congo for the purpose of 
rendering the fullest assistance to achieve 
the aforementioned objectives. 

Finally, the resolution reaffirmed spe- 
cifically the request to all states to re- 
frain from any action which might tend 
to impede the restoration of law and 
order and the exercise by the Govern- 
ment of the Congo of its authority and 
also to refrain from any action which 
might undermine the territorial integrity 
and political independence of the Repub- 
lic of the Congo and decided that no 
assistance for military purposes be sent 
to the Congo except as part of the United 
Nations action, as well as its call to all 
member states, in accordance with Arti- 
cles 25 and 49 of the Charter, to accept 
and carry out the decisions of the Secu- 
rity Council and to afford mutual assist- 
ance in carrying out measures decided 
upon by the Security Council. 

In the early hours of September 17 
the Council voted on the proposals be- 
fore it. The USSR draft resolution was 
rejected by 2 votes in favor (Poland and 
the USSR), to 7 against, with 2 absten- 
tions (Ceylon and Tunisia). The Council 
then voted on a series of USSR amend- 
ments (S/4524) to the joint draft resolu- 
tion of Ceylon and Tunisia, all of which 
were rejected by varying votes. 

Finally, the Council voted on the joint 
Ceylonese-Tunisian proposal, which re- 
ceived 8 votes in favor and 2 against 
(USSR and Poland), with France abstain- 
ing. As one of the two negative votes was 
that of a permanent member of the 
Council, the resolution was not adopted. 

Following the voting, Mr. Zorin an- 
nounced that his Government had re- 
quested the inclusion on the agenda of 
the regular session of the General Assem- 
bly the question of “the threat to the 
political independence and the territorial 
integrity of the Republic of the Congo” 

The representative of the United States 
told the Council he would not press for 
a vote on the United States draft, as he 
did not wish to prolong the proceedings. 

He then introduced a draft resolution 
under which the Council, having con- 
sidered the agenda item on the Congo 
and taking into account that the lack 
of unanimity among the permanent mem- 
bers had prevented it from exercising its 
primary responsibility for the mainte- 
nance of peace and security, would de- 

UNR—December 1960 

cide to call an emergency special session 
of the General Assembly on the issue in 
accordance with the provisions of the 
Assembly’s “Uniting for Peace” resolu- 
tion of November 3, 1950 (S/4525). 

The motion for convening an emer- 
gency special session of the Assembly 
was adopted by 8 votes to 2 (USSR and 
Poland), with 1 abstention (France) (S/ 


The fourth emergency special session 
of the General Assembly, convened by 
the Security Council, opened at 8 p.m. 

At its first meeting the Assembly heard 
statements by the representatives of the 
United States, the USSR and Italy and 
a brief reply by the Secretary-General 
to the Soviet statement. 

The first part of the meeting was de- 
voted to the question of the admission 
of new members to the United Nations. 
The United States moved that the admis- 
sion of new members already recom- 
mended by the Security Council should 
be placed on the agenda of the emer- 
gency session and dealt with as the first 

The General Assembly eventually 
adopted, by 43 votes to none, with 26 
abstentions, a motion by Caba Sory, of 
Guinea, to adjourn consideration of the 
admission of new members until a later 

The need to reactivate preventive 
health services in the Republic of the 
Congo, particularly at the district and 
village level, was stressed in a WHO re- 
port on health activities of the United 
Nations operations in the Congo. 

Action should be taken as quickly as 
possible to ensure against loss of the 
progress of recent years, especially in 
the control of insect-borne diseases, the 
report said. 

Hospital services were being used to 
a greater degree, the report stated, and 
bed occupancy at main hospitals had 
increased. National Red Cross and Red 
Crescent teams continued to give valuable 
service in provincial and district hospitals, 
although some were working under great 
difficulties. Intensive training courses for 
Congolese staff operating water-purifica- 
tion plants had been started by WHO 
and bilateral assistance personnel. Ex- 
perienced water plant operators were 
being recruited from Switzerland to con- 
tinue the courses in a systematic manner. 
Attempts were being made to improve 
the distribution of medical supplies from 
Leopoldville to provincial district centres. 

Who had placed its worldwide recruit- 
ment service at the disposal of the Congo- 
lese Government for outside medical 
staff. Plans for training Congolese medi- 
cal students were well advanced and 
programs were being made for training 
Congolese medical assistants overseas. 

The 15-member wHo advisory team 
attached to the Central Ministry of 
Health was also assisting in drawing up a 
budget for modified health services for 
the remainder of 1960 and budget esti- 
mates for 1961. 

Thirty-three medical teams from 22 
countries, with a total of 157 doctors, 


x fechnicians, were at work in 
the. «yO under the United Nations 
civilian operation, the report indicated. 
It listed 23 teams sent by Red Cross 
and Red Crescent societies in 18 countries 
(Australia, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Den- 
mark, East Germany, Federal Republic 
of Germany, Finland, Greece, India, Ire- 
land, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Paki- 
stan, Poland, Sweden, United Arab Re- 
public and Yugoslavia). In addition, ten 
teams were sent by governments (Ghana, 
Israel, Switzerland and the USSR). 


At the second meeting of the emer- 
gency special session, held in the after- 
noon of September 18, the General As- 
sembly heard statements by the repre- 
sentatives of Brazil, Libya, Argentina, 
Poland, Yugoslavia, Saudi Arabia, Bul- 
garia, Romania, and comments by the 
Secretary-General on points made by 
several speakers. The Secretary-General 
and the representative of Israel exercised 
the right of reply. 

Reconvening at 8:30 that evening, the 
Assembly received a draft resolution co- 
sponsored by 17 Afro-Asian nations— 
Ceylon, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Indo- 
nesia, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Liberia, 
Libya, Morocco, Nepal, Saudi Arabia, 
Sudan, Tunisia, the United Arab Repub- 
lic and Yemen. It was introduced by 

In its operative part, the resolution 
fully supported the resolutions of July 
14 and 22 and of August 9 of the Se- 
curity Council; requested the Secretary- 
General to “continue to take vigorous 
action” in accordance with those earlier 
resolutions and to assist the Central 
Government of the Congo in the restora- 
tion and maintenance of law and order 
throughout the territory of the Republic 
of the Congo and to safeguard its unity, 
territorial integrity and political inde- 
pendence in the interests of international 
peace and security”; appealed to all 
Congolese within the Republic of the 
Congo “to seek a speedy solution by 
peaceful means of all their internal con- 
flicts for the unity and integrity of the 
Congo”; appealed to all member govern- 
ments for urgent voluntary contributions 
to a United Nations Fund for the Congo 
to be used under United Nations control 
and in consultation with the Central 

The resolution also requested “all 
states to refrain from any action which 
might tend to impede the restoration of 
law and order and the exercise by the 
Government of the Republic of the Con- 
go of its authority and also to refrain 
from any action which might undermine 
the unity, territorial integrity and the 
political independence of the Republic 
of the Congo: It called upon all member 
states “to accept and carry out the de- 
cisions of the Security Council” and 
“without prejudice to the sovereign rights 
of the Republic of the Congo, to refrain 
from the direct and indirect provision of 
arms or other materials of war and mili- 
tary personnel and other assistance for 
military purposes in the Congo during 
the temporary period of military assist- 
ance through the United Nations, except 



upon the request of the United Nations 
through the Secretary-General .. .” 

In the course of the discussion, state- 
ments were made by Jordan, Pakistan, 
the Ukrainian SSR, Nepal, Tunisia, Hun- 
gary, Ghana, Czechoslovakia, the United 
Arab Republic and Norway. 

At a morning meeting, the Soviet 
Union introduced a draft resolution 

which would have the Assembly, recog- 
nizing the necessity of ensuring the po- 
litical independence and territorial in- 
tegrity of the Congo “and her protec- 
tion from imperialist aggression”: (1) 
condemn “the armed aggression of Bel- 
gium” against the Congo “committed 
with the support of her NaTo allies,” and 
strongly urge Belgium and her military 
allies to withdraw completely without 
delay their troops and military personnel 
from the Congo “under whatever dis- 
guise or pretext they may be stationed 
there”; (2) note with satisfaction earlier 
Security Council resolutions “aimed at 
putting an end to the aggression of Bel- 
gium against the Republic of the Congo 
and ensuring the territorial integrity and 
political independence of the Republic 
of the Congo”; (3) note that “the failure 
of the Secretary-General and of the 
United Nations military command to ful- 
fill a number of major provisions” of 
the resolution, “in particular the pro- 
visions concerning the non-interference 
in the internal affairs of the Congo and 
the ensuring of the territorial integrity 
and political independence of the Re- 
public of the Congo, has led to the dis- 
organization of the economy, the aggra- 
vation of the political situation in the 
country and the removal of the legitimate 
government and parliament”; and (4) 
appeal to all states to refrain from any 
action which might prejudice the terri- 
torial integrity and political indepen- 
dence of the Congo. 

Statements were made by the repre- 
sentatives of Australia, Albania, New 
Zealand, China, Mexico, the Sudan, the 
Union of South Africa, Iraq, Ireland, 
Liberia, Belgium, Burma and the Neth- 

At a night meeting that began at 8 
o’clock and adjourned in the early hours 
of the following day, discussion con- 
tinued with statements by the Byelo- 
russian SSR, Canada, Greece, Sweden, 
Lebanon, Israel, Laos, Ethiopia, the 
USSR, the Federation of Malaya, Cey- 
lon, Indonesia, Ecuador, Haiti, India, 
the United States and Ghana. 

The Soviet represeniative introduced 
amendments to the 17-power draft, but 
on the appeal of Ghana, made on be- 
half of the Afro-Asian members, he 
announced he would not press for a vote 
on the amendments, nor on the USSR 
draft resolution. 

The President then put to the vote 
the 17-power draft resolution (A/L.292/ 
Rev.1). A vote was first taken on the 
text as a whole minus paragraph 6. The 
result was 71 in favor, none against, 
with 9 abstentions. 

Paragraph 6, calling upon all states to 
refrain from direct or indirect provi- 
sions of arms and military personnel to 
the Congo except upon the request of 

the United Nations through the Secre- 
tary-General, was adopted by a roll-call 
vote of 80 in favor, none against, with 
one abstention (Union of South Africa). 

The resolution as a whole was then 
adopted by a roll-call vote of 70 in favor, 
none against, with 11 abstentions (AI- 
bania, Bulgaria, Byelorussian SSR, 
Czechoslovakia, France, Hungary, Po- 
land, Romania, Ukrainian SSR, Union 
of South Africa, USSR). 


The first progress report to the Secre- 
tary-General from his Special Represen- 
tative in the Congo, Ambassador Rajesh- 
war Dayal, was issued (S/4531). [The 
full text of this report was published in 
the November 1960 issue of UNITED Na- 

A message dated September 18 from 
the Secretary-General to Moise Tshombe, 
President of the Provincial Government 
of Katanga, was issued (S/4529). Re- 
ferring to actions undertaken against 
Balubas by gendarmerie, the message 
stated that, according to confirmed re- 
ports, the gendarmerie had carried out 
“brutal repressive operations” in the 
neighborhood of Luena. Actions of this 
type, it said, “must be condemned by 
the United Nations as inadmissible in- 
fringements upon human rights and the 
humanitarian principles for which the 
Organization stands.” Any repetition of 
repressive measures of this kind, added 
the Secretary-General, would be resisted 
by the United Nations Force and im- 
mediately reported. “The authorities in 
Katanga must assume full responsibility 
for the consequences of actions by their 
gendarmerie and I have to express the 
firm expectation that they will give in- 
structions avoiding any further repres- 
sive measures.” 


The Secretary of State of the United 
States presented a check for $5 million 
in accordance with the General Assem- 
bly’s appeal of September 20 to member 
governments for urgent voluntary con- 
tributions to a United Nations Fund for 
the Congo. 

In his letter of transmittal, Secretary 
of State Christian Herter said that addi- 
tional contributions would be made as 
specific plans and requirements were 
developed by the United Nations. He 
added that no decision had been made 
concerning the total amount which the 
United States was prepared to contribute 
to the Fund because of legislative condi- 
tions providing that United States con- 
tributions shall not exceed 40 per cent 
of the total made available to the United 
Nations for this purpose. 


A 141l-man advance party of a trans- 
port company of the Pakistan Army left 
Karachi to serve with the United Na- 
tions Force in the Congo as one of its 
administrative units. The remainder of 
the company, 157 officers and men, was 
scheduled to leave Karachi September 26. 

The advance party, under the com- 
mand of Lt. Colonel Hamid Hajibhoy, 
was airlifted by planes of the United 
States Military Air Transport Service. 

Fourth Committee 

(Continued from page 23) 

part of that paragraph was not clea. 
He said that the expression “a threat 
to the well-being of humanity and a 
threat to international peace” should 
be used with extreme care and with 
great precision. The United Kingdom 
representative questioned whether the 
use of those words was justified and 
regretted that they had been used. 

A. H. Loomes, of Australia, had 
reservations concerning the Assembly’s 
competence to specify territories, and 
he did not think the United Nations 
could reasonably be expected to reach 
an accurate decision on which Portu- 
guese territories should and which 
should not be enumerated, as there 
were a number of complex factors 
that could combine to make a decision 
unwise and even arbitrary. 

R. Austin Acly, of the United States, 
did not think the Assembly was en- 
titled to single out particular countries 
to remind them of their obligations 
under Article 73, or that it was the 
function of the United Nations to 
determine which territories fell within 
the scope of Article 73. He noted a 
conflict between the spirit of the Gen- 
eral Assembly’s resolution 1467(XIV) 
and any attempt on the part of 
the Assembly to determine for it- 
self whether an obligation to trans- 
mit information existed in a spe- 
cific case. The decision in that respect 
should, he said, be made by the ad- 
ministering members in the light of 
their constitutional arrangements. 

The United States representative also 
considered it was for the administering 
members to decide on the application 
of the principles. If the Assembly 
called on one particular country to 
supply information on_ territories 
whose status was questioned, it was 
difficult to see why it should not call 
on other countries to do the same. 
Such considerations had not, of course, 
prevented the United States from giv- 
ing the broadest possible interpretation 
to Article 73e. It had reported, for 
example, on territories which had been 
incorporated in the United States and 
on two which had recently, of their 
own choice, become states of the 

Similar views were expressed by the 
representatives of other members ab- 
staining on the draft resolution, which 
was to be submitted to the Assembly 
for its endorsement in plenary meeting. 

After completing its action on ques- 
tions relating to the transmission of 
information on non-self-governing ter- 
ritories, the Fourth Committee on No- 
vember 14 began consideration of 
the question of South West Africa. 


UNR—December 1960 

Dr. Auguste R. Lindt, 
UN High Commis- 
sioner, reported prog- 
ress in protection and 
resettlement action. 

Call for Continued Humanitarian 

Aid to Refugees 

An Algerian refugee 
in Tunisia examines 
his identity card. It 
entitles him to rations 
and other assistance. 

Success of the World Refugee Year Is Noted 

Bee humanitarian aspect of assist- 
ance to refugees was stressed by 
the General Assembly’s Third Com- 
mittee October 27 when it noted the 
“remarkable success” of World Refu- 
gee Year and expressed the belief that 
the enthusiasm and interest which it 
had aroused could, if maintained, con- 
tribute vitally to an ultimate solution 
of the problems of refugees every- 

In a draft resolution on World Ref- 
ugee Year, the Committee thanked all 
those who helped in that success and 
requested members of the United Na- 
tions and of the specialized agencies 
and international non-governmental 
organizations to continue their efforts 
to assist refugees “on a purely hu- 
manitarian basis.” 

The draft resolution, together with 
three other draft resolutions on assist- 
ance to refugees, was recommended to 
the Assembly by the Third Committee, 
which debated the issues after hearing 
detailed reports by the Secretary-Gen- 
eral, the United Nations High Com- 
missioner for Refugees and the Direc- 
tor of the United Nations Relief and 
Works Agency for Palestine Refugees 
in the Near East. 

In those resolutions, continued ac- 
tion on behalf of refugees from Algeria 
in Morocco and Tunisia was recom- 
mended; continued attention to other 
refugee problems still awaiting solu- 
tion was invited; and thanks and good 
wishes to High Commissioner Auguste 
Lindt, soon to leave office, were ex- 

In his report on World Refugee Year, 
Secretary-General Hammarskjold an- 
nounced that 97 countries and terri- 

UNR—December 1960 

tories had participated and that pre- 
liminary figures showed that more 
than $80 million had been contrib- 
uted by governments, organizations 
and the general public. That figure 
would probably be increased, since 
money was still coming in, and some 
countries had decided to continue their 

Mr. Hammarskjold also pointed out 
that an important result of the wry 
campaign had been aroused public in- 
terest and greater international support 
for the United Nations. 

“While the success achieved by 
World Refugee Year was obviously 
due to the participating countries,” 
Mr. Hammarskjold said in his report, 
“its appeal was strengthened by the 
guarantee of high purpose and by the 
sense of international solidarity which 
United Nations sponsorship provided. 
That sponsorship has been for many 
people the first intimation of the con- 
structive work which the United Na- 
tions carries on in the humanitarian 
field. It has been reported that this 
fact led to an increase in active mem- 
bership of the United Nations Associa- 
tions in a number of countries. 

“It was the General Assembly’s res- 
olution [of December 5, 1958] which 
enabled World Refugee Year to be- 
come a reality on a multinational scale, 
and it was also the United Nations 
which served as an indispensable co- 
ordinating element throughout the 
campaign. The methods and _ tech- 
niques used in this multinational cam- 
paign may not be without their les- 
sons for future initiatives which the 
United Nations may be called upon to 
sponsor. Those methods have enabled 

more than 20 countries or territories 
not members of the United Nations or 
of its specialized agencies to participate 
in the spirit of the resolution.” 

Mr. Hammarskjold recalled that, in 
the language of the Assembly 1958 
resolution, the aims of World Refugee 
Year were “to focus interest on the 
refugee problem, to encourage addi- 
tional financial contributions from 
governments, voluntary agencies and 
the general public, and to encourage 
additional opportunities for permanent 
refugee solutions through voluntary 
repatriation, resettlement or integra- 
tion.” His report showed the extent of 
the multinational action taken and its 
results, but he emphasized that those 
results were not final, since certain 
countries had decided to continue 
their campaigns. 

In all, 97 countries and territories 
participated; 39 national committees 
were established to promote the objec- 
tives of World Refugee Year, often 
under the patronage of the head of 
state; 74 among the most powerful 
international non-governmental organ- 
izations set up an International Com- 
mittee for World Refugee Year to 
help promotion in the participating 
countries, and—a unique fact — all 
great faiths gave their support to the 
humanitarian endeavor. Publicity given 
to the effort in all participating coun- 
tries was unprecedented in the refugee 

Reports available on September 30, 
1960, indicated that supplementary 
funds paid, or pledged subject to par- 
liamentary approval, over and above 
normal contributions by governments 
and voluntary agencies amounted to 


more than $80 million, approximately 
11 per cent of it in kind. Of that total, 
$23 million was from governments 
and about $57 million from the public. 
Since the end of September, efforts 
in Austria, Belgium, Canada, France 
and Switzerland indicated that an 
additional $3 million would be forth- 
coming. In addition, a stamp plan 
sponsored jointly by UNHCR and UNRWA 
was expected to produce about $1 
million, while several countries, in- 
cluding Argentina, Australia, Brazil, 
Canada, Colombia, France, the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany, Italy, 
Sweden, the Union of South Africa 
and the United States, had not closed 
their campaigns, and some had not 
announced their preliminary results. 

Mr. Hammarskjold added that re- 
sults announced by some countries 
that had ended their campaigns would 
be changed, since contributions con- 
tinued to arrive at the national com- 

As of October 20 last, Mr. Ham- 
marskjold reported, $22,673,646 had 
been contributed, pledged or raised 
on behalf of refugees within the man- 
date of the United Nations High Com- 
missioner for Refugees, not counting 
refugees from Algeria in Tunisia and 
Morocco. Of that sum, more than $8 
million was directly contributed to the 
High Commissioner to finance sup- 
plementary wry efforts on behalf of 
refugees within his mandate. 

An Important Result 

An important result of the wry 
effort, the Secretary-General pointed 
out, was that the High Commissioner’s 
camp-clearance program in Europe 
could now be completely financed 
from available funds. That would 
mean that all the 32,000 refugees with- 
in his mandate living in European 
camps when wry opened would either 
be integrated in their countries of 
first asylum or resettled elsewhere. 

Also included in the total of $22,- 
673,646 was a sum of $1,210,724 
exclusively for refugee transportation, 
mainly by the Inter-Governmental 
Committee for European Migration, 
and $13,404,047 for other programs 
also benefiting refugees within the 
High Commissioner’s mandate, but 
in most cases not administered by 

Particularly encouraging results were 
obtained, the Secretary-General point- 
ed out, in the case of handicapped 
and _ difficult-to-settle refugees. The 
Office of the High Commissioner esti- 
mated that, thanks to the liberaliza- 
tion of immigration criteria by various 
countries during wry, some 4,000 
handicapped refugees would be reset- 
tled outside their countries of first 


asylum, making with their dependents 
some 7,000 persons in all. That com- 
pared with 4,665 handicapped refugees 
and their families who were resettled 
in the seven years from 1952 to 1958. 

Various appeals for the refugees of 
Algeria in Tunisia and Morocco, said 
Mr. Hammarskjold, produced $5,360,- 
122, and $4,514,694 was contributed 
or pledged up to October 20 on behalf 
of Chinese refugees in Hong Kong. 
By the same date $7,875,967 had been 
contributed or pledged for the Arab 
refugees from Palestine within the 
mandate of UNRWA. Other refugees 
would benefit to the extent of $17,- 

Of the total of $83 million, almost 
$20 million remained unallocated. 

Latest available figures, said Mr. 
Hammarskjold, showed that more than 
3,000 refugees within the mandate of 
the High Commissioner for Refugees 
had been repatriated at their own re- 
quest during wry. Also, during wry, 
six countries had deposited their in- 
struments of ratification of the inter- 
national convention relating to the 
legal status of refugees or had ap- 
proved ratification of the convention. 

Thus, said the Secretary-General, 
the appeal of the General Assembly 
was heeded. Some refugee problems 
would be completely solved, and 
many refugees had seen or would see 
an amelioration of their pitiful condi- 
tion; thanks to the good will of gov- 
ernments and the understanding of 
national committees, World Refugee 
Year had succeeded in remaining faith- 
ful to the purely humanitarian aims 
expressed in the resolution voted by 
the Assembly. Some organizations 
created for wry, he added, had de- 
cided to continue to work on behalf 
of refugees on a permanent basis. 
Thus, he said, although it was officially 
concluded, World Refugee Year could 
be regarded, not as the end of an 
effort, but as a beginning. 

The Secretary-General reported that 
in terms of total additional cash raised 
during wry by the end of September 
last, the major contributors were the 
United Kingdom, with $21,660,150, 
and the United States, with $18,125,- 
996. The latter figure was not final, 
since the United States campaign was 

John H. Davis, Director of the 
United Nations Relief and Works 
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the 
Near East, also addressed the Com- 
mittee concerning the continuing needs 
of the Palestine refugees. 

He expressed UNRWa’s profound ap- 
preciation to governments, national 
committees, voluntary agencies, private 
individuals and the Secretary-General 
and his special representative and staff 
for their work on UNRWaA’s behalf. 

At the beginning of 1960, he said, 
UNRWA had set a target of some $4 
million in additional contributions as 
as result of World Refugee Year. 
Since then it had drawn up for the re- 
maining three years of its mandate, 
ending in 1963, a program that would 
be considered by the Special Political 
Committee at the current session. He 
expressed the hope that the General 
Assembly would approve the program, 
which would make it possible to main- 
tain UNRWaA’s relief program at the 
current per capita level, increase the 
number of vocational training gradu- 
ates from 300 to 2,500 per year, in- 
crease the number of university schol- 
arships available to first-year students 
from 90 to 180 a year, continue the 
small-loan and grants program and en- 
sure a limited expansion in elementary 
and secondary education to meet the 
exploding demand in the Middle East 
and provide an appropriate base for 
the expanded vocational training ac- 

Annual Expenditure 

It was estimated that the annual 
expenditure for the period 1960-1963 
would be about $35 million, while im- 
plementation of five recommendations 
he had outlined would involve addi- 
tional expenditures of slightly more 
than $16 million dollars for the three- 
year period. Part of the cost of the last 
four recommendations ($12 million) 
would be covered by funds collected 
for UNRWA during World Refugee 

Mr. Davis listed three points to 
emphasize the complexity of UNRWA’s 

Disregarding all political considera- 
tions, the fact was that jobs for un- 
skilled workers and farmers which the 
refugees could do did not exist in 
sufficient numbers in the Middle East 
or elsewhere. Refugees, therefore, had 
to be trained. 

The problem would be solved in 
time, not by UNRWa, but by the 
broader forces which were shaping the 
future of the Middle East. 

Every effort should be made to en- 
sure that the solution was a peaceful 
and orderly one, and by its action the 
Agency not only alleviated the suffer- 
ing of the refugees but contributed to 
the stability of that entire part of the 
world. It seemed, therefore, that the 
Agency’s work was worthy of the 
interest and support of every country. 

The report of the Secretary-General 
was considered at three meetings of 
the Third Committee, under the chair- 
manship of Eduard Mezincescu, of 
Romania, during which the representa- 
tives of 22 countries spoke. Each men- 
tioned briefly what steps had been 

UNR—December 1960 

taken in his own country to implement 
the spirit of the Assembly resolution 
and expressed satisfaction at the re- 

The draft resolution on wry, spon- 
sored by Afghanistan, Argentina, Aus- 
tralia, Canada, France, Iran, Italy, 
Norway, Pakistan, the United King- 
dom and the United States, was 
adopted by the Committee by a vote 
of 64 to none, with 12 abstentions. 

High Commissioner's Report 

When the Third Committee con- 
sidered the report of Auguste Lindt, 
United Nations High Commissioner 
for Refugees, the Chairman congratu- 
lated the Commissioner on the prog- 
ress made by his Office during the 
year with regard to the international 
protection of refugees and the pro- 
gram for a permanent solution. He 

A handicapped refugee arrives in 
Malmo, Sweden, to begin a new life. 
Many such “difficult” cases have been 
helped by the generous worldwide re- 
sponse to World Refugee Year appeals. 

UNR—December 1960 

also welcomed the assistance extended 
by the High Commissioner’s Office to 
the refugees from Algeria in Morocco 
and Tunisia. The High Commissioner, 
he said, would be missed when he 
left the Office at the end of the year. 

Mr. Lindt made a verbal report. His 
Office, he said, had two important 
tasks: the international protection of 
refugees and the provision of assist- 
ance where necessary. Every refugee 
must be able to enjoy certain mini- 
mum rights, and his Office had been 
successful in stimulating the introduc- 
tion of provisions favorable to refugees 
in international treaties and national 
laws and regulations. 

Very important to the protective 
work done by his Office, he said, was 
the indemnification of refugees under 
the High Commissioner’s mandate who 
had suffered Nazi persecution, and he 
was glad to announce that on October 
5, 1960, an agreement had been signed 
with the Federal Republic of Germany 
in favor of such refugees. The agree- 
ment provided that those refugees who 
had suffered permanent injury to body 
or health would be entitled to com- 
pensation on the same scale as refugees 
who had been persecuted for racial 
or political reasons, and that the Fed- 
eral Government would place approxi- 
mately $10.7 million at the disposal of 
his Office for the establishment of a 
fund for additional assistance to those 
refugees and their surviving depend- 
ents, on a basis of need rather than of 
a legal claim to indemnification. 

To ensure effective legal protection 
would require a sustained effort. In 
Europe alone 870,000 refugees still re- 
quired protection in 1960. 

Although the great majority of refu- 
gees under his protection were eco- 
nomically self-sufficient, and only the 
non-settled refugees needed interna- 
tional material assistance, the enormity 
of the refugee problem was still such 
that priorities had to be established, 
said Mr. Lindt, and, without any 
doubt, the first priority belonged to 
individuals or groups of refugees in 
danger of starvation. 

Speaking of various aspects of the 
refugee problem, Mr. Lindt pointed 
out that if a great refugee wave broke 
in a country of asylum, it would be 
both impossible and unjust to leave 
that country to shoulder the responsi- 
bility alone for the refugees’ care and 
maintenance. His Office had had that 
problem during the Hungarian refugee 
movement in 1956-7. Today that prob- 
lem was practically, if not completely, 

In North Africa, on the other hand, 
the problem continued. More than 
200,000 refugees from Algeria in Mo- 
rocco and Tunisia were living in 
countries that were making efforts to 

develop their own economies, and the 
presence of the refugees added a very 
great burden. In 1959 the joint opera- 
tion of the League of Red Cross So- 
cieties and his Office improved con- 
siderably the living conditions of those 
refugees. Distribution of monthly ra- 
tions had become regular, and clothing 
and blankets were now being dis- 
tributed. With great generosity the 
Governments of Tunisia and Morocco 
had allowed refugees to benefit from 
their health and educational services. 
In order to improve the feeding of 
children, who comprised one half of 
the refugee group, provision had been 
made for distribution of reconstituted 
milk from 41 milk centres in Morocco 
and 71 in Tunisia, and it was hoped 
that the number of centres would be 
increased considerably by the end of 
the year. Mobile and stationary clinics 
and multi-purpose centres, which had 
begun as an experimental project in 
Tunisia, provided health care, milk, 
hot meals and education. 

Both Tunisia and Morocco had a 
considerable degree of unemployment, 
so that, although refugees were al- 
lowed to work, it was difficult for 
them to earn a living. 

The League of Red Cross Societies, 
added Mr. Lindt, should be con- 
gratulated on its efficiency and re- 
sourcefulness, but, unfortunately, its 
executive committee had adopted a 
resolution by which its participation 
in the joint operation would cease at 
the end of June 1961. 

Solution in Sight 

The High Commissioner also in- 
formed the Committee that, while in 
1955 there had been 252,000 non- 
settled refugees in Europe, both in- 
side and outside camps, there would 
be no more than 75,000 by the end 
of 1960, even though 238,000 new 
refugees had arrived during the five- 
year period. Also by the end of 1960 
the camp population would fall to 
13,800 persons; of those remaining, 
10,500 persons (from Germany, Aus- 
tria and Italy) qualified for the camp- 
clearance program. By the beginning 
of 1961 there would be no refugees 
in camps in Greece, and there should 
be none in Austria and Italy by the 
end of 1961. There were still 3,300 
refugees living in camps who did not 
come under the camp-clearance pro- 
gram. However, the problem of non- 
settled refugees living outside camps 
had assumed manageable proportions, 
their number having dropped from 
167,000 in 1955 to 61,000 currently. 
Providing there was no new influx of 
refugees, the solution of the problem 
of refugees under the Office’s mandate 
in Europe was in sight. 


Mr. Lindt also informed the Com- 
mittee that the emigration of handi- 
capped refugees had been greatly in- 
creased as a result of revolutionary 
developments in medicine and other 

The Office’s program for refugees 
of European origin living in the Far 
East had also benefited from new 
developments and was being con- 
ducted, as in the past, in close co- 
operation with the Inter-Governmental 
Committee for European Migration. 
There was a general shift of the refu- 
gee problem away from Europe. Also, 
he said, he had been authorized to use 
his good offices to assist other refu- 
gees not within his mandate, such as 
the Chinese refugees in Hong Kong 
and, more generally, refugees not 
within the competence of the United 

Committee Action 

After debate, the Third Committee 
approved by a roll-call vote of 76 to 
none, with France abstaining, a re- 
vised draft resolution presented by 
Afghanistan, Libya, Morocco and Tu- 
nisia concerning the refugees from 
Algeria in Morocco and Tunisia. 

Under it, the Assembly recommend- 
ed that the High Commissioner 
should continue his efforts and that 
he should use his influence to ensure 
the continuation of the operation car- 
ried out jointly by his Office and the 
League of Red Cross Societies, or, 
should that prove impossible, draw 
up and execute a program for the 
assumption by his Office of responsi- 
bility for those refugees from July 1, 

Also adopted in Committee—by 65 
votes to none, with 12 abstentions— 
was an eleven-power draft resolution 
sponsored by Brazil, Ceylon, Colom- 
bia, Denmark, the Federation of Ma- 
laya, Ghana, Greece, Italy, the Neth- 
erlands, New Zealand and Togo. This 
invited member states and members 
of the specialized agencies to continue 
to devote attention to refugee problems 
still awaiting solution (a) by continuing 
to improve the legal status of refugees 
living in their territory, in consulta- 
tion, where necessary, with the High 
Commissioner; (b) by further increas- 
ing facilities for the voluntary repa- 
triation, resettlement and integration 
of refugees; (c) by enabling the High 
Commissioner to reach his financial 
targets for 1961 and other programs 
entrusted to his Office; and (d) by 
continuing to consult with the High 
Commissioner in respect of measures 
of assistance to groups of refugees 
who do not come within the compe- 
tence of the United Nations. 

A resolution expressing thanks and 
good wishes to the High Commissioner 


Eleventh General Conference 

of UNESCO Opens in Paris 

To eleventh General Conference 
of the United Nations Educa- 
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organi- 
zation opened in Paris on November 
14. Akale-Work Apte-Wold, Ethiopian 
Ambassador to Paris, was elected 
President of the Conference. New 
member states admitted to UNESCO 
since the previous General Conference 
in 1958 were welcomed by Jean Ber- 
thoin of France, President of the tenth 
General Conference, who presided at 
the opening meeting of the current 
session. The new members are: Ca- 
meroun, Central African Republic, 
Congo (Brazzaville), Dahomey, Guin- 
ea, Ivory Coast, Madagascar, Mali, 
Niger, Senegal, Somalia, Upper Volta 
and Nigeria. In the first week of the 
Conference, Kuwait, Gabon and Togo 
were also admitted bringing UNESCO’s 
member states to 97. 

The proposed program and budget 
for UNESCO for the two-year period 
1961-1962 were presented by Dr. Vit- 
torino Veronese, Director-General. He 
proposed a budget of $30,929,128, an 
increase of 19.9 per cent over the 
budget for 1959-1960. On November 
21, the General Conference adopted 
a resolution recommending that the 
provisional spending level of the Or- 
ganization for 1961-1962 should be 
fixed at $31,597,628—a sum higher 
than that proposed by the Director- 
General. The final spending level will 
be definitely fixed by the Conference 
at the end of the session around De- 
cember 10. 

Dr. Veronese emphasized as “pri- 
ority tasks” for UNESCO, activities re- 
lating to education and assistance to 
underdeveloped countries. The draft 
program stresses the need to provide 
schools for the 114 million children of 
Africa, Asia and the Arab states now 
lacking adequate educational facili- 
ties, and long-range education plan- 
ning in these areas and in Latin 

Other projects in the proposed pro- 
gram for 1961-1962 referred to by 
Dr. Veronese are measures to advance 
adult education, marine science, arid 
zone and seismic research, the devel- 
opment of mass media facilities in un- 
derdeveloped regions and the UNESCO- 
sponsored campaign to save the Nu- 
bian monuments in the Sudan and the 

on his leaving the Office shortly was 
sponsored in Committee by Argen- 
tina, Australia, Canada, Denmark, 
Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, New 
Zealand, Pakistan, Tunisia, Turkey, 
the United Kingdom and the United 
States. It was adopted by acclamation. 

United Arab Republic threatened from 
the flooding which will follow from 
the building of the Aswan High Dam. 

The necessity of educational plan- 
ning in the Asian and African regions 
and the Arab states was brought out 
during three surveys conducted by 
UNESCO in 1960. A meeting called by 
UNESCO at Karachi, with participants 
from 15 Asian nations, showed that 
87 million school-age children cur- 
rently lack educational facilities. In 
view of the population growth in that 
continent, the governments of Asia 
need to plan on a primary school sys- 
tem capable of absorbing 220 million 
children by 1980, if all children are to 
be assured at least a sixth-grade edu- 
cation, UNESCO stated in announcing 
plans for the Conference. 

In the Arab states, 10 million chil- 
dren still lack primary education, and 
the development of secondary and 
vocational schools is essential if these 
states are to complete a transition to 
an industrial society, the UNESCO an- 
nouncement stated. 

In tropical Africa, 17 million chil- 
dren lack schools and an estimated 
345,000 teachers will have to be re- 
cruited to fill the gap in the primary 
schools. African education officials 
have also asked UNESCO for immediate 
help in developing secondary, techni- 
cal and vocational schools, and train- 
ing leaders. Contributions amounting 
to three million dollars have been pro- 
posed, both from UNESCO’s own bud- 
get and from the United Nations 
Technical Assistance program and the 
Special Fund, to start helping member 
states in these areas to plan long- 
range educational development, train- 
ing of education planners, administra- 
tors and supervisers, as well as teach- 
ers and social scientists. Because of 
the important role played by the press, 
radio, television and other audio-visual 
media in developing a literate popula- 
tion, the development of the mass 
media will also be given special atten- 

For the past four years, UNESCO has 
concentrated, its educational resources 
to extend primary education in Latin 
America, an activity regarded as a 
major project of the organization. 
Under this program, education special- 
ists and school teachers have been 
trained, seminars organized, and help 
granted to education ministries. This 
program will be intensified in 1961- 
1962, as its success has been notable; 
the primary school enrollment among 
the participants has increased by an 
average of 18.5 per cent since the pro- 
gram got under way in 1956. 

UNR—December 1960 

Austria and Italy Urged to Resume 

Negotiations on Bolzano (Bozen) Minority 


ber 31 urged Austria and Italy to 
resume negotiations toward solving all 
differences relating to the implementa- 
tion of an agreement on the status of 
the German-speaking element in the 
Province of Bolzano (Bozen) in north- 
ern Italy, signed by the two countries 
in September 1946. 

A resolution which the Assembly 
adopted by acclamation in plenary 
meeting had previously received unani- 
mous endorsement in the Special Po- 
litical Committee and was welcomed 
by the delegations of both Austria and 

The Assembly went on to recom- 
mend that, should the resumed nego- 
tiations not lead to satisfactory results 
within a reasonable period of time, 
both parties should give favorable con- 
sideration to the possibility of seeking 
a solution of their differences by any 
of the means provided in the Charter 
of the United Nations, including re- 
course to the International Court of 
Justice or any other peaceful means of 
their own choice. It also recommended 
that the two countries refrain from 
any action which might impair their 
friendly relations. 

The area in question, in South Ty- 
rol, was part of Austria until the peace 
treaty after the First World War under 
which Bolzano was awarded to Italy, 
which now refers to it as Alto Adige. 
Despite extended bilateral diplomatic 
conversations between Austria and 
Italy, their dispute concerning the sta- 
tus of the German-speaking minority 
in the province remained unresolved. 

The matter came before the Assem- 
bly as a result of a request made by 
Austria last June, when its Foreign 
Minister, Bruno Kreisky, requested 
that an item described as “The prob- 
lem of the Austrian minority in Italy” 
be included in the agenda of the fif- 
teenth session of the Assembly. When 
the Assembly included the item in its 
agenda, however, the title was changed 

UNR—December 1960 

Assembly Resolution Adopted by Acclamation 

to read: “The status of the German- 
speaking element in the Province of 
Bolzano (Bozen). Implementation of 
the Paris Agreement of 5 September 
1946.” The item was referred to the 
Special Political Committee for con- 

Austria originally submitted a draft 
resolution on this question which asked 
the General Assembly to “recognize 
the justified demand of the South Ty- 
roleans for a substantial and effective 
regional autonomy” and to recom- 
mend that “the two parties concerned 
resume without delay negotiations aim- 
ing at the establishment of the Prov- 
ince of Bozen/Bolzano as an autono- 
mous region with legislative and exec- 
utive power.” The draft resolution, 
which was subsequently amended to 
eliminate the rider, also originally sug- 
gested that the two parties to the dis- 
pute be invited to submit a report on 
the result of their negotiations to the 
General Assembly’s sixteenth session 
next year. 

Two Foreign Ministers 

Consideration of the question in the 
Special Political Committee continued 
through ten meetings, during which 
the representatives of 32 countries 
spoke, in addition to Mr. Kreisky, 
who outlined the case for Austria, and 
Antonio Segni, Foreign Minister of 
Italy, who responded for his Govern- 

Austria complained that the 1946 
Paris Agreement, which provided for 
legislative and executive autonomy of 
the South Tyrolean population in order 
to protect the ethnic and cultural 
character of the Austrian population, 
had been interpreted by Italy in such 
a way that application of the agree- 
ment contradicted its purpose in es- 
sential respects. 

Italy responded that it had imple- 
mented the terms of the agreement in 
every particular; that Austria was en- 

deavoring to supersede the agreement; 
that Austria was asking the Assembly 
to interfere in the internal affairs of 
Italy; that, although Austria had re- 
fused to take the matter to the Inter- 
national Court of Justice, Italy was 
still willing to do so and to abide by 
the Court’s decision; and that the 
Italian Government was still willing to 
discuss matters with Vienna so long as 
discussions were within the terms of 
the agreement. 

In explaining the case for Austria, 
Mr. Kreisky recalled for the Com- 
mittee that the Tyrol had been a dis- 
tinct political entity since 1254 and 
had been an integral part of Austria 
since 1363. The gorge of Salurn (Sa- 
lorno) was a clear and natural divid- 
ing line between the Italian- and 
German-speaking populations. How- 
ever, in April 1915, Great Britain, 
France and Russia concluded the Lon- 
don Agreement, under the terms of 
which Italy was promised that if it 
declared war on its former ally, Aus- 
tria, it would receive all that part of 
the Tyrol south of the Brenner. Con- 
sequently, at the Peace Conference it 
was decided to grant Italy the so- 
called strategic Brenner frontier. 

From then on, said Mr. Kreisky, 
matters had gone from bad to worse 
in the South Tyrol. A few examples 
would suffice to demonstrate the op- 
pressive character of the régime insti- 
tuted there: German place names and 
family names had been replaced by 
invented Italian names; Italian had 
been made the only official language; 
the use of German as a medium of 
instruction in public and private 
schools had been forbidden, as it had 
for religious instruction, and even the 
inscriptions on tombstones had been 
replaced by Italian ones. 

A climax to the sufferings of the 
South Tyrolean people came with the 
establishment of the Hitler-Mussolini 
axis, since an agreement between the 
two dictators provided for a resettle- 
ment, in the German Reich or else- 


where, of the entire South Tyrolean 
population. Seventy thousand South 
Tyroleans had thus been forced from 
their native soil. 

Subsequently, the South Tyrolean 
people clearly expressed their desire 
to be reunited with Austria, but the 
second Peace Conference of 1947 de- 
cided otherwise. 

However, on September 5, 1946, 
Austria and Italy concluded the Paris 
Agreement. A generous and equita- 
ble implementation of that agreement 
might have created conditions in which 
the South Tyroleans could have ad- 
ministered their own. affairs and have 
settled down to a reasonably secure 
existence within the Italian state. Italy, 
however, had not implemented either 
the spirit or the letter of the Paris 
Agreement, he charged. 

Speaking of the present conditions 
in South Tyrol, ‘Mr. Kreisky said that 
Italian arguments were used to show 
that the Province of Bozen (Bolzano) 
was thriving. But Austria was not ask- 
ing for economic assistance for the 
province; its aim was to enlist support 
for the political demands of the in- 
habitants, who were rightly claiming 
regional administrative and legislative 
powers. Hardly anything had been 
done to redress the injustices inflicted 
by the fascist regime, which had de- 
nied the South Tyrol people any 
chance of employment in the public 
service, compelled them to devote 
themselves to agriculture and had 
forced 70,000 of them to emigrate, 
only about 20,000 having been able 
to return. Less than seven per cent of 
state-subsidized housing was inhabited 
by South Tyroleans, although South 
Tyroleans made up about two thirds 
of the population. In the administra- 
tion of justice only 13 per cent of all 
positions were held by South Tyro- 
leans; of 52 judges, all but four were 
Italian. In 1958 all nine medical di- 
rectors of clinics in the largest hos- 
pital in South Tyrol were Italians, as 
were the 57 nurses, only one of whom 
spoke German. Of 7,800 persons em- 
ployed in the public services, 7,100 
were Italians. Thousands of South Ty- 
roleans were forced to emigrate each 
year because they could not find work 
in their native land. South Tyroleans 
were also at a great disadvantage when 
they had to deal with judges, police- 
men or other administrative officials 
whose language they seldom under- 
stood. The people, therefore, were de- 
nied their democratic rights. 

Speaking for Italy, Mr. Segni said 
that his Government had long ago 
indicated that it was prepared to grant 
the German-speaking inhabitants of 
the province a liberal statute and to 
review some of the 1939 options. That 
was how the De _ Gasperi-Gruber 

Agreement of September 5, 1946, sub- 


sequently annexed to the 1947 Peace 
Treaty, had come into being. That 
agreement was the only legal title 
under which Austria could discuss the 
status of the German-speaking people 
of that part of Italy. 

He maintained that Italy had 
scrupulously observed the provisions 
of the Paris Agreement dealing with 
the recognition of certain university 
degrees and diplomas, and it had hon- 
ored, to Austria’s entire satisfaction, 
its obligations with regard to frontier 
facilities, local trade and the free 
transit of persons and goods between 
Northern and Eastern Tyrol. The 
other provisions of the agreement had 
also been fully impiemented. The Ger- 
man-speaking people of Bolzano Prov- 
ince enjoyed full civil and political 
liberties; they were provided with a 
great number of German-language 
schools, entirely at the cost of the 
Italian state; their culture, traditions 
and folklore were flourishing; and they 
enjoyed economic prosperity which 
gave them a higher standard of living 
than the average for the whole of Italy 
and one of the lowest unemployment 
indices in the country. Above all, they 
had a most active autonomous admin- 
istrative unit—the Autonomous Prov- 
ince of Bolzano—with wide legisla- 
tive and executive powers of the same 
nature as those granted to other re- 
gions of Italy which enjoyed special 
status. He emphasized the climate of 
freedom and democracy’ in which Italy 
allowed that autonomy to develop and 
he pointed out that the Italian Govern- 
ment had put no obstacle in the way of 
the German-speaking Italian citizens 
who had come to New York to pre- 
sent their views to the United Nations. 

Interference Alleged 

The Austrian delegation, added Mr. 
Segni, persisted in referring to “the 
Austrian minority in Italy” after hav- 
ing Officially agreed to the formula 
“the German-speaking element in the 
Province of Bolzano (Bozen).” Thus 
Austria was not claiming the applica- 
tion of the Paris Agreement but was 
seeking to supersede it. The Austrian 
draft resolution, he said, did not reflect 
genuine concern for the protection of 
a minority but rather the desire to 
transform that minority into a domi- 
nant racial group. Moreover, the pre- 
amble called for a new and quite dis- 
tinct autonomy status for the Province 
of Bolzano. The draft resolution, he 
added, gave the impression that the 
bilateral negotiations between Rome 
and Vienna had been intended to raise 
the Province of Bolzano to the status 
of an autonomous region, whereas in 
fact those conversations related only 
to the implementation of the Paris 
Agreement. What the resolution was 

asking the General Assembly to do 
was to interfere in the internal affairs 
of Italy. 

Italy still hoped that Austria would 
act in due conformity with the Paris 
Agreement, which the Italian Govern- 
ment would continue to apply in its 
entirety. His Government was also 
ready to resume conversations with 
Austria within the framework of the 
agreement and, should there be an 
insurmountable difference of opinion, 
to submit the issue to the International 
Court of Justice; and, whatever the 
outcome, Italy would submit to the 
Court’s decision. 

The conclusion of discussion in 
Committee was that a 17-power draft 
resolution, sponsored by Argentina, 
Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Ceylon, Cy- 
prus, Denmark, Ecuador, Ghana, In- 
dia, Iraq, Ireland, Jordan, Mexico, 
Norway, Paraguay and Uruguay, was 
submitted. After statements by a num- 
ber of representatives, including those 
of Austria and Italy, that they would 
support that draft resolution, the 
Chairman, Carlet Auguste, of Haiti, 
stated that if there were no request 
for a vote, he would consider the draft 
adopted by acclamation. 

The report of the Committee, rec- 
ommending Assembly approval of that 
proposal, came before the plenary 
meeting of October 31. 

Commenting on the draft resolu- 
tion, Mr. Kreisky observed that it 
urged the two parties to try to find a 
solution to “all” differences relating to 
implementation of the Paris Agree- 
ment. He also stressed that the lan- 
guage of the agreement, which was 
most expressive of its spirit, had been 
included in the preamble. He hoped 
unanimous adoption would help create 
an atmosphere that would permit the 
problem to be solved in a manner 
satisfactory to all. 

Gaetano Martino, of Italy, said the 
draft resolution was entirely satisfac- 
tory to his delegation. He noted that 
it referred unequivocally to the imple- 
mentation of the Paris Agreement and 
that, in urging resumption of Italian- 
Austrian negotiations, it met a wish 
expressed time and again by his Gov- 
ernment. His delegation also approved 
the recommendation that, should bi- 
lateral negotiations fail, there should 
be recourse to the International Court 
of Justice or other peaceful means for 
reaching agreement. 

Gratification that the Special Politi- 
cal Committee had been able to reach 
unanimity and that a cooperative spirit 
had been shown by the sponsors and 
by the two countries concerned was 
expressed by the representatives of 
Mexico, Argentina and Uruguay. 

The resolution was then declared 
adopted by acclamation by the Presi- 
dent of the Assembly. 

UNR—December 1960 

Summary of the General Debate—Part II 

For reasons of space, the summary of the General Assembly’s general debate is 
being presented in two parts. Statements made in the early part of the debate 
were summarized in the November 1960 issue of the Review. As in Part I, 
Part II follows the order in which delegations spoke, except that the order of 
statements made under the right of reply has sometimes been changed for pur- 
poses of clarity. While reasons of space preclude the use of their texts in full, 
effort has been made to present the main points of all speakers’ statements. 


José Félix de Lequerica 
Permanent Representative 
to the United Nations 

The present Assembly session, with the 
presence of so many chiefs of state, had 
a certain flavor of a Vienna Congress, 
said Mr. de Lequerica. The music was 
different and the contents varied, but it 
was a wider congress with “less har- 
mony.” To this wider gathering they 
welcomed the new nationalities. The 
monopoly of Europe at the Vienna Con- 
gress had occupied a long period of 
history. Today the world, as a policy- 
making body, not as a culture, had be- 
come non-European and fulfilled its role 

The duty of those countries with the 
highest degree of development was to 
banish wretchedness, and it was only fair 
to say that these countries were fulfilling 
this duty to a considerable extent. The 
largest amount of aid given for the de- 
velopment of underdeveloped countries 
had so far come from the United States. 
It had done so in order to rebuild the 
lives of countries after periods of crisis. 
This was a fine example of “contempor- 
ary conscientiousness.” 

Spain was in the middle road of eco- 
nomic development among the industrial 
countries and among those who were 
comparatively backward. It had had occa- 
sion to obtain economic assistance. Spain 
could not forget the $62 million voted 
ten years ago by the United States Con- 
gress to help it with its economic prob- 
lems. Today Spain presented a picture 
which was visibly satisfactory. 

Nothing could contribute as much to 
the lessening of the danger of war as 
could the strengthening of relations and 
bonds between those who were animated 
by a desire for peace and whose resist- 
ance had so far prevented violence and 
who, with a super-loyalty, Spain trusted 
would be able to make war impossible 
for the future. In stating this, Spain was 
thinking of the Western group, which 
covered various continents and which 
was armed with all the necessary ele- 
ments of war in order to make their 
peace-loving purposes prevail. “We must 
not hesitate between one group and the 

UNR—December 1960 

other in order to show any doubt that 
we support the peace-loving group.” 

The opposite group—the Soviet group 
—trepresented the only threat to the peace 
of the world today, he continued, In the 
Congo, this group had unleashed a cam- 
paign to make the Secretary-General and 
the United Nations lose prestige. The 
United Nations had reacted well by rea- 
son of their decisions, particularly in 
respect of the Afro-Asians. This was a 
lesson of “sense and responsibility” which 
fully confirmed his optimism “in wel- 
coming them here in a friendly way.” 

The danger of Soviet imperialism was 
not limited to Europe. It began in 
Europe itself. There was the occupation 
of Eastern Germany, the threats to Ber- 
lin, the fate of the Baltic countries, and 
there was Hungary. Europeans may have 
erred in their colonial pasts and were 
paying for it with Soviet colonization. 

On the disarmament question, Mr. de 
Lequerica said that to think of any 
disarmament measures without control 
was to avoid the problem and give free 
rein to those who prepared for violence 
and wished to prevent the universal 
observation of their movements and con- 
trol over what they did. He believed that 
after many disappointments and with the 
“confused encouragement” caused by the 
universal feeling of discontent, the im- 
pulses of the Soviet Union would end 
by renouncing their aggressive urges, 
“cultivating assiduously their own gar- 
dens, bettering the lot of their own peo- 
ples and not thinking always of vio- 

Spain firmly believed in the United 
Nations. It was entrusted by its members 
with high missions, within a framework 
of scrupulous respect for their sover- 
eignty; it was not an instrument for get- 
ting entangled in minor matters unworthy 
of its stature. They must not be dis- 
couraged, in talking of disarmament, by 
the weakness of their position—particu- 
larly those who had no armaments and 
could contribute little directly to the 
task. Enthusiasm, resolve and the spirit 
of sacrifice were also important elements 
in the fight for disarmament. 

President Eisenhower in the Assembly 
had spoken for peace, for the abandon- 
ment of weapons and nuclear destruction 

and for the utilization of outer space 
only for peaceful purposes. All of this 
was on the basis of solid, unquestionable 
international guarantees, for the imple- 
mentation of which the United Nations 
would play a significant role. President 
Eisenhower had offered also to begin the 
financing of the “new Africa” and to 
give assistance to United Nations forces 
in maintaining liberty for the African 
peoples. The President’s words had met 
with full approval. Everyone should now 
do what was necessary and make the 
sacrifices which were called for. 

Spain underlined the extraordinary im- 
portance of technical assistance at the 
present time. Economic aid would be of 
no great value if they did not, at the 
same time, take into account the need 
for properly trained administrators, man- 
agers and executives who were prepared 
to promote economic and social progress. 
Although it did not have an excess of 
material resources, Spain had an “old 
and glorious tradition” of educators 
which it gladly offered to all peoples, 
particularly “to our brothers in Latin 
America and to our Arab brothers with 
whom we have close bonds.” Spain was 
anxious to cooperate fully in the tech- 
nical assistance programs of the United 

Members should cooperate in every 
way in this assistance. Spain, for its part, 
would not forget the help it had received 
from the Monetary Fund and the Euro- 
pean Economic Cooperation Organization 
in stabilizing its economy. 


Walter Nash 
Prime Minister and 
Minister of External Affairs 

New Zealand looked upon the United 
Nations as the principal source of peace 
in the world, said Mr. Nash. They re- 
garded it as “the mainstay of the free- 
dom and independence of all its smaller 
and less powerful members.” 

New Zealand refused to contemplate 
the failure of the united efforts of tke 
majority of members of the United Na- 
tions to reverse the present disturbing 


trend in international relations. New 
Zealand pledged itself to work toward 
this reversal. The events of recent 
months left no room to doubt the gravity 
of the situation with which this General 
Assembly must grapple. The tensions 
which for so long frustrated efforts to 
build a secure and lasting peace had 
revived; and, most unhappily, they had 
spread to blight the vigorous growth of 
independence in Africa. 

Mr. Nash believed that 1960 would 
be best remembered as the year of Afri- 
can independence, with 15 African 
states admitted at this session and the 
prospect of additions to that number. 
This was a striking testimony to Africa’s 
political awakening. 

Contrasting the circumstances of 1945 
with those of 1960, he recalled that at 
San Francisco the nations had built an 
organization which had proved, “through 
all the stresses of the intervening years, 
strong enough to maintain, and progress 
toward, its objectives.” Yet, at the very 
time the newly independent nations were 
taking their seats, they were exposed to 
suggestions and proposals that the United 
Nations should “trim its sails” and com- 
promise with the renewed pressure of 
power politics. 

The cold war had now been intro- 
duced into Africa; the United Nations 
authority had been challenged; and the 
integrity of the Secretary-General, “who 
has done so much to advance the peace- 
ful evolution of all peoples,” had been 
attacked in a torrent of cold war propa- 
ganda. This was not only distressing but 
“highly dangerous” for the small nations. 
He would not ask the newly independent 
states to align themselves with any 
power bloc. There was much that was 
hopeful in the concept of neutralism ex- 
pressed by African leaders like Dr. 
Nkrumah and Asian leaders like Mr. 
Nehru. The world community should 
aid the new states and see that they were 
free to develop their own personality. 
This was what the United Nations was 
trying to do in the Congo. 

It was necessary to learn from the 
“tragic events” there and resolve to keep 
other areas about to become independent, 
or recently become independent, free 
from a major international conflict. 

In Asia, the Middle East and Africa, 
the majority of United Nations members 
had supported prompt and vigorous ac- 
tion. Recently, the Security Council 
seemed to take on new life, and its 
unanimous agreement to send a United 
Nations Force to the Congo provided 
“an impressive illustration” of how the 
Council could continue to work “if it 
received the full backing of all mem- 

Turning to the role of the Secretary- 
General, Mr. Nash said that in bringing 
to bear the full weight and authority 
which the Charter accorded to his Office, 
Mr. Hammarskjold had made “a signal 
contribution” to the work of the United 
Nations. Even more disquieting than the 
attack on the Secretary-General, in whom 
the vast majority placed “fullest trust 
and confidence,” was the proposal to 
replace unity by crippling division, de- 
cision by indecision, trust by suspicion 


and uncertainty. Acceptance of such a 
proposal could foreshadow the Organiza- 
tion’s failure as defender of peace and 

Though dissension among the great 
powers had hindered the United Nations, 
this dissension had not been allowed to 
invade the Secretariat. On the contrary, 
the Charter and the practice of the 
United Nations had placed great em- 
phasis on the exclusive duty owed to 
the Organization by all members of its 
staff. If some of the proposals and sug- 
gestions were adopted, that could no 
longer be the case. The Secretary-Gen- 
eral and Secretariat, instead of taking in- 
structions from United Nations organs 
such as the Security Council, would 
instead “reflect the factions represented 
in its directorate,” which would, in effect, 
become a powerful committee to supplant 
the established organs of the United 
Nations except the General Assembly it- 
self. This would stultify the Organiza- 
tion, and the smaller countries would be 
the greatest losers. 

Any possible difficulty, it seemed to 
Mr. Nash, arose from the lack of precise, 
well-thought-out directions from the Se- 
curity Council itself. That was the proper 
body to control the Secretary-General’s 
actions, not “a political directorate” in- 
side the Secretariat, and certainly not a 
committee instead of a Secretary-Gen- 
eral, involving as it would a revision of 
the Charter. 

Small Countries Concerned 

The failure of members to accept their 
obligations and responsibilities, rather 
than imperfections of the Charter, ex- 
plained the Organization’s deficiencies, 
continued Mr. Nash. The recent tragic 
events in the newly born Congo showed 
what was bound to happen if members 
ignored the Organization in pursuit of 
their national interests. It was a matter 
of profound concern for small countries 
such as New Zealand that “any great 
and powerful state should seek to wrest 
a narrow political advantage from the 
turmoil in that unhappy country.” 

In expressing his Government’s sup- 
port for the United Nations action in the 
Congo, Mr. Nash said New Zealand 
would make an immediate contribution 
of £100,000 to the United Nations Fund 
for the Congo, established by the Assem- 
bly in its resolution of September 20. 

The countries of the Commonwealth 
had also launched their own program to 
assist the development of African coun- 
tries within the Commonwealth, and 
New Zealand would play its part in this 
special assistance plan by providing help 
to the emerging African Commonwealth 
countries up to a maximum of £100,000 

In the Pacific Trust Territory of 
Western Samoa, for whose administra- 
tion New Zealand was responsible, the 
stage was set for the Samoans to assume 
full sovereignty within the international 
community. Less than a year ago the 
territory had embarked on the final stage 
of its political development. With the 
introduction of cabinet government, by 
arrangement with New Zealand, Western 

Samoa became fully self-governing. At 
the end of 1961, if the General Assembly 
decided that the territory was ready to 
assume this status, Western Samoa would 
become the first completely independent 
Polynesian state. 

In order to enable Western Samoa to 
effect “an orderly transition” from self- 
government to full sovereign independ- 
ence, New Zealand proposed that the 
Assembly provide for a plebiscite to be 
held in Western Samoa, in accordance 
with the recommendation of the 1959 
visiting mission, to ascertain whether the 
Samoans wished their country to take 
this decisive step. 

Economic and social progress in the 
world was the urgent and continuing 
concern of the United Nations, especially 
the raising of the productive capacity of 
underdeveloped countries, Mr. Nash con- 
tinued. The improvement of living stand- 
ards was, in fact, the foundation of all 
United Nations action to establish an 
enduring peace. 

If the resources of the United Nations 
were, however, strained to the limit in 
meeting a single emergency situation, 
they were “absolutely inadequate” when 
applied to the problems of underdevel- 
oped countries. Only when progress was 
made toward disarmament would ade- 
quate resources become available to 
grapple effectively with these problems. 

Disarmament remained the key to 
peace and security. It was not merely 
the mounting threat of nuclear destruc- 
tion that appalled people. It was also 
the monstrous waste of capital and 
technical effort which could be put to 
use for the social and economic better- 
ment of mankind. 

A year ago, the Assembly had looked 
forward to substantial progress in dis- 
armament and to the early conclusion of 
an agreement to end nuclear tests. Nei- 
ther hope had been fulfilled. Despite 
the collapse of disarmament negotiations, 
the Geneva Conference on the Discon- 
tinuation of Nuclear Weapons Tests had 
remained in session and, in the mean- 
time, the three negotiating powers had 
prolonged their voluntary suspension of 
tests. New Zealand earnestly hoped that 
“this voluntary action” would in the near 
future be confirmed in an international 
agreement to which all states would 

Referring to the two proposals on 
disarmament submitted by the United 
Kingdom and the USSR, Mr. Nash 
said that although there were many im- 
portant differences in them, there were 
also important areas of agreement; these 
might be enlarged during the course of 
negotiations. It was doubtful, however, 
if general and complete disarmament 
could be achieved within the short span 
of four years, as suggested by the USSR. 
The important thing was to progress 
as far as possible within those four years. 

Mr. Nash urged the early resumption 
of “meaningful” negotiations among the 
great powers. He also felt that the Dis- 
armament Commission should play 4a 
more active role. 

New Zealand endorsed a proposal by 
Canada in the Disarmament Commis- 
sion to the effect that those areas of 

UNR—December 1960 

disarmament—for example, the levels of 
conventional forces—on which progress 
had already been made in the course of 
negotiations should be singled out for 
special study. There was also much hope 
in the suggestions of the Foreign Min- 
ister of Denmark and of the Prime Min- 
ister of the United Kingdom. 

Touching on “some minor notes,” Mr. 
Nash said that wisdom required more 
thought. The Assembly had too many 
long speeches. “The more time we give 
to thinking,” he said, “the less time 
there is for talking. And if we could 
only stop the rain—you can spell it any 
way you want — of invectives and 
vindictive speeches, then the sun will 
shine again. We want more open hands, 
less closed fists; more ‘how do you do’ 
instead of defamations all the time; more 
handshaking and less nose-punching.” 

Disarmament called for reason, cour- 
age and imagination in equal measure. 
First, by applying reason and science to 
studies on control, the great powers 
could, and must, seek to reduce to a 
very minimum the magnitude of the risk 
involved. Second, by refraining from 
intemperate political attacks and by pro- 
moting international cooperation, the 
great powers could, and must, reduce 
“the demands on our courage” in facing 
the remaining risks which cannot be 
avoided. Third, to take the initial hurdle 
they must be assisted by some faith and 
imagination, remembering always ; that 
the only choice was a relative choice and 
that, in the end, inactivity would be 
the most dangerous course of all. 

The United Nations was the major 
agency defending the smaller powers in 
the world today. The Organization, in 
spite of its limitations, was still the most 
powerful agency for peace and for the 
disarmament that “we are talking about, 
and longing for.” 


Crown Prince Moulay Hassan 
Vice-President of the Council 

The attainment by many underdevel- 
oped countries of independence had un- 
fortunately led great nations to compete 
not only for their friendship but also 
for support in conflicts which did not 
concern them. They did, however, think 
it important that these conflicts be 
solved. The great powers did not realize 
the importance attached by the newly 
independent countries to the absence of 
any interference into their internal affairs 
in connection with their being given 
financial or technical aid. These unfor- 
tunate interventions had “a neo-colonial 
character” and created a serious risk of 
local or general conflicts. The smaller 
nations considered that the United Na- 
tions offered the best chance to attain 
peace. It should not be reduced to a sad 
echo of the divisions afflicting the world. 
It should endeavor to bring about posi- 
tive solutions to problems that directly 
concerned the maintenance of peace. 
Assistance to the underdeveloped coun- 
tries, which could provide a basis for 
cooperation, had now become a field 

UNR—December 1960 

for additional rivalries, Prince Hassan 

In the efforts for a relaxation of ten- 
sions, the only practical and positive 
contribution the new countries could 
make was to refuse in advance any par- 
ticipation in the quarrels opposing the 
West to the socialist camp. The un- 
committed countries should make every 
possible effort to help solve the disarma- 
ment problem. 

Three positive contributions to its 
solution had been made at the current 
session—by President Eisenhower, by 
Premier Khrushchev and by Prime Min- 
ister Macmillan. Nothing fruitful and 
nothing positive, however, could be done 
as long as the committed powers faced 
one another alone in disarmament com- 
mittees. “One cannot be at one and the 
same time the judge and party to a dis- 

It was necessary to have the neutral 
states take part in the search for disarma- 
ment. First, a sub-committee, composed 
solely of the representatives of five 
neutral countries, should, with the as- 
sistance of experts, determine the points 
of agreement and disagreement between 
the two proposed plans. Secondly, the 
committee on disarmament, composed of 
the ten countries already participating in 
this work, plus five neutral states, should 
work on the basis of documents prepared 
by the neutral sub-committee, whose task 
of good offices and arbitration would 
make the discussion more efficient. The 
chairmanship of the new committee 
should go, by rotation, to a representa- 
tive of one of the five uncommitted 

Then, liberated from the nightmare of 
the armaments race, the nations of the 
world could make aid to the underdevel- 
oped countries their main concern. The 
aim should be to have all available re- 
sources placed in a single fund, managed 
on an equitable basis under United Na- 
tions auspices. This would avoid bilateral 
aid with its inevitable consequences of 
compromises and more or less concealed 
pressure. It would also permit the active, 
not merely symbolic, participation of the 
countries receiving aid in the manage- 
ment of the fund. Assistance to under- 
developed countries would thus become 
the instrument of continued progress 
rather than a means of political pressure 
and a source of ever recurring dissen- 

The “collective personality” of the 
new countries should be based on a 
declaration inspired by the principles of 
the Bandung Conference. It should rest 
upon three essential points: tolerance, 
mutual support and universality. Toler- 
ance involved admitting that there were 
many ways of leading the people to their 
fulfillment, and that no nation could 
claim to have a miraculous formula for 
real power and progress, and favoring 
peaceful solutions by negotiation or arbi- 
tration in all cases of conflict. 

Mutual help was the key to the future 
for the poor countries, which had above 
all to rely on themselves. In Africa, for 
instance, first regional and then conti- 
nental collaboration were required. Uni- 
versality involved seeking world solutions 

for the only problem which really coun- 
ted—the improvement of the well-being 
of every individual. Morocco would 
therefore never cease to encourage the 
development of international organiza- 
tions and institutions. 

Welcoming the new member states, 
Prince Hassan regretted the absence of 
Algeria which, he was sure, would obtain 
independence before long. He found it 
inconsistent that France could sponsor 
the admission of eleven countries to the 
United Nations which were still under 
its tutelage when the Algerian conflict 
began, while conducting a war of repres- 
sion in Algeria, a war which endangered 
world peace and security. Even in the 
French Government itself there were 
those who believed that independence for 
Algeria was inevitable. The General A: - 
sembly, he added, “cannot, unless it is 
to fail criminally, allow this war to con- 
tinue.” The provisional Government of 
the Algerian Republic was the only repre- 
sentative organization of the Algerian 
nation. The Algerians had asked the 
General Assembly for arbitration, so 
that a referendum on the right to self- 
determination could take place in Algeria 
under the auspices of the United Nations. 
If the situation in Algeria were allowed 
to continue for a long time, the cold 
war could be brought into Africa. 

As to the “great drama of the Congo,” 
Morocco, which had been among the 
first to provide the assistance asked for 
by the United Nations within the frame- 
work of the Charter, regretted that the 
United Nations Force did not go into 
Katanga on the day decided upon by 
the Security Council. 

The United Nations should recognize 
the legitimacy of the Congolese Govern- 
ment and the integrity of its territory 
and also reconsider its attitude toward 
the problem of the People’s Republic of 
China, whose participation “in our work 
would have much greater weight than 
its opposition to the General Assembly 
of the United Nations,” Prince Hassan 

He was also critical of France for 
ignoring the Assembly’s resolution of 
1959 that it refrain from nuclear bomb 
tests in the Sahara. Morocco also felt 
the United Nations could not remain 
indifferent to the fate of the million 
Palestinian refugees. Morocco, further, 
hoped for support for its stand in respect 
of Mauritania, which was still under 
foreign domination. 

Discussing the political, economic and 
social development problems of the Afri- 
can continent, Prince Hassan referred to 
movements for union and asked for a 
flexible policy “to respect the political 
sincerity of each one of us, to allow for 
a speedier and less costly development 
through economy of means.” The need 
for work on the national level did not 
preclude regional economic cooperation 
agreements. The African countries wanted 
the developed countries to adopt a line 
of action that would enable them to re- 
ceive economic or financial aid where- 
ever it came from, without discrimina- 

As for the difficult problem of African 
political regroupings, “leave time to pass 


before sovereignties are to be aban- 
doned.” What was premature on the 
political level, however, was not only 
possible but also indispensable on the 
economic level. 

For tackling Africa’s economic diffi- 
culties, Prince Hassan advocated, in addi- 
tion to economic development efforts by 
individual African countries, the forma- 
tion of regional associations to be 
grouped within a continental organiza- 
tion, endowed with a permanent secre- 

Morocco, he said, was willing, with 
the cooperation of its African sister na- 
tions, to prepare a draft plan for discus- 
sion at a continental conference. It 
would welcome this conference being 
held in Tangiers in the spring of 1961, 
to decide on the forms of regional and 
continental association, the limits of com- 
petence to be ascribed to it, the possibili- 
ties for specialization in planning and in 
common investments, and the organiza- 
tion of intra- and extra-African relations. 

He suggested the creation of a speciti- 
cally African fund within this framework 
of regional and continental association, 
with an initial capital of $10 million, to 
be subscribed and managed by the inde- 
pendent countries of Africa. The funds 
thus collected would be use to finance 
the constitution of a “first guarantee 
fund.” The real resources of the fund 
would come from obligatory loans, 
placed abroad, long-term national, multi- 
lateral or international loans with inter- 
national guarantees. 

In addition, industrialized countries 
could cooperate in the stabilization and 
improvement of the financial resources 
of underdeveloped countries. The fact 
that they were often the suppliers of raw 
materials was sufficient cause for the 
buyers of these products to help in set- 
ting up of a more rational system of 

With regard to the structure of the 
United Nations, he considered they 
should refrain from making any changes 
at present which ran the risk of produc- 
ing conditions of partiality or immobility, 
which recent events in the Congo had 
plainly proved would be a major reason 
for conflicts. 


J. M. A. H. Luns 
Minister for Foreign Affairs 

The problem of disarmament should 
be at the central point of the Assembly’s 
thinking and acting, said Mr. Luns. If 
the foundations of peace had not yet 
been laid, it was that fear and suspicion 
still held the world in too firm a grip. 

The Netherlands Government was in 
full accord with the statement on this 
made by the Prime Minister of the 
United Kingdom, and also with his ar- 
guments to expose the insidious fallacies 
of some speakers about Germany and 
the policies of the Western countries in 
respect of that country. The German 
Federal Republic was a valuable partner 
in the joint efforts for peaceful coopera- 
tion among nations. 


The Netherlands would lend strong 
support to any proposals designed to 
contribute really and effectively to the 
promotion of peace, to the banishment 
of suspicion and fear, and to the abate- 
ment of the atomic threat. 

The only way to lessen the peril of 
an outbreak of war was through inter- 
national cooperation on a _ worldwide 
scale. That meant that strengthening the 
United Nations was an essential condi- 
tion for the success of any such efforts. 
Whoever acted, or threatened to act, in 
a manner contrary to the principles of 
the United Nations undermined its au- 
thority and jeopardized peace. 

One such threat was uttered in the 
address to the Assembly by the President 
of Indonesia, said Mr. Luns. Indonesia 
wished to annex part of New Guinea to 
its own territory without allowing the 
population of the island to exercise its 
right of self-determination. Acceptance 
of this claim would mean that the Pa- 
puan people, in the eastern half of the 
island, which was under Australian 
guidance, would be enabled to determine 
its own future, while those in the west- 
ern half would be forever deprived of 
this right. 

Four times, in the period from 1953 
to 1957, the General Assembly had re- 
fused to recognize Indonesia’s claim, tak- 
ing into account that the claim was 
based on the interpretation of a treaty 
—which Indonesia had unilaterally re- 
pudiated—and that the Netherlands had 
offered to abide by the decision on that 
interpretation by the International Court 
of Justice. 

In his address to the current Assembly 
session, the President of Indonesia had 
announced that Indonesia was now de- 
termined “to reach a solution by its 
own methods,” which he described as 
“a determined surgical effort.” 

Such an approach to the settlement of 
an international dispute was a direct at- 
tack both on the principles of the Char- 
ter and on the means of settlement of 
disputes it sanctions and prescribes. It 
was also contrary to the solemn pledge 
given by all members of the United Na- 
tions. Intentions so contrary to the 
obligations imposed by the Charter had 
not often been so openly announced 
from the Assembly. 

That the Netherlands could possibly 
harbor any idea of aggressive intentions 
toward Indonesia was so fantastic a no- 
tion that no sensible person would give 
it credence. It was to be sincerely hoped 
that the threat of armed aggression im- 
plicit in the Indonesian statement was 
not really intended as such. 

The Netherlands Government adhered 
to its policy of full support for the 
United Nations. The United Nations was 
the infrastructure of growing interna- 
tional cooperation, aimed not only at 
security but more particularly at the 
raising of the level of existence in the 
underdeveloped countries. 

To disturb this intricate structure was 
a hazardous undertaking, because each 
of its branches was organically connect- 
ed with the others. 

The question of transference of the 
seat of the United Nations from New 
York had been raised as if it were a 

simple matter. “Let us beware of such 
lighthearted suggestions.” 

He could not but mention with ad- 
miration the name of Secretary-Genera! 
Dag Hammarskjold, said Mr. Luns. Per- 
haps in the past there had been mo- 
ments when the Netherlands Govern- 
ment, as well as some of its friends, 
would have preferred him to follow a 
different line from that on which he had 
decided within the purview of his com- 
petence. This did not mean that the 
Secretary-General was carrying out his 
duties injudiciously. Rather, it was an 
indication that he took them seriously 
and tried to act impartially. The Nether- 
lands could not agree with the proposal 
made by the Soviet Union to amend the 
Charter of the United Nations so as to 
abolish the post of Secretary-General and 
replace it by a body of three persons. 
Acceptance of such a proposal would 
lead to paralyzing the executive arm of 
the United Nations. 

This proposal did, however, contain 
one welcome element, for by proposing 
an amendment of the Charter, Mr. 
Khrushchev indicated that the Soviet 
Union had definitely abandoned its poli- 
cy of opposing any Charter amendment. 
For years it had been against the much- 
needed increase in the membership of 
the main organs of the United Nations 
on the grounds that the Charter could 
not be amended as long as the represen- 
tatives of the People’s Republic of 
China did not occupy the seat of China 
in the Organization. Now that the Soviet 
Union had abandoned this stand—for 
otherwise Mr. Khrushchev could not 
himself propose a Charter amendment— 
a large majority of the Assembly would 
be eager to take advantage of this op- 
portunity to enlarge the Economic and 
Social Council from 18 to 24 members. 

Under the circumstances that unhap- 
pily prevailed, the most important con- 
tribution to be made to peace was to 
increase economic assistance to under- 
developed countries and to buttress the 
work of the United Nations in that do- 
main. The schemes of international eco- 
nomic assistance had shown a spectacular 
and still continuing upsurge. Interna- 
tional economic assistance was not an 
act of charity; it was a necessity for all 
nations, rich and poor alike. 

Tribute should be paid to the pro- 
posal presented by President Eisenhower 
for a special educational assistance pro- 
gram for Africa. Existing machinery, 
such as the Special Fund, already active 
in the field of education, might be the 
best to administer this additional activity. 

Fortunately, the United Nations had 
an impressive array of institutions capa- 
ble of dealing with the teeming programs 
for international assistance, including the 
United Nations Special Fund and the 
Expanded Program of Technical Assist- 
ance. It would not be unsound if the 
General Assembly were to consider in- 
creasing the financial target for the ex- 
panded program and Special Fund from 
$100 million to $125 million. Even such 
an amount, however, would not be 
quite adequate for carrying out the most 
urgent programs and projects. 

In contributing to the United Na- 
tions activities, the Netherlands had 

UNR—December 1960 

made a great effort—an effort greater 
both absolutely and percentually than 
that made by many other member states. 
For the Special Fund, it intended to 
pledge again for 1961, subject to parlia- 
mentary approval, the sum of $2.4 mil- 
lion. Contributing that amount made the 
Netherlands the second largest contribu- 
tor to the Special Fund in 1959, and the 
third largest in 1960. Its contribution to 
the expanded program for 1961 would 
be increased by 7 per cent. It was to be 
hoped that all countries would contribute 
their proportionate share, so that the 
target of $100 million would be reached. 

The Netherlands welcomed the new 
United Nations members from Africa 
and would help them with their prob- 
lems primarily through the United Na- 

One of the gravest of these problems 
was that of the Congo. In connection 
with this, two things should be stated. 
First, it was undeniable that it was 
Belgium which took the initiative to 
grant independence to the Congo. For 
this initiative it deserved praise and 
gratitude. Second, the only thing that 
mattered now was that the United Na- 
tions undertaking in the Congo should 
be continued and carried through for the 
benefit of the Congolese people. 

On the assumption that other govern- 
ments would act likewise, the Nether- 
lands Government was willing to con- 
tribute about $1 million to the United 
Nations Fund for the Congo, a share 
corresponding to its percentage assess- 
ment in the regular budget of the United 

In Netherlands New Guinea, said Mr. 
Luns, the only aim of the Netherlands 
administration was to prepare the popu- 
lation of the territory, within the shortest 
possible time, for the exercise of its right 
of self-determination. That was to say 
that the population should freely deter- 
mine what its own future was to be, 
that it should decide for itself whether 
it wished to be an independent country, 
or to join up with the eastern part of the 
island, or to become part of Indonesia, 
or to opt for any other form of political 
existence. The Netherlands was prepared 
to subject its policy to the continuous 
scrutiny and judgment of the United 

INDONESIA’S REPLY to the Netherlands 

In replying to the Netherlands Foreign 
Minister’s challenge to Indonesia to clar- 
ify its position and statement, Mr. Soeb- 
andrio said that Indonesia did not retreat 
from the position taken earlier by Pres- 
ident Sukarno. 

The conflict between Indonesia and the 
Netherlands originated in the fact that 
the Netherlands still refused to recognize 
the complete transfer of sovereignty from 
the Netherlands East Indies to the in- 
dependent Republic of Indonesia. It had 
been explicitly agreed that this transfer 
was to cover the whole territory of the 
Netherlands East Indies. A decade later, 
the Netherlands had still not lived up to 
this agreement. 

Indonesia declared the right of the 
Indonesian people to be sovereign and 

UNR—December 1960 

independent within all the territory 
formerly covered by the Indonesian 
Archipelago which had formed part of 
the Netherlands East Indies. Indonesia 
explicitly did not make any claim at all 
to territory, such as that in Borneo or 
Timor, which lay within the Indonesian 
Archipelago but which had not been 
part of the Netherlands East Indies. In- 
donesia was sustaining, not a territorial 
claim, but a national claim, which was 
“the right of our nation to be united and 

The Netherlands had not yet whole- 
heartedly completed the formal transfer 
of sovereignty to Indonesia. Indeed, in 
every part of Indonesia the Netherlands 
had left behind the seeds of unrest and 
disturbance. There had been military dis- 
turbances, separatist movements and po- 
litical, economic and military subversion 
instigated and encouraged by Dutch in- 
terests. But Indonesia had survived these 

Indonesia had never acted or threat- 
ened to act contrary to the principles of 
the United Nations. The same could not 
be said about the Netherlands, which had 
committed an act of aggression against 
Indonesia, in open defiance of the Se- 
curity Council. It was therefore hardly 
for the Netherlands, which had once de- 
fied the United Nations, which continued 
to refuse to be guided by the United 
Nations process of negotiation, to accuse 
any country, including Indonesia, of act- 
ing contrary to the principles of the 
United Nations. 

Since 1950, Indonesia had tried bi- 
lateral negotiations and negotiations 
within the United Nations, even when 
Netherlands subversion within Indonesia 
was rampant in the economic, military 
and political fields. Attempts had been 
made to persuade the Netherlands into a 
lasting friendship and cooperation with 
Indonesia. But it could come about only 
if the Netherlands recognized the com- 
plete territorial independence of In- 
donesia. Unfortunately, Indonesia’s ef- 
forts had foundered on the rock of Dutch 
colonial intransigence. 

“Now we are meeting political under- 
mining with political force. We are meet- 
ing economic undermining with economic 
force, and we will meet physical force 
with physical force, too. This is a na- 
tional right which cannot be denied.” 

To say that Indonesia was determined 
to meet force with force on any field 
was not a threat; this was a reality 
which the Netherlands and the world 
must accept. In meeting force with force, 
Indonesia was within its rights and act- 
ing within the spirit of the Charter of the 
United Nations. This was not to say 
that Indonesia was not filled with re- 
gret and sorrow that this situation should 
have arisen, for “it is tragic that so much 
of our effort and so much of our money 
must be used in this way.” 

The Netherlands Foreign Minister had 
said that the Netherlands administration 
in West Irian was aimed only at pre- 
paring the population of the territory, 
within the shortest possible time, for the 
exercise of its right of self-determination, 
and that it should decide for itself 
whether it wishes to be an independent 

country, or to join up with the eastern 
part of the island, or to become part of 
Indonesia, or to opt for any other form 
of political existence. 

The Netherlands, however, did not 
contemplate a genuine right of self-de- 
termination. Statements about this were 
misused for continuing colonialism. The 
Netherlands Foreign Minister had said 
that the people of West Irian might de- 
cide to become part of Indonesia. The 
fact was that they had decided to do 
this, and did it, 15 years ago. 

NETHERLANDS REPLY to Indonesia’s Reply 

The Foreign Minister of Indonesia, 
said C. W. A. Schurmann, was incorrect 
in arguing that the Netherlands had 
agreed to transfer to Indonesia, when 
it became independent, the whole of 
the territory that had formerly consti- 
tuted Netherlands East Indies. Article 2 
of the Charter of Transfer of Sover- 
eignty excepted the territory of Nether- 
lands New Guinea from the transfer to 
Indonesia with the stipulation that the 
future of that territory would be decided 
later—to be precise, within one year. 

Further, the Netherlands did not agree 
with Indonesia’s assumption that Nether- 
lands New Guinea was a part of Indo- 
nesia and that the population of Nether- 
lands New Guinea wished to be a part 
of Indonesia. What Indonesia meant by 
saying that the people of Netherlands 
New Guinea had already exercised the 
right to self-determination was that when 
President Sukarno had declared Indo- 
nesia’s independence on August 17, 1945, 
he had done so on behalf also of the 
population of Netherlands New Guinea. 
But there was at that time no communi- 
cation whatsoever between Netherlands 
New Guinea and Indonesia. Netherlands 
New Guinea had been occupied in the 
war by the Japanese and at that time 
was still occupied. It was therefore not 
possible for anybody at that time to 
ascertain what the wishes of its people 

If the people of Netherlands New 
Guinea really did wish to be part of 
Indonesia, that would certainly appear 
at the time when the plebiscite—or other 
form of consultation with the people— 
took place, said Mr. Schurmann. What 
objection could Indonesia therefore pos- 
sibly raise to the Netherlands’ preparing 
the population in the shortest possible 
time for the exercise of that right? 

Despite the contention by the Foreign 
Minister of Indonesia to the contrary, the 
Netherlands did take the right of self- 
determination seriously, he continued. 
That was shown by the fact that, a few 
years ago, the General Assembly ac- 
cepted the new regulation of the King- 
dom of the Netherlands whereby Surinam 
and the Netherlands Antilles were given 
complete self-government and a status 
entirely and exactly equal to that of the 
Kingdom in Europe. The decision to 
that effect was taken, and the new con- 
stitution introduced, after due consulta- 
tion in a really democratic form by the 
population concerned. 

The Foreign Minister of Indonesia 
had also said that Indonesia would use 


force only if the Netherlands used force. 
No one, however, could seriously believe 
that the Netherlands, which maintained 
but a few thousand troops in New 
Guinea—a territory larger than France— 
could have any evil intentions toward 
Indonesia. There was no question of the 
Netherlands’ wishing any harm to Indo- 
nesia or ever having the idea of possi- 
bly attacking Indonesia. If Indonesia 
was sincere in what it said, then the 
Netherlands could assure the General 
Assembly that there was no danger, be- 
cause it certainly would never use force. 


Ahmed Kheir 
Minister for Foreign Affairs 

This session would always remain a 
landmark, for the admission of the states 
newly independent as a result of the 
wave of liberation in Africa and the 
close of a chapter of imperialism was 
indeed an historic occasion, declared 
Foreign Minister Kheir. Africa was no 
longer “a dark continent.” The new mem- 
bers would be “a dynamic force” in the 
United Nations. 

Despite nearly 15 years of continued 
negotiations, disarmament remained the 
most difficult and most threatening prob- 
lem facing the world. The Sudan sincere- 
ly hoped that efforts would be continued 
for the earliest possible resumption of 
negotiations to achieve a constructive 

The Sudan believed that the cause of 
peace could not be served effectively 
through the United Nations with one 
fourth of the world’s population unrep- 
resented. The representation of China 
not only would be a recognition of the 
legitimate rights of the Chinese people 
and Government but would surely en- 
hance the effectiveness of the Organiza- 
tion, Mr. Kheir said. 

As an African country, the Sudan was 
greatly concerned with the grave events 
taking place in Africa as well as with the 
problems facing its peoples. Thus, one of 
the tragedies of human dignity and self- 
respect was the apartheid policy of the 
Union of South Africa, which had been 
condemned by world public opinion. 
Apartheid must be defeated, not on 
South Africa’s account only but “on 
account of us all.” The Sudan, acting on 
the resolutions passed by the Conference 
of Independent African States, had boy- 
cotted South Africa—its goods and its 
economy—and had made a “small dona- 
tion” to the victims of that action. It was 
prepared to take further measures to 
defeat the immoral policies of apartheid. 

South Africa’s contempt for Africans 
went beyond its own boundaries. South 
West Africa was a ward of the inter- 
national community, but that did not 
save it from the unnatural, unwarranted 
policies of South Africa. “We shall be 
failing in our responsibilities if we do 
not make it known to the world that a 
country which has caused so much misery 
to its own nationals is hardly fit to help 
others,” Mr Kheir said. The United 
Nations must take over for a specified 


period and prepare South West Africa 
for independence. 

In another area of Africa, the Sudan 
wished to safeguard the national inde- 
pendence and territorial integrity of the 
Republic of the Congo and to banish any 
form of external interference in its 
domestic affairs. The structure of the 
Government and the personnel of that 
Government were questions for the 
Congolese themselves to decide, accord- 
ing to their own free will. The Sudan 
supported the work started, maintained 
and still being done by the United Na- 
tions under the supervision of the Secre- 
tary-General, in whom it had full con- 

Turning to the question of Algeria, 
Mr. Kheir recalled that when he ad- 
dressed the Assembly in 1959 there had 
been “a ray of hope” radiating from 
General de Gaulle’s solemn recognition 
of the right of the Algerian people to 
self-determination. But the past year had 
been a cruel one for Algeria. The war 
there raged more furiously than before. 
Loss of life—whether French or Algerian 
—mounted daily. More than one fourth 
of the population was held in prisons 
and internment camps, subjected to the 
most cruel and humiliating treatment. 
That aspect of “this inhuman war” was 
shockingly revealed in a report of the 
International Committee of the Red 
Cross and had been the subject of a 
strong protest to the Secretary-General 
by 20 Afro-Asian member states last 

The Provisional Government of Al- 
geria, in a statement on September 28, 
1959, responding to General de Gaulle’s 
declaration, had agreed with France’s 
position that the right of self-determina- 
tion should be the basis for a solution of 
the Algerian problem. They also agreed 
with the French Government that re- 
course to universal suffrage as a means 
of determining the political future of 
Algeria could not take place without the 
return of peace. 

France seemed to insist that any dis- 
cussions regarding the cease-fire, the con- 
ditions and the modalities of any meeting 
between France and representatives of 
the Provisional Government of Algeria 
should be unilaterally decided by France 
alone. There was ample proof of this 
from what took place at Melun between 
June 25 and 29 this year. Despite the 
disappointment at Melun, the Algerians’ 
Foreign Minister, Mr. Belkacem, affirmed 
on August 10: “We are ready to reopen 
negotiations with the French Govern- 
ment at any time.” 

The French argument that the Al- 
gerian issue was an internal matter, out- 
side the competence of the United Na- 
tions, was a cruel delusion, said Mr. 
Kheir. The Provisional Government of 
Algeria had asked the United Nations 
that consultations of the Algerian people 
should take place by means of a referen- 
dum organized and controlled by the 
United Nations. “It is our earnest hope 
that the United Nations will not fail 
them again,” he added. 

The United Nations had an equally 
great responsibility for finding a solution 
for the Palestine problem and for the 
Palestinian Arab refugees, because the 

problem was of the United Nations’ own 
creation, arising from the Assembly’s 
1947 resolution calling for the partition 
of Palestine against the will of its people. 
At the time, the Arabs accounted for 
two thirds of the population of Palestine, 
so the decision contravened the Charter 
principle of self-determination of peoples. 

The Palestine refugee problem con- 
cerned an entire nation uprooted from 
its ancestral land and consigned to 
torturous and undignified exile. There 
would be no real peace in the Middle 
East unless a just and satisfactory solu- 
tion was found. 

Other controversial issues included the 
tense situation in some parts of the Arab 
world, particularly Oman and Mauri- 
tania. The Sudan delegation hoped that 
the aspirations of the people of those 
areas would be realized and that their 
right to self-determination would be 

As a great believer in free trade, the 
Sudan was concerned over any develop- 
ment of regional economic groupings 
designed to use trade as a_ political 
weapon or to be restrictive and dis- 
criminatory. The Sudan hoped that such 
groupings as the European Common 
Market and the Free Trade Area would 
not only concern themselves with the 
expansion of trade and payments within 
their groups, but would also implement 
all policies that strengthened and broad- 
ened international trade and economic 

Recognizing the vital role of the Unit- 
ed Nations in Africa, the Sudan re- 
gretted that the Organization had en- 
tered the continent much later than it 
had entered other regions. Africa’s share 
in the new and uncommitted funds of 
the United Nations should be such as to 
redress the balance in the allocation of 
funds. Africans faced many complex 
problems while suffering a serious short- 
age of trained administrators, technicians 
and professionals. They were struggling 
for a better life in larger freedom and 
were hopeful of receiving international 
cooperation and understanding. But the 
assistance should not spring “from a 
sense of charity” or be motivated by the 
self-interest of the donor. It should be 
given in good time, before the African 
states took decisions of policy, which 
were expedient in the short term but 
detrimental to their balanced economic 
growth and development. The recent 
events in the Congo and the speedy 
action taken by the United Nations lent 
great strength to arguments for such 

The Sudan believed that the program 
known as OPEX (for operational and ex- 
ecutive personnel) should be placed on a 
permanent basis and given a larger bud- 
get to expand its constructive activities. 


Federico Alvarez Plata 
Mr. Alvarez Plata expressed his coun- 
try’s support of United Nations technical 
and economic aid programs but joined 
those who had spoken of the limited 

UNR—December 1960 

7. ee Oe SS CU Ora SO ——‘<C DP 

funds and resources available to the 
Organization and of the way in which 
they were allocated. “Perhaps the time 
has come,” he said, “to readjust the pol- 
icy of international cooperation in order 
to integrate it and make it more dynamic 
and more in keeping with the situation 
of the growing countries, whose need is 
greater than the cooperation received.” 

Until new plans helped to expand and 
exploit the wealth of the underdeveloped 
countries, there would be chronic eco- 
nomic and political unrest, accompanied 
by the anarchy which fomented sub- 
version, and he believed the time had 
come to put into practice a recommen- 
dation contained in a resolution present- 
ed by the Bolivian delegation to the 
Seventh Consultative Meeting of Amer- 
ican Foreign Ministers. That recommen- 
dation would set up a system to protect 
the Latin American economies against 
the constant fluctuations in the world 
market prices of raw materials and the in- 
creased prices of manufactured goods 
which the underdeveloped countries im- 

The level of Latin American develop- 
ment, Mr. Alvarez Plata said, is unlike 
that of the rest of the world, for while 
some countries have achieved a modicum 
of progress, others have not even at- 
tained the degree of development of 
backward nations in other parts of the 
world. That was why at the Bogota con- 
ference it was decided to set up priorities 
for countries in dire need as well as 
countries which, like Bolivia, had no 
outlet to the sea. 

The Bolivian delegate called for joint 
action by members of the Organization 
of American States and the underdevel- 
oped countries in general to defend prices 
of raw materials exported to interna- 
tional markets, even when a country was 
not directly affected because it did not 
produce the particular item involved. 
Bolivia, like the other Latin American 
nations, welcomed the decision of the 
United States to establish a new period 
of assistance to the other members of 
the regional organization. 

Describing recent developments in Bo- 
livia, Mr. Alvarez Plata declared that 
one of the outstanding aspects of the 
revolution of 1952 was that the Indian 
farmers now had the same rights and 
duties as other citizens and, as a result 
of the land reform law, two million of 
them owned land. Land reform, he 
stated, was so important that the General 
Assembly had included it as an item in 
this year’s agenda. 

Mr. Alvarez Plata said that many 
countries had given Bolivia proof of 
their understanding of and respect for 
its political and social movement; some, 
like the United States, had given direct 
assistance through technical and eco- 
nomic cooperation, which had “in no 
way carried with it political strings for 
influencing the domestic or external life 
of Bolivia.” Such a situation, he said, 
“we could never countenance, nor could 
a revolutionary government or people 
accept, for we are and have been jealous 
and careful of our sovereignty and inde- 

Internationally, Bolivia was opposed 
to all forms of imperialism which eco- 

UNR—December 1960 

nomically or politically controlled weak- 
er nations and was sympathetic to all 
processes of liberation and the efforts of 
all nations to raise their peoples to higher 
levels of justice and social welfare. 

Speaking of trusteeship matters, Mr. 
Alvarez Plata said that the process of 
liberation had been very rapid, and in 
some cases the administering powers had 
not been able to provide a strong enough 
cadre. Such had been the obvious situa- 
tion in the colonies not under trusteeship, 
and the colonial powers’ unfulfilled obli- 
gations had become an international bur- 
den. Bolivia believed that the administer- 
ing powers had an obligation to continue 
to give assistance—through the United 
Nations, not unilaterally—even after 
trusteeship had ended. 

“People who say that the crisis in the 
Congo is due to the fact that the new 
Republic was given its independence pre- 
maturely, that it was not sufficiently ma- 
ture, and other insults, must receive our 
protest and our affirmation that such 
countries should be given their indepen- 
dence as quickly as possible,” Mr. Al- 
varez Plata said. “Often with freedom 
there is an explosion like a flash of light 
which blinds one for a while. That 
transition period must not be used as a 
pretext for foreign intervention.” 

He declared that the Assembly must 
use every means available to promote 
an agreement on the cessation of nuclear 
tests and the prohibition of the manufac- 
ture of nuclear weapons. He expressed 
the hope that the great powers would 
re-examine the conflicts which embittered 
countries in various parts of the world, 
sterilizing their progress and diverting 
their energies, not only for their own 
sake but because all countries were be- 
coming more interdependent every day. 

The function of the Secretary-General, 
he added, flowed from the Charter and 
from the General Assembly, which in 
practice reflected the will of the majority 
of the member states: “that is how we 
have interpreted the measures recently 
taken by the Secretary-General.” 


Robert G. Menzies 
Prime Minister 

As a newcomer to the General As- 
sembly, Mr. Menzies said he was shocked 
at the evidence that there were some 
present who had no peace in their hearts, 
who appeared to believe that by threats 
of aggression, violent propaganda, and 
by actual conquest if necessary, they 
would extend the substance of their ma- 
terial wealth and the boundaries of their 
economic influence. 

He agreed with the “high line” taken 
by President Eisenhower in his speech to 
the Assembly, to the effect that “we are 
not to look at our new colleagues as if 
they were voters to be collected, or as 
pawns in a vast international game, but 
as independent, co-equal, and free.” 

These new nations had not failed to 
observe that there were those in the As- 
sembly who sought to inflame their minds 
with a spirit of resentment and to make 
them believe that their best friends were 

among those who produced with mo- 
notonous but fierce regularity slogans 
about. “colonialism” and “imperialism.” 
It was sometimes forgotten that the great- 
est enemy to present joy and high hope 
was the cultivation of retrospective bit- 
terness, The dead past should bury its 
dead. It was the present and future that 
mattered. Most of the representatives 
knew that political independence could 
be won more swiftly than economic in- 
dependence. Yet both were essential to 
true nationhood. Under these circum- 
stances, nations which were older in self- 
government should not be looking at the 
new nations as people whose support 
should be canvassed, but as people who 
needed objective assistance with no 

The gap between the advanced and the 
relatively unadvanced countries tended, 
unless something was done about it, to 
grow wider every year. It was not a 
state of affairs which civilized and hu- 
mane thinking could indefinitely tolerate. 

If in this Assembly they constantly re- 
membered that “our trust is for human- 
ity” and that, indeed, the United Nations 
itself had no other reason for existence, 
then, said Mr. Menzies, they would more 
and more concentrate efforts on provid- 
ing economic and technical help for new 
nations to the very limit of their capa- 
city; and this, he added, “not only because 
we really and passionately believe in in- 
dependence and freedom, but also be- 
cause we believe that our fellow human 
beings everywhere are entitled to decent 
conditions of life, and have enough sense 
to know that independence and freedom 
are mere words unless the ordinary peo- 
ple of free countries have a chance of a 
better life tomorrow.” 

It was an act of complete hypocrisy 
for a communist leader to denounce co- 
lonialism as if it were an evil character- 
istic of the Western powers, when facts 
showed that the greatest colonial power 
now existing was the Soviet Union itself. 

Mr. Khrushchev had made reference 
to the Australian-administered territories 
of Papua and New Guinea, calling on 
Australia to give them immediate and 
full independence and self-government. 
This had exhibited a disturbing want of 
knowledge of these territories and of the 
present stage of their development. No- 
body who knew anything about them and 
their indigenous people could doubt for 
a moment that for Australia to abandon 
its responsibilities would be “an almost 
criminal act.” 

Here was a ccuntry (Papua-New 
Guinea) that not very long ago was in 
a state of savagery. During the last war 
it passed through “the most gruesome 
experiences” and emerged without organ- 
ized administration and, in a sense, with- 
out hope. Its people had no real struc- 
ture of association. Its groups were iso- 
lated among mountains and forests. 
There were, it was estimated, over 200 
different languages. The work to be done 
in fostering an organism of community 
was enormous. Since the war, some form 
of civilized order had been established 
over many thousands of square miles 
previously unexplored. 

Australia has built up an extensive ad- 
ministration service from nothing to a 


total of 3,623 Australian public servants, 
334 indigenous members of the public 
service, and 7,500 administration indi- 
genous employees. It had created five 
main ports with modern equipment; built 
over 5,000 miles of road; constructed 
over 100 airfields; established and im- 
proved postal and telecommunications 
services; and built four large and mod- 
ern base hospitals. In a little more than 
a few years, it had established 4,100 
schools, attended by 200,000 pupils; large 
stock stations had been established; and 
a great forestry industry had been 

Emphasizing that this achievement had 
not been without cost, Mr. Menzies de- 
clared: “We have put many more millions 
into Papua and New Guinea than have 
ever come out.” Australia had also set 
up a Legislative Council on which there 
was a growing number of indigenous 

Commenting on the fact that this ses- 
sion of the General Assembly had at- 
tracted what must be the greatest number 
of heads of state and heads of govern- 
ment in its history, Mr. Menzies said 
the dominating fact was that world peace 
was threatened and, as Mr. Nehru had 
pointed out, peace was “the paramount 
problem.” But they were not living in a 
time of peace. The “cold war” was in- 
tensifying. Most representatives had come 
to the Assembly hoping that tensions 
might be reduced. There was a wide- 
spread feeling that the United Nations 
represented the great hope; that it was 
better to debate freely about grievances 
than to make war about them. 

But what had happened so far? A 
highly organized group had developed 
an attack in at least four directions, In 
the first place it had engaged in a colossal 
war of propaganda singularly uninhibited 
by facts and marked by gross falsity of 
argument. The old slogans had been used 
ad nauseam. 

In the second place, Mr. Khrushchev 
had attacked the Secretary-General, the 
distinguished choice of the United Na- 
tions, a man with whose opinion anybody 
had a right to disagree, but whose ability 
and integrity were beyond challenge. Mr. 
Hammarskjold had the complete con- 
fidence of Australia. Mr. Khrushchev had 
asked for his replacement by a triumvir- 
ate of Secretaries-General, in which there 
would be, in the modern jargon, a “built- 
in” veto; a triumvirate whose work would 
be clearly doomed to frustration and 
fatuity, leading to the consequential col- 
lapse of the United Nations executive 

Thirdly, Mr. Khrushchev had sought 
to convert the United Nations into the 
Dis-United Nations by dividing the na- 
tions into three parts, which he con- 
veniently described as the communist 
world, the free democratic world and the 
neutral world. Neutralism, of course, 
was one of “those rather rotund words” 
which did not readily admit of definition. 
If, when they said a nation was neutral, 
they meant that it would not under any 
circumstances take arms in any conflict 
which did not concern the protection of 
its own immediate boundaries, it seemed 
to be a notion hard to reconcile with 
the Charter, which contemplated under 


certain circumstances the use of com- 
bined force in terms of the Charter itself. 
It was impossible to make the United 
Nations effective by converting it into 
the “Dis-United Nations,” by converting 
all members into pledged advocates of 
groups of supposedly conflicting interests. 
Unity must be the aim. Common action 
for peace must be the procedure. 

In the fourth place, Mr. Khrushchev 
on this occasion, far from working 
toward an easing of the “cold war,” had 
set out to exacerbate it by fomenting 
tension, by encouraging bitterness and by 
seeking to paralyze or confuse the minds 
of the free peoples. 

Mr. Menzies spoke, he said, for a 
small nation with a love of peace, with- 
out nuclear weapons, with a burning 
desire to develop itself and to raise its 
standards of living, with no aggression in 
its heart, utterly independent, though 
with strong historic and present ties with 
its sister nations of the Commonwealth. 
Australia would welcome “peaceful co- 
existence,” if the communists would only 
practise it. Nobody denied the great 
modern development of the resources of 
the communist powers. The technological 
achievements of the Soviet Union had 
excited admiration. “All that we ask is 
that we be left alone to enjoy our own 
forms of government and our own type 
of civilization,” said Mr. Menzies. 

He was profoundly interested in what 
Mr. Nehru had said about disarmament 
and the need for establishing contem- 
poraneously arrangements for disarma- 
ment and inspection. There were two 
aspects of the matter worth mentioning. 
The first was that the problem of dis- 
armament itself could not be divided into 
parts. Disarmament and inspection were 
inseparable. It was unthinkable to im- 
agine that the risks of war would be 
diminished if the nations disarmed in the 
nuclear field but not in the field of what 
was politely called “conventional arms.” 
The fact was that it was only the exist- 
ence of nuclear weapons, horrible as it 
was to contemplate their further develop- 
ment, which deprived the communist 
powers of instant and overwhelming 
military superiority in the relevant areas. 
Nuclear, thermonuclear and conventional 
arms must, therefore, all be dealt with 

He could not honestly accept the view 
that armaments were the major cause of 
world tension. Such a view was serious 
oversimplification. If any power or com- 
bination of powers had shown it was 
aggressively-minded and sought to extend 
its boundaries of control wider and 
wider, by force if necessary, then the 
possession by that power or group of 
powers of vast armaments would be a 
cause of tension. But if the non-aggres- 
sive powers were then driven into main- 
taining and developing great defensive 
armaments, it was proper to say that 
their armaments were the results of ten- 
sion and “not its cause.” 

In effect, what they now wanted in the 
world just as much as the vastly im- 
portant disarmament talks was a serious 
attempt by negotiation to encourage free- 
dom and understanding, to remove the 
causes of friction and to persuade na- 
tions that aggressive policies and pro- 

selytizing political religions were the 
enemies of peace. 

In conclusion, Mr. Menzies said Au- 
stralia subscribed to the sound principle 
of foreign policy that no nations should 
seek to interfere with the domestic affairs 
of another. This, indeed, was the “good 
neighbor” principle. “If it could be ac- 
cepted seriously and generally, the world 
would become a happy place,” he de- 



Francisco A. Delgado 
Permanent Representative 
to the United Nations 

The presence at this Assembly of the 
world’s great leaders had given a new 
dimension to the Assembly’s delibera- 
tions, said Dr. Delgado. Despite some 
discouraging evidence to the contrary, 
one remained hopeful that they would 
apply their personal prestige and broad 
experience of statesmanship to bring 
about a heightened sense of sobriety 
and responsibility in this developing 
parliament of man and federation of the 

While peace was supremely important 
to all—the difference between survival 
and annihilation—it was particularly in- 
dispensable to developing countries like 
the Philippines, where the economic and 
social impulse remained to be fulfilled. 
But while his country was profoundly 
dedicated to peace, it categorically re- 
jected a peace of submission imposed by 
the powerful upon the weak. 

In the foremost duty to find quickly a 
practical way to prevent the perils of 
thermonuclear war, the smaller nations 
could perform a useful role through the 
exercise of the power of persuasion. 

Two main problems, he thought, over- 
shadowed all others: the question of dis- 
armament and raising living standards 
in the less-developed areas of the world. 

Dr. Delgado spoke in terms of disap- 
pointment of the things that might have 
been accomplished toward disarmament 
at the ill-fated summit conference in 
Paris. The dialogue between East and 
West, so sharply broken in Paris, had 
not been resumed and, as the world 
marked time on the great issues of peace 
and survival, some unsuspected action 
arising from error or miscalculation could 
plunge the whole world into sudden and 
total destruction. For this reason his dele- 
gation would vote in favor of the draft 
resolution submitted by India, Indonesia, 
Ghana, the United Arab Republic and 

His delegation also favored the re- 
opening of disarmament discussions as 
soon as possible in the Ten-Nation Com- 
mittee, and if this were no longer prac- 
tical, it might be wise to return the dis- 
cussions under the direct auspices of the 
United Nations. He did not think that 
enlarging the Ten-Nation Committee 
would be wise, since deliberations would 
become cumbersome and protracted. 

Dr. Delgado then turned his attention 
to the question of military alliances and 
the existence of foreign bases which, he 
said, was a symptom, not the cause, of 

UNR—December 1960 




prevailing fear and suspicion. The Philip- 
pines, he emphasized, was party to one 
of these alliances and housed American 
bases solely out of overriding concern 
for national security and the free exer- 
cise of national sovereignty. His country 
would be happy to be without the bases, 
but they would not be secure without 
them and accepted their existence as an 
unavoidable necessity. He stressed that 
Philippine membership in sEATO and the 
establishment of United States bases in 
his country were without any aggressive 
intent and were solely for the purpose 
of mutual defence. 

“We recognize that we are a part of a 
deterrent force against the aggressive in- 
tentions of international communism,” 
he said. “We are fully aware of the 
penalties, nay, risks, which we incur, 
and we are not unmindful of the ad- 
vantages enjoyed by the uncommitted 
countries whose representatives have 
spoken to us here of the superior virtues 
of neutralism. But we would ask them 
honestly to consider this thought: that it 
is precisely the existence of this deter- 
rent capacity of the free world which 
keeps communism in check and main- 
tains a certain balance of power in the 
world—and, therefore, a condition of 
peace, no matter how precarious it may 
be. For it is only in this condition of a 
balance of power that the neutrals can 
perform their useful role of mediation, 
conciliation and compromise.” 

When the communists stopped rattling 
their atomic rockets and missiles and 
there was no longer the menace of com- 
munist subversion and attack, he added, 
there would no longer be any need for 
defensive military alliances and foreign 
bases. “We cannot all be neutrals. Some 
of us have to perform the unpleasant, 
dangerous duty of helping to keep the 
scales of power in equilibrium.” 

Turning his attention to the urgent 
need to raise the living standards in the 
less developed countries, Dr. Delgado 
pointed out that roughly two thirds of 
the world’s population lived in the so- 
called underdeveloped areas and they 
shared among them just one sixth of the 
world’s total income. The United Nations 
had now the opportunity to develop the 
natural resources of these countries, first 
of all for the benefit of the native in- 
habitants themselves and then for the rest 
of the world. He welcomed the support 
that President Eisenhower had given to 
the principle of multilateral economic 
assistance to these countries on a more 
substantial scale than had been possible 
through the United Nations. 

Speaking of the Congo, Dr. Delgado 
declared that in the bustling continent 
of Africa the United Nations faced a 
great challenge and a great opportunity. 
The opportunity was one of proving that 
Africa could be insulated against the 
clash of embattled ideologies and the 
cold war. He congratulated the United 
Nations on what it had already done in 
this direction and paid tribute to the 
Secretary-General for his scrupulous im- 

He thought that all aid to the Congo 
should be channeled through the United 
Nations and he commented that while the 

UNR—December 1960 

last vestiges of colonialism should be 
eradicated from the Congo, the infiltra- 
tion of communist imperialism, open or 
disguised, should not be permitted either. 

Dr. Delgado expressed regret that the 
hopeful French initiative toward an 
“Algerian Algeria” had so far produced 
no hopeful results, and said that the 
United Nations must continue to press 
for a peaceful solution of the problem. 

He warned that countries newly freed 
from the colonial yoke must always be 
on the alert against the reintroduction of 
colonial influence through economic de- 
vices, but he added that though subject 
peoples were familiar with the ways of 
their former masters, they were com- 
parative strangers to the “more insidious 
methods by which international com- 
munism seeks to subvert their liberties 
and their institutions.” 

The Philippines was entitled to speak 
of these twin dangers, he said, for the 
country had experienced both. He spoke 
of his country’s 400 years as a colony 
of Spain and of the years during which 
the Philippines was under American 
rule. After itemizing some of the good 
things the United States had done for 
his country, he commented: 

“You can discuss, argue and talk back 
to the Americans, as we have discussed, 
argued and talked back to them during 
all the years of our subjection, and since 
then, without being slapped down or 
getting shot at dawn. One wonders some- 
times what would happen to a Latvian 
or an Estonian or a Lithuanian who 
talked back to Mr. Khrushchev. We 
know, of course, what happened to the 
Hungarians who did just that.” 

Finally, Dr. Delgado said he would 
like to address his concluding words to 
the Secretary-General. He said they were 
grateful for his pledge of unflinching 
fidelity to the ideals of the United Na- 
tions and for his assurance of unbending 
loyalty to the Organization as a whole, 
but more especially to the small coun- 
tries. This pledge was returned with 
equal earnestness and fervor. Assuring 
the Secretary-General of implicit faith in 
his good judgment and impartiality, Dr. 
Delgado added: “For you there are many 
trying days ahead, for your antagonists 
are among the most powerful in the 
world. But today, as never before, it is 
mightily important that the power of 
righteousness should not resign the battle 
in the face of outrageous wrong. We 
humbly beseech you, sir, to stand with us 
till the end, so that, together, we shall 
give the lie to the ancient dogma of the 
despots and totalitarians that might is 



K. T. Mazurov 
Member of the Bureau of the 
Council of Ministers 
Many, but unfortunately not all, dele- 
gations, Mr. Mazurov said, had come to 
the General Assembly with a sincere 
desire to help achieve constructive deci- 
sions on the problems of disarmament 
and other problems facing the United 

The socialist countries, whose policies 
were based on the principle of peaceful 
coexistence, were actively struggling for 
the consolidation of peace and the pre- 
vention of a new war. On the other hand, 
he said, the Western powers, primarily 
the United States, had trampled the 
hopes of the peoples of the world for 
peaceful relations between the states. The 
violation of the Soviet Union’s air space 
by American spy planes and the United 
States government’s calculated disruption 
of the Paris summit conference, the in- 
trigues of the colonialists in the Republic 
of the Congo and the threat of inter- 
vention against Cuba, the sabotage of 
the work of the Ten-Nation Disarma- 
ment Committee, the plans to arm the 
West German militarists with rocket and 
atomic weapons—all these showed that 
the ruling circles of the United States 
and other Western powers had taken the 
course of a new aggravation of inter- 
national tension, said Mr. Mazurov. 

The Assembly therefore had a great 
responsibility to take decisions that would 
pave the way for the realization of 
radical measures in the interests of 
universal peace. 

Special attention must be paid to dis- 
armament, “the most important and 
burning issue of our time.” General and 
complete disarmament was imperative. 

Mr. Mazurov refuted the “slanders” 
voiced by the Canadian Prime Minister 
to the effect that the peoples of the 
Soviet Union were not free. He also 
criticized the Australian Prime Minister’s 
“cold war” remarks in defence of im- 
perialism and colonialism. As to assur- 
ances by the Western countries of respect 
for the interests of the neutrals, the 
whole history of the United Nations had 
shown that the interests of the neutral 
countries had been disregarded by the 
bloc of Western countries, which acted 
at the behest of the United States. 

Turning to the problem of a peaceful 
settlement with Germany, Mr. Mazurov 
said that the Western powers’ policy of 
arming the Federal Republic of Germany 
was particularly dangerous. “One would 
be a naive simpleton or guided by crimi- 
nal intentions to put atomic and rocket 
weapons in the hands of former nazi 
generals,” he asserted. 

Mr. Mazurov thought it strange that 
the Prime Minister of the United King- 
dom had defended the policy of West 
Germany’s rearmament, particularly when 
officials of the Federal Republic had 
openly proclaimed militarist German re- 
vanchism, the revision of boundaries and 
the seizure of foreign lands as_ their 
goals. With the existence of military 
alliances, and with the Federal Republic 
of Germany a member of NATO, an 
adventurist policy of that Government 
might lead to a new world war. 

The socialist countries’ position on the 
German question was based not on feel- 
ings of revenge or hatred toward the 
German people but on concern for peace 
in Europe and the world. The German 
people wanted peace, and their interests 
were appropriately championed by the 
German Democratic Republic, as shown 
by its proposals, which the Byelorussian 
delegation fully supported, on general 
and complete disarmament of the two 
German states. 


The Western countries should recog- 
nize the fact that there were two German 
states. A peace treaty with those two 
states should be concluded, and the West 
Berlin situation should be normalized in 
accordance with the Soviet Union’s pro- 
posals. Concluding a peace treaty would 
halt revanchism and remilitarization in 
West Germany, facilitate the solution of 
the German reunification problem and 
help liquidate the seed-bed of war emerg- 
ing in Central Europe. 

The flights of American U-2 and RB- 
47 aircraft into Soviet air space were 
only part of a long series of provocative 
actions pursued by the United States, 
Mr. Mazurov continued. One could well 
imagine what would be left of the sov- 
ereignty of the many small countries that 
made up the majority of United Nations 
members if checks were not placed on 
the United States Government, which 
proclaimed air espionage and the viola- 
tion of the sovereignty of other states as 
its official policy. 

Stressing the need for an end to the 
arms race and for general and complete 
disarmament, as proposed by the Soviet 
Union, which would open up boundless 
prospects for improving living standards, 
Mr. ‘Mazurov blamed the Western powers 
for the collapse of negotiations in the 
Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament. 
They had followed their old line for 
control over armaments, which was just 
the reverse of disarmament. 

The Soviet Union’s new proposals for 
general and complete disarmament not 
only provided for carrying out such dis- 
armament in three stages but also pro- 
vided a guarantee against any state’s 
gaining, at any of those stages, military 
advantages over other states. From the 
very outset, by that proposal, all dis- 
armament measures were to be carried 
out under strict and effective interna- 
tional control. 

The “so-called new positions” of the 
Western powers contained nothing to 
show that they sought disarmament at 
all, Mr. Mazurov charged. In addition, 
the United States and the United King- 
dom had, for nearly two years now, been 
hampering the conclusion of an agree- 
ment on discontinuing nuclear weapon 
tests, under dubious technical or pseudo- 
scientific pretexts. 

The Soviet Union had proposed a clear 
program to ban both tests and the pro- 
duction of nuclear weapons, to destroy 
the means of delivering them and then 
to destroy the weapons themselves and 
dismantle military bases. But the Western 
powers were against those proposals. 
They had sabotaged the disarmament 
negotiations because militarization of the 
economy and the arms race brought 
fabulous profits to capitalist monopolies. 

The General Assembly should recog- 
nize the need for solving the problem of 
general and complete disarmament and 
the early conclusion of a disarmament 
treaty; should recommend the early com- 
pletion of a treaty on discontinuing nuc- 
lear weapon tests; and should call on 
those possessing nuclear weapons not to 
carry out tests of such weapons until an 
appropriate agreement had been con- 
cluded. Further, the Ten-Nation Com- 
mittee should be enlarged to include the 


representatives of five neutral countries. 

The Byelorussian delegation, continued 
Mr. Mazurov, agreed completely with 
Chairman Khrushchev’s proposals on re- 
organizing the United Nations Secretariat 
and on ending the unjust representation 
on the Security Council. Despite the 
changes in the world situation since the 
adoption of the United Nations Charter, 
the Security Council and the structure of 
the Secretariat had remained unchanged. 
The executive bodies and personnel of 
the United Nations were staffed with 
advocates of the Western capitalist bloc 
and pursued a policy designed to please 
the United States. Mr. Hammarskjold’s 
conduct in the Congo clearly proved that 
he was a servant of the Western powers. 

There was a crisis in the United Na- 
tions, not because of the Soviet Union’s 
proposals, but because the United States 
had usurped the power in its executive 
bodies. The Soviet Union’s proposals 
were aimed at overcoming the crisis and 
at invigorating the United Nations. They 
were prompted not by the wish to secure 
an exceptional role in the United Nations 
for the socialist countries, but merely by 
the wish that the position of all coun- 
tries, not just of one group, be taken into 
account in the executive bodies of the 
United Nations as well as in the Organi- 
zation itself. 

Taking up the question of colonialism, 
Mr. Mazurov said that the powerful tide 
of national liberation was brushing aside 
the last strongholds of colonialism in 
Africa, which had a special place in the 
plans of the Western powers, for the 
capitalist monopolies thought that that 
fabulously rich continent should make 
good what they had lost in Asia. 

The United Nations should act deci- 
sively to restore the normal situation in 
the Republic of the Congo and create 
conditions for the unhampered function- 
ing of the Lumumba Government, the 
only legitimate government. The primary 
requirement was the immediate with- 
drawal of the troops and military per- 
sonnel of Belgium and its allies. Only 
those troops approved by the Lumumba 
Government should remain in the Congo. 
The Congolese people, their parliament 
and legitimate government could and un- 
doubtedly would settle their national 
problems unassisted if interference by 
the United States and other Western 
countries in the Congo’s internal affairs 
were ended. 

The Byelorussian delegation, further, 
fully supported the Soviet Union’s pro- 
posal for a declaration on grantirg inde- 
pendence to colonial countries and peo- 
ples. Those struggling for freedom and 
independence against “shameful colonial 
slavery” could count on moral and ma- 
terial support from the socialist countries. 

Economic liberation from imperialist 
monopolies was no less important than 
political liberation, as shown by the 
Cuban people’s struggle. 

President Eisenhower and Prime Minis- 
ter Macmillan had tried, though in vain, 
to prove how little aid was being pro- 
vided by the USSR and other socialist 
countries to underdeveloped countries. 
Aid from the socialist countries, how- 
ever, was not tied to political conditions, 
but was guided strictly by the principle 

of non-interference in the inter‘al affairs 
of underdeveloped countries. 

Aid to the peoples who had freed 
themselves from the colonial yoke should 
be expanded and given both through the 
United Nations and on a bilateral basis, 
he contended. 


Hashim Jawad 
Minister for Foreign Affairs 

The attainment of political independ- 
ence by subjugated peoples was an in- 
evitable step in the progress of human 
society toward higher social and po- 
litical levels, said Mr. Jawad. The ex- 
istence of non-independent nations and 
efforts to perpetuate them by use of 
force had been an important cause of 
international conflict. It was therefore 
important for the Assembly to act im- 
mediately and collectively to remove 
such a factor. 

Mr. Jawad considered that Mr. 
Khrushchev’s proposal for the termina- 
tion of colonialism and the immediate 
granting of independence to colonial 
countries and peoples was of the highest 
significance. At such a critical moment 
in history, the liberation of colonial and 
semi-colonial countries and peoples would 
greatly contribute to the removal of cer- 
tain causes of conflict. 

Speaking of the increased world ten- 
sion which the United Nations had to 
meet in a divided world, Mr. Jawad held 
that, despite criticism of the United Na- 
tions and its weaknesses, its presence was 
imperative and its support by all nations 
a major historical necessity. 

In the last 15 years, active movements 
for political emancipation had spread to 
all subjugated peoples. The whole world, 
with the exception of certain vested in- 
terests, had become more aware of the 
need for recognizing that revolution and 
the necessity of maintaining machinery 
for coordinating the interests of nations 
and peacefully settling their differences. 

In a period of increasing danger of war 
it was incumbent upon member states 
to rally to the support of the United Na- 
tions to prevent further deterioration of 
the international situation. The 15 years 
of the United Nations had witnessed a 

reatci split between East and West and 
the gathering of power into two con- 
tending and hostile blocs, negotiating 
from positions of strength. However, the 
development of the two blocs had not 
reached the point of collision. The time 
had come for the non-committed nations, 
and others which had recently attained 
independence, to bridge the gap separat- 
ing East and West. 

Among the problems contributing to 
increased tension, Mr. Jawad gave the 
following: “The denial of membership to 
the People’s Republic of China in the 
United Nations; the continued occupation 
of West Irian by the Netherlands; the 
attempt at the separation of Mauritania 
from Morocco by France; the war in 
Algeria; the fighting in Oman; the 
Palestine question; and the question of 
the Congo.” 

UNR—December 1960 

Speaking of Algeria, Mr. Jawad de- 
plored the fact that, despite the ac- 
cepted principle of the Charter regarding 
the right of the Algerian people to self- 
determination, a right which had been 
endorsed by the General Assembly and 
recognized even by France, the war was 
being continued by France with increas- 
ing force and determination. 

A year previously President de Gaulle 
had spoken of self-determination for 
Algeria, but subsequent events had 
shown beyond doubt that he did not 
mean what he had said—he wanted 
nothing less than surrender. 

It was time, declared Mr. Jawad, that 
the General Assembly took a more posi- 
tive stand on Algeria. Peace in Algeria 
was an essential preliminary to the rela- 
tions of the Arab states with France, and 
to a large extent with the West. Unless 
action were taken rapidly to end the 
Algerian war to the satisfaction of the 
Algerian people’s aspirations, the war 
area might extend and the struggle be- 
come more international. 

Negotiations had failed because of 
France’s determination to suppress by 
force the right of Algerians to self-de- 
termination. It now fell to the United 
Nations to work out a plan for imple- 
menting self-determination in Algeria. 
The Algerian Government, he recalled, 
had suggested a plebiscite under the 
supervision and control of the United 
Nations. That practical proposal was a 
challenge both to the United Nations and 
to all powers seeking to promote peace 
and justice. 

Mr. Jawad, turning to the question of 
Palestine, said the aggressive and hostile 
attitude of Israel and its policy of ex- 
pansion by military means had kept the 
Arab countries in a state of fear and 
turned the whole Middle East into an 
area of perpetual instability. 

Israeli militarism, supported by certain 
political circles and groups with eco- 
nomic vested interests in Europe and 
America, reflected the existence of close- 
ly knit relationships between Israel and 
certain Western powers, he said. Eco- 
nomic and financial aid generously pro- 
vided to Israel by certain Western coun- 
tries, particularly the United States and 
France, showed the determination of 
those countries to make of Israel a 
stronghold against the Arab states. The 
special task assigned to Israel had been 
divulged during the tripartite aggression 
against Egypt in 1956. 

The strategy and tactics of the im- 
perialist powers in the Middle East had 
centred around the presence of Israel, 
he continued. “We who fought, and 
are still fighting, the imperialist domina- 
tion in our countries therefore view Is- 
rael not only as a usurper of our land, but 
also as an instrument of oppression to 
our people and a continuous threat to our 
national freedom and independence,” de- 
clared Mr. Jawad. 

In another part of the Middle East—in 
Oman and Southern Arabia—the colonial 
system continued the suppression by force 
of the national liberation movements in 
order to perpetuate its control and 
supremacy established during the nine- 
teenth century, he added. For the last 

UNR—December 1960 

five years the people of Oman had been 
in a state of revolt and had been fighting 
the British colonial occupation. For five 
years the world had been prevented from 
knowing the facts. Consideration of the 
question by the United Nations in 1957 
had been barred, and there had followed 
a conspiracy of silence. 

As to the situation in the Congo, Mr. 
Jawad held that Belgium bore the major 
responsibility for its deterioration. The 
crisis in the Congo would never have 
reached the critical stage if Belgium had 
not tried through secessionists to violate 
the unity, territorial integrity and in- 
dependence of the Congo. When Presi- 
dent Kasavubu and Premier Lumumba 
addressed their joint appeal to the United 
Nations for help, the main problems at 
the time were the withdrawal of Belgian 
troops and the maintenance of internal 
peace and order. The crisis would have 
ended with the withdrawal of Belgian 
troops, which was effected under relent- 
less pressure from the Secretary-General, 
acting in accordance with the mandate 
given to him by the Security Council. 
Unfortunately, the Belgians had left be- 
hind them a “time bomb” which ex- 
ploded, threatening not only the inde- 
pendence of the Congo and its terri- 
torial integrity, but world peace and 
security and the future of the United 

What had to be done now was to find 
the appropriate means to bring about 
harmony and peace in the Congo and 
to safeguard its independence and terri- 
torial integrity. To achieve that, the ex- 
ecutive action was of primary impor- 
tance, and Mr. Jawad quoted Mr. 
Nehru’s statement to the effect that “the 
executive should be given authority to 
act within the terms of the directions 
issued. At the same time the executive 
has to keep in view all the time the 
impact of various forces in the world, 
for we must realize that unfortunately 
we live in a world where there are many 
pulls in different directions.” 

Mr. Jawad associated himself with 
“the wide expression of confidence in 
the ability of the Secretary-General, his 
impartiality and his devotion to the 
cause of peace and freedom every- 

He then dwelt on the necessity for 
economic independence to go with po- 
litical independence. “The attainment of 
politics! independence by certain states,” 
he deciared, “will serve little purpose if 
the process of economic decolonization 
is not attained in the light of the follow- 
ing two criteria of economic indepen- 
dence: the freedom to terminate the 
colonial pillage of the economic re- 
sources of the new states; and the free- 
dom of the new states to choose their 
own ways and methods of economic 

The economic development of under- 
developed countries was hampered by 
lack of investment capital, technical 
knowledge and qualified personnel. Iraq 
had consistently advocated the channel- 
ling of both capital and technical as- 
sistance to the less-developed countries 
through the United Nations. It had wel- 
comed the establishment of the Special 
Fund and hoped that the initial goal of 

$100 million for the expanded program 
and the Special Fund would soon be 
realized. Those programs, however, were 
still inadequate. There was growing ne- 
cessity for the speedy establishment of 
a United Nations capital development 

There were disturbing signs that the 
prices of hitherto stable commodities, 
such as petroleum, were being cut, with 
serious consequences for those countries 
whose economies were largely dependent 
on the export of such commodities, The 
time had also come for a fresh and 
major effort to be made, through the 
United Nations, to assist in curbing ex- 
cessive fluctuations and to bring order 
into the international market of primary 
commodities. Unless that were done, no 
reasonable amount of outside aid to the 
underdeveloped countries could be truly 

Turning to disarmament, Mr. Jawad 
referred to the wide support given to the 
Soviet proposal of September 18, 1959, 
for general and complete disarmament. 
The future of civilization depended pri- 
marily on finding a solution for the arms 
race, he emphasized. Nuclear weapons 
added greatly to the danger of “acci- 
dental” war; and in an atmosphere of 
fear the risk was all the greater. More- 
over, peace through fear was an un- 
stable peace and signified “brinkman- 
ship,” wasteful military expenditure and 
a permanent “cold war.” 

The alternative was peace through dis- 
armament. That was why Iraq supported 
the Soviet proposal for general and com- 
plete disarmament. The possibility of 
peaceful coexistence of states with dif- 
ferent social and political systems had 
been confirmed in the inter-war period 
and had become clearer since then. 

Iraq, under the guidance of its leader, 
Abdul-Karim Kassim, had been follow- 
ing the road of positive neutrality in its 
relations with the various groups of 
powers in the world, continued Mr. Ja- 
wad. Its foreign policy of neutrality was 
in essence a policy of peaceful coexist- 
ence. It had thus been able to help com- 
bat the cold war and to set an example 
for small states. 


Frank Aiken 
Minister for External Affairs 

Seventeen new nations had entered the 
Organization at a moment of crisis, 
perhaps at a turning point in history, 
said Mr. Aiken. Members should ask 
themselves what would be their situation 
if the United Nations were to break 
down or become paralyzed. What form 
would the cold war then take? The 
prelude to the Spanish tragedy had been 
a catastrophic decline in the prestige of 
the League of Nations and the sequel 
had been World War II. 

The present crisis and the future of 
the Organization were closely related to 
the governing currents of the twentieth 
century—the cold war and the “widening 
of freedom,” by which he meant the 
emergence into independent national life 
of vast areas, mainly in Asia and Africa. 


Competition between the great powers 
for the favor of world opinion had 
brought about the freedom of many new 
member states and would help to bring 
others toward independence. But at the 
same time this competition carried with 
it most appalling burdens and dangers. 
If the tragedy of nuclear war were to 
be avoided, two sets of conditions must be 
fulfilled. First, there should be control 
of the incidence of “flash points,” to stop 
the development of situations in which 
the nuclear powers might become so 
deeply involved that they could not re- 
treat without loss of prestige. Secondly, 
the spread of nuclear weapons to fur- 
ther countries should be prevented, and 
Ireland would introduce a draft resolu- 
tion suggesting methods for restricting 
the spread of weapons of indiscriminate 

If these two things could be done 
“before the present balance of terror can 
be upset by the scientists,” a third meas- 
ure might be adopted—to turn critical 
areas of tension into peaceful areas of 
law. By this he meant a region in which 
neighboring states would agree to limit 
their arms “below blitzkrieg level,” to 
exclude foreign troops, and to accept 
supervision by the United Nations of 
fulfillment of these conditions. In this 
way there could be built up throughout 
the world an expanding network of 
areas where Charter pledges would be 
supported by tangible and effective guar- 
antees—areas in which neighboring peo- 
ples would be definitely committed to 
seek change and to settle disputes by 
peaceful means alone. 

Speaking of what “the rank and file” 
delegations were entitled to look for 
from the big powers, Mr. Aiken thought 
the best way for the great powers to win 
their confidence and support was by 
proving themselves loyal members of 
the United Nations. 

He did not claim that sole responsi- 
bility for preserving peace, or the sole 
guilt if it were not preserved, rested on 
the shoulders of the big powers. In 
recent times the smaller powers had 
come to bear a greater responsibility and 
the big powers had become more sensi- 
tive to the attitudes of the smaller 

The recently emerged nations carried 
a tremendous collective responsibility; 
either subservience or recklessness in the 
present crisis could destroy the Organi- 
zation and, with it, the smaller nations’ 
independence. In fact, if the United Na- 
tions collapsed, many of the independent 
nations might not survive. 

“The United Nations,” he emphasized, 
“is the best guarantee of freedom and 
independence; for many it offers the 
best hope of disinterested help in the 
economic and technical development of 
which they stand in such urgent need.” 
As the only Western European nation 
which had experienced a long epoch of 
foreign rule, Ireland assured the smaller 
and newly independent countries of Asia 
and Africa that it did not hear with in- 
difference the voices of their spokesmen. 
Ireland had laid aside bitterness regard- 
ing “the dark old days.” But Ireland 
stood unequivocally for the swift and 


orderly ending of colonial rule and other 
forms of foreign domination. He warned 
“other anti-colonialist countries present 
here” against attempts to represent the 
United Nations as a mask for imperialist 
intervention. The United Nations was, 
on the contrary, a body in which the 
small nations had an influence such as 
they had never before possessed in their 
history, and it was both their duty and 
in their own interest to rally to its de- 
fence if the Organization were attacked. 

“Some fervent anti-colonialists are in- 
clined to take the United Nations and 
their own say in it rather too much for 
granted, and to ignore what an achieve- 
ment it is from their roint of view—how 
important and at the same time how 
fragile it is,’ Mr. Aiken declared. Who 
could seriously maintain that the Organi- 
zation was or could be made a tool of 
imperialism? The theory was a product 
of the cold war working on national 
liberation movements. 

He was far from claiming that the 
struggle against imperialism was over. 
On the contrary, one of the most vital 
tasks of the United Nations was to en- 
sure swift and orderly transition toward 
a new world of free nations—without 
endangering peace. It was a task fraught 
with great difficulties, of which the 
Congo was a reminder. The crisis there 
touched all countries, including Ireland, 
which had sent a contingent to the 
United Nations Force in the Congo. 

It had been said that Central Africa 
must not be “Balkanized,” but the fact 
must be faced that it had already been 
“Balkanized.” What was in their power 
to do, however, was to prevent a repeti- 
tion in Central Africa of the unfortunate 
history of the Balkans and, indeed, the 
history of Europe. For generations to 
come the countries of Africa would need 
all their resources to build up the stand- 
ard of life of their people. Outsiders 
could not do this. The carefully thought- 
out plan outlined by Prince Moulay 
Hassan, of Morocco, should be atten- 
tively studied by all the African states. 
Outsiders could help, however, as pointed 
out by President Eisenhower, to develop 
all the rich resources and should help 
them to avoid repeating in Africa the 
bitter conflicts that had characterized 
the history of Europe and other parts 
of the world. 

Mr. Aiken opposed the suggestion that 
the office of Secretary-General should 
be turned into a triumvirate, which would 
be tantamount to the disruption of the 
Organization. “As regards the present 
holder of the office of Secretary-Gen- 
eral,” he added, “I can only say that we 
are fortunate indeed to have as Secre- 
tary-General a man who, by his wisdom, 
impartiality, devotion to duty and loyalty 
to the principles of the Charter has 
earned the confidence of the overwhelm- 
ing majority of the members of this 
Organization—and has deserved the con- 
fidence of all. . . . During Mr. Ham- 
marskjold’s period of office the United 
Nations has shown itself an  unpre- 
cedented instrument of action by the 
world community in the defence of 
peace. That instrument is the most 

precious thing we possess in common. 

Let us maintain it intact and learn to 
use it with increasing skill and sureness.” 


Halvard M. Lange 
Minister for Foreign Affairs 

For the last few years the most im- 
portant task of the United Nations, said 
Mr. Lange, had been to prevent political 
unrest of a local character from spreading 
geographically and from developing into 
conflicts of a wider scope. This task 
was still of overriding significance. A 
timely entry of the United Nations on 
the scene tended to prevent a conflict 
becoming an issue in the contest between 
the major power groupings of the world 
and adding new difficulties for the people 
of the area. 

In this context, Norway felt compelled 
to reconsider what realistic assistance the 
United Nations could render in the 
tragic Algerian situation, with a view to 
the peaceful implementation of the 
agreed principle of self-determination. 

The second major task of the Organi- 
zation was to cooperate with member 
states in their economic and social de- 
velopment and in the educational and 
administrative fields. The programs for 
such aid had been expanded more rap- 
idly than before. It was now generally 
recognized that assistance in solving the 
problems of the many countries in the 
early stages of economic growth was a 
task of first priority. A crucial problem 
in this regard was that of increasing the 
financial resources available. His Gov- 
ernment was fully prepared to make 
more funds available for these various 
United Nations programs. 

After warmly welcoming the new 
countries admitted to the Organization, 
Mr. Lange noted with regret that the 
Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) 
was not yet represented in the Assembly 
hall. Norway had been greatly impressed 
by the effective and speedy action by 
the United Nations for the Congo. It 
considered that the direction of the op- 
eration by the Secretary-General was 
based on a correct interpretation of the 
Security Council’s resolutions. He paid 
“unreserved tribute” to the Secretary- 
General’s initiative, firm leadership and, 
above all, to his impartiality in handling 
the Congo situation. 

With regard to the machinery of the 
United Nations, Mr. Lange associated 
himself with the views of Mr. Nehru 
that members’ efforts to improve and 
strengthen the United Nations should be 
a process of gradual improvement and 
expansion; they should not “drastically 
tear apart” the present structure and 
embark on a major revision of the 

On the vital question of disarmament, 
Mr. Lange noted that another year had 
passed without agreement on any single 
specific measure. The first and most im- 
mediate contribution this Assembly could 
make was to re-establish suitable ma- 
chinery for the resumption of disarma- 
ment negotiations. Norway’s attitude to- 
ward the Ten-Nation Committee was de- 
termined by the fact that the four major 

UNR—December 1960 





eo MD Te SS CO 

e— eS fe TP ee ee Oe CD oe 

—_S=_ Ft lU[ IOUS 

powers themselves had agreed on its 
composition and desired to conduct the 
negotiations in this forum. 

It had been suggested that a neutral 
and highly respected personality should 
be selected as chairman. Norway thought 
such a suggestion deserved consideration. 
Norway realized the benefits which might 
be gained from the inclusion in the com- 
mittee of countries pursuing a policy of 
neutrality or non-alignment. This must, 
however, be carefully weighed against 
the risk of making the machinery more 
cumbersome and too diversified. Both 
East and West had stated that the exist- 
ing balance of power, or the present rela- 
tive strength of armed forces, must not 
be tilted in any direction at any point in 
the process of gradual and phased dis- 
armament. Was it not conceivable that 
this principle could give a new sense of 
direction to the negotiations they all so 
ardently wished to see resumed? The 
Assembly might well recognize and en- 
dorse this principle, thereby giving it 
universal recognition. 

The vicious circle of disarmament meas- 
ures on the one hand and of control and 
inspection on the other must be broken 
if any measure of disarmament was to 
be achieved. For this reason, Norway 
believed that singling out specific units 
for disarmament, in such a manner that 
their abolition did not interfere with 
the existing power relationship, could 
ease the way for technical and detailed 
exploration of what would be the ade- 
quate control machinery. 

To make even “a modest start” with 
an international control and verification 
machinery seemed to be essential. For 
this reason Norway at least hoped that 
the nuclear test negotiations could be 
brought to a successful conclusion and 
that the control machinery agreed upon 
for this purpose might serve as a pilot 
project for control and disarmament. 
Norway was willing to permit reciprocal 
inspection of its territory under interna- 
tional auspices. 

In order to pave the way for disarma- 
ment, all nations had an obligation to 
show restraint and patience in any con- 
flicts of interest in which they might be 
involved. There was at present one such 
conflict of interest of particular concern 
in Europe— West Berlin and its people 
living under continuous threats against 
their status as a city. It was understand- 
able that the peoples to which the fate of 
West Berlin was of special concern might 
have certain difficulties in embarking on 
plans of large-scale disarmament as long 
as this situation persisted. 

Touching on the unsuccessful summit 
meeting in Paris, Mr. Lange considered 
that interchange and personal contact be- 
tween heads of state were most important 
and, in certain circumstances, could be 
of decisive influence. Perhaps they should 
reserve this ultimate form of contact, 
however, for situations of real crisis. It 
also had its place in situations where 
the possibility of significant achievement 
appeared to be within reach as a result 
of careful preparations. 

_ Perhaps peoples could then hope to 
live in “a somewhat more temperate 
climate.” Some would say that in adopt- 

UNR—December 1960 

ing this course they were running the 
risk of foregoing the “real bright days.” 
He tended to put greater emphasis on 
avoiding so far as possible the sudden 
changes for the worse, with threatening, 
black clouds darkening the horizon. 

(Capital: Brazzaville) 

Stéphane Tchichelle 
Vice-President of the Council of Ministers 

The plan proposed by the President 
of the United States for the development 
of the African states, said Mr. Tchichelle, 
could have fortunate effects for the whole 
of Africa and for the peace of the world 
if it were applied in sincerity and harmony 
by all nations and if the countries repre- 
sented in the Assembly were to respect 
the right of the African people to choose 
their own mode of life and to determine 
for themselves the course to follow—and 
if, of course, each of those countries 
stood by its commitments and undertak- 

Mr. Khrushchev’s proposal, for grant- 
ing full independence to all colonial peo- 
ples and the freedom to set up their own 
national states in accordance with the 
will freely expressed by their peoples, was 
of equal scope, said Mr. Tchichelle. The 
two great powers of the world were thus 
agreed on giving an opportunity for as- 
suming their place in the family of na- 
tions to colonial peoples aspiring for 

Nationalism should not be “a false 
mirror,” he said. The real faith animating 
the peoples of Africa who were still de- 
pendent and those who had just acquired 
their independence should be devoid of 
xenophobia or racism. 

It was, however, a matter for concern 
to Mr. Tchichelle that some of the lead- 
ers who sought to keep the idea of Pan- 
Africanism alive had neglected some of 
the lessons of the past showing that the 
great African kingdoms and empires 
which existed before the colonial era 
had foundered partly because of lack of 
administrative structure and partly be- 
cause of the enormous difficulties of im- 
posing the authority of the central power 
“upon clans in an equal way.” 

That situation had not changed today. 
“Before dreaming of expansion and domi- 
nation . . . we must in wisdom re- 
vert, rather, to the management of our 
own affairs,” Mr. Tchichelle stated. He 
warned, however, against the folly of 
folding “back into one’s shell.” His Gov- 
ernment would, moreover, like to see the 
development of a large African economic 
community which, basing itself on all of 
the efforts of all African countries, would 
develop and exploit natural resources to 
the benefit of all Africans. 

As to the situation in the former Bel- 
gian colony of the Congo, Mr. Tchichelle 
said that colonialism had had its day 
and must now give way to the right of 
peoples to self-determination. But the 
old colonialism must not be replaced by 
an ideological neo-colonialism with im- 
ported foreign doctrines. The Congolese 
who had struggled for their independence 
did not want to see the Belgians replaced 

by other colonialists who did not even 
know the territory and did not speak 
their language. 

Under the terms of the resolution 
adopted by the Security Council on July 
22, 1960, there could be no foreign inter- 
ference in the Congo (Leopoldville) with- 
out the control of the United Nations. 

The Assembly had entrusted a mission 
to the United Nations. Why not let the 
United Nations carry out that mission 
with respect for the resolutions which 
had been approved? United Nations ac- 
tion was indispensable for the former 
Belgian Congo, and everyone was in 
agreement with the resolution of August 
9 which stated that the United Nations 
should not be used to influence the out- 
come of internal conflicts in the country. 
Why, then, should the United Nations 
not put its trust in the present Chief of 
State (Mr. Kasavubu), the only person 
in the territory who was legally in office 
under the basic law of May 19, 1960, 
and whose constitutional authority had 
never been contested? The “Congo solu- 
tion” must be worked out by the Congo- 
lese alone, by the only Congolese repre- 
sentative legitimately empowered to act. 

Mr. Tchichelle hoped that the round- 
table conference called by Mr. Kasavubu 
would find a solution to the problem. 

He also suggested that, in order to 
end “this climate of mistrust” which 
weighed so heavily on the United Na- 
tions forces stationed in Leopoldville, 
those forces should be recalled and re- 
placed by men who had never worked 
in Leopoldville Province. That would 
automatically halt partisan acts by one 
party or another for its own benefit. 

Discussing “the fate of my Congolese 
brothers under Portuguese domination,” 
Mr. Tchichelle said that the Government 
of Lisbon had remained unmoved by the 
legitimate independence claims of the 
population of Angola as well as of the 
populations of other Portuguese African 
territories, Was that policy of indifference 
reasonable? What could Portugal have 
to fear from the reasonable emancipa- 
tion of the populations which it main- 
tained, sometimes with far too much 
strictness, under its tutelage? 

Mr. Tchichelle said the only thing 
that his “brothers in Angola” wanted was 
to be considered as human beings, given 
the means of becoming citizens and elec- 
tors, and permitted to choose their own 
representatives who could discuss all 
matters as equals with all those who had 
worked in the country and who would 
have rights not greater than but the same 
as those of the natives. 

Mr. Tchichelle also called for inde- 
pendence for the people of Cabinda, 
which formed an enclave between the 
Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) and 
his own country. That Portuguese colony, 
he said, was unable to make its voice 
heard and was subjected to an oppres- 
sive régime of which President Salazar 
himself was certainly unaware. 

His country, said Mr. Tchichelle, as- 
sociated itself with all the peaceful state- 
ments made from the Assembly rostrum. 
It hoped that agreement would be 
reached on disarmament; that the Congo 
problem would be solved; that the dele- 


gation of the Government headed by Mr. 
Kasavubu would be seated to enable it to 
give the viewpoint of the free Congolese 
people; and that the United Nations 
would deal with the colonial problems of 

In conclusion he expressed the faith 
held by the people of his country in the 
future of the United Nations and their 
confidence in its Secretary-General. 


Vasco Vieira Garin 
Permanent Representative 
to the United Nations 

Having spoken of the deterioration in 
international relations during the past 
year—relations that had become still 
more inflamed recently—Dr. Garin said 
he would not attempt to examine causes 
or make accusations. In the spirit of 
harmony and tolerance, his delegation 
would not incite peoples to rebellion, 
collaborate in schemes designed to un- 
dermine the very foundations of the 
United Nations or attack the structure 
of other states. Portugal, a nation de- 
voted to peace and without excessive 
ambitions for high standards of living 
which its resources would not permit, 
would not find it difficult to follow its 
creed of harmony. It was imperative that 
nations revert to the simple principles 
of tolerance and mutual respect before 
it was too late. 

Commenting that no government 
could afford to ignore the reciprocity of 
peace and disarmament, he believed that 
it had become desperately urgent to re- 
sume disarmament negotiations. 

“The present arms race, based on 
weapons which offer mankind the capaci- 
ty to destroy itself,” he said, “places the 
future of the world at the very edge of 
a vast nothingness.” 

It was also true, he pointed out, that 
man’s fallibility persisted, and a human 
miscalculation could easily lead to a 
third world war. Logic might govern 
men’s reason but not their actions, and 
the fear of surprise attack lurked on the 
horizon of their daily lives. The first 
great service, as the arms race rapidly 
approached a point of no return, would 
be to insulate disarmament negotiations 
from political propaganda. 

That question also brought to the fore 
the peaceful use of outer space. Here 
should be an issue susceptible of uniting 
every country of the world, but no prog- 
ress whatever had been achieved to allay 
fears arising from the possible military 
uses of outer space. Therefore it became 
equally urgent to reach international 
agreement on the prohibition of military 
uses of outer space and on the explora- 
tion of technical means to use the new 
discoveries for peaceful purposes. 

Speaking of the Congo, Dr. Garin said 
that the Portuguese people hoped the 
new republic’s difficulties would be only 
temporary. Portugal recognized the re- 
public, one of its closest and oldest 
neighbors, on the day of independence. 
The United Nations had been called on 
to play a very difficult role in helping 
the Congo through its crisis: it had to be 


safeguarded from becoming a battle- 
ground of the cold war. The Secretary- 
General and all those helping him had 
proceeded with great wisdom and ability 
and certainly commanded respect and 
admiration. Dr. Garin also warmly wel- 
comed all the other new African states. 

He then turned to Portugal’s overseas 
provinces, since some speakers, acting 
rather emotionally, he said, had seen fit 
to offer derogatory and unjust remarks. 

The inspiration for the Portuguese 
discoveries of centuries past, he said, was 
to spread the ideals of Christianity and 
to bring the many worthy factors of 
Western civilization into contact with 
other civilizations and cultures flourish- 
ing beyond the seas. In the course of 
that process “the integration of our over- 
seas peoples in the unity of the Portu- 
guese nation followed naturally.” 

Dr. Garin developed the theme that 
“for five long centuries the Portuguese 
joined and blended with the peoples they 
had contacted overseas, forming with 
them the elements which would become 
part of the same national entity.” Thus 
a unique nation was formed and “grew 
in the four corners of the earth.” The 
naticnal territory, under the Portuguese 
Constitution, was an indivisible unit, 
with all parts on a plane of equality. 
There was not the slightest question that 
the Portuguese overseas provinces were 
independent with the independence of 
the nation. 

Portugal, he said, was proud of the 
unceasing toil that for nearly five cen- 
turies of common history had been de- 
voted to the overseas provinces—the 
work of maintaining order, organizing 
community life, promoting economic de- 
velopment, providing education, invest- 
ing capital and raising living standards. 
Referring to “accusations against Portu- 
gal contained in a paper recently circu- 
lated by a delegation well known for its 
special affinity to attempt to discredit 
countries or peoples who refuse to gravi- 
tate around their political system,” he 
said that “such accusations leave us un- 

In December 1959 Portugal, he re- 
called, was the host at Luanda, Angola, 
to the first session of the African Ad- 
visory Committee of mo. More than 
600 delegates, from government, em- 
ployer and trade union circles, had the 
opportunity to observe Portuguese life 
in the overseas provinces. Some of them 
had come to the meeting in doubt, but 
they all recognized the absence of dis- 
crimination or forced labor, as_ they 
also saw the lack of foundation for so 
many of the accusations made against 
his country. 

It was painful for him, he said, to hear 
the Chief of the State of Ghana saying 
that what he called—probably in a facet- 
ious vein — “the Portuguese arrange- 
ment” was repugnant to any concept of 
African freedom. It appeared that the 
Chief of State of Ghana shared a politi- 
cal philosophy whereby African freedom 
was incompatible and could not coexist 
with multi-racial countries, free as they 
might be, on account of some kind of 
inevitable conflict of races and cultures. 
The gravity of such a concept was un- 

deniable. Throughout its history Portugai 
had always rejected racialism and was 
not prepared to accept it now, said Dr. 

Also, he recalled, the Foreign Minister 
of the Republic of the Congo (Brazza- 
ville) had made reference to the Portu- 
guese territory of Cabinda and had read 
a letter said to have been addressed to 
the Secretary-General by a group of in- 
dividuals who live in Brazzaville in which 
certain accusations were made against 
the Portuguese administration. 

Cabinda, said Dr. Garin, was a small 
territory with a population of about 
40,000 persons and was part of the 
Mayombe forest region, a dense forest 
difficult to penetrate. Therefore Cabinda’s 
communications problems were of prime 
importance, and 66 million escudos had 
been allocated to solving them under 
Portugal’s development plan. Admitting 
that Cabinda had not undergone develop- 
ment as fast as other districts of the 
province, he pointed out that, contrary 
to allegations in the letter, it had three 
hospitals, one maternity centre, 16 aux- 
iliary health centres and laboratories, and 
two ports (with a third being planned). 
He also stated that the report of dis- 
turbances in Cabinda, with loss of life, 
was completely false. 

Dr. Garin also mentioned that the 
development plan provided for invest- 
ments of 31,000 million escudos through- 
out all the national territories, which was 
one third of the total sum expected to 
be invested during the five-year period. 

Portugal regarded with support and 
sympathy United Nations efforts to en- 
courage and assist the underdeveloped 
countries. Portugal was also following 
with great interest the work of the Eco- 
nomic Commission for Africa. Every 
year his country was distributing many 
scholarships for the specialization of 
African graduate students and noted with 
pleasure that students from Ghana, Ethi- 
opia, Sudan and Somalia had applied. 

GHANA'S REPLY to Portugal 

Exercising the right of reply, K. B. 
Asante, of Ghana, declared that Dr. 
Garin’s speech contained a clear implica- 
tion that the President of Ghana was 
preaching racialism, which was not true. 
What the President had said was that 
Portugal, a member of the North At- 
lantic Treaty Organization, had, by her 
metropolitan law, claimed the territories 
she had colonized in Africa as an in- 
tegral part of Portugal. The President 
had always emphasized that Africa was 
not, and never could be, an extension 
of Europe and had said that that Portu- 
guese arrangement was repugnant to any 
concept of African freedom. He was 
referring to an arrangement by which, 
by the stroke of a Portuguese pen in 
Lisbon, an African territory was made 
a part of Portugal. 

“By this device, modern colonialists 
hope to avoid discussion of their dark 
deeds in this Assembly,” he added. The 
President of Ghana had spoken against 
the disingenuous attempt to enslave Afri- 
cans, and not in support of racialism. It 
was to be hoped that members of the 

UNR—December 1960 

Assembly would not be lulled to sleep 
by Dr. Garin’s suggestion that all was 
quiet in Angola and other Portuguese 
territories. The situation was explosive. 
Portugal was attempting to stem the 
tide of history by a futile legalistic de- 
vice, and was presenting a counterfeit 
spectre of racial partnership in which a 
handful of indigenous Africans joined 
Portuguese settlers and expatriates to 
oppress the vast majority of Africans, 
whose lot was a mixture of forced 
labor, ignorance and squalor. It was that 
device which the President of Ghana had 
deplored and not the existence of differ- 
ent races in the same country. 


Tingfu F. Tsiang 
Permanent Representative 
to the United Nations 

China, said Dr. Tsiang, supported the 
United Nations because the Organization 
stood for the high ideals of law and jus- 
tice, peace and security. The United 
Nations, despite the Soviet Union’s mis- 
use of the veto power in the Security 
Council, had made significant contribu- 
tions to the cause of peace. The greatest 
landmark, he considered, had been the 
collective action to counter communist 
aggression in Korea. The work the 
United Nations had undertaken in the 
Congo to restore law and order would 
also go down in history as one of its 
most significant achievements, he said. 

Peace and security could not be if 
there were no respect for and observance 
of human rights. For that and other 
reasons, the millions of human beings 
living in conditions of terror and slavery 
in East Europe, Tibet, on mainland 
China and in other parts of the world 
under communist domination should not 
be forgotten, said Dr. Tsiang. It was on 
the basis of slavery and oppression that 
totalitarian dictators were able to plan 
and carry out war. 

As a result of the courage with which 
the Secretary-General had carried out 
his mandate, a beginning had been made 
to put the Republic of the Congo on a 
stable basis. The Secretary-General had 
the support of the overwhelming majority 
of the General Assembly to go ahead 
with his work of implementing the resolu- 
tions of the Security Council and of the 
Assembly’s emergency special session. 

“We were shocked by the slanderous 
and abusive charges which the Chief of 
the Soviet Government deemed fit to 
make against the Secretary-General from 
this rostrum a few days ago,” added Dr. 
Tsiang. To call that selfless and con- 
scientious and courageous international 
public servant an agent of colonialism 
was to add insult to injury. All fair- 
minded men and women the world over 
would condemn the utterly unfounded 
and irresponsible attack on Mr. Hammar- 
skjold’s personal integrity. 

In proposing that the Secretary-Gen- 
eralship be replaced by a directorate of 
three, each with the veto, the Soviet 
Union showed that it was only interested 
m making the United Nations a forum 

UNR—December 1960 

for propaganda and a tool of the Soviet 
Union, Dr. Tsiang asserted. 

The Chinese people, he continued, 
knew from years of experience what was 
meant by the Soviet Union’s propaganda 
arguments that only the Soviet Union 
could help the emergent peoples achieve 
their national aspirations and lead them 
to economic prosperity and social well- 

The Chinese Government and people 
rejoiced in the emergence of Africa on 
the international scene. The new African 
states had won their freedom and inde- 
pendence from the colonial powers on 
the basis of mutual sympathy, respect 
and understanding, and that redounded 
to the credit of both. The maintenance 
of close relations between the new 
states and the former metropolitan pow- 
ers, on a footing of freedom and equal- 
ity, could be of immense benefit to all 

Western colonialism was on its way 
out, Dr. Tsiang observed, but unfor- 
tunately there had arisen a new colonial- 
ism in the form of international com- 
munism, which was more dangerous and 
sinister than the Western because it op- 
erated under the guise of aid to national- 
ism. International communism, however, 
was the most deadly enemy of national- 
ism. It was interested only in exploiting 
the national aspirations of the colonial 
peoples for its own purposes. The com- 
munists would not hesitate to overthrow 
any of the legally constituted govern- 
ments in the newly independent countries 
if it was thought the opportune moment 
had arrived. 

The Chinese were nationalists, anti- 
colonialists and anti-imperialists, and 
knew by experience that the Soviet type 
of imperialism was the worst of all, Dr. 
Tsiang continued. The Soviet Union was 
the greatest colonial power in the twen- 
tieth century. Whereas European colonial 
powers had given freedom and _ inde- 
pendence to more than 600 million peo- 
ple in 30 countries since the last war, 
the Soviet Union had increased its colo- 
nial holdings enormously since the sign- 
ing of the infamous non-aggression pact 
with Hitler on August 23, 1939. Mr. 
Khrushchev should set an example for 
the world by liquidating Soviet colo- 

The Chinese delegation believed in the 
complete elimination of colonialism. Na- 
tionalism, the most elemental force in 
the world today, could not be stopped. 
Undue delay in solving colonial questions 
would make their final solution more 
complicated, more intractable and more 
costly. Therefore, it was to be hoped 
that those African countries still under 
colonial rule would soon emerge as 
free and sovereign members of the world 

The less developed countries needed 
substantial outside capital and technical 
assistance for their economic develop- 
ment. Naturally, they looked to the 
United Nations for help. It was doubtful, 
however, whether their needs could be 
wholly met by the United Nations unless 
extraordinary efforts were made. 

Nowhere was need for economic and 

technical assistance more urgent than in 
newly emergent Africa. The Chinese dele- 
gation applauded President Eisenhower's 
program for aid to Africa and supported 
the policy of channeling all assistance to 
the African countries through the United 
Nations. In the interest of world peace 
and of the African countries themselves, 
the United Nations should forestall any 
move on the part of any power or any 
bloc of powers to use economic and 
technical assistance as a form of political 
and economic penetration. 

The United Nations should make good 
use of the opportunity to assist the new 
and emergent states in building social 
and economic foundations for political 

Reviewing the progress made in recent 
years in developing the economy of 
Taiwan, Dr. Tsiang said his Govern- 
ment was willing to make the experience 
gained in the fight against poverty avail- 
able to other countries, either through the 
United Nations technical assistance pro- 
gram or on a bilateral basis. 

As to the complex question of disarma- 
ment, the Chinese delegation believed 
that disarmament was both urgent and 
feasible. While there was no harm in en- 
visaging total and complete disarmament 
as the final goal, to wrangle over the im- 
mediate abolition of all armaments was 
to become bogged down in empty talk. 
The more practicable procedure was to 
appraise honestly the various specific pro- 
posals that had been submitted. An 
agreement, even one of a minor char- 
acter, was better than no agreement at all. 
A series of minor agreements could add 
up to major gains. It was only through 
the stage-by-stage reduction of armaments 
that the final goal of complete disarma- 
ment could be achieved. 

Under the existing climate of mutual 
mistrust, it was essential that disarmament 
be inspected and controlled. Any agree- 
ment on disarmament, without being ac- 
companied by a system of controls, was 
not worth the paper it was written on. 

On the question of Tibet, Dr. Tsiang 
said that the Chinese communists had 
succeeded by ruthless suppression in 
transforming Tibet out of all recognition. 
The brutalities practiced in Tibet had 
been practiced in other parts of China 
also. The social and economic program 
of the communists in Tibet was identical 
with their program in China proper. 

The drive of the Chinese communists 
toward imperialist expansion showed an 
aggressiveness sharply at variance with 
their professions of loyalty to the “spirit 
of Bandung.” The Chinese communists 
had frankly proclaimed that war was 
inevitable. They would not hesitate to 
use war and violence to achieve their 
final victory. No country sharing com- 
mon frontiers with China was safe from 
Chinese communist aggression on one 
pretext or another. The Chinese com- 
munist régime was the greatest menace 
to international peace and security. At 
home, it had spawned a gigantic system 
of terror and torture, surveillance and 
repression, the lik> of which the world 
had never known: the whole country had 
literally become an oversized slave camp. 


The day would surely come when the 
people of China would rise in revolt 
against their oppressors. When that day 
came—and there was not the slightest 
doubt that it would—the Government of 
the Republic of China now in Taiwan 
was duty bound to come to their aid. 
“We Chinese will yet see the day of 
national liberation,” declared Dr. Tsiang 
in conclusion. 


Ahmad Ali Zabarah 
Alternate Representative to the 
United Nations 

Welcoming the 16 new member states, 
said Mr. Zabarah, was a source of par- 
ticular joy for the Arab nations, which had 
been bound to them by strong cultural 
and religious ties since the twelfth cen- 
tury. Yemen had high hopes that delega- 
tions from Algeria, Palestine, Oman, 
Kuwait and the African nations not yet 
free would soon be received in the As- 

The fourteenth session, he recalled, had 
been convened in an atmosphere of un- 
derstanding and of hope emanating from 
the Geneva conference, the Foreign Min- 
isters’ Conference and a good start to- 
ward disarmament through the Ten-Na- 
tion Committee on Disarmament. There 
had also been high hopes for solving the 
question of Algeria, when France had 
finally conceded to the Algerians the right 
to self-determination and expressed will- 
ingness to negotiate on that basis, 

That atmosphere of hope, however, 
had faded with the disintegration of the 
Ten-Nation Committee, the collapse of 
the Paris summit conference and the 
increased complexity of the situation in 
the Congo. In the Middle East, the 
international situation was discouraging. 
The Algerian war was in its sixth year, 
with no hope of an agreement based on 
self-determination; Palestine was still “un- 
der the yoke of Zionist colonialism,” 
and the refugees still destitute and dis- 
persed; the question of the “usurped 
southern part” of Yemen threatened the 
peace of the area; war still raged in 
Oman; and, above all, there was the 
life-and-death race between the two 
power blocs for thermonuclear arms and 
the domination of outer space. 

However, the Yemen delegation still 
believed that the dark clouds could be 

Speaking of disarmament, Mr. Zabarah 
urged both parties to leave the door open 
for negotiation. He stressed that in the 
atomic age the choice was negotiation 
or destruction. While complete disarma- 
ment was desirable, the initial aim should 
be partial disarmament under “a certain 
degree” of control. “But before that can 
be achieved, we must discard hate and 
distrust,” he said. “That is a funda- 
mental prerequisite for success.” 

The United Nations had made a good 
start in the Republic of the Congo, he 
felt. In response to its call, many states 
had sent military contingents, and others 
had sent food, clothing and medical sup- 
plies. That would have been an impossible 
accomplishment without the energy and 


experience of the Secretary-General and 
his aides, through whom the withdrawal 
of the Belgian troops—the first United 
Nations objective in the Congo—had 
been achieved. Only some civilian ex- 
perts remained; they should be replaced 
as soon as possible by experts from the 
Congo itself or from other African 

Unfortunately, serious impediments 
had begun to hamper the United Nations 
mission in the Congo. An internal dis- 
pute had broken out, and, with outside 
help, some provinces had seceded, hinder- 
ing the independence and unity of the 
Congo. There could be no hope of stabil- 
ity so long as foreign hands continued 
to spread seeds of discord in the dark. 

Yemen appealed to the Congolese peo- 
ple to close ranks and forget their 
hatreds and to the African countries to 
use their good offices in the Congo with 
a view to achieving stable conditions and 
to observe strict neutrality between the 
parties to the dispute. “Last, but not least, 
the forces and representatives of the 
United Nations in the Congo should be 
careful to pursue a course of absolute 
neutrality between the various commu- 
nities and parties,” he declared. 

In the Middle East, continued Mr. 
Zabarah, the sparks of a fire about to 
blaze showed through the ashes. The 
Palestine question, the main cause of 
instability in the area, was still outstand- 
ing. For 12 years Israel had refused to 
implement United Nations resolutions on 
the Palestine question. The problem of 
the Palestine refugees was still unsolved, 
and the people of Palestine still lived in 
destitution and humiliation. 

In the Middle East, continued Mr. 
addition, a problem of great concern to 
Yemen—the question of its southern re- 
gions. Although part and parcel of 
Yemen’s territory, those lands had been 
called a federation. The situation had 
led to continuous border aggressions 
against Yemen, causing grave loss of life 
and property. Yemen continued to hope 
that the problem would be solved through 
friendly negotiations. 

War still raged in Oman. The country’s 
leaders were subjected to severe restric- 
tions, and its people faced imminent dan- 
ger. The question of Oman had been 
brought before the Security Council in 
1957 to no avail, and, in view of the 
great tension in the area, the members 
of the League of Arab States had de- 
cided to bring up the question again 
during the current Assembly session. The 
military operations in Oman were a 
danger to the peace of the Middle East 
and a flagrant violation of the Charter 
and of the principles of international law. 

A closely related issue was the prob- 
lem of the Buraimi Oasis, not far from 
Oman and part of the Kingdom of Saudi 
Arabia. The Secretary-General had done 
well to send a representative to investi- 
gate conditions there, but Yemen hoped 
that he would also investigate conditions 
in Oman and bring an amicable solution 
to both problems. 

Mr. Zabarah then spoke of the prob- 
lem of Mauritania which, he said, France 
wanted to make independent in order to 
separate it from Moroccan territory, of 

which it was an integral part. France 
had recognized the fact that Mauritania 
belonged to Morocco before it had estab- 
lished its protectorate over Moroccan 
territory in 1912. 

One of Morocco’s chief concerns since 
its independence had been to consolidate 
its sovereignty over all its territory and 
to recover Mauritania; an agreement 
had been made with France under which 
Morocco would reserve its right to nego- 
tiate the question of its borders. More- 
over, the inhabitants of the region in- 
sisted on being returned to Morocco. 
their homeland, he said. 

Mr. Zabarah, after dwelling on the 
loss of life and property on both sides 
incurred in the six years of the Algerian 
war, said that France’s willingness to 
negotiate on the basis of self-determina- 
tion had been a ray of hope. The AI- 
gerian Government had accepted France’s 
offer of negotiation and sent a delega- 
tion to France for the purpose. How- 
ever, it had developed that negotiations 
would not be held in a free atmosphere. 
Restrictions were imposed which the Al- 
gerians had been unable to accept, since 
negotiations held under such circum- 
stances offered no hope of success. 

The Algerians had, however, left the 
door open for future negotiations. Later, 
they had proposed a plebiscite in Algeria 
under United Nations auspices to deter- 
mine the country’s future. 

At each of the three most recent As- 
sembly sessions, said Mr. Zabarah, 
France had brought out a “new trick.” 
Once it was a law on an Algerian 
plebiscite; another time, an offer of a 
“Peace of the Brave”; and last year, 
self-determination. Each time the United 
Nations had formulated moderate resolu- 
tions in response to the wishes of mem- 
ber states that the door be left open 
between the two parties. In 1959 the 
“trick of self-determination” was so effec- 
tive that the draft resolution on Algeria 
failed to muster the necessary two-thirds 

The United Nations should agree on 
a resolution on Algeria that would place 
matters in a proper perspective, without 
ambiguity or suspicion. The time had 
come for the United Nations to assume 
its responsibility in this serious matter, 
Mr. Zabarah urged. 

The United Nations would be able to 
face the serious problems of the arms 
race, the Congo, the Algerian war, 
Palestine and the rest if members, real- 
izing the dangers which those outstanding 
problems posed for the human race in 
general, would set aside competition and 
disagreement, debating with wisdom 
rather than in a spirit of conflict and 
indifference. That was the only way to 
ensure peace for their children and 
grandchildren, Mr. Zabarah concluded. 


Sekou Touré 
President Touré spoke of the change 
in the international climate since the 
fourteenth session of the Assembly and 

UNR—December 1960 

of the waning hopes of humanity. But, 
he said, the fifteenth session could still 
be an historical chance for humanity if 
the debates could be raised “beyond our 
egotistical interests and if we can show 
mutual understanding and a wish to leave 
aside all prejudice and suspicion.” 

In Africa, he said, the struggles of 
peoples for freedom had acquired an 
accelerated rhythm, and he warned that 
the continent was no longer a source of 
booty and “a bone of contention.” Africa 
was now becoming “simply itself.” 

Until false ideas of discrimination on 
a racial or chauvinistic basis were put 
aside, it would not be possible to settle 
the fundamental problems concerning 
peace and the stability of the world. All 
peoples wished directly and freely to 
express their views in full sovereignty; to 
try to stop that would only bring chaos. 

Mr. Touré referred to the “ghastly 
massacre” at Sharpville in March 1960 
and declared that international opinion 
had reacted to condemn the insane laws 
of the racist government of Pretoria. 
Portugal, also, he alleged, advocated 
maintaining Africa in a state of submis- 
sion. The situation created in the Congo 
on the heels of Belgian aggression 
threatened peace and security throughout 
the world. 

In Central and Eastern Africa, he said, 
colonialism was “beginning a new home,” 
and economic exploitation continued in 
all sorts of disguises. By subtle maneuvers 
and under the guise of economic agree- 
ments, the imperialist powers were pool- 
ing their resources and coordinating their 
efforts for the building of military bases 
which were indispensable for exploiting 
the immense resources they saw. 

However, he emphasized, it must be 
recognized that national independence 
presupposed not only political liberation 
but total economic freedom. Despite all 
the humanitarian speeches, no colonized 
country had yet achieved a social level 
comparable to that considered as the 
lowest level in Europe. 

Nevertheless, the idea of an African 
common market was making headway, 
and it was now conceded that an eco- 
nomic entity must be created with a 
purely African character in order to 
safeguard the interests of the people. 
The false colonial concept of the impos- 
sibility of industrializing Africa must be 

President Touré criticized the “negative 
action” taken by the United Nations in 
the Congo. If at the moment of Belgian 
aggression the new young republic could 
have defended itself, it would not have 
called on the United Nations. He argued 
that Premier Lumumba’s Government 
was the legally elected government of 
the Congo, and since an appeal for help 
had been made to the United Nations, 
it was surely the duty of the United 
Nations to defend the position of the 
legitimate government. How could the 
United Nations declare that it would 
not take any position in the internal 
affairs of the Congo which were char- 
acterized by foreign aggression, the very 
justification for the Organization’s inter- 

He felt it timely to make an appeal to 

UNR—December 1960 

all peoples and nations that their joint 
efforts should give back to the United 
Nations a role of justice to assist all 
peoples, without taking into account the 
degree of their material or military 
power. Guinea considered the United 
Nations the crucible of society and of the 
universal conscience. 

Speaking of representation of the 
Congo in the United Nations, President 
Touré said that Guinea “insisted” that 
the representatives of the Central Gov- 
ernment be accredited immediately. He 
therefore submitted a draft resolution by 
which the Assembly would decide to 
seat representatives of the Central Gov- 
ernment of the Republic of the Congo 
(Leopoldville) immediately. What was 
being threatened in the Congo, he added, 
was the moral prestige of the United 
Nations, and it was necessary to choose 
between the greater interests of Africa 
and the interests of the colonialist ex- 

Importance in International Affairs 

He spoke of the importance that the 
African continent had assumed in inter- 
national affairs and said that in the 
light of that it became obvious that 
African representation in the United 
Nations now was far from corresponding 
to reality. Today Africa was represented 
by 27 members, more than a quarter of 
the total membership of the Organiza- 
tion. In view of the real contribution to 
the maintenance of peace made by the 
African nations and in order to take into 
account an equitable geographical dis- 
tribution, the Security Council, the Trus- 
teeship Council—which should disappear 
at the time that colonialism and trust 
territories disappeared — the Economic 
and Social Council, the Secretariat and 
other subsidiary organs should have 
larger African representation. 

Speaking of the office of the Secretary- 
General, President Touré said it was not 
Guinea’s idea to have three Secretaries- 
General, but only one. But he would 
like to make a suggestion which seemed 
to take very broadly into account the 
concern of the Soviet Union: that three 
deputy Secretaries-General be appointed 
“according to the proposals of the three 
political trends in the United Nations.” 
Thus, implementation of resolutions of 
the General Assembly would be more in 
keeping with the political realities, since 
each deputy would be a direct collabora- 
tor of the Secretary-General and respon- 
sible for both coordination and the geo- 
graphic tones proposed. 

He also declared that it was time that 
a great injustice was rectified—the refusal 
of the United Nations to give the Peo- 
ple’s Republic of China its place within 
the international community. There was 
no more direct way of undermining the 
United Nations than by converting it 
into a house where much was spoken of 
equality and peace but where a certain 
exclusiveness was maintained and justice 
to one part of the world refused. 

Disarmament, he observed, was of pri- 
mary concern to the African continent, 
where the young states needed peace in 
order to face the many problems con- 
fronting them. They could not but de- 

plore the overwhelming war and military 
budgets and the existence of military 
bases in foreign territories, all of which, 
far from protecting anyone, unnecessarily 
increased the dangers of war. Nuclear 
tests recently repeated in the Sahara ob- 
viously ran counter to any desire for 
disarmament and clearly had not changed 
power relations in the world. 

On Algeria, Guinea thought that a just 
solution must be found and that the 
United Nations must, therefore, guarantee 
the organization of free elections and the 
setting up of a democratic government. 

Regarding economic assistance, Presi- 
dent Touré alleged that the new African 
states were having economic agreements 
proposed “which are nothing other 
than revised colonialist pacts.” But 
Africa was not going to be deceived. 
“Our people,” he added, “have engaged 
in a fight for national edification in 
accordance with its aspirations.” Against 
this, he alleged, the imperialists had set 
up a huge plot, the purpose of which 
was the recolonization of Guinea. Cer- 
tain embassies at Conakry, he said, had 
given their support to the internal organi- 
zation of that plot. Fortunately all the 
plotters were expelled within 48 hours. 
Inquiries conducted by Senegal and the 
Guinean police on the origin of the arms, 
which had been placed clandestinely 
along Guinea’s frontiers, had demon- 
strated the responsibility of certain offi- 
cers of the French army stationed at 
Dakar, he said. 

President Touré also said that “in the 
so-called Portuguese Guinea” colonialists 
were feverishly setting up military instal- 
lations. “But,” he added, “our people 
have other things to do.” And he went 
on to explain in detail the administrative 
and economic structures being set up in 
his country, which, thanks to the assist- 
ance of friendly countries, would be 
able to invest, in three years, capital equal 
to the investments of 60 years of the 
colonial régime. 

Finally President Touré spoke of the 
necessity for this session to pronounce 
itself clearly in favor of the immediate 
and complete elimination of the colonial 
régime in all its forms, and he presented 
nine suggestions for the Assembly’s work: 
general and complete disarmament was 
essential for stability and peace, and 
greater importance could not be given 
to the question of control than to agree- 
ment on a disarmament plan; there 
should be a “solemn proclamation” for 
immediate cessation of the colonial sys- 
stem and the trusteeship system; the 
Government of the Republic of the 
Congo, headed by Patrice Lumumba, 
should be authorized to take a seat in 
the General Assembly immediately; 
Cuinea supported President Nkrumah’s 
proposal concerning the increase in the 
responsibility of the Afro-Asian group, 
within the framework of the United Na- 
tions military and civilian action in the 
Congo; the United Nations should “truly 
and frankly” assist the legitimate Gov- 
ernment of the Congo; there should be 
a referendum in Algeria, followed by 
democratic elections, under United Na- 
tions control; People’s China should be 
given its rightful seat in the United Na- 


tions; the United Nations should recog- 
nize the legitimate rights of the Arab 
people of Palestine by seeing to it that 
resolutions already adopted were strictly 
implemented; and, finally, there should 
be fair representation of the peoples of 
Africa and Asia through a modification 
of the structure of the international 


Dato’ Nik Ahmed Kamil 
Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations 

This was no ordinary session, declared 
Mr. Kamil, for rarely had the Assem- 
bly faced so many problems of such 
great magnitude. Events since the 1959 
session had not justified the hopes then 
felt. He recalled the failure of the sum- 
mit meeting, the foundering of negotia- 
tions on disarmament and the recent 
events in the Congo and said that all 
mankind was looking to the Assembly 
now to weather out cold-war acrimony 
and pave the way for the renewal of 
negotiation leading toward a secure and 
lasting peace. 

Against the dark clouds, he continued, 
there was the happy event of the ad- 
mission of new countries, bringing United 
Nations membership to 99 states. Un- 
fortunately, the increase in membership 
had not been matched by increases in 
the membership of major organs, in par- 
ticular, the Security Council and the 
Economic and Social Council. That was 
a problem requiring urgent consideration, 
he said. 

By its action in the Congo, the United 
Nations had demonstrated its efficacy in 
averting what might have become an 
international crisis and national chaos 
in the heart of Africa. The response of 
the United Nations to the Congolese ap- 
peal for assistance would go down in 
the annals of the Organization as one 
of the most important and praiseworthy 
tasks ever undertaken. Although the situ- 
ation in the Congo was still far from 
stable, the United Nations had managed 
to contain the crisis. As a contributor 
to the United Nations Force in the 
Congo, his country fully subscribed to 
the philosophy of the operation, which 
was to safeguard and defend the sover- 
eignty and territorial integrity of the 
Congo. The young republic must not be 
exposed to the “crossfire of big-power 
politics and the furious storm of the cold 

Mr. Kamil paid tribute to the Secre- 
tary-General for his untiring and deter- 
mined efforts in discharging the mandate 
given to him by the United Nations. 
The Maiayan Government deeply re- 
gretted the unjustified accusations made 
against the Secretary-General, for it felt 
that, apart from their error and distor- 
tion, they tended to hinder the United 
Nations operation in the Congo and to 
undermine the authority and prestige of 
the Organization. 

Referring to his country’s unwavering 
faith in the United Nations, Mr. Kamil 
said it viewed with grave concern any 


attempt at discrimination among peoples 
on the grounds of color, race or creed. 
The apartheid policy of South Africa was 
a case in point: apartheid had now be- 
come an international issue, and its con- 
tinuance would give rise to mounting 
tension and could result in a threat to 
international peace. It was profoundly 
regrettable that the Union Government 
had not heeded the world’s concern. 
Malaya, in order to give more con- 
crete expression of its own concern, had 
prohibited the import of goods of South 
African origin as from August 1, 1960, 
and would maintain that stand until the 
South African Government gave sufficient 
indication of its intention to tackle the 
problem in a manner consistent with the 
humanitarian principles of the Charter. 

Mr. Kamil then dealt with the “mali- 
cious acts of suppression of Tibetans” 
by the communists. It was disconcerting 
to note, he said, that that suppression 
had not abated, despite the Assembly’s 
1959 resolution on the subject. Jointly 
with Thailand, his country had requested 
the inscription of the item on the agenda 
of this session, as the members must 
again address themselves to the question. 

Mr. Kamil declared that, as one of the 
small nations recently emerged from colo- 
nial rule, Malaya was irrevocably and 
resolutely opposed to all forms of colo- 
nialism and imperialism. While many 
new nations had freed themselves from 
colonial bonds, millions of people were 
still shackled by the “rusty chains of 
dying colonialism,” and millions more 
had fallen victims to a new and more 
sinister form of dominion—that of world 
communism. Dedicated to the cause of 
national liberation anywhere in the world 
and believing that any attempt to per- 
petuate colonialism was inconsistent with 
the trend of the times as well as with 
the Charter, his delegation believed that 
the situation in West Irian should be 
rectified by an amicable solution among 
all parties concerned. 

As regards Algeria, the Malayan dele- 
gation felt that the basic principle of 
self-determination must be allowed to 
operate. The situation in Algeria, where 
a senseless war persisted with ruthless 
brutality, was a cause of alarm and 
concern. He hoped that the Assembly’s 
discussion might reveal some way of 
solving the problem, based on Algeria’s 
rightful claim to self-determination. 

Mr. Kamil then turned to the impor- 
tant question of disarmament. His dele- 
gation had been profoundly concerned 
at the failure of the Geneva talks, but 
it was more concerned with the subse- 
quent exchange of bitter blames and 
counter-blames. The Assembly forum 
must be used, he said, for reasoned dis- 
cussion. Though mainly the responsibil- 
ity of the major powers, disarmament, 
involving the question of survival or 
total annihilation, was of paramount 
concern to all mankind. 

His delegation was convinced that a 
workable program for the reduction of 
armaments was possible if simultaneously 
carried out and consistent with the 
security of every nation. “It is our firm 
conviction,” he observed, “that disarma- 

ment should be the net result of an 
effective system of international security, 
cooperation and trust, not the basis.” 

Another responsibility of the United 
Nations was to assist the economic and 
social development of member countries, 
especially the less fortunate ones, where 
the struggle for food, shelter and cloth- 
ing was often a struggle for survival. 
Conditions of peace and stability had to 
prevail, however, if social and economic 
progress was to be made. 

Mr. Kamil also spoke of the impor- 
tance for underdeveloped countries — 
which, like Malaya, are dependent on 
the earnings of primary commodities— 
to have international agreements aimed at 
stabilizing prices of such primary com- 
modities. He recalled with satisfaction 
the new tin agreement reached at the 
recent conference sponsored by the 
United Nations and designed to minimize 
fluctuations in the price of tin. He 
looked forward to similar stabilizing 
measures with regard to rubber, follow- 
ing the recent meeting of the Interna- 
tional Rubber Study Group. 

The task facing the underdeveloped 
countries to close the gap between their 
underdevelopment and their objective of 
economic and social contentment was 
even more difficult because of recent 
staggering technological and _ scientific 
achievements; but it had to be tackled, 
both by the individual countries and by 
international cooperation, he said. To 
a large measure, the peace of the world 
would depend on the success in closing 
the gap. That was one of the reasons 
why the smaller nations attached such 
great importance to this session of the 
Assembly, where grave issues of war or 
peace, of total annihilation or survival, 
of oppression or freedom, were at stake. 


Mongi Slim 
Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations 

The admission of the new member 
states to the United Nations had brought 
the Organization closer to universality. 
Their determination to obtain genuine 
emancipation and social and economic 
liberation would stress the paramount 
need for decolonization. 

The United Nations, Mr. Slim added, 
was being subjected to disquieting pro- 
posals for a reappraisal, not only with 
regard to its geographical location, but 
of its administrative structure and means 
of action, which affected the very sig- 
nificance of the Organization and the 
guiding principles of the Charter govern- 
ing its activities. The United Nations, 
heretofore a supra-national body in which 
conflicting interests between nations 
could be attenuated if not resolved, rested 
on the fundamental principles of the 
equality of all nations, whether great or 
small, weak or powerful. Recently, how- 
ever, there had arisen a clear lack of 
tolerance, a narrow, regionalist and paf- 
tisan approach, which supplanted any 
general approach, bearing in mind the 
long-term, general interests of human s0- 

UNR—December 1960 

aa 3s<5 






ciety. The United Nations was in a moral 

The small countries of Africa and 
Asia were being pressed to embrace 
various dogmas, to forsake their new- 
found freedom and leave the determina- 
tion of their own position on interna- 
tional problems to others and to become 
members of a third bloc, an African or 
Afro-Asian bloc. Their faithful support 
of democratic principles made them re- 
luctant, however, to espouse the very 
principle of a power bloc. They were 
firmly attached to a policy of non-align- 
ment. It seemed more realistic and more 
in line with peaceful and free coexistence 
among nations to stick to that position 
of non-alignment and to judge each issue 
on its merits and from the point of view 
of law and justice. 

To regard the division of the world 
into blocs of nations as final would in- 
volve the end of coexistence and amount 
to a kind of collective suicide. Opposed 
to the division of the United Nations 
into three official or institutional blocs, 
the Tunisian delegation was even less 
prepared to agree to splitting the United 
Nations executive by establishing a tri- 

The veto right over decisions of the 
Security Council was repugnant to 
the majority of member states, for it 
impaired the principle of the equality of 
all states and conferred on a few the 
power to frustrate the will of the many. 
The majority of member sstates still 
hoped that the veto could be replaced by 
a more democratic system. 

To seek to transform the Secretariat 
into an organ which would also have a 
type of veto over the decisions of the 
Organization would without doubt ren- 
der the actions of the United Nations 
ineffectual. One could easily agree that it 
was to some extent necessary to think in 
terms of adapting the Organization to 
the new situation created by the admis- 
sion of a great number of new states 
and the increased diversity of the prob- 
lems before it; but it should be left 
to the committee on the revision of the 
Charter to make adjustments. In no 
way, however, could the proposed radical 
changes be justified, for they would 
paralyze the normal operation of the 

Small states like Tunisia were inter- 
ested in having an effective international 
organization, particularly in view of the 
need to meet the problems involved in 
achieving independence for Algeria and 
other territories in Africa and the world, 
and in economic development. 

Tunisia regarded the Algerian conflict, 
which was about to enter its seventh 
year, as most prejudicial to relations 
between North Africa, France and the 
rest of the world. It deeply regretted the 
lack of progress in settling the question 
since the last Assembly session, despite 
the agreement in principle reached be- 
tween the French and the Algerians on 
the need to allow the Algerian people 
freely to determine their own future by 
means of a genuine consultation of the 

The French Government, however, 
now again seemed to think that the 
Algerian people should lay down their 

UNR—December 1960 

arms and accept the status which France 
might be kind enough to confer on them 
—an attitude which was a flagrant viola- 
tion of the Charter, for it gave priority 
to might over right and rejected negotia- 
tions in favor of decisions reached by 
force of arms. 

The Tunisian Government had de- 
cided to give their Algerian brothers un- 
ambiguous and complete support, regard- 
less of the political hue of the assistance 
which might be given to them to bring 
about an end to the war. 

The United Nations must help both 
parties find an honorable and fair solu- 
tion through a sincere referendum, car- 
ried out under the aegis of the United 
Nations. No other solution was possible, 
as the door to any bilateral talks seemed 
to have been firmly closed. 

In Palestine, too, said Mr. Slim, might 
had supplanted right. A people had been 
compelled to leave its fatherland. Hun- 
dreds of thousands of human beings who 
had been living in honor and dignity 
had been reduced to the condition of 
stateless masses, surviving only through 
assistance from the United Nations. Tu- 
nisia, which was not a racist country 
and had never confused Judaism and 
Zionism, condemned anti-semitism, which 
had been invoked to justify the expul- 
sion of the Arab people from its home- 

As to the crisis in the Congo, that 
seemed to have been engendered pri- 
marily by the rather exceptional diffi- 
culties encountered when it ceased to be 
a colony. Belgium must assume the 
heavy responsibility for having all too 
long been remiss in the training of 
cadres in the Congo in preparation for 
the young African republic to move on 
to a future of stability, peace and con- 

The role of Belgian agents and nation- 
als in jeopardizing peace and stability in 
the Congo could not be minimized. It 
was particularly difficult to deny the 
action undertaken by groups of interests 
in the attempted secession of the Prov- 
inces of Katanga and Kasai. It was 
possible, however, that official Belgium 
was practising a policy which was sab- 
otaged by some of its executors in the 
Congo, by high-ranking officials, officers 
in civilian clothes and representatives of 
economic interests who had remained 
active in the Congo. But the direct and 
indirect responsibility, official or con- 
cealed, on the part of Belgium was “fla- 

What lent special value to the experi- 
ence of the United Nations in the Con- 
go was that it marked the first time that 
a young state, faced with a dramatic 
situation which might cost it the loss of 
its independence, had appealed to the 
moral conscience of the United Nations 
and had received civil and military as- 
sistance from it rapidly and efficiently. 

Thanks to the United Nations, the 
Congo had obtained the evacuation of 
military occupation troops, something 
which Tunisia could only in part achieve 
after five years of independence. Today, 
a substantial sector of the Tunisian port 
system and facilities still remained in 
French hands, despite the will of the 
Tunisian Government, despite the Se- 

curity Council, and despite the interven- 
tion and good offices action by friendly 

Total success with the Congolese ex- 
perience could be a precedent for the 
peaceful solution of the problems of 
decolonization. The experiment would 
have far-reaching significance if, thanks 
to concerted action through the United 
Nations, the economic improvement, if 
not the economic liberation, of a for- 
mer colony followed so closely its po- 
litical emancipation. 

Tunisia deeply regretted the attempts 
to exploit the Congolese situation for 
cold-war purposes. The action of the 
United Nations in the Congo was in 
conformity with the decisions of the 
Security Council. Tribute should be paid 
to the Secretary-General, charged with 
the implementation of the Council’s de- 
cisions, and to his representatives for 
their untiring devotion in carrying out 
that action of peace and international 
solidarity in a purely impartial spirit. 
The debates in the Security Council and 
in the General Assembly had shown the 
need for action in the Congo to be 
truly neutral and disinterested. 

Tunisia’s own experience showed that 
political liberation might sometimes be 
only a stage on the path of true eman- 
cipation. The experience of the Congo 
had also indicated the administrative, 
political, military, economic and social 
aspects of the problem of decoloniza- 

On the question of international tech- 
nical and economic aid to underdevel- 
oped countries, Mr. Slim said such as- 
sistance was a duty to the extent that it 
was recognized that underdevelopment 
was mainly the result of colonial expan- 
sion. Supplementing the efforts of the 
newly independent countries themselves, 
such aid brought out the full significance 
of the problem of decolonization by 
opening the path to a rapid restoration 
of their economic and social struc- 

The need for peace was the primary 
world need today. There was an urgent 
need for finding the best possible formula 
for bringing about general and complete 
disarmament, including both nuclear and 
conventional weapons and accompanied 
by an efficient system of control of a 
nature such as to bring about the re- 
birth of mutual confidence. It was also 
necessary to find a practical and agreed 
solution for preventing surprise attacks 
and for the cessation of nuclear tests for 
military purposes. 

U Thant 
Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations 

U Thant considered that the main 
obstacle to world peace was the divi- 
sion of the world into two hostile ideo- 
logical camps, “each suspicious and fear- 
ful of the other and both scrambling to 
entice new recruits into their respective 
ranks.” tae 

Under such conditions, an alignment 
with either power bloc would be a griev- 


ous disservice to the cause of peace. 
Peace, however, could not be achieved 
through passive neutralism. Burma had 
pursued a policy of strict but active 
neutrality without aiming to group to- 
gether neutral or unaligned states; for 
that would mean splitting further an 
already divided world. 

Commenting on the small results 
which disarmament negotiations had 
yielded so far, and their disruption since 
the collapse of the summit conference, 
the Burmese representative said that the 
Soviet Union and its allies blamed the 
collapse entirely on the United States 
U-2 flight over Soviet territory, while 
the United States and its allies held that 
the Soviet Union had no intention of 
letting the summit conference succeed 
and used the U-2 overflight as an 
excuse. He quoted Prime Minister U Nu 
as having told the Chamber of Deputies 
of Burma last September 22 that, while 
the U-2 flight was a violation of inter- 
national law and the American justifica- 
tion for the flight was “new and to us 
unconvincing,” the U-2 flight, “in our 
view, did not justify calling off the sum- 
mit conference.” He added that Burma 
associated itself with the resolution of 
the United Nations Disarmament Com- 
mission calling on all concerned to re- 
sume negotiations on general and com- 
plete disarmament. 

Saying that agreement had _ been 
reached on several aspects of nuclear 
weapons test controls, U Thant held that 
every effort should be made in and out- 
side the United Nations to pursue the 
progress achieved. Willingness to accept 
the other side’s good faith was as great 
a stride toward peace as a signed treaty. 
He regarded a ban on testing an essen- 
tial preliminary to a disarmament agree- 
ment as it would halt the arms race. 

Although at one time the problem 
could be framed in terms of the nuclear 
powers getting rid of their nuclear 
weapons, he said, it was now becoming 
a question of preventing potential nu- 
clear powers from manufacturing nu- 
clear weapons at all. 

The People’s Republic of China was 
now the most important such power 
which, in the absence of political agree- 
ments, was almost certain to have its 
own bomb within two years even without 
outside help. In the light of that fact, the 
General Assembly’s refusal on October 
8 even to include on its agenda an item 
on the representation of China at the 
United Nations was a demonstration of 
inability to read the signs of the times 
and of refusal to face realities. 

Modern diplomacy, U Thant went on 
to say, was in most cases a series of 
conditioned reflexes, with the West cer- 
tain to denounce whatever proposals 
came from Moscow or Peking as propa- 
ganda and often the other way around. 
That was true of the abrupt Western 
dismissal of Premier Chou En-lai’s pro- 
posal of last July for a peace pact that 
would clear Asia and the Pacific of 
nuclear weapons. Pointing out that the 
Latin Americans were anxious to main- 
tain peace in their region, that the 
Africans wanted to keep their region 
free from big-power rivalries, and that 
most Asians welcomed any move from 


any quarter to keep Asia free from 
military entanglements, he suggested that 
Premier Chou En-lai’s statement de- 
served close attention. The latter had 
said that a peace zone free from atomic 
weapons must be created in the Far East 
and in the whole Pacific area. 

Questioning China’s sincerity would 
be poiniless, he said. The word sincerity 
long having been dropped from the vo- 
cabulary of diplomacy, a more reliable 
criterion would be whether the proposal 
would serve China’s long-range inter- 
ests: the best way for the West to find 
out whether Premier Chou En-lai was 
indulging in mere propaganda was to 
take his proposals at face value and to 
open discussions. 

Speaking of Algeria, U Thant com- 
mented on the difference between the 
treatment given Algeria and that given the 
17 French territories which had recently 
chosen to become part of the French 
community. Stressing the great danger 
that other nations might be sucked into 
the Algerian war, he said that President 
de Gaulle would either offer proper ne- 
gotiations for self-determination or the 
war would be intensified, with more and 
more of Africa drawn into it. “No Afri- 
can Government, however much it may 
desire good relations with France, will 
be able to maintain even official neu- 
trality much longer,” he stated. 

President de Gaulle wanted negotia- 
tions only on the issue of a cease-fire 
and envisaged self-determination as elec- 
tions supervised by French armed forces, 
U Thant declared. The Algerian nation- 
alists, after six years of revolution against 
the French, would never agree to vote 
under the sole control of the French 
army. The only way out of the deadlock 
would seem to be to implement the prin- 
ciple of self-determination through in- 
ternational action. However, he ex- 
pressed the hope that the two parties 
would enter into pourparlers, as pro- 
posed by the United Nations, before any 
internationally supervised referendum 
was envisaged. 

In his discussion of events in the Con- 
go, U Thant called United Nations opera- 
tions there “a test case for the Organiza- 
tion.” Should the United Nations fail to 
make headway in its primary task of 
restoring law and order to the young 
republic, then it might become as im- 
potent as the League of Nations. The 
Congo operations must not be allowed 
to break down, he asserted. 

The terms given the Secretary-Gen- 
eral by the Security Council had been 
fulfilled, and Burma’s delegation had 
every confidence that he had sincerely 
and efficiently discharged the functions 
assigned him. Pointing out that the 
Secretary-General had referred disputes 
over his mandate in the Congo back to 
the Security Council, U Thant expressed 
Burma’s satisfaction that all his author- 
ity was based solely on the decisions of 
the Council. In the circumstances, Bur- 
ma saw no need to modify the Secre- 
tary-General’s office or his functions or 
to reorganize the Secretariat. Any such 
course, he said, would not only retard 
the efficiency of United Nations opera- 
tions but would be certain to weaken 
the Organization itself. 

“The world has never so desperately 
needed an organization whose existence 
expresses not a Utopian fantasy but 
the biggest international reality of all,” 
he added. “It symbolizes humanity’s col- 
lective need for peace for the sake of 
survival, a need which overrides the 
national or ideological interests of any 
member state.” 

The Congo question marked the start 
of a new phase in the evolution of the 
United Nations, U Thant said. “It is 
our fervent hope that it will emerge as 
the world’s indispensable agency to pour 
oil on troubled waters.” He added that 
while the world was entering a period of 
acute crisis, perhaps the most hopeful sign 
was that all significant campaigns in- 
volved in the cold war were being 
“fought out” in the United Nations. 


Mrs. Golda Meir 
Minister for Foreign Affairs 

Mrs. Meir regarded the admission of 16 
new members into the United Nations 
as a revolutionary event in human his- 
tory. Those members represented millions 
of people who, for the first time, were 
experiencing sovereignty and freedom 
in the modern world. Nothing was so 
debasing as national dependence and 
inequality—nothing so exhilarating as 
national independence and equality. Even 
the best foreign rule could not take the 
place of self-rule, she said. 

Mrs. Meir warned, however, of two 
dangers facing the emerging countries— 
lingering in the past and believing that 
political independence would automati- 
cally provide solutions for all problems. 
It was natural that many new peoples 
should have unhappy and, in some cases, 
bitter memories and that many should 
feel a sense of grievance against their 
former rulers and should view their pres- 
ent plight as a legacy of the past. But a 
people could not live only by brooding 
over the past; it must invest all its 
energy and ability in the future. 

Independence was not only a culmina- 
tion of ardent dreams and aspirations; it 
was also an overwhelming challenge, for 
there were now innumerable problems 
and dangers to be faced. 

The new countries had gained their 
independence in an era of man’s greatest 
achievements. In parts of the world the 
standard of living and development had 
reached fantastic heights. 

“We should not be told to go slow 
in our development, or that the advances 
of the déveloped countries have taken 
generations and centuries to attain,” Mrs. 
Meir declared. “We cannot wait. We 
must develop quickly. Our freedom will 
be complete only when we have learned 
to bring forth from our own soil the 
food that we need. The cry that goes 
out from Africa today is: ‘Share with us 
not only food, but also your knowledge 
of how to produce it.’” 

The United Nations and its allied 
organs were devoting even more attention 
to those crucial problems, she continued. 
The urgent demands of the newly inde- 
pendent nations, in particular, made it 

UNR—December 1960 

a 22 2 = 



— S 7 i wr 


imperative to increase the resources at 
the disposal of the United Nations for 
the purpose of assistance. While science 
and technology could provide the keys 
of knowledge, a major part of the capital 
for development must still be provided 
from outside sources. 

What was required was an initial in- 
jection of development capital on so mas- 
sive a scale that it could put into motion 
self-perpetuating local forces of eco- 
nomic growth. It was ironic that the 
most spectacular expansion and the most 
rapid rise in the standards of life were 
taking place not in the backward but 
in the advanced countries: the gap was 
widening daily instead of narrowing. 

Turning to the situation in the Congo, 
Mrs. Meir said Israel’s position was that 
the Congo was for the Congolese. The 
Congolese people alone had the right to 
decide under what type of constitution 
they wished to live. Nobody who was 
sincerely a friend of the African peoples 
wanted to gain any political or economic 
advantage at their expense; only their 
enemies could wish to bring the African 
continent within the orbit of the “cold 
war.” Only the United Nations should 
be entrusted with the task of assisting 
the Congolese people to solve their intri- 
cate and tragic problems. 

With regard to the “fateful debate on 
disarmament,” Israel found one encourag- 
ing aspect: the general admission that in 
a world war nobody could now win. 
That might be a basis for the hope that 
no side would wilfully begin a war. But 
a war caused by miscalculation in the 
atomic age could destroy all mankind, 
and it would matter little what the post- 
mortem findings might be. Could not the 
powers concerned agree to the assump- 
tion that all wanted peace and disarma- 
ment, and then accept Prime Minister 
Macmillan’s practical suggestion for a 
technical study? Israel respectfully made 
one further suggestion: give the tech- 
nicians a limited time—say, three or six 
months—and during that time let the 
powers agree to a complete moratorium 
in the cold war, in words and deeds. 
Give the technicians, or rather the world, 
a fair chance, Mrs. Meir urged. 

Israel was committed to a policy of 
disarmament; not only was it so com- 
mitted generally, but it had also adopted 
a specific policy in that field. One of the 
planks in the Government’s program, as 
approved by Parliament, was complete 
disarmament of Israel and the Arab states 
under mutual inspection and control. 

Mrs. Meir said her delegation had 
listened attentively to the principles of 
peace, negotiation and the preservation 
of the United Nations Charter as pro- 
fessed from the Assembly rostrum by 
the President of the United Arab Repub- 
lic. Israel accepted those praiseworthy 
principles. She now asked the President 
of the United Arab Republic: Was he 
Prepared to do as he advised President 
Eisenhower and Chairman Khrushchev to 
do, namely, to meet and negotiate? Was 
he prepared to meet Mr. Ben-Gurion, the 
Prime Minister of Israel, for negotiation 
of peace, or at least an agreement on 
non-aggression? Israel put the same ques- 
tion to all the other Arab leaders. Israel’s 

UNR—December 1960 

Prime Minister was prepared for such a 
meeting without any preconditions, im- 
mediately, “here or at any other place 
proposed to him.” 

Israel welcomed the plea by the Presi- 
dent of Ghana for the recognition of the 
political realities in the Middle East and 
was willing to accept his suggestion for 
finding means to make it “impossible 
either for Israel to attack any of the 
Arab states, or for the Arab states to 
attack Israel.” 

A number of Arab spokesmen had 
attacked Israel during the debate and had 
tried to rewrite the history of the events 
which attended its birth, Mrs. Meir said. 
The President of the United Arab Re- 
public had spoken of an error in the 
Middle East that should be corrected. 
Referring to Israel in a speech before 
the Executive of the National Union at 
Damietta on May 8, 1960, President 
Nasser had said: “We hereby proclaim 
our determination to retrieve our rights 
by the force of our arms.” 

Mrs. Meir asked: “Is this according 
to the United Nations Charter? Is this 
in accordance with his call for peace? Is 
economic boycott, as practiced by the 
United Arab Republic against Israel, in 
keeping with the Charter and with lofty 
pronouncements of peace on earth?” 

In 1947, when the United Nations took 
its decision on the establishment of the 
Jewish state, it was the Jews who had 
called on the Arab population in the 
country and on the Arab states to im- 
plement that decision in peace with them. 
Instead, on May 15, 1948, seven Arab 
armies had marched across their borders, 
to “correct the error” of the United Na- 
tions, with the proclaimed purpose of 
destroying the resolution by force of 
arms and of wiping out the cities, villages 
and population. “We had to meet the in- 
vading armies virtually unarmed; the 
flower of our youth fell upon the battle- 
field defending their homes and families 
and the honor of their people,” she said. 

“We are the last people to be insensi- 
tive to the question of refugees,” Mrs. 
Meir continued. “We are the classic peo- 
ple of refugees. Over the last 12 years 
we have accepted over a million refugees 
into Israel, of whom over 500,000 came 
from Iraq, Yemen, Egypt, Syria and 
other Arab lands. Three hundred thou- 
sand Jews came from camps in Germany, 
Italy and elsewhere.” Those last were 
the unwanted people of the world: they 
had only Israel to receive them. 

On the other hand, those Arabs who 
had left the country did not go into 
strange lands, but crossed the borders 
into the same countries from which the 
invading armies had come, Mrs. Meir 
declared. They spoke the same language, 
had the same religion and were of the 
same culture. Why were they not ab- 
sorbed, as Israel absorbed its refugees? 

As to the solution of the Arab refugee 
problem, objective observers had said 
over and over again that there was only 
one factor standing in the way, and that 
was the political policy of the Arab lead- 
ers. The Arab states had not merely re- 
fused to implement the partition resolu- 
tion of 1947, but by force of arms had 
tried to annul it. The Arab aggression 

against Israel and the United Nations 
was the only reason for the existence of 
the Arab refugee problem. Ever since 
1948, Israel had called on its neighbors to 
negotiate to settle all problems at issue 
between them and to conclude a peace. 
So far, they had refused and had in- 
sisted on maintaining a state of war 
against Israel, a fellow member of the 
United Nations. Israel again called “most 
solemnly” to the leaders of the Arab 
states: “Let us sit down in a free, not pre- 
conditioned conference, to discuss peace. 
We are convinced that that is the only 
realistic approach.” ‘ 

The life of the United Nations was 
becoming more difficult, and it seemed 
there was one way only to keep the 
Organization alive and active. That was 
to live up strictly to the United Nations 
Charter. The United Nations had come 
sufficiently near the brink for all to 
behold the abyss, which was large enough 
to swallow all countries, big and small. 


On the question of a meeting between 
Israel and the Arabs, Omar Loutfi said 
the problem was not the same as a meet- 
ing between the Soviet Union and the 
United States for in that case there had 
not been a war or any armed aggression 
condemned by the Security Council and 
the General Assembly. The United Arab 
Republic’s relations with Israel were set- 
tled by the armistice convention of 
February 1949 which Israel did not even 
recognize as existing. It was unnecessary 
to recall the number of occasions on 
which Israel was condemned by the 
Security Council and the General Assem- 
bly for its numerous acts of armed 
aggression or violations of the Charter 
and of the armistice convention, includ- 
ing the massacres of Qibya, Gaza, Lake 
Tiberias and others, crowned by the 
aggression of 1956. That was certainly 
not the conduct of a peaceful govern- 
ment but rather of a bellicose, belligerent 
and aggressive state, declared Mr. Loutfi. 
The respect of the Charter to which 
Israel had referred was “pure and simple 

The United Arab Republic, for its 
part, was ready to put all those resolu- 
tions into effect. He wondered if Israel 
was ready to implement, in particular, 
a resolution dealing with the refugees. 

With regard to Israel’s charges that the 
United Arab Republic prevented the 
passage of Israeli ships and goods through 
the Suez Canal, Mr. Loutfi said Israel 
based itself on a resolution of the United 
Nations of September 1, 1951. It ap- 
peared that Israel wished to have a 
single resolution of the United Nations 
implemented while overlooking all the 
others dealing with the Palestine ques- 
tion. Moreover, the resolution of Septem- 
ber 1, 1951, was based on the existence 
of the armistice convention signed be- 
tween Egypt and Israel in February 
1949, which Israel maintained no longer 


Ahmad Shukairy, of Saudi Arabia, 
said that Mrs. Meir had contended that 


seven Arab armies had marched across 
their boundaries with the proclaimed pur- 
pose of destroying Israel, its villages, its 
cities and its population. 

It was true that there was a war in 
Palestine and the refugees were its vic- 
tims, but the war was waged by Israel, 
he said. It was a war started with terror 
by Israel in 1940 and ended in the crea- 
tion of Israel in 1948. 

Mrs. Meir had alleged that the Jewish 
armies were virtually unarmed, but the 
Anglo-American Commission sent to 
Palestine to inquire reported “the organi- 
zation of the Haganah, the Israeli mili- 
tary force, the Jewish Army, over 60,000 
strong, well armed, procuring its arms 
since a number of years.” 

That army, declared Mr. Shukairy, 
had spread terror, destruction and fire 
and had committed acts of lawlessness in 
the Holy Land. No Arab town, no Arab 
village was spared. 7 

He quoted the British Commander-in- 
Chief in the Middle East during the 
Second World War as having said that 
the Zionist forces in Palestine were di- 
rectly impeding the war efforts of Great 
Britain and assisting its enemies. 

Mrs. Meir had contended that Zionist 
military operations belonged to a history 
long past, but the truth was that that war 
of aggression culminated in the emer- 
gence of Israel, usurpation of the Arab 
homeland and the exodus of its people. 
The intervention of the Arab armies, re- 
ferred to by Mrs. Meir, was only for the 
purpose of containing a war, a nazi war 
already started by Israel. 

When the British Minister of State, 
Lord Moyne, was assassinated by the 
Zionist forces in November 1948, said 
Mr. Shukairy, Winston Churchill told the 
British House of Commons that if the 
dream of Zionism were to end in the 
smoke of assassins’ pistols, “and our 
labors for its future are to produce a 
new set of gangsters worthy of nazi 
Germany, many like myself will have to 
reconsider the position which we have 
maintained so consistently and so long 
in the past.” , 

Mr. Shukairy also quoted the historian 
Arnold Toynbee as saying: “The evil 
deeds committed by Zionist Jews against 
the Palestinian Arabs, that were com- 
parable to crimes committed against the 
Jews by the nazis, were the massacre of 
men, women and children at Deir Yas- 
sin on April 9, 1948, which precipitated 
a flight of the Arab population in large 
numbers from the district within range 
of the Jewish armed forces. . . .” That 
statement, he added, refuted the asser- 
tion of Mrs. Meir that the refugees left 
as a result of the call of Arab leaders. 

The speaker also quoted Mr. Ben- 
Gurion as having said in 1948, when the 
United Nations was discussing the vari- 
ous resolutions on Palestine, that force 
of arms, not formal resolutions, would 
determine the issue. Likewise, when the 
United Nations at Lake Success was con- 
sidering a United States plan of trustee- 
ship for Palestine instead of partition, 
Mr. Shukairy said, the Israeli Command 
addressed to the United Nations a warn- 
ing: “Our battles serve as additional 
evidence for Lake Success diplomats who 


are studying the American plan, that the 
decisive step would be taken in Palestine.” 

He could continue, but he thought that 
was sufficient to convince the Assembly 
that the charge against the Arabs was 
nothing but an Israeli fiction. 

Mrs. Meir had issued a call to the 
Arabs “to discuss peace,” but, he said, 
for the Arabs to do that would be to 
surrender to the aggressor. President 
Nasser and other Arab leaders would 
never meet Mr. Ben-Gurion to discuss 
peace. The comparison of such a meet- 
ing with an Eisenhower-Khrushchev 
meeting was blasphemous, he asserted. 
Both great men had refused such a meet- 
ing: Mr. Khrushchev had claimed an 
apology, and Mr. Eisenhower had stressed 
the release of two United States fliers. 
But Israel’s evils could not be remedied 
by an apology, and the rights of the 
whole people of Palestine could not be 
compared to the liberty of two fliers. 
Furthermore, the disagreement between 
Eisenhower and Khrushchev, with all its 
gravity, did not involve the loss of a 

However, Mr. Shukairy did not wish 
to leave the Assembly in an atmosphere 
of despair and bitterness. Peace was the 
Arabs’ goal—their dearest and most 
sacred —for Palestine was the Arabs’ 
homeland, not the Israelis’. Peace in the 
Holy Land could be realized. There were, 
he said, thousands and thousands of 
Jews clamoring to get away from Israel, 
if they were only given an exit visa. 
When the alien Jews were allowed to 
quit the country, he said, the situation 
wouid return to normal. 

ISRAEL‘S REPLY to Saudi Arabia’s Reply 

Speaking for Israel, Michael S. Comay 
said he had no intention of replying to 
the representative of Saudi Arabia. “We 
have heard these harangues for years,” 
he commented. He had asked for the 
floor only to register Israel’s sense of 
disgust that there should be on the 
records of the Assembly a comparison 
of any people, his or any other, with 
the nazis. 


Replying to statements by Mrs. Meir, 
Fouad Ammoun, of Lebanon, said the 
words of those “who do not respect what 
they have written and signed could not 
be trusted.” What had Israel done in re- 
gard to the resolutions of the United 
Nations or the Protocol of Lausanne, 
which it had signed on the eve of its 
admission to the United Nations and 
denied the very next day? One could 
negotiate only with persons whom one 
could trust. “Let them begin by respect- 
ing the Protocol of Lausanne and ap- 
plying its clauses,’ Mr. Ammoun de- 

The danger to peace in the Middle 
East did not stem from armaments, espe- 
cially the armaments of the Arab states, 
which had been used on a single occasion 
to repel the Israeli aggression against the 
Suez Canal. While the Israeli armaments 
were offensive armaments, the greatest 

danger nevertheless lay in the million 
unarmed Palestinians forced to flee from 
their homes and deprived of all posses- 
sions, whose misery was an insult to 
justice and humanity and a threat to 
order and peace. 


Foreign Minister Musa Nasir of Jor- 
dan, also in reply, declared that the 
Palestine problem was born and con- 
tinued to flourish behind a thick smoke- 
screen of clever distortions and misrep- 
resentations. The creation of a Jewish 
state in the Middle East was nothing 
but camouflaged imperialistic aggression, 
he said. Invaders from all over the 
globe had established a Jewish state in 
Palestine on the frivolous pretext that 
Jews had lived there for a very short 
period more than 2,000 years before. 
That was not only an error, but a grave 

No atrocities were ever perpetrated 
on Jews by Arabs, he said, but the nazi- 
like acts inflicted on Arabs by Jews were 
part of the injustice of which he com- 

For the benefit of members who had 
newly joined the United Nations, Mr. 
Nasir went into the history of the found- 
ing of Israel and declared that the result 
was that Jews occupied four fifths of the 
country, and one million innocent Arabs 
had been expelled from their homes and 
their country and had become refugees. 
So long as the rights and welfare of a 
million human beings were sacrificed for 
the political ends of others, no solution 
could be found to the Palestine problem, 
and no real peace could be established 
in the Middle East. 

Mr. Nasir implored the new states to 
examine that serious problem carefully 
before lending moral support to one side 
or the other. He reiterated many of the 
charges frequently voiced against Israel 
and suggested that an impartial commis- 
sion be set up to examine the conditions 
under which Arabs remaining in Israel 


Mrs. Meir declared in reply that, 
realizing how untenable their position 
was when they refused to answer a call 
for peace and negotiations, for a non- 
aggression agreement and for an armi- 
stice, the Arab states had produced a 
series of fantastic accusations against 
Israel that distorted both the ancient and 
modern history of Israel and the Israeli 
people. Allegations by the Arab represen- 
tatives about the condition of Israeli 
Arabs, which had been refuted on many 
occasions, became no truer by repetition, 
she said. Israeli Arabs enjoyed exactly 
the same political rights as Israeli Jews; 
they participated fully and actively in 
parliamentary elections and sat in the 
Israeli Parliament. Since establishment 
of the Israeli state, more had been done 
to raise the economic, social and cultural 
standards of the Arab community than 
was accomplished in past centuries. 

The only outstanding difficulty con- 
cerned certain security restrictions in 

UNR—December 1960 

wwe Ft 

are awe & FF F 

sensitive border areas, rendered neces- 
sary by the belligerent policies of neigh- 
boring Arab states. Those restrictions had 
been whittled down to a bare minimum 
consistent with the safety and defence 
of Israeli borders and would disappear 
entirely as soon as peaceful relations with 
Israel’s neighbors had been established. 

The leaders of the African countries, 
added Mrs. Meir, could be relied on to 
judge their relations with other countries 
by the behavior of those countries to- 
ward them and not by propaganda 
speeches. As long as the Arab states 
asked the African countries to cooperate 
with them only in hatred for Israel, no- 
body was going to be impressed. 


Carlet Auguste 
Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations 

The agenda of this session, said Mr. 
Auguste, was not only the most volumin- 
ous, but it involved the most important 
and complex questions which had ever 
had to be considered, and in a highly 
charged atmosphere. The fact that a 
number had been the subject of earlier 
resolutions but had returned to the 
United Nations reflected the tendency to 
depart from the spirit of San Francisco. 

Questions such as underdevelopment 
and imperialism were of long standing, 
but they had gripped man’s conscience in 
the second half of the twentieth century 
because this was not only the century of 
the atom and planetary exploration, but 
also the century of great social conquests 
and ultimate rehabilitations. 

The world had reached an important 
turning point. The call from everywhere 
was for change; for equity and social 
justice; for human dignity to be inte- 
grated into men’s social-political lives; 
for illiteracy, disease and pauperism to 
be eliminated. 

Haiti, the first Negro state to call for 
its rightful place in the world, had had to 
wait 38 years for recognition as a free 
and sovereign state, and even then for a 
long time was faced in its international 
life with “a conspiracy of silence and 
isolation.” Nevertheless, it did not hold 
this against anyone. What was important 
was to fight against bad ideas which had 
inherent in them selfishness and error. 

He hoped that there were signs that 
man not only had tried to reduce dis- 
tances and to improve his material life, 
but, under pressures that nothing could 
stop, had awakened to his own social 

Mr. Auguste cited as a great contradic- 
tion the fact that those who spoke most 
of peace also threatened most with the 
strength of their conventional or nuclear 
weapons or their terrifying rockets. The 
underdeveloped countries had voted for 
disarmament not only because they be- 
lieved in peace but also because dis- 
armament had been presented to them as 
something that would result in aid. 

Unfortunately, a few months later, 
deplorable events dispelled the optimism 
that had been inspired. The Paris Con- 
ference had lamentably failed, despite 
the efforts of a great statesman, General 

UNR—December 1960 

de Gaulle, who had done his utmost to 
cause Mr. Khrushchev to remain. Since 
then, fear had taken hold of the world, 
and the economically weak nations un- 
derstood more than ever that they had to 
have faith only in principles and that 
they had to group themselves around the 
United Nations, which was the only in- 
ternational institution capable of engen- 
dering respect for those principles. 

“Without the presence of an organiza- 
tion such as the United Nations, we, the 
small nations, are exposed to those who 
dream of limitless empires,” he added. 

Life, he continued, was “a tissue of 
contradictions.” Perhaps the members 
had thought of that when listening to 
speakers who, while talking against colo- 
nialism, seemed to have taken the cause 
of the oppressed and the weak but were 
quite carefully maneuvering to dis- 
organize the United Nations, “which, as 
we all know, is the only moral force 
capable of protecting all of us effectively 
and, in particular, those who have just 
acceded to independence.” The United 
Nations had guided those nations to the 
very point where they were able to as- 
sume their seats, with dignity, among the 
members of the international family. 

However, Mr. Auguste said, it should 
not be pretended that the United Nations 
was absolutely perfect. The Secretary- 
General was also too human to believe 
that man was perfect, “even though he 
may be the best example of us all.” Mr. 
Auguste did not believe that the office of 
Secretary-General should become a tri- 
partite board representing three different 
policies. That was a proposal to which 
serious men would not subscribe. The 
Charter had given the Secretary-General 
not too much but sufficient power. He 
was the agent of the great organs and of 
the resolutions passed by those organs 
and by the General Assembly. In the 
unfortunate case of the Congo, Mr. Ham- 
marskjold had always referred to the 
resolutions of the Security Council, of 
which he was only the instrument and 
executor par excellence. 

In welcoming the new African nations 
to the United Nations with pride and 
intimate satisfaction, he recalled that the 
great ancestor of his race, Toussaint 
L’Ouverture, as he was being deported, 
had uttered the prophetic words: “In 
overthrowing me, they have only cut 
down the trunk of the tree of liberty of 
the black man, but that tree will grow 
again because its roots are deep and 

The new African nations, he added, 
had taken their places in the great family 
of nations at an extremely troubled time, 
and they were welcomed with great 
sympathy because they were the new 
blood necessary to revitalize a world in 
cruel moral distress. 


Daniel Schweitzer 
Permanent Representative 
to the United Nations 

Mr. Schweitzer first expressed the thanks 
of his Government and the Chilean peo- 
ple for the international assistance ren- 
dered after the catastrophe of the earth- 

quake and tidal wave which overswept 
his country last year. 

Welcoming the entry into the United 
Nations of so many new states, he said 
that in the progress toward the goal of 
United Nations universality it would be 
only fair to recognize the role played by 
the great powers and the persevering effort 
of the United Nations. In the memoranda 
submitted to the General Assembly by 
the Secretary-General, as well as in 
many reports and in the indefatigable 
activity displayed by the technical organs, 
Mr. Schweitzer found “the stamp of a 
firm and determined wish to put an end 
to the colonial existence prevailing 
throughout a great part of the immense 
continent of Africa.” 

Speaking of the new states, he observed 
that attainment of political independence 
did not put an end to the aspirations of 
peoples, who also wished to attain eco- 
nomic and social progress. Chile was con- 
vinced that the new states would under- 
stand how indispensable it was in every 
way to have international cooperation 
and how necessary it was to strengthen 
and defend the structure of the United 

Referring to the crisis in the Congo, 
Mr. Schweitzer said that the absence of 
clear authority and the political interest 
evidenced in introducing the cold war 
there gave rise to violent incidents which 
kept the Security Council alert, and al- 
though doubt had been cast upon the 
impartiality of the United Nations and 
although the Secretary-General had even 
been held directly responsible, such im- 
putations had been rejected through the 
support which the Security Council 
brought to the Secretary-General. Chile 
took pleasure, he said, in voicing the 
support and the respect which Mr. Ham- 
marskjold deserved because of his patient, 
earnest, determined and constant work 
as a faithful interpreter of the principles 
and decisions of the Organization, all of 
which had made it possible for the 
United Nations to remain aloof from the 
alternatives in the domestic struggle in 
the Congo. 

Speaking of world conditions, Mr. 
Schweitzer said that international ten- 
sion had once again increased after the 
failure of the Paris conference; the work 
of the Assembly session had begun under 
that dark cloud. Chile therefore wished 
to renew its unshakeable adherence to 
the principles of the Charter and to the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights 
which, through means of active coopera- 
tion, would bring about better days for 

Though disarmament depended above 
all on the great powers, all countries had 
an identical interest in preventing not 
only disaster but also the prolongation 
of the depressing armaments race. He 
counselled the Assembly to be content 
with modest achievements—less spectacu- 
lar agreements which nevertheless were 
advantageous and permitted progress. 

Peaceful coexistence could not flourish 
in the midst of invective and recrimina- 
tions, and he warned against the reduc- 
tion of problems to oversimplified formu- 
las which were useful for propaganda 
but inadequate for any effective solution. 


He thought that coexistence should not 
be restricted to talk but practiced with 

Material disarmament, Mr. Schweitzer 
submitted, must be preceded by “a sort 
of moral disarmament” which would re- 
flect a sincere desire for peace. If the 
United Nations were the highest forum 
for negotiation, all the disagreements 
which separated people should be con- 
centrated in it, and thus they could be 
certain that a satisfactory and fair solu- 
tion would be found. 

He took pleasure in pointing out that 
Chile had concluded conventions with 
Argentina under which border problems 
would be referred to arbitration for 
peaceful solutions. He also reconfirmed 
Chile’s confidence in the effectiveness of 
the regional systems for the maintenance 
of international peace and security as 
provided for in Article 52 of the Charter, 
and he especially mentioned the Organ- 
ization of American States and the part 
it was playing in Latin America. 

Mr. Schweitzer noted that the Assem- 
bly was being called on to consider in- 
creasing the number of members of the 
Security Council and of the Economic 
and Social Council; the increase in the 
membership of the United Nations made 
it impossible to postpone a decision on 
those matters any longer. 

Chile, he added, could not fail to ex- 
press surprise at the proposal to change 
the Secretary-Generalship into a presid- 
ium. Chile aspired to have absolute 
equality among all members of the 
United Nations; the existence of the 
veto power in the Security Council de- 
stroyed that equality, and now if there 
were to be several Secretaries-General, 
the unity necessary in any executive 
branch would be lost. In substance the 
idea seemed to be an attempt to extend 
the right of veto, and in Chile’s opinion 
that was inadmissible. 

Emphasizing the parallel between politi- 
cal peace and economic and social prog- 
ress, Mr. Schweitzer pointed out that 
technical assistance problems were be- 
coming more and more important. Such 
assistance must be increased and given to 
all countries without any strings attached, 
he said. He hoped that the Permanent 
Committee on Industrial Development, 
newly established by the Economic and 
Social Council, would help solve many 
problems. Since the growth of under- 
developed countries required cooperation 
from the more developed countries, the 
flow of capital must be encouraged, and 
present efforts by the United Nations and 
other international agencies must be sup- 
plemented by the creation of a fund for 
the development of capitalization. He 
was especially pleased with the establish- 
ment of the Inter-American Bank for 
Development, and he paid tribute to the 
action taken by the International Mone- 
tary Fund, the International Bank and 
other existing credit institutions. 

Finally, Mr. Schweitzer referred to the 
construction of the United Nations build- 
ing in Santiago. In 1955, he recalled, the 
Government of Chile offered to transfer 
to the United Nations, free, a plot of 
land near the capital. A recent decree 
approved the agreement between Chile 


and the United Nations which set forth 
the financial obligations assumed by the 
Government. He hoped the Assembly 
would approve the documents by which 
Chile would freely hand over the land 
on which the building would be erected. 


Ousman Ba 

Ousman Ba first commented on what 
he termed the uncalled-for irony in the 
allusions to his country by the delegation 
of France. While to some Western coun- 
tries the political attitudes of the new 
African states might appear raw and 
vulgar, their concept of diplomacy was 
based on law and good will. 

“We are not here to strengthen auto- 
matic majorities in favor of this or that 
power,” he said. Mali’s conception of 
neutralism was to search, as a non-com- 
mitted country, for the most efficacious 
ways and means of peaceful coexistence 
between the two great economic and 
political systems into which the world 
was divided, and to try daily to strength- 
en the possibilities of peace against the 
onslaught of the warmongers. 

Only in that sense was Mali uncom- 
mitted, for it was and had been for 20 
years in the anti-imperialist camp and 
was committed against colonialism in all 
its guises. 

Mr. Ba paid tribute to President Sekou 
Touré of Guinea, whose statement to the 
Assembly, he said, was a blueprint for 
African solidarity and could be con- 
sidered the adaptation to present-day 
situations of the position defined in 
Bandung and other conferences of the 
independent African states. 

Mr. Ba said he was saddened when 
the representative of Belgium tried to 
make the Assembly believe that the per- 
centage of school attendance in the 
Congo was 45 to 50 per cent of the 
population and that there were Congo- 
lese university students—that was some- 
thing that existed only in the fertile 
imagination of the Belgian representative. 

“They have spoken of the fact that 
they have built schools, that they have 
built clubs, that they have built networks 
of roads, but they never speak to us of 
the privileges they acquired and the 
monstrous profits they have drawn from 
the soil of the territories they have colo- 
nized,” he said. “They have never spoken 
of the cannon fodder they drew from 
our countries to be placed at the disposal 
of the imperialists.” 

Mali, he emphasized, placed great 
hopes in the United Nations and had 
come to the Assembly with the ardent 
hope of taking part in the forging of the 
destiny of mankind. But, he added, cer- 
tain surprising events had taken place 
which had been a shock. He described 
those events as “vile procedural maneu- 
vers” used to avoid voting on the draft 
resolution submitted by the Afro-Asian 

Another reason for his delegation’s 
bitterness, he said, was the refusal to 
discuss the admission of the People’s 
Republic of China. Six hundred and fifty 

million persons in China were not repre- 
sented at the Assembly by those repre- 
senting Chiang Kai-shek, he said. The 
absence of the Chinese People’s Republic 
from the United Nations would give 
more ammunition to the ever-growing 
number of countries which argued about 
the divided quality of the Assembly. 

Mr. Ba also declared that ill-inten- 
tioned people would no doubt accuse 
Mali of having “dared” to take a posi- 
tion on many burning questions after 
only a few days as a member of the 
United Nations, but it was precisely be- 
cause of those questions that his country 
had to invoke national sovereignty and 
equality between great and small nations 
at all times. 

The problem of the Congo was very 
close to Mali, he said. Mali had sent the 
best of its troops to the Congo because 
it was a question of defending the inde- 
pendence of a fledgling African state, 
and because Mali knew full well of the 
colonial stratagems of secession. He re- 
ferred to “the Mobutus, the Tshombes, 
the Kasavubus and the other puppets 
that were agents of colonialism” and 
declared that without delay the free na- 
tions of the world must take the only 
decision that could lead to a favorable 
settlement of the Congolese question—to 
re-establish the authority of the Central 
Government which had been democratic- 
ally elected by Parliament, assist that 
Government to consolidate its adminis- 
trative structure, place at its disposal the 
necessary coordinated means and help to 
build up the country’s economy by re- 
establishing unity. Mali unreservedly sup- 
ported the proposal by the President of 
Guinea provisionally to admit to the 
Assembly the legally accredited represen- 
tatives of the Central Government. 

He alleged that the former Federation 
of Mali had been subjected by French 
colonialists to an attempt similar to that 
being made in the Congo, but because of 
the maturity of the political leaders of 
Mali, the colonialists did not succeed in 
having a second Congo operation. 

With regard to the Algerian problem, 
Mr. Ba declared that all peoples who 
were attached to peace and liberty must, 
with no further delay, impose a cease- 
fire and organize a referendum under 
the control of the United Nations. 

“This,” he said, “is the assembly of 
nations, including France, and it cannot 
any longer be defied by General de 

In the opinion of Mali, the historic 
opportunities of African solidarity were 
at stake in the United Nations, and the 
touchstone of that solidarity. was the 
Algerian problem. !n an attempt to dis- 
credit Mali for the stand it had taken in 
favor of the Algerian people, the French 
Ministry of Defense had “dreamed up” 
the Conakry-Bamako-Sahara axis by 
means of which Guinea and Mali were 
supposed to be aiding the FLN; but the 
French activists must be aware that 
Guinea and Mali were underdeveloped 
countries where colonialism had left al- 
most nothing, and therefore they could 
not meet the problems of transport and 
material required to cross thousands of 
kilometers of the Sahara. 

UNR—December 1960 

Mr. Ba also spoke of apartheid as the 
twentieth-century’s deepest shame and 
said his delegation would vote for any 
draft resolution that set a deadline for 
the end of colonialism. 

If economic assistance was not to be 
charity, he said, the underdeveloped coun- 
tries should have placed at their disposal 
by the highly industrialized countries 
equipment that would increase industrial- 
ization and enable living standards to be 

On disarmament, Mali would support 
any effort to induce the great powers to 
carry out general and complete disarma- 

Mali’s dearest hope was that the inde- 
pendence, solidarity and unity of Africa 
would be achieved on the basis of mutual 
respect of all countries for all men, in 
dignity. It was at that price that Africa 
would contribute to civilization. 


Osten Unden 
Minister of Foreign Affairs 

Mr. Unden confined his remarks to 
two topics—the situation in the Congo 
and the problem of disarmament. 

On the first he spoke in high praise of 
the energy, ability and impartiality of the 
Secretary-General in carrying out the 
difficult tasks given him by the Security 
Council and expressed the hope that it 
would be possible to pursue United Na- 
tions action successfully in the future. 

Although it did not appear in the 
beginning that the situation in the Congo 
would give rise to special complications, 
it had since become so controversial that 
it had become focused in world atten- 
tion. The action undertaken by the 
United Nations was intended to be of a 
local nature. At the same time, there 
existed a widespread feeling that the 
risk of complications would be greater if 
the United Nations remained passive in 
relation to events taking place in the 
Congo. There appeared a possibility that 
rival political leaders in the country 
might appeal to foreign powers for as- 
sistance. Such a development could re- 
sult in foreign troops facing each other 
on Congolese soil. 

It was of particular importance, he said, 
that there had been a large degree of 
agreement among the African states on 
the advantage to the Republic of the 
Congo of receiving international assist- 
ance through the United Nations. Mr. 
Unden admitted that there might be 
differences of opinion regarding taking or 
omitting certain measures in the Congo, 
but to comment on them would require 
a thorough knowledge of conditions on 
the spot. Nevertheless, there were some 
controversial questions of a more gen- 
eral character. 

The separatist movement in Katanga, 
for instance, was a source of unrest and 
discontent. It had been forcefully con- 
demned by the Central Government of 
the Congo, a majority of governments 
of other African states, the Security 
Council and the Secretary-General. And 
there had been some influence to the 
contrary from Belgian circles with inter- 

UNR—December 1960 

ests in Katanga, but criticism levelled at 
the Secretary-General for insufficient 
energy in endeavoring to bring about 
withdrawal of Belgian troops could not 
be sustained in the face of facts and 
documents. His actions had been correct. 

“Are we witnessing a clash of inter- 
ests between some of the big powers?” 
Mr. Unden asked, “And is it necessary 
that an action to assist the Congo, 
undertaken by the United Nations, must 
lead to a taking of sides in favor of any 
one party in the cold war?” 

Sometimes it seemed that in the na- 
ture of things the Congo was to be the 
object of a struggle between East and 
West—and mention had been made of 
a bloc of neutral states. Sweden, he 
said, did not regard itself as belonging 
to a neutral bloc; it did not expect to 
derive profit or disadvantage from its 
participation in helping the Congo. And 
he sincerely hoped that the Congo would 
escape the fate of becoming the scene 
of competition between other powers to 
secure influence over the country. 

It had been said that the Secretary- 
General necessarily would carry out his 
duties in the interests of one group of 
states to the detriment of other states. 
That view, he thought, was an expres- 
sion of a dogmatic, somewhat antiquated 
concept of the communist doctrine on 
the struggle between classes. 

It had been said in some quarters 
that the United Nations forces in the 
Congo should have been put at the 
disposal of the Government of the Congo 
or that the Government should have been 
permitted to use them for the settle- 
ment of domestic political conflicts. The 
Swedish Government could not agree 
with that view, since intervention in the 
political affairs of the Congo could, 
from a political point of view, easily 
lead to a spread of unrest and to conflicts 
between member nations of the United 

Mr. Unden added that there should be 
no doubt whatsoever as to the functions 
of the United Nations forces, which were 
those of a police force. 

Stating Sweden’s viewpoint on the 
problem of disarmament, Mr. Unden ex- 
pressed satisfaction that the three-nation 
committee in Geneva, carrying on its 
deliberations regarding a ban on nuclear 
weapons tests, had made considerable 
progress—‘“the only bright spot in the 
disarmament picture.” There seemed to 
be real prospects that before long the 
three powers at Geneva would be able 
to agree on ending the tests and that 
would prove a great incentive to the big 
powers to reach agreement on nuclear 
production and conventional forces. 

Referring to the Ten-Nation Com- 
mittee, which had come to a standstill, 
Mr. Unden noted optimistically that, 
while the differences between the big 
powers were “quite considerable,” there 
also existed certain points of agreement 
between them which were not insignifi- 

The Swedish Government, he said, was 
of the opinion that an advance toward 
common goals—general and complete 
disarmament under effective controls — 
might be facilitated by “de-politicizing” 

essential preparatory studies. After so 
many years of debating the problem, it 
appeared unnecessary to devote much 
further time to general discussion, at least 
until a number of problems of an es- 
sentially technical nature had been map- 
ped and clarified by experts. Such studies, 
he suggested, should be carried out to 
provide an agreed basis for proceeding 
with implementation in the appropriate 
stage, and he thought that among the 
early studies should be a technical ex- 
amination of measures necessary to verify 
control over and reduction and elimina- 
tion of agreed categories of nuclear de- 
livery systems, including missile, aircraft, 
surface ships, submarines and artillery. 

Thus he suggested that the Ten-Na- 
tion Committee, “perhaps somewhat mod- 
ified as regards its composition,” begin, 
within the framework of the United Na- 
tions, to try to organize its work in such 
a way that prospects would be opened 
for results as soon as possible. Among 
the experts might be persons from none 
of the countries represented in the Ten- 
Nation Committee. 

In conclusion, Mr. Unden said that 
members of the United Nations, as a 
working hypothesis, should start from 
the assumption that the problem of dis- 
armament, despite its tremendous diffi- 
culties, was not unsolvable. 


Sir Claude Corea 
Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations 

Before commenting on any of the 
problems confronting the Assembly, Sir 
Claude recalled that in September 1959 
Ceylon had lost a great leader in tragic 
circumstances and that subsequently, in 
July, as a result of parliamentary elec- 
tions, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike had 
become the first woman Prime Minister 
in the world. She had hoped to attend 
the Assembly, but urgent, pressing prob- 
lems at home prevented her, but she 
conveyed her greetings and good wishes 
for the success of the session. 

Speaking of the situation in the Congo, 
Sir Claude pointed out that the Soviet 
Union, which had supported the United 
Nations position as stated in the resolu- 
tions of the Security Council of July 14 
and 22 and August 9, had conceded that 
that action was right and proper. Ceylon 
did not think that, except for some 
errors of judgment, the Secretary-Gen- 
eral had failed to carry out the decisions. 
Ceylon was satisfied as to Mr. Ham- 
marskjold’s bona fides; his views and his 
work for the freedom and independence 
of dependent peoples were well known, 
as was his hard work and single-minded 
devotion to duty. It could not be ignored 
that, in implementing the Council’s reso- 
lutions, he had to take actions on which 
there could be honest difference of 
opinion, but none of his actions was due 
to a partisan attitude. 

Ceylon could not accept the suggestion 
that the office of the Secretary-General 
be abolished and replaced by a triumvir- 
ate. In any case, acceptance of the pro- 
posal would require an amendment of 
the Charter, and Ceylon knew well that 


the Soviet Union was against any Char- 
ter amendment. 

“The Secretariat, if it is to be able to 
maintain the impartiality of the United 
Nations in the cold war and to further 
the interests of peace,” said Sir Claude, 
“should remain and act independently of 
cold-war pressures and also serve as 
a kind of buffer, as well as a bridge, 
between cold-war groups. The body 
envisaged in the Soviet proposal would 
be too much of a creature of the cold 
war to function with any independence, 
even if it could function at all.” 

Turning to Algeria, he said that the 
situation there did not permit any 
ambiguity or equivocation. In the view 
of Ceylon, any further delay in the 
settlement of that question was fraught 
with danger to the peace of the world. 
President de Gaulle himself had said that 
no policy was worth while apart from 
realities. The realities of the Algerian 
situation were that it was a war that 
could not end except with the triumph of 
the Algerian people and that the will of 
a people for freedom could not be des- 
troyed by arms. France had to take 
account of those realities of the mid- 
twentieth century; if France were unwill- 
tng or unable to do so, Ceylon sincerely 
hoped that this session of the Assembly 
would finally face its responsibilities and 
act in such a way as to put an end to 
the futile, tragic and meaningless loss of 
life. Ceylon would support any measure 
to that end. 

Ceylon was wholly opposed to the 
continuance of colonialism, an anachron- 
ism which had to be ended, Sir Claude 
continued. However good a _ colonial 
government might be, good government 
could not be a substitute for self-govern- 
ment. Therefore his delegation fully sup- 
ported the draft resolution calling for 
abolition of colonialism. 

Sir Claude spoke at length about the 
urgent need for world disarmament. 
Tracing the deterioration in East-West 
relations since the U-2 incident, he said 
there seemed to be two ways in which 
efforts could be fruitfully continued. 
There was a need to stop the arms race 
and a need for increased assistance in the 
economic development of underdeveloped 

To be effective, he declared, economic 
development must be tackled in a large 
and comprehensive manner: attacked on 
all fronts and conceived and prepared 
with greater imagination and with larger 
resources than were devoted to the Mar- 
shall Plan for the recovery of Europe. 
That could be done only if the arms race 
were ended and a major part of what 
was lavishly spent on weapons of destruc- 
tion were devoted to the constructive, 
humanitarian purpose of improving 
standards of living of all people so they 
might live in dignity and contentment. 

The tragedy of the arms race—which 
he described as man’s most colossal folly 
and an absurd monstrosity—was that it 
would either disrupt severely the economy 
of countries which had entered it or lead 
to a clash that would destroy the world. 

He pointed to the danger that nuclear 
war might start through an accident or 
misconception, or that another Hitler 
might arise, who, drunk with a lust for 


power and believing in the invincibility 
of his own arms, might decide to take 
a gamble. 

The two main parties, Sir Claude con- 
tinued, had put forward their plans to 
achieve general and complete disarma- 
ment. There were many points of agree- 
ment between them, particularly on the 
important question of control, but there 
were still points on which they were 
diametrically opposed. One of the most 
serious difficulties seemed to be the ques- 
tion of the effectiveness of control. Dis- 
armament, he said, could not be based 
entirely on trust. There must be an ac- 
ceptable control scheme. However, it 
might be impossible to formulate a 
scheme that would guarantee 100 per 
cent effectiveness. Some risk had to be 
taken; otherwise it would not be possible 
to reach any control scheme acceptable 
to all sides. 

It was important to remember, he add- 
ed, that at a time when the questions of 
control and inspection were both accept- 
ed points, the discovery of a plan accept- 
able to both sides should not be difficult 
if one people were prepared to drop the 
demand for absolute certainty that the 
plan of control and insvection be 100 
per cent effective. Unless that were 
agreed to, there would never be dis- 
armament with adequate control. 

Reaching a disarmament agreement 
was not something that could be left to 
the great powers, Sir Claude went on. 
His delegation suggested that the Dis- 
armament Commission should meet soon 
after the General Assembly and continue 
to study the problem until a solution was 
found. At the same time the United 
Nations should make every effort to get 
the great powers to résume their dis- 
armament talks in the Ten-Nation Com- 
mittee or in any other form they might 
wish to set up. 

“There is a heavy responsibility to all 
humanity, and theirs—the great powers’ 
—the primary responsibility,” he de- 
clared. “It is our hope that they will 
overcome their mutual suspicions, create 
an area of understanding and good will 
and genuinely seek an agreement which 
will bring an end to armaments and lead 
to peace on earth.” 


Khamking Souvanlasy 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs 

With the admission of the newly inde- 
pendent African states and Cyprus, the 
United Nations had moved toward the 
achievement of universality of member- 

Pointing out that peace was still threat- 
ened in many parts of the world, Mr. 
Souvanlasy stated that Laos had not 
known peace for 20 years. Its hard-won 
independence had not completely freed it 
from new pressures and danger, arising 
from a policy aimed at involving weak 
and underdeveloped and under-armed 
nations in ideological crusades which 
could only destroy peace and provoke 
inevitable tensions among states. 

People had the right to choose the 
social system which best suited them, 

and nobody should interfere with that 
choice. Laos would reject any commit- 
ments that might tie it to any bloc. It 
wished to remain neutral in accordance 
with its traditional peaceful policy. It 
also wished to express its profound grati- 
tude to the United Nations for the aid 
given during the grave events which 
shook the Kingdom last year, which 
were caused by foreign interference in 
its domestic affairs. “This interference is 
continuing and we should like it to be 
stopped definitely once and for all so 
that that part of Southeast Asia can 
finally enjoy peace,” Mr. Souvanlasy de- 

The present difficulties in Laos were 
caused by opposing foreign political inter- 
ests. The country’s geographical position 
in the very heart of a crucial area, 
where two opposing ideologies confronted 
each other, had been “a terrible handi- 
cap” in strengthening its independence 
and safeguarding its territorial integrity. 

Welcoming the proposal for the neu- 
tralization of Cambodia and Laos made 
in the General Assembly by Prince 
Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, Mr. 
Souvanlasy asked the United Nations and 
the powers concerned in the maintenance 
of stability and peace in the area to 
ponder this proposal seriously. 

The failure of the negotiations of the 
Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament 
in Geneva had sown the seeds of crises 
caused by fear. While suspicion and 
mistrust persisted, even the most earnest 
desire to negotiate and to arrive at some 
agreement on disarmament remained 
problematic. Those who had the future 
of humanity in their hands should devote 
themselves to dissipating mistrust and re- 
storing confidence among peoples and 
governments. It was necessary to estab- 
lish confidence to achieve disarmament 
and to free humanity from the nightmare 
of a catastrophic war. 

Paying tribute to Mr. Hammarskjold 
for his untiring action in the cause of 
peace, Mr. Souvanlasy contended that to 
attack the position of the Secretary-Gen- 
eral was to undermine the very founda- 
tion of the United Nations and deprive 
the small nations of the last bastion of 
their defence and protection. The offen- 
sive conducted by certain powers against 
the highest authority of the Organization 
was puzzling. The delegation of Laos 
welcomed Mr. Hammarskjold’s coura- 
geous decision to remain at his post de- 
spite “attacks that would surely have 
broken a weaker man.” 

The problems of the underdeveloped 
countries required solutions which were 
more human than political. Their peoples 
must be given the hope of better days 
in the near future. Laos was grateful 
for the technical and economic aid it 
had received from the United Nations. 
Such assistance, linked to bilateral aid 
from friendly nations, already showed 
that an impulse of solidarity existed be- 
tween the large nations and the small. 
Mr. Souvanlasy hoped that such work 
would be continued in Laos and else- 
where, without any political commitments 
and with an exclusively human aim. 

In conclusion, he believed “the dis- 
tressing spectacle of discord, of ideologi- 

UNR—December 1960 

~~ we Ss FF 

cal struggle and of unrestrained propa- 
ganda which the Assembly had witnessed 
at its current session was not one to 
inspire confidence, to dispel fears or to 
diminish international tension. The cur- 
rent Assembly session was a severe test 
for the United Nations, which provided 
a source of hope for the small nations. 
Every effort must be made to safeguard 


Charles Okala 
Minister for Foreign Affairs 

Cameroun, Mr. Okala recalled, became 
independent on January 1, 1960, in ac- 
cordance with a General Assembly res- 
olution of March 12, 1959, and there 
was thus a sacred duty to explain how 
independence and democracy were prac- 
tised in this former French-administered 
trust territory. 

The Assembly resolution had called, 
first, for the organization of free elec- 
tions by universal suffrage as early as 
possible after the proclamation of in- 
dependence and, secondly, for sincere 
efforts for a national reconciliation. The 
principal concern after the attainment of 
independence was to endow the country 
as rapidly as possible with democratic 
institutions that might enable it to tackle 
the task of decolonization with as many 
assets as possible. 

On February 21, 1960, a popular ref- 
erendum had been held on a constitu- 
tion establishing the state of Cameroun 
as a Republic, proclaiming the sovereign- 
ty of the people, and recognizing and 
guaranteeing all liberties. It had been 
adopted by a majority of more than 
250,000 votes, despite a virulent and 
violent campaign waged by the opposi- 

After the referendum, the Union des 
populations du Cameroun (upc), the 
Jeunesse démocratique du Cameroun 
(spc) and the Union démocratique des 
femmes camerounaises (UDEFEC) had 
been re-established, and political amnes- 
ties had been granted on the sole condition 
of the renunciation and condemnation of 
violence. These measures had been taken 
to enable those who kad voluntarily 
taken\ refuge abroad to participate in the 
elections in April 1960, which had been 
democratically and freely conducted. 

Those abroad, with the exception of 
two persons who had both been elect- 
ed, had decided, however, to boycott the 
elections, in which 1,349,739 out of 
1,940,438 registered voters had actually 
voted. Out of 100 seats, 53 had gone 
to the Union camerounaise, 18 to the 
Parti de la reconciliation, 11 to the 
Démocrates camerounais, eight to the 
Group des progressistes and eight to the 
Union des populations du Cameroun 

The forces represented by Mr. Mou- 
mié, a upc leader, had been reluctant, 
however, to adopt, let alone use, demo- 
cratic methods in order to come to 
power, said Mr. Okala. The only thing 
left to them was to maintain a perpetual 
state of tension in the Cameroun so as 
to come to power by force. 

UNR—December 1960 

All who thought to serve democracy 
by giving aid to Camerounian exiles 
should know that their struggle was no 
longer a national one, but a trial of 
strength against a young state, which 
therefore had to divert all its attention 
to safeguarding internal order, instead 
of concentrating on the fulfillment of 
objectives to consolidate the indepen- 
dence so dearly acquired. After the April 
elections, the first President of Camer- 
oun had proclaimed a total and uncon- 
ditional general amnesty. This had com- 
pleted the general reconciliation meas- 
ures urged by the General Assembly. 

Recalling Mr. Khrushchev’s remarks 
in the General Assembly that while the 
USSR had no liking for capitalism, it 
did not want to foist its system upon 
other countries, Mr. Okala observed that 
an armed struggle was being maintained 
in Cameroun, not against colonialism 
but against the democratic institutions 
that had emerged from universal, direct 
and secret suffrage. It was a struggle to 
impose an ideology “sustained and im- 
ported from abroad,” so as to foist a 
political régime upon the people of 
Cameroun which they did not want. 

After the amnesty, the President of 
Cameroun and his Government had pre- 
sented their resignations so as to yield 
to a Government of National Union in 
which all political parties, including the 
UPC, were invited to cooperate in con- 
tributing to the great work of national 
unity. The upc, however, had rejected 
the offer. It thus became evident that 
the voluntary exiles wanted personal 
power and cared little about elementary 
democracy. Orders of death had been 
launched from abroad to disturb the new 
order and the economy of the fledgling 
republic. Mr. Okala said he would like 
to believe that the governments from 
whose soil these orders had been launched 
in order to nip the young Cameroun state 
in the bud had not been informed about 
all these deeds. But if these orders con- 
tinued, “we cannot fail to accuse these 
states of active and aggressive com- 
plicity in deeds against our new state.” 

There had been much talk of “African 
solidarity,” but “to tolerate such pro- 
ceedings on the part of those to whom 
you offer sanctuary constitutes an act 
of hostility,” he added. The Cameroun, 
the vassal of no group, only wanted to 
maintain the best of relations with all 

Turning to the Algerian question, Mr. 
Okala declared: “It is a scandal for all 
of us who know what France had done 
for the liberation of peoples throughout 
the world and throughout the centuries to 
see today that, owing to this Algerian 
drama .. . all those who have régimes 
which are made in the likeness of the 
French Government raise their heads 
and pledge themselves in the position of 
censors of France.” He appealed for a 
solution of the Algerian problem which 
would guarantee respect for an observ- 
ance of the right of individuals and 
ethnic minorities in response to the desire 
of the Algerians for liberty. 

Preferring not to “incite Africans to 
hate the whites,” he said that colonizers 
were the same everywhere. “When we 

upbraid France with regard to the Al- 
gerian question, we must not forget that 
we also upbraid others for the atrocities, 
the humiliations and the injustices prac- 
ticed in Africa under other flags than 
that of France.” It was time that the 
whole African family celebrated its inde- 
pendence. He wished that certain heads 
of state, when speaking of the sufferings 
of Africa, had also asked for the libera- 
tion of Jomo Kenyatta; condemned the 
repression of the Mau Mau; asked for 
the restoration of the good lands taken 
away from the Wameru (in Tanganyika) 
and for the immediate independence of 
all the territories still under foreign 

As for the situation in the Congo 
(Leopoldville), that country’s integrity 
was “sacred and indivisible.” If nothing 
had been done to curb or prevent the 
secession of Katanga, that was because 
certain great powers, instead of propos- 
ing their mediation between the factions, 
had thought it better to support certain 
intransigent elements. Efforts should be 
made for a rapprochement between both 
sides, before there was talk of armed 
aid to the Central Government of the 
Congo. The United Nations prompt in- 
tervention in the Congo had made for- 
eign intervention in that country unjusti- 
fiable. Many representatives, however, 
blamed the Secretary-General for the 
present complications and _ increasing 
troubles in the Congo. But, Mr. Okala 
stated, “if to err is human, let us accept 
the responsibility of error in the applica- 
tion of resolutions adopted in the Securi- 
ty Council.” The Secretary-General had 
proved his impartiality. 

The United Nations went to the Congo 
to assist the Congolese state through its 
legitimate government. It was up to the 
Congolese people to say which was the 
legitimate government. In divesting Mr. 
Lumumba of power, the Congolese Chief 
of State had acted in keeping with the 
loi fondamentale. It was therefore legally 
impossible for the United Nations or its 
Secretary-General to declare invalid, or 
to modify, the constitutionally legal act 
of deposing Mr. Lumumba. Refusal to 
recognize the Secretary-General’s neu- 
trality at the time the Chief of State 
took this step stemmed from the desire 
of some to substitute themselves for the 
Congolese people and choose the man 
to rule over them. The United Nations 
could not declare “a domestic law. of a 
people invalid.” 

The role of the Secretary-General was 
to assist the Central Government, but 
the United Nations did not have the 
right to decide who should be the head 
of that Government. Until the Congolese 
loi fondamentale was modified, the act 
of divestiture was complete, so that Mr. 
Lumumba’s case could definitely be de- 
clared closed. 

All that remained now was, as Nigeria 
had suggested, for the United Nations 
to permit the Congolese Parliament to 
meet as soon as possible to express, or 
refuse to express, confidence in Mr. 
Lumumba’s successor. And if, through a 
compromise, the Chief of State asked 
Mr. Lumumba to succeed Mr. Lumumba, 
that would not be irregular. Mr. Lu- 


mumba could ask Parliament for a vote 
of confidence. But in no way could the 
Lumumba Government of June 30, 1960, 
now be considered as in legal existence. 

The United Nations and its Secretary- 
General, stated Mr. Okala, had served 
the Congo and peace well. Without them, 
“there would have been another Korea 
in the very heart of Africa.” 

With regard to the “fevered avalanche 
of proposals . . . to change the structure 
of our Organization,” Mr. Okala said: 
“Ignored at the time when the notion of 
the balance within this Organization was 
established, we claim our place in the 
specific organs: the Security Council, and 
so forth.” But he formally rejected the 
proposal for a triumvirate. The United 
Nations is “our supreme resource and 
the guarantee of our frail sovereignty,” 
and as Mr. Hammarskjold put it “so 
magnificently,” it “belongs to the smaller 
nations.” Mr. Okala affirmed: “We can- 
not tolerate a situation in which the 
supreme executive organ—from which 
we expect prompt action to help us in 
case of aggression—would be hamstrung 
by paralyzing discussions. We are at- 
tached to the United Nations, and its 
survival is a guarantee of our own sur- 
vival.” The disagreement on disarmament 
between the United States and the Soviet 
Union worried every nation. There was 
cause for real anxiety, since they refused 
even to accept the simple invitation to 
speak together. “We have a right to 
fear the worst. Never have there been so 
many weapons, never have they been 
so perfected.” 

The great powers should stop their 
dissensions and realize that the era of 
the settlement of disputes by force of 
weapons was finished. If they persisted 
in their disagreements, they would be 
doing a disservice to the cause of hu- 

Assistance to underdeveloped countries 
should be stripped of any philanthropic, 
alms-giving or charity features. It should 
have the character of international co- 
operation between states in order to 
consolidate national independence and to 
eliminate all causes capable of giving rise 
to discontent or disturbing international 
peace. Economic assistance should be 
such as to enable underdeveloped states 
to accept it without forswearing their 
sovereignty and without its being coupled 
with political conditions. 

Supporting the Nigerian Prime Min- 
ister’s appeal in respect of the former 
Belgian Congo, the Cameroun delega- 
tion was prepared to submit urgent 
measures to its Government to enable 
educational establishments in Cameroun 
to receive, in the near future, young 
Congolese capable of following a clas- 
sical education of the complete seconda- 
ry curriculum. To make technical aid to 
the Congolese state effective, his Govern- 
ment believed that a meeting of re- 
sponsible African officials should be held 
soon in Africa to draw up a list of ur- 
gent needs to be met. 

Mr. Okala warned against the danger 
of importing into Africa, “where we 

want to avoid clashes between East and 
West,” an ideology which would seem 
to incline in favor of one or the other 


of these two antagonistic blocs. He de- 
nounced, in the newly independent states, 
subversion aimed only at supplanting 
with a Marxism-Leninism mode of life 
whatever was reminiscent of the West. 

Africa, he stressed, must be allowed to 
build itself up outside of ideological 
competition. “Negritude is at the same 
time a philosophy and a civilization 
which it pleases us to retain. It would 
. . . be the worst kind of folly to destroy 
Negritude only to supplant it by a Euro- 
peanism which will turn us into rootless 
men who had destroyed their past with- 
out having a chance for the future of 
glory.” Opposing “any sort of fetter 
upon the self-determination of peoples,” 
Mr. Okala stated that “ideological im- 
perialism is as nefarious and sinister as 
the imperialism of interests.” 


Eric H. Louw 
Minister of External Affairs 

The session would be remembered in 
future years, said Mr. Louw, firstly be- 
cause of the record attendance of Heads 
of State and Prime Ministers and sec- 
ondly because of the entry into the Or- 
ganization of 16 states from the con- 
tinent of Africa. A third and more im- 
portant reason was that the cold war 
against the Western nations had been 
openly and aggressively waged by the 
Soviet delegation, under the personal 
leadership of Mr. Khrushchev. There 
was a danger that the cold war could 
lead to a global, shooting war, and most 
of the delegations were aware that a 
dangerous and delicate situation had 
been created. 

The danger might be averted tem- 
porarily, he thought, but the state of 
tension that had existed since the West 
Berlin blockade of 1948 would continue 
unless the leaders of the United States, 
Great Britain, France and the Soviet 
Union got together and settled outstand- 
ing issues around a conference table. 
Such talks in the past had not been fruit- 
ful, but that was no reason why another 
attempt should not be made. He was in 
full agreement with Mr. Macmillan and 
fully supported attempts made by Mr. 
Menzies in the direction of removing 
fear and suspicion. 

Mr. Louw added that a factor in the 
situation that could not be ignored was 
the increase in one session of 16 new 
member states from the continent of 
Africa, for the relative position of the 
different groups in the United Nations 
was thereby materially altered. 

“There seems to be little doubt—at 
any rate, in my mind—that this was one 
of the main reasons for Mr. Khrush- 
chev’s unexpected decision personally to 
lead his delegation at this session of the 
Assembly,” he commented. 

Mr. Khrushchev was very interested 
in Africa and it was common knowledge 
that for the last five or six years there 
had been a steady infiltration into some 
of the emergent states of Africa of com- 
mercial, technical and political commu- 
nist agents. That “courting” had met with 
some success, as evidenced by the pro- 

Soviet leanings shown by certain of the 
African delegations. And, added Mr. 
Louw, the record of Soviet interference 
in the Congo was well known to all 

South Africa, he pointed out, had 
always taken a strong stand against com- 
munism. Of its own volition the Govern- 
ment sent units of the South African Air 
Force to participate in the West Berlin 
airlift in 1948; and, at a considerable 
cost of human lives and financial sacri- 
fice, South Africa was one of only 16 
out of 60 member countries to send an 
air squadron to assist the United Na- 
tions forces in Korea. South Africa had 
no direct political or strategic interest in 
the Far East; sending an air squadron 
was the Union’s contribution to the fight 
against communism. 

He pointed out that the word “Afri- 
can” was a purely geographical term 
and had no ethnic connotation: there 
was no African race as such, and as re- 
gards racial origin, language and cus- 
toms, the African states and territories 
differed as much from each other as did 
the different countries of Europe and of 

Mr. Louw dealt with the settling of 
South Africa, which, 300 years ago, he 
said, was uninhabited except for roam- 
ing bands of Hottentots near the coast 
and small bands of bushmen further 
north. Thus the descendants of the Ban- 
tus, who were immigrants from the east- 
ern and northern territories, had no bet- 
ter claim to South Africa than the de- 
scendants of the original Dutch and 
English settlers who came there 300 
years ago. The original European settlers 
in the two Americas opened up and 
developed the countries of North, South 
and Central America and made them 
what they were today. 

Unfortunately, the stirring up of un- 
rest in South Africa had not been lim- 
ited to communistic activities, for during 
past years the United Nations Com- 
mittee on South West Africa had been 
willing to hear and accept evidence from 
expatriates and other persons of no 
standing whatsoever among their own 
people who could not speak on behalf 
of those people. He quoted statements 
and findings of inquiries to show that 
trouble had been deliberately stirred up 
from outside, by both expatriates and 
communist agents. 

Attacks on South Africa, which had 
been going on for 15 years, were, to a 
very large extent, based on prejudice 
and on one-sided and often false press 
reports published in various newspapers, 
he said. 

Most of the 41 states that were this 
year making the charges against the 
Union of South Africa had not come to 
the Assembly with clean hands. The 
main charge, he said, was South Africa’s 
alleged contravention of Article 55 of 
the Charter and the Union’s alleged non- 
observance of the principles of the 
Declaration of Human Rights and of 
fundamental freedoms, but those making 
the charges should look to their own 
records, he suggested. India had led the 
attack, but he accused India—dquoting 
various reports and documents—of com- 

UNR—December 1960 


= eS we ee 

mitting oppression and violence against 
the people of Naga and of Kashmir and 
against the Sikh minority. He also stated 
that in southern India bondage for debt 
was still the lot of millions of poor 

Mr. Louw also accused Norway and 
Sweden of oppression and _ ill-treatment 
of the Lapps and quoted national news- 
papers of those countries to substantiate 
his charges. 

“I have dealt with an Asian country 
and with two European countries,” ob- 
served Mr. Louw. “Let us now turn to 
Africa and the Middle East.” 

Despite periodic discussion and con- 
demnation, he said, slavery was still 
being carried on in Arabia, certain coun- 
tries of the Middle East and some West 
African countries. The centre of the 
slavery traffic was still the Arabian 
Peninsula and in particular Saudi Arabia, 
he reported Lord Shackleton as having 
said in the British House of Lords. 

Mr. Louw also reported Lord Maug- 
ham as having said that there were two 
main slave routes into Saudi Arabia, 
one from West Africa and the other 
from Iraq. And, speaking of Iraq, he 
said that a survey by the Royal Institute 
of International Affairs had given the 
rate of infant mortality there as one of 
the highest in the world, mainly through 
malnutrition. Also, a United Nations 
document had reported that it was im- 
possible to apply compulsory education 
in some of Iraq’s rural provinces because 
of the poverty of parents who needed 
the labor of their children on the land. 
Furthermore, the World Bank had stated 
that the land was largely in the hands 
of the sheiks and urban proprietors and 
that there appeared to be a law forbid- 
ding a sharecropper from leaving a 
property so long as he was indebted to 
the owner—‘“a sort of debt-bondage.” 
The report further had stated that only 
175,000 out of 750,000 children attended 
school, that only one half of the chil- 
dren progressed beyond the primary 
standard, and that there was a serious 
lack of medical services, with only one 
doctor per 8,000 persons. 

One sympathized with the difficulties 
of the Government of Iraq, Mr. Louw 
commented; but, one of their problems 
being the privileged position of wealthy 
sheiks and urban landowners, people 
living under such conditions should not 
sponsor an item which accused South 
Africa of a mass denial of human rights. 

Turning to Liberia, Mr. Louw said 
that there the ownership of land and 
the right to vote were confined to per- 
sons of Negro blood—which he de- 
scribed as racial discrimination in re- 
verse. Liberia was perfectly free to have 
such a law if it wished, he said, but then 
it should not accuse South Africa. Mr. 
Louw also charged that a small group 
of Americo-Liberians controlled the in- 
digenous population, who had minimal 
representation in the Legislature. Re- 
gretfully, he said, he accused Ghana of 
boasting of the boycott action recently 
taken against South Africa and added 
that anyone who followed events in 
Ghana could not deny that democracy 
there would soon exist in name only— 

UNR—December 1960 

yet Ghana, too, accused South Africa. 
He also included among those who had 
come to the Assembly with unclean 
hand “certain Central American coun- 
tries” and Malaya and Indonesia. 

Regarding the Soviet Union, he said 
that the unsavory history of oppression 
and the denial of human rights and free- 
doms in the Soviet Union and its col- 
onies—and he wished to stress the word 
“colonies”—and also in other commu- 
nist countries was so well known to 
members of the Assembly that further 
comment from him would be superfluous. 

In view of the conditions existing in 
the countries he had named, he said, 
none had the right to accuse South Africa 
of denying to its non-white peoples the 
fundamental freedoms set out in Article 
55 of the Charter. Statistics showed that, 
in standards of living, social services, 
health and education services, far more 
was being done in South Africa per 
capita of the Bantu population than in 
any other country of the African con- 

In conclusion he spoke “a word of 
warning.” The basic principle of non- 
interference in the domestic affairs of a 
member state contained in Article 2 (7) 
of the Charter was put there by the 
founders of the United Nations par- 
ticularly for the protection of the smaller 
and weaker states. Those who were to- 
day making a mockery of that Article 
were engaged in removing one of the 
foundation stones of the Organization. 

LIBERIA’S REPLY to South Africa 

Henry Ford Cooper of Liberia exer- 
cised the right of reply. Mr. Louw, he 
said, had levelled against Liberia the 
crime of discrimination, especially as 
regards ownership of property and the 
right to vote. 

“We do not deny these charges,” de- 
clared Mr. Cooper. “We do not deny 
that there are discriminatory laws in 
Liberia. We admit it. But we have to 
say this: that without such laws there 
would have been no Liberia today, and 
especially at that time when the con- 
tinent of Africa was being parcelled out 
among the great ruling powers of our 

Liberia, he said, had been criticized, 
ever since its existence as a state, of 
wholesale exploitation and even forced 
labor. The charges had been levelled 
out of prejudice, for the sole purpose 
of proving that the African, particularly 
the black African, was incapable of self- 
government and independence. However, 
he said, when such charges had been 
made against his country, they had im- 
mediately been investigated and measures 
were taken to remedy any evils. 

On its own initiative, in 1932, Liberia 
invited an international commission to 
investigate charges of forced labor in 
the country and had accepted its findings 
and recommendations without reserva- 
tion. Would the Government of South 
Africa welcome an international body 
to investigate the charges of racial dis- 
crimination and wholesale shooting of 
helpless civilians at Sharpeville for the 
simple reason that they were black? 

In Liberia, said Mr. Cooper, all Li- 
berian citizens, whether they came to 
Liberia or were born there, had the same 
rights. Could the South African Govern- 
ment cite one single example where a 
native African had been allowed to hold 
or occupy any position of importance in 
South Africa? 

Mr. Louw had based his Govern- 
ment’s right to exploit, suppress and 
even kill its fellow men on the United 
Nations Charter, saying, “Why allow 
interference in the domestic jurisdiction 
of South Africa?” The South African 
Government should take warning, said 
Mr. Cooper, that the people of Africa 
would not continue to permit their fel- 
low Africans to be the victims of such 
pernicious practices without taking force- 
ful measures for the protection of the 
rights of their fellow Africans. 

SWEDEN’‘S REPLY to South Africa 

Exercising the right of reply, Mrs. 
Agda Réssel, of Sweden, said that Mr. 
Louw had seen fit to quote the Swedish 
press in regard to what he called Lapps, 
who, in fact, preferred to be called 
“Same.” They were a group of about 
10,000 nomads living in the northern 
part of the country. She thought that 
the South African Foreign Minister must 
be very short on arguments in defence 
of the Union Government’s policy of 
racial discrimination to refer to Lapps 
in order to try to justify that policy. 
She would set the record straight in the 
Special Political Committee when the 
item on apartheid was dealt with. 

NORWAY’S REPLY to South Africa 

Sivert A. Nielsen, of Norway, also re- 
plied briefly to Mr. Louw’s allegations 
about Norwegian Lapps, saying that he, 
too, would reserve the right of reply 
until the question of racial conflict in 
South Africa came before the Special 
Political Committee. 

IRAQ’S REPLY to South Africa 

Also speaking under the right of reply, 
Hashim Jawad, of Iraq, said that Mr. 
Louw’s charges against Iraq seemed to 
have the central thesis that poverty, 
illiteracy and disease in the less-developed 
countries deprived them of the right and 
duty of drawing attention to the pitiless 
and inhumane policies of his own Gov- 

It was important, he said, to state 
that the sources which Mr. Louw had 
quoted to support his charges were 
hopelessly out of date. His reference to 
debt bondage in present-day Iraq was 
simply ridiculous. 

As regards the other charges, he said 
that one week after the revolution in 
Iraq, in July 1958, an agrarian reform 
law was enacted. Mr. Louw had told the 
Assembly that only 175,000 children out 
of 750,000 were at school. In fact, during 
the last academic year, 673,426 pupils 
were enrolled in primary schools—80 per 
cent of all children of primary school 
age. Total enrollment in schools and 


colleges was 825,350. During the last 
two years the budget for education was 
more than doubled. During the same 
period the number of schools increased 
by 40 per cent, and students by 57 per 
cent. Instead of one doctor per 8,000 
persons, as mentioned by Mr. Louw, the 
latest available figures showed one per 
3,000 persons. 

Mr. Louw’s remarks, said Mr. Jawad, 
were completely removed from the truth, 
completely irrelevant in the context of 
the universally condemned racial policy 
of the South African Government—a 
policy which shamefully contradicted all 
accepted human values of modern society 
and which undermined the United Na- 
tions endeavors to promote the basis for 
progress and justice in a large sector of 


M,. Rafael Urquia 
Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations 

After welcoming the new countries 
admitted to the Organization, Dr. Urquia 
said it was obvious that the colonial 
system was “on its way out” and that 
not too many years would pass before 
it had completely disappeared. El Salva- 
dor did not believe, however, that sud- 
denly the machinery built up by the 
United Nations for the gradual and 
progressive evolution of the colonial peo- 
ples toward self-government and _ inde- 
pendence should be abandoned. For that 
would leave many of those peoples in a 
situation of abandonment which could 
lead them to chaos and expose them to 
the danger of a neo-colonialism much 
less desirable than the colonialism under 
which they had previously labored. 

Dr. Urquia said it could not be denied 
that the international situation had 
worsened greatly since the fourteenth 
Assembly session, as demonstrated by 
such events as the failure of the sum- 
mit conference, the breaking-off of nego- 
tiations in the Ten-Nation Disarmament 
Committee, the constant activity of the 
Security Council and, in the regional 
field, the holding of two meetings for 
consultation of the Foreign Ministers of 
the American states, in San José, Costa 

If members truly wished to find ways 
and means of assuring peaceful coex- 
istence in this “agitated and tormented 
world of today,” they must work with 
pragmatic ideas and seek viable solutions 
to the great problems, rather than in- 
tensify the cold war and try to hide 
purposes that could not be frankly ad- 
mitted behind “more or less fantastic 
proposals.” Unfortunately, what had been 
witnessed at this session of the Assembly 
and at the recent Security Council meet- 
ings, as well as at the Assembly’s emer- 
gency session on the Congo question, was 
but an overt offensive of the cold war 
designed to achieve certain ends through 
the use of threats and intimidation. In 
corroboration of this, it was sufficient to 
recall the unjust campaign waged against 
the Secretary-General, the intemperate 


language used during the debate on the 
representation of China and the reiterated 
warnings concerning Berlin. 

El Salvador believed that the Secre- 
tary-General’s conduct in dealing with 
the Congo situation was not only correct 
and in keeping with the spirit and letter 
of the Security Council’s resolutions, but 
in all respects had been “noble and 
praiseworthy in its nature.” The most 
serious problem the United Nations had 
had to deal with was that of the Congo. 
In cooperation with the Security Council 
and the emergency session of the General 
Assembly, the Secretary-General, as 
spokesman for both those bodies and 
working within the limitations and in- 
evitable imperfections that existed in 
such cases, had been able to meet the 
needs and requirements of the moment 
in that young African republic. 

Regardless of the Secretary-General’s 
impartiality, intelligence and behavior, 
El Salvador on principle opposed the 
Soviet idea of substituting the Secretary- 
General’s position by a triumvirate com- 
prising one person from the Western 
world, another from the communist world 
and a third from the neutralist sector, 
“to use this neologism that has become 
so fashionable.” Such a tripartite body 
would only be able to act on the basis 
of unanimity. 

Thus the executive organ of the United 
Nations in charge of implementing the 
decisions of the Council or the General 
Assembly would be imbued with the 
disease that made the Council itself in- 
operative—the veto. 

An amendment to the Charter was 
urgently required, said Dr. Urquia, but 
only to increase the: composition and 
membership of the Security Council and 
the Economic and Social Council, in 
keeping with the increase in the member- 
ship of the United Nations, as well as 
for other equally useful and necessary 
ends. If, when amending the Charter, 
thought was given to the veto, it should 
be to suppress it and not extend it to 
other bodies. 

El Salvador commended the accom- 
plishments of the United Nations through 
its expanded program of technical as- 
sistance, its Special Fund, the United 
Nations Children’s Fund and each and 
every one of the specialized agencies. 
El Salvador also welcomed the setting 
up of the Inter-American Development 
Bank, the first meeting of whose gov- 
ernors took place in its capital. 

In affirming his people’s faith in nego- 
tiation and other peaceful means for 
overcoming difficulties among some Latin 
American republics, Dr. Urquia declared 
that “Operation Pan-America is on the 
go.” The countries of Central America 
were making efforts toward improvement. 
In February 1960 the Governments of 
El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala 
subscribed to a treaty of economic asso- 
ciation, drawn up to guarantee the free- 
dom of movement of persons, capital and 
possessions among the three countries. 
The object of that association was to 
give an impetus to the economic develop- 
ment of the countries and so improve 
the conditions of life of their inhabitants 
and consolidate and increase economic 

cooperation between them, thereby con- 
tributing to the economic integration of 
Central America and the setting up of a 
common market to stimulate joint pro- 
duction and investment. 

Remarking on the “constant nightmare 
of nuclear war,” Dr. Urquia said the 
fate of mankind was in the hands of a 
few men—those who directed the policies 
and behavior of the great powers, par- 
ticularly the two “that are best prepared 
to begin the final suicidal conflagration.” 

There should be an immediate renewal! 
of negotiations between the great powers 
under the auspices of the United Nations, 
whether that was done through the heads 
of states or of governments—namely, at 
the highest level—or whether by some 
other means which would ensure gradual 
success for those negotiations. Recent 
events showed that the procedures of the 
“summit conference” were not always 
correct or the best means of achieving 
the goal. 

Every effort and every sacrifice would 
be worth while if, at long last, the world 
was able to shake off its fear and men 
would be able to enjoy the benefits of 
life in peace and calm. The right attitude 
would be to consider the possibility of 
changing the structure of the Disarma- 
ment Commission, to have it composed 
of a small group of states and, if possible, 
give it certain concrete directives for the 
fulfillment of its functions. Thus it would 
replace the Ten-Nation Committee which, 
because of its origin, was “foreign to 
the United Nations.” There should be 
an official commission, reasonably con- 
stituted, that would, with the probability 
of success, be able to undertake consider- 
ation of the main disarmament problems. 


Gonzalo Ortiz Martin 
Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations 

Extending a welcome to all the newly 
independent countries which had joined 
the United Nations, Dr. Ortiz Martin 
stressed the importance of the Organiza- 
tion as “a created institution.” In addi- 
tion to its objective of preserving peace, 
it was established to help, protect and 
advise all countries that aspired to inde- 
pendence. The small, underdeveloped na- 
tions had nothing to do with disputes 
among the great. They had only one thing 
to do—to see that they did not serve as 
a pretext “so that there is born between 
us discord which will give rise to cold 
wars,” thereby creating tensions, which 
would ultimately destroy the. world. They 
must stand steadfast by the United Na- 
tions, for as human beings they under- 
stood the value of its worldwide protec- 

Dr. Ortiz Martin also put to the new 
members the fact that Costa Rica had 
found that keeping a standing army had 
given no positive result because “our 
well-known love of peace made it impos- 
sible to believe that we might need an 
army to war against our neighbors.” 

Barracks were useful only for setting 
up a military caste that kept the govern- 

UNR—December 1960 


ments in power against the people’s will 
or served as an electoral instrument, 
frightening the voter with its power or 
potential and allowing governments to 
retain power illegally. But Costa Rica 
believed in its regional institution, the 
Organization of American States, and in 
the United Nations as sufficient guar- 
antees for the maintenance of peace and 
justice in the remote possibility that it 
might be attacked. 

In its budget, Costa Rica did not 
earmark a single cent for arms, In its 
struggles or differences it used reason, not 
force. Its decisions were taken by votes, 
not bullets. It recommended such an at- 
titude to all newly independent states, 
for they would find the guarantee of 
stability of their institutions not in their 
armies but in those institutions them- 
selves. He assured the new members 
that it was more useful to spend money 
on schools than to use it for arms. 

That might be taken as Costa Rica’s 
definition of its conduct in “the terrify- 
ing subject of disarmament.” It was 
also its general viewpoint regarding the 
painful situation which had developed 
in the Congo. With United Nations help, 
the Congolese themselves must settle 
their own conflicts “with their eyes fixed 
on the future of their beloved country.” 

Turning to economic questions, Dr. 
Ortiz Martin recalled that Costa Rica 
had, in the Economic and Social Council, 
always vigorously contended that prices 
for raw materials should be fixed in the 
same way as those for industrial products 
by the governments of the highly indus- 
trialized nations. 

“We no longer have patience,” he 
said, “to accept the fact that while the 
salaries of our working masses are sub- 
ject to the fluctuations of international 
markets, the salaries of the workers in 
the highly industrialized countries con- 
stantly increase, establishing an ominous 
difference which causes a_ constant 

Referring to the recent economic con- 
ference in Bogot4, Dr. Ortiz Martin said 
that Operation Pan-America was begin- 
ning to function and that it would spur 
economic development. 

Underdeveloped countries, he added, 
must be morally and socially prepared 
to make adequate use of the economic 
aid provided by the United Nations and 
other sources and not to waste efforts in 
sterile political discussions or fratricidal 
quarrels. Efforts should be concentrated 
on building true political stability and on 
developing health, education and dignity 
in freedom. That did not mean, however, 
that they should wash their hands of the 
great international problems which ob- 
viously touched them closely. 

Paying tribute to the work of the 
Organization of American States, Dr. 
Ortiz Martin said it had been an idea 
born of the mind of Simon Bolivar. Latin 
America had faced many difficulties in 
its international life but had always 
maintained the principle of Bolivar. Costa 
Rica, when host to the Foreign Ministers 
of the Americas last August, had been 
able to show them an atmosphere of 
true freedom in which the word “dis- 
crimination” was not even known. 

UNR—December 1960 


Zenon Rossides 
Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations 

Mr. Rossides told the Assembly that, 
as a recently admitted member, Cyprus 
approached the general debate with diffi- 
dence, but with a sense of perspective 
and objectivity. He expressed gratitude 
to the nations that supported Cypriot 
independence and he recalled “with 
warmth of feeling” the encouragement 
received from many delegations. 

He said that Cyprus was in no way 
committed and would not align itself 
with any power bloc or camp. His nation 
would follow an independent line. Its 
commitment—a strong commitment—was 
to the United Nations and its Charter. 
Mr. Rossides said that while Cyprus was 
just emerging from a liberation struggle, 
his people bore no vestige of bitterness 
toward anyone. 

His nation had listened with particular 
interest and deep satisfaction to the 
speeches in support of freedom and 
against colonialism. The collective voice 
of nations had spoken out; the age of 
domination and force was a thing of the 
past. “There can be no stability and 
peace where the will of the people is in 
rebellion,” he said. Therefore, he wanted 
to see a solution of the Algerian problem 
by mutual understanding between the 
French nation and the Algerian people, 
whose cause of self-determination had the 
full support of his own nation. 

Regarding Africa, Mr. Rossides looked 
forward to the day when all African 
peoples would be free, living under their 
own sovereign governments. As to the 
question of the Congo, Cyprus’s stand 
was consistent with the resolution of the 
General Assembly adopted at its emer- 
gency special session. There should be 
no outside interference in the Congo. Its 
government and people, with the assist- 
ance of the United Nations, would be 
able to find their way to peace and unity. 
The work of the Secretary-General in 
the Congo was performed with impar- 
tiality, efficiency and speed under con- 
ditions of great difficulty and strain. Mr. 
Rossides therefore wished to associate 
himself with the wide expression of con- 
fidence in Mr. Hammarskjold. It was 
most essential, he said, that the office of 
the Secretary-General should in no way 
be weakened. 

Mr. Rossides called for increased eco- 
nomic and technical assistance by the 
United Nations and suggested a reap- 
praisal of the whole subject of such 
assistance. On the item of Bozen, or 
Bolzano, he offered Cyprus’s help toward 
a compromise agreement. 

Regarding disarmament, Mr. Rossides 
said a study of documents and speeches 
indicated to him a deep desire for peace 
and disarmament. Why, then, could there 
be no agreement? It would seem that the 
main obstacle was suspicion and distrust. 
It was feared that in the process of dis- 
armament the balance of power might be 
tipped. Speaking of the Ten-Nation Com- 
mittee, he considered that the attitude of 
the two sides regarding disarmament and 
control should not be irreconcilable. Par- 

allel plans on disarmament and control 
could, he said, be simultaneously agreed 
to as part of one treaty carried out by 
stages while the balance of power was 
retained. If disarmament was not to 
continue to be an ever-elusive phantom, 
the world must achieve a climate of 
confidence. Moral progress was an im- 
perative. Such a moral impact, said Mr. 
Rossides, had already begun to make 
itself felt in the general atmosphere of 
the Assembly. 

INDIA (second statement) 

Vv. K. Krishna Menon 
Minister of Defence 

Mr. Krishna Menon reminded the As- 
sembly that the Prime Minister of India 
had drawn attention earlier to the great 
urgency of current problems and to In- 
dia’s approach to them. Three weeks of 
intensive discussions had occurred since 
the Prime Minister’s speech, and althorgh 
they had sometimes been acrimonious, 
in the long run they had been fruitful. 

In regard to the problem of the Con- 
go, Mr. Krishna Menon said his Govern- 
ment did not seek to apportion blame or 
responsibility, but it did feel that the 
problem must be attacked with a greater 
sense of urgency for a solution seemed to 
be no nearer. Every member had been 
engaged with the problem—some, like 
India, more than others because of the 
presence of their personnel. 

Outlining the Indian Government's 
views, Mr. Krishna Menon said that no 
management of a people by another na- 
tion or by the United Nations was a 
substitute for management by themselves, 
so the Parliament of the Congo had to 
be convened without further delay. That 
was one of the urgent and imperative 
responsibilities of the United Nations. 
All non-Congolese personnel in the Con- 
go not there for United Nations or hu- 
manitarian purposes should leave the 

The United Nations had to establish 
beyond doubt that it was not there as an 
arbitrator between rival claimants, be- 
cause the Charter did not authorize that. 
For the first time, forces of the United 
Nations had been used not as between 
nations, but within a nation. Greater at- 
tention had to be directed toward en- 
suring that the administration, policing 
and necessary personnel were to come 
from the Congo itself, and some disen- 
gagement of the United Nations should 
take place. 

Furthermore, while no one could or 
should prevent assistance going into the 
Congo from any part of the world, in 
the existing circumstances it would not 
be in the interests of the world “for 
very powerful people to fish in these 
troubled waters.” Whatever aid was to 
be given should be with the cognizance 
of the United Nations—not necessarily 
channeled through it—so that everything 
would be above board. 

Mr. Krishna Menon then turned to 
what he regarded as the urgent problem 
arising from the situation in Laos. He 
recalled the Geneva agreements of 1954 


which brought about a settlement with 
regard to Laos and Indo-China and un- 
der which India had great responsibili- 
ties. As a result of those agreements, on 
August 11, 1954, guns were silenced in 
the world for the first time in 25 years; 
and, despite their limitations, the agree- 
ments had kept peace in that part of the 

However much they might agree or 
disagree with the position of Viet-Nam, 
a country divided into two, or however 
much they might sympathize or other- 
wise have opinions about the complaints 
of Cambodia regarding incursions on its 
territories, Mr. Krishna Menon said he 
was sure his Cambodian friends would 
agree that the presence of the Commis- 
sion for Supervision and Control had 
kept that part of the world free from 
actual war. The Geneva agreements had 
been brought about by four of the West- 
ern powers and China—with the United 
States associated in the final declaration 
—and had been based on the idea of 
non-interference in the affairs of those 

“There is no hope for an Asian coun- 
try, particularly a small country—there 
is no hope of peace in Asia—unless the 
parties to the cold war keep out of our 
territories,” declared Mr. Krishna Menon. 
That, he continued, was India’s main 
objection to military pacts, for when 
the machinery of conflict—cold war or 
otherwise—was projected into those 
areas, troubles arose. 

The future of Laos lay in non-inter- 
ference in its affairs by the great powers 
or parties to the cold war, either in 
open or disguised form. As for Laos it- 
self, no matter what kind of a govern- 
ment it had, so long as it did not in- 
fringe the Geneva agreements and re- 
mained in the areas of peace, it was to 
be assisted. 

It was very important, he added, that 
that part of the world should be left 
alone, without ideological conflicts. Both 
East and West should realize that non- 
committedness there was to the advan- 
tage of both. Thus, in the “rather com- 
bustible” area of Laos, there was a con- 
stitutional government which should have 
assistance but should draw it from its 
own neighbors and not from anyone 

Next Mr. Krishna Menon dealt with 
the problem of dependent territories. In 
the previous two years, he noted, the 
area of liberation had become larger and 
larger. A few years before nearly 10 mil- 
lion square miles were still under colon- 
ial rule. Now there were about 4% mil- 
lion square miles, with a population of 
72 million, still in a state of dependence 
or tutelage under the international trus- 
teeship system. One must pay tribute, he 
said, to those countries—particularly the 
United Kingdom—which had found it 
paid dividends to liberate peoples. 

“Empires gain by terminating imperi- 
alism,” he declared. “Today there is a 
higher standard of life in the United 
Kingdom; there is no unemployment; 
there are better relations between the 
former dependent countries and them- 
selves, and, so far as our country is 
concerned, there are more United King- 
dom nationals in India today than there 


were under imperial occupation. There- 
fore friendship and cooperation pay. The 
position today is, however, that under 
the British system there are 37 units 
occupying 1,346,000 square miles with 
a population of 34 million out of which 
the greater part of them will become 
free in the next few months.” 

As for France, if the problem of AIl- 
geria were settled, the greater headaches 
of France would be over, he said, for 
there would be a vast ally occupying a 
large part of Africa which would make 
a great contribution to civilization. 

However, added Mr. Krishna Menon, 
independence had no meaning if it was 
exclusively the removal of foreign rule. 
Independence for a people meant more 
food, more education, more sanitation, 
more opportunity, more leisure. The 
vast continent of Africa was in a state 
of backwardness in all those aspects, 
whether in the form of nutrition, educa- 
tion, opportunity or political advance- 
ment. Those were the things that had to 
be implemented, and it should be the 
concern of the United Nations and of 
the populations themselves not to regard 
the ending of empire as something that 
was forced upon them, but as a con- 
scious effort of modern policy. 

Mr. Krishna Menon told the Assembly 
that there was a fundamental difference 
in the development of dependent terri- 
tories and the development of Western 
Europe. In Western Europe industry and 
economic progress had come first, but 
in all of Asia and in Africa full-fledged 
political revolutions came first. And that 
division created social problems which 
it was necessary for the United Nations 
to assist in overcoming, not merely in 
the time-honored ways, but in other, new 
ways. At the proper time India would 
put forward proposals in that regard. 

United Nations Levy Suggested 

He then suggested that it should be 
possible for the United Nations to make 
a levy—a percentage of national income 
of countries, related to their capacity to 
pay—which would probably produce a 
very large amount. The underdeveloped 
nations themselves would also be par- 
ticipants in the levy, but on a smaller 
scale because of their lower standards. 
International pools of technicians and 
experts would be established. It would 
not be all a one-way flow of traffic. Each 
country, Mr. Krishna Menon empha- 
sized, would not be exclusively a giver 
or a taker. 

The time had come to make a request 
on a very large and ambitious scale, he 
asserted, particularly to ask the more 
advanced countries, the United States 
and the Soviet Union, to submit them- 
selves to a United Nations levy, collected 
by the United Nations and administered 
by special organizations established for 
that particular purpose, so that a new 
system would develop whereby some of 
the problems that had been talked about, 
involving the incapacity of the Organiza- 
tion to respond to newer situations, would 
also disappear. 

Mr. Krishna Menon then turned to the 
make-up of the United Nations. It was 

founded, he pointed out, some fifteen 
years ago. The political and social di- 
mensions of the world had become 
larger, and the economic, security, peace 
and other functions of the United Na- 
tions had vastly expanded. 

Membership in the United Nations 
from some areas had increased more 
than six times; almost every region had 
shown some increase. In regard to the 
Security Council, India still believed it 
necessary for the United Nations to be 
based on unanimity of the great powers, 
but he questioned the formula for select- 
ing the other member states represented 
in the Council; for, in the existing state 
of membership, India, as a member of 
the British Commonwealth, would be in 
the Security Council once in 24 years 
and, from the end of 1961, once in 48 
years. An African country under that 
system—unless the Asians and Africans 
came to some arrangement among them- 
selves—would not be there at all; and 
even if some arrangement were reached, 
an African country would be there only 
once in 70 or 80 years, with a two-year 
term to be distributed among all of 
them. While not every country might 
want membership, it would still take a 
very long time—some 10 to 30 years— 
before a given country could be in the 

Therefore the necessity became appar- 
ent, he said, for finding ways and means 
of dealing with this problem calling for 
an amendment of the Charter. His own 
country, he asserted, consistently op- 
posed amending the Charter without get- 
ting agreement among the great powers, 
but he was certain that the great powers 
would recognize that the Security Coun- 
cil—like the other organs of the United 
Nations—lived in a political vacuum 
unconnected with the realities of the 
modern world. 

Mr. Krishna Menon told the Assembly 
that India was not a “neutral country” 
—an appellation that could apply only 
in war—but was an unaligned and un- 
committed nation in relation to the cold 

“The greater the increase of the area 
of peace in the world,” he said, “the 
greater the non-committedness, the great- 
er amount that the so-called committed 
nations have to canvass for the moral 
support of others, the greater are the 
chances of peace.” 

That did not mean that his country 
would simply sit on the fence and not 
take sides. Nor was it, he asserted, an 
attempt to escape international responsi- 
bilities. In Korea, in Indo-China, in the 
Lebanon; in the Gaza Strip, his country 
had been committed and was even then 
committed in the Congo far beyond its 
capacity, because it thought that was in 
the interests of peace. No troops or arms 
belonging to India were anywhere outside 
its own frontiers except at the behest of 
the United Nations or international 
agreements. His country did not want to 
be involved in the war blocs. 

On that subject, Mr. Krishna Menon 
said India was against the formation of 
isolated blocs in the United Nations, for 
that would mean the Assembly had no 
capacity to decide in freedom. Unless 

UNR—December 1960 

Ss eae =e cf 

— ct ome = 2 Oe 6m Ue l MUC lCUelC CUCU eOlUlUelUcee CUCU 




=i Ss 

the Organization remained not only uni- 
versal in its membership but universal 
in the conception pervading it, not of 
factionalism, it was not likely to get 
much further. 

The Indian representative then came 
to what he termed the most important 
problem, disarmament, which India re- 
garded only as a means to an end—the 
avoidance of war. Whatever had been 
the justification in the past for wars be- 
tween nations or wars to end wars, today 
there could be wars only in a global 
sense, only to end the world. Therefore 
the idea of total disarmament had be- 
come an imperative necessity. Any lim- 
itation of armaments which made large- 
scale war possible was not an end in 
itself. The world was not satisfied with 
being told that more humane weapons 
were being used. India stood foursquare 
for the complete abandonment of all 
weapons of mass destruction and speedy 
progress toward their abolition. 

Regarding the disarmament problem, 
Mr. Krishna Menon said there were 
large areas of agreement. In the resolu- 
tion adopted unanimously at the four- 
teenth session, there had been an agree- 
ment on total and complete disarma- 
ment. There had also been agreement 
that disarmament should be carried out 
in agreed stages and completed as rapid- 
ly as possible within specified periods of 
time. Furthermore, it was common 
ground between the two sides that dis- 
armament measures should be so bal- 
anced that neither side at any time would 
have any significant military advantage. 
It had also been agreed that the imple- 
mentation of the disarmament measures 
should be carried out from beginning to 
end under effective international control 
through the establishment of an organi- 
zation within the United Nations. And, 
finally, it had been agreed that as the 
disarmament steps were implemented 
there should be an international force 
within the United Nations for the main- 
tenance of international peace and se- 

Mr. Krishna Menon said that his Gov- 
ernment believed that many of the dif- 
ferences which had been much publicized 
lacked substance when looked at in the 
cold light of reason. However, it ap- 
peared that disarmament negotiations 
themselves had become a weapon in the 
cold war, but there were increasing dan- 
gers in delay, for the production of 
weapons of mass destruction by a num- 
ber of countries, and by smaller coun- 
tries with lesser responsibilities and per- 
haps with smaller quarrels, was increas- 
ing, and in three or four years it might 
be impossible to introduce controls or 
inspection in the desired ways. 

There was another fear, he continued, 
for one of the possessing countries, 
knowing that neither the Soviet Union 
nor the United States would be likely to 
precipitate a world war in the interests 
of a particular local quarrel, might use 
the weapon for purposes contrary to 
those for which the Assembly stood. 
The spread of those weapons, along 
with the relevant technology, made it 
dangerous even for the great powers 
when they would no longer have the 
control of the destructive processes that 

UNR—December 1960 

would be let loose. Therefore there would 
have to be “complete totality”—total pro- 
hibition and destruction of all existing 
stocks—no halfway measures. 

It was necessary to consider ways and 
means to prevent a break or gap in the 
disarmament discussions, the Defence 
Minister continued. They had to be kept 
going, but of course with the agreement 
of the United States and the Soviet Un- 
ion. If the Committee of Ten could con- 
tinue, his delegation would be pleased; 
but if not, there should be some change 
or enlargement or replacement; or per- 
haps the Assembly, because of the ten- 
sion prevailing between the two sides, 
could find a group of nations which 
would be able to talk to them separately 
pending the formation of a more con- 
venient committee. 

Therefore, said Mr. Krishna Menon, the 
request of his delegation was that the 
First Committee should definitely give 
directives, instead of passing draft resolu- 
tions put forward from one side or an- 
other, amended or not, merely to avoid 
greater harm. The Assembly had to take 
greater responsibility. 

“This applies to the Secretary-General 
as to anybody else,” he added. “If the 
Security Council passes a resolution, the 
Security Council must support with cour- 
age and actively the responsibility for 
giving directions in regard to implemen- 
tation, and not turn afterward and say 
it was not implemented. It is open to the 
Security Council to devise the machinery 
as to how it should be carried out.” 

By way of example, he said, the Dis- 
armament Commission this time had to 
give directions to whatever body there 
was or make it clear to the great powers 
that the first objective was the total 
abolition of all arms, and the second 
that disarmament should be accomplished 
within measurable time—perhaps three 
or four years, 

Then it would be necessary, he con- 
tinued, for the Assembly to formulate 
some kind of code to become part of 
international law whereby a surprise at- 
tack by one country or another—and 
not only the great powers—would be 
regarded as a violent breach of inter- 
national obligations. 

He was not referring to a technique for 
preventing a surprise attack, for, although 
he thought that technical studies were nec- 
essary, they had to be directed toward a 
particular purpose; and the directive he 
was suggesting would include the idea 
that the preparation for surprise attack 
or the threat of surprise attack as a 
weapon for domination was against the 
code of nations. 

The directive also had to call for 
speedy agreement on the termination of 
test explosions; otherwise the spread of 
nuclear weapons and the effects of ioniz- 
ing radiation would vastly increase. 

Mr. Krishna Menon charged that the 
Disarmament Commission had defaulted 
in its activity. Whatever the machinery 
decided on for negotiations, and what- 
ever the membership of the Disarmament 
Commission itself, a directive had to 
be given to the negotiating body, and it 
had to make a report to the total Dis- 
armament Commission within three or 
four months so that the Commission 

could call a session of the General As- 
sembly to carry on with the work. 

He concluded his statement by intro- 
ducing the 28-power draft resolution 
which the Assembly adopted unanimous- 
ly later that day, appealing for coopera- 
tion in the interests of peace and prog- 
November 1960, page 52.) 

Second Congo 
Progress Report 

(Continued from page 36) 

ly to the presence and activities of the 
United Nations troops. 

As for the future perspectives, if 
the aNc can be brought under some 
measure of control and other lawless 
elements subdued, it may be possible 
for normal political life to be reacti- 
vated. This implies a free press and 
radio and freedom of speech and 
political association. 

In the confused political situation 
which prevails, the only two institu- 
tions whose foundations still stand are 
the office of the Chief of State and 
the Parliament. If the minimum con- 
ditions of non-interference and secu- 
rity mentioned earlier could be estab- 
lished, it would open the way to the 
leaders of the country to seek peaceful 
political solutions through the medium 
of these two institutions. 

The present situation, where the 
political leaders of the country have 
been reduced to virtual impotence, 
combined with the threat of the im- 
position of an _ extra-constitutional 
régime, clearly points to the dangers 
of continued party and factional strife. 
The opportunity is beginning to un- 
fold for a fresh start to be made for 
achieving the unity and integrity of 
the country so that all six provinces 
may take their due share, on demo- 
cratic lines, in the tasks that lie ahead. 
If individual, party or factional inter- 
ests are subordinated to the general 
good, there is a chance of a single 
government of conciliation, represent- 
ing all the principal interests, emerg- 
ing. The United Nations operation in 
the Congo, for its part, has spared no 
efforts for the preparation of the 
ground and for the creation of the 
necessary conditions which would 
make fruitful political activity possi- 
ble. This report may therefore con- 
clude with the hope that, warned by 
the experiences of the past and con- 
scious of the still greater perils loom- 
ing ahead, the leadership will rise to 
the full stature of its great responsi- 
bilities in the interest of the entire 
Congolese nation, so that the 14 mil- 
lion inhabitants of the country are 
assured the possibility of leading their 
lives in peace, in freedom and in 


DISARMAMENT: The Major Problem 

(Continued from page 9) 

Somalia, Sudan and Tunisia, later 
joined by Ceylon, Guinea and Libya. 

It was prefaced with an expression 
of grave concern that, while negotia- 
tions on disarmament had not yet 
achieved satisfactory results, the arma- 
ments race, particularly in the nuclear 
and thermonuclear fields, had reached 
a dangerous stage requiring all possible 
precautionary measures “to protect 
humanity and its civilization from the 
hazard of nuclear and thermonuclear 

It also recalled that the use of weap- 
ons of mass destruction had been 
prohibited in the past by international 
declarations and binding agreements, 
such as the Declaration of St. Peters- 
burg of 1868, the Declaration of the 
Brussels Conference of 1874, the con- 
ventions of the Hague Peace Confer- 
ences of 1899 and 1907, and the 
Geneva Protocol of 1925, to which 
the majority of nations were still 
parties. And, it pointed out, the in- 
discriminate suffering and destruction 
resulting from the use of nuclear and 
thermonuclear weapons would be even 
greater than from the use of the weap- 
ons which those international declara- 
tions and agreements had declared to 
be contrary to the laws of humanity 
and a crime under international law. 

The draft resolution therefore pro- 
posed that the General Assembly 
should make a four-part declaration 
to the effect that the use of nuclear 
and thermonuclear weapons (“js con- 
trary to the spirit, letter and aims of 
the United Nations and, as such, a 
direct violation of the United Nations 
Charter”; “would exceed even the 
scope of war and cause indiscriminate 
suffering and destruction to mankind 
and its civilization and, as such, is 
contrary to the rules of international 
law and to the laws of humanity”; 
and “is a war directed not against an 
enemy or enemies alone, but also 
agaifist mankind in general, since the 
peoples of the world not involved in 
such war will be subjected to all the 
evils generated from the use of such 
weapons.” The fourth part of the 
declaration would be that “ahy state 
using nuclear and _ thermonuclear 
weapons is to be considered to violate 
the Charter of the United Nations, to 
act contrary to the laws of humanity 
and to commit a crime against man- 
kind and its civilization.” 

Under the proposal, the Secretary- 
General would ascertain the views of 
member governments on the possibility 
of convening a special conference for 


signing a convention on the prohibi- 
tion of the use of nuclear and thermo- 
nuclear weapons for war purposes and 
would report to the sixteenth session 
of the Assembly. 

Explaining the draft resolution, the 
representative of Ethiopia, Ato Had- 
dis Alemayehou, regarded it as clear, 
straightforward and non-controversial. 
The majority of states, including the 
great powers, he said, were still parties 
to the international instruments which 
it cited, so that a declaration prohibit- 
ing the use of weapons of mass de- 
struction, such as the sponsors pro- 
posed regarding nuclear and thermo- 
nuclear weapons, would be only a re- 
affirmation of their position for those 

The sponsors believed that the first 
and second operative paragraphs 
should be considered independently of 
each other: thus, whether the con- 
vention provided for in the second 
paragraph was to be signed or not, the 
declaration contained in the first para- 
graph would remain unaffected. 

“We did not think it necessary or 
expedient,” he added, “to place a 
time-limit, at this stage, for the sign- 
ing of a convention. We thought that 
it would perhaps be advisable to leave 
the Secretary-General and the member 
governments the question of choosing 
the appropriate time for signing such 
convention. My delegation believes 
that a better and calmer political at- 
mosphere than that prevailing today is 
required for attempting such a deli- 
cate and difficult task, and that the 
declaration, if adopted, would help to 
create such a calmer political at- 

The sponsors nevertheless believed 
that, at a more propitious time, the 
conclusion of a binding convention 
prohibiting the use of nuclear and 
thermonuclear energy for war pur- 
poses and providing for its exclusive 
use for peaceful purposes “is a neces- 
sary condition for the survival of man- 
kind and civilization and for a sure 
victory of man over poverty, disease 
and ignorance, and that it must there- 
fore be kept alive on the agenda of 
the General Assembly until its com- 
pletion.” That was why a report by 
the Secretary-General to the sixteenth 
session was proposed. 

The draft resolution, Mr. Alemaye- 
hou observed, was in a category of 
its own among the many draft resolu- 
tions before the Committee. It did not 
attempt to formulate guiding prin- 
ciples for disarmament negotiations, 

and it did not contain recommenda- 
tions for the cessation of tests or for 
the prohibition of the dissemination of 
nuclear or thermonuclear weapons. 
But it did contain positive declarations 
by the Assembly intended to create 
a more propitious political and psy- 
chological climate necessary for the 
negotiation and conclusion of binding 
agreements in the various fields of 

The production, testing and dis- 
semination of nuclear and thermonu- 
clear weapons had a single purpose— 
the use of such weapons in war. But 
if their use for war purposes was pro- 
hibited, there was no point in produc- 
ing them, in testing them or in dis- 
seminating them. The proposed decla- 
ration, therefore, he argued, should 
facilitate agreements—in the negotia- 
tions already undertaken and those 
to be undertaken in the near future— 
on the cessation of tests and on dis- 

Despite criticism that the proposal 
had no binding force and therefore 
had doubtful practical value, Mr. 
Alemayehou contended that if it was 
adopted by the 99-member Assembly 
and was backed by worldwide public 
opinion, it would exert a tremendous 
moral force which would be as effec- 
tive as binding conventions. He there- 
fore appealed for its unanimous adop- 

Five Other) Proposals) 

There were five other draft resolu- 
tions on the subject of nuclear weap- 
ons. One, sponsored by Poland, cov- 
ered both the discontinuance of nu- 
clear weapons tests and the prevention 
of the wider dissemination of nuclear 
weapons. Another, sponsored by Ire- 
land, with Ghana, Japan, Mexico and 
Morocco as co-sponsors, dealt only 
with the dissemination of such weap- 
ons; while two others dealt exclusively 
with nuclear and thermonuclear tests. 
One of these was sponsored by Au- 
stria, India and Sweden, and the 
other by 26 members—Afghanistan, 
Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Cyprus, 
Ethiopia, Federation of Malaya, 
Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, 
Iraq, Japan, Jordan, Lebanon, Liberia, 
Libya, Morocco, Nepal, Nigeria, Su- 
dan, Tunisia, United Arab Republic, 
Venezuela, Yemen and Yugoslavia. A 
fifth draft resolution, sponsored by 
Poland, proposed universal dissemina- 
tion of information on the conse- 
quences of a nuclear war. 

Tests and Territorial Limits: 
Poland’s Proposal 

The Polish proposal on nuclear 
weapons and tests put forth measures 
which the sponsor contended would 

UNR—December 1960 

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—an Le 2 2h 


help to arrest the armaments race and 
would create conditions favorable for 
reaching agreement on implementing 
general and complete disarmament. 
Under it, the Assembly would call on 
all states not to undertake any meas- 
ures which could render the disarma- 
ment negotiations more difficult. 

It would call for successful con- 
clusion of the negotiations on the ces- 
sation of nuclear weapons tests and 
for reaching a relevant agreement not 
later than April 1, 1961. Failing that, 
the problem should be immediately 

submitted to the General Assembly at 

a session especially convened for the 

purpose. The Assembly would also re- 

quest the powers possessing nuclear 
weapons to refrain from conducting 
nuclear tests until an agreement on 
the cessation of such tests was reached. 

The draft resolution then proposed 

that the Assembly should call for a 

territorial limitation on the most dan- 

gerous types of weapons, to be im- 

posed by the states themselves as fol- 

states manufacturing and possessing 
nuclear weapons should not partici- 
‘\ pate in any form in the preparation 
/ for the production of such weapons 
| by other states and should not make 
them accessible or deliver them to 
other states; 
states not possessing nuclear weap- 
ons should refrain from accepting 
them from other states and should 
not initiate their manufacture or pre- 
pare for it, either in their own territory 
or in the territory of other states; 

states should refrain from setting up 
military bases in the territories of 
foreign states and from introducing 
into them and establishing there instal- 
lations for missile and nuclear weap- 

states where there are no foreign 
military bases or foreign installations 
for missile and nuclear weapons should 
not permit their introduction or es- 

states which do not possess their 
own missile and nuclear installations 
should refrain from establishing them, 
and states which have only com- 
menced construction of such instal- 
lations should not proceed with it. 

Jozef Winiewicz, of Poland, told 
the Committee that all the proposed 
measures were simple and could be 
implemented immediately. Strictly 
speaking, they were not measures of 
disarmament, which should be dealt 
with separately; their purpose was 
merely to halt the arms race in order 
to facilitate negotiations and to create 
conditions favorable to the conclus- 
ion of a disarmament agreement, just 
as military operations had to be 
Stopped prior to the conclusion of a 

UNR—December 1960 

peace treaty. The ultimate aim, of 
course, should be general and com- 
plete disarmament, for no half-meas- 
ures such as the qualitative or quanti- 
tative reduction of armaments could 
create a lasting feeling of security or 
prevent war, he declared. 

Suspension of Tests: 
Two Separate Proposals 

India was a co-sponsor of both the 
three-power and the 26-power draft 
resolutions on the suspension of nu- 
clear and thermonuclear tests. Both 
proposals were substantially the same, 
for they both urged “the states con- 
cerned”—the Soviet Union, the United 
Kingdom and the United States—to 
build on the progress already achieved 
in their Geneva negotiations on sus- 
pending such tests under international 
control so that an early agreement 
might be reached; to continue their 
present voluntary suspension of such 
tests; and to report to the Disarma- 
ment Commission and to the General 
Assembly the results of their negotia- 
tions. The 26-power draft resolution 
was somewhat broader, for it proposed 
urging other states besides the nu- 
clear powers concerned to refrain 
from undertaking such tests. 

V. K. Krishna Menon, of India, re- 
minded the Committee that, although 
considerable progress had been made 
and the areas of disagreement had 
been appreciably narrowed as a re- 
sult of the protracted negotiations at 
Geneva, there were still reasons for 
apprehension, for whether nuclear tests 
were carried out in the sky, on the 
ground or underground, the fallout 
they produced was harmful to man 
in varying degrees. 

The main differences, he said, con- 
cerned the definition of the proposed 
threshold in regard to underground 
tests, the composition of the control 
commission, the apparatus of adminis- 
tration, and identification systems. 
There was also serious disagreement 
concerning the duration of the mora- 
torium on underground tests. In view 
of the advances that had been made, 
however, there was no justification for 
a resumption of explosions for pur- 
poses of research, he declared. 

India realized that an ideal agree- 
ment was perhaps not immediately at- 
tainable but believed that any resump- 
tion of test explosions would be a 
great setback to the cause of peace 
and particularly to confidence. Any 
progress toward the cessation of nu- 
clear tests would be an important step 
forward in the field of disarmament as 
a whole. Because nuclear experimenta- 
tion affected the population of the 
whole world, it had become an inter- 

national problem, not one merely of 
national defence. 

Dissemination of Weapons: 
Five-Power Draft 

The draft resolution sponsored 
jointly by Ireland, Ghana, Japan, 
Mexico and Morocco proposed tem- 
porary and voluntary measures to 
avoid aggravation of “the urgent dan- 
ger that now exists that an increase 
in the number of states possessing nu- 
clear weapons may occur, aggravating 
international tension and the difficulty 
of maintaining world peace, and thus 
rendering more difficult the attain- 
ment of general disarmament agree- 

It noted with regret that the Ten- 
Nation Disarmament Committee had 
not found it possible to consider the 
problem, and it stressed the necessity 
of an international agreement, subject 
to inspection and control, whereby the 
powers producing nuclear weapons 
would refrain from relinquishing con- 
trol of such weapons to any nation not 
possessing them and whereby powers 
not possessing such weapons would 
refrain from manufacturing them. 

The specific measures which it pro- 
posed the Assembly should call for 

all governments should make every 
effort to achieve permanent agreement 
on the prevention of the wider dis- 
semination of nuclear weapons; 

as a temporary and voluntary meas- 
ure pending the negotiation of such a 
permanent agreement, powers produc- 
ing such weapons should refrain from 
relinquishing control of them to any 
nation not possessing them and from 
transmitting to it the information 
necessary for their manufacture; 

on a similar temporary and volun- 
tary basis, powers not possessing such 
weapons should refrain from manu- 
facturing them and from otherwise at- 
tempting to acquire them. 

Frank Aiken, of Ireland, told the 
Committee that the first and most 
urgent step to prevent deterioration of 
the existing situation was to stop the 
spread of nuclear weapons “now.” 
The second step, he believed, was to 
establish disarmed areas of law, such 
as the Middle East, Central Europe, 
Central West Africa and perhaps a 
group of countries in South East Asia. 

As for nuclear weapons, he said 
that no legitimate interest of any 
power, nuclear or non-nuclear, would 
be served by the further dissemination 
of such weapons. The present nuclear 
powers had so much to lose and so 
little to gain that none of them would 
deliberately start a war which would 
involve their own destruction. How- 


\ a 

ever, with every addition to the circle 
of countries possessing those weap- 
ons, the greater their danger of falling 
into the hands of a power-drunk ma- 
niac or a maniac seeking power. 
Production of nuclear weapons was 
becoming cheaper and more efficient, 
and it would be more difficult for non- 
nuclear governments to resist the de- 
mands of their armies for nuclear 
equipment; but the Irish delegation 
was confident that if the nuclear 
powers undertook not to give nuclear 
weapons to non-nuclear powers, the 
non-nuclear powers would reciprocate 
by undertaking not to make them. 

Information on Nuclear War: 
Polish Draft Resolution 

The preamble of the Polish draft 
resolution on the universal dissemina- 
tion of information on the conse- 
quences of a nuclear war proposed 
that the General Assembly should set 
forth these considerations: 

a nuclear war would threaten man- 
kind with unprecedented destruction 
and misery; 

the main task of the United Nations 
is to prevent armed conflicts in the 
world, whether started deliberately or 
not: therefore the United Nations 
must find effective ways and means, 
must undertake initiatives and must 
exert efforts aimed at banning nuclear 
and other weapons of mass destruc- 
tion, the use of which would turn the 
world into ruins; 

world public opinion, if acquainted 
with the conclusions of authoritative 
representatives of science, as well as 
the attitude of peoples awakened to 
the consequences of war could con- 
stitute an important factor in bringing 
about an agreement on general and 
complete disarmament. 

In order to understand as fully as 
possible the consequences which a 
modern war waged with nuclear weap- 
ons might bring to nations and man- 
kind, to civilization and to world 
economy, and in order to make those 
consequences known to all peoples, 
particularly in the states which possess 
nuclear weapons, the draft resolution 
proposed the establishment of a com- 
mittee of an unspecified number of 
member governments, each of which 
would designate one representative and 
provide him with a team of consult- 
ants specialized in the theory and prac- 
tice of physics, chemistry, medicine 
and technical sciences. 

On the basis of the personal knowl- 
edge of its members and the materials 
available, as well as on the basis of 
data provided by governments on their 
own initiative, the committee would 
prepare a report on the consequences 
of the use of nuclear weapons, in 


particular with regard to human life 
and health and to the material and 
cultural heritage of mankind. 

The committee would be requested 
to prepare its report by June 1, 1961, 
and to transmit it for use to the gov- 
ernments of all member states of the 
United Nations, as well as to the organ 
which would carry on disarmament 
negotiations. Those governments would 
be requested to publish the report in 
their languages and to distribute it 
widely by all possible means. The re- 
port would be placed on the agenda 
of the sixteenth session of the Assem- 
bly for consideration. 

Jozef Winiewicz, of Poland, told the 
First Committee that the work of the 
proposed committee would not mean 
that new scientific research should be 
undertaken, but simply that the re- 
search so far conducted should be col- 
lated and summed up. The committee 
might be composed of 12 or 15 mem- 
bers broadly representative of the 
three main groups of countries in the 
United Nations. He hoped the pro- 
posal would find support, because the 
work of the United Nations Scientific 
Committee on the Effects of Atomic 
Radiation had shown how valuable 
a study on the consequences of a nu- 
clear war could be. 

Broadening of 10-Nation Group: 
Soviet Draft Resolution 

Early in the session the Soviet 
Union submitted a proposal to 
broaden the membership of the Ten- 
Nation Disarmament Committee to in- 
clude representatives of Ghana, India, 
Indonesia, Mexico and the United 
Arab Republic in addition to the rep- 
resentatives of the existing members, 
Bulgaria, Canada, Czechoslovakia, 
France, Italy, Poland, Romania, the 
USSR, the United Kingdom and the 
United States. 

It was that committee which, in the 
Soviet Union’s view, should be as- 
signed the task of drawing up a treaty 
for general and complete disarmament. 
Without representatives of states un- 
committed to any bloc, Valerian Zorin 
told the First Committee, the Com- 
mittee of Ten could not be entrusted 
with the negotiation of a treaty. The 
problem was a matter of concern to 
those states, and their views could 
carry much weight. Therefore the ad- 
dition of those five uncommitted states 
would be in line with the principle of 
fair representation of the three groups 
of states in the world and with that of 
geographical distribution. 

For Assisting Negotiations: 
Three-Power Proposal 

Canada, Norway and Sweden jointly 
sponsored a draft resolution recom- 

mending immediate establishment by 
the Disarmament Commission of an 
ad hoc Committee on Disarmament, 
to be composed of a limited number 
of states which do not possess nuclear 
weapons, selected on the basis of 
equitable geographical distribution. 

With the assistance of experts as 
appropriate, the ad hoc Committee 
would urgently examine ways and 
means of assisting the resumption of 
negotiations and facilitating the attain- 
ment of the goal of general and com- 
plete disarmament under effective in- 
ternational control, on the basis of 
available documentation, including the 
records of the current session of the 
General Assembly, with special refer- 
ence to the important question of prin- 
ciples which should guide disarma- 
ment negotiations and the specific sug- 
gestions by member states during the 
current session of the Assembly with 
regard to disarmament. 

The ad hoc Committee would also 
consult, as appropriate, with the four 
Governments which established the 
Ten-Nation Committee on Disarma- 
ment—that is, France, the Soviet 
Union, the United Kingdom and the 
United States—and would be asked to 
report to the Disarmament Commis- 
sion not later than April 1, 1961. 

Howard C. Green, of Canada, ex- 
plained that the sponsors were not 
seeking to endorse the position of any 
one side but to ensure the restarting 
of negotiations as soon as possible and 
to facilitate the attainment of the goal 
of general and complete disarmament 
under effective international control. 
They did not limit themselves to a 
mere exhortation, but sought to 
strengthen the influence of the United 
Nations on the course of negotiations 
by bringing the opinions of the middle 
and small powers to bear. In the event 
of a war, most of those powers would 
be unable to escape nuclear bombard- 
ment; therefore they were vitally in- 
terested in the success of such negotia- 

It was proposed also that the pre- 
paratory steps should be taken at 
once: the drift away from serious 
talks and in the direction of sterile 
propaganda debates had to be checked. 
The basic. motives of the sponsors 
were summed up in the words of the 
preamble which indicated that they 
were “disturbed” that disarmament 
negotiations were not proceeding de- 
spite agreement on the common goal 
of general and complete disarmament. 

The draft resolution reaffirmed the 
continuing and ultimate responsibility 
of the United Nations in the field of 
disarmament, but, as Mr. Green 
pointed out, took no particular stand 
on what forum should be used for 
negotiation, since that was a matter 

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on which the negotiators themselves 
had to agree. 

The proposal went on to express the 
hope that every effort would be made 
to achieve general and complete dis- 
armament under effective international 
control by the earliest possible con- 
tinuation of international negotiations 
in such a body as might be agreed on, 
but the negotiators were asked to con- 
sider the appointment of one or more 
impartial officers to assist them in the 
negotiations. That might be an im- 
partial chairman, as Canada had sug- 
gested, or, as some representatives had 
proposed, an impartial vice-chairman 
or rapporteur. 

The success of the ad hoc Com- 
mittee, Mr. Green believed, would de- 
pend on the energy and earnestness 
of the representatives and on the co- 
operation which they received from 
the negotiating group. There was no 
question of expecting miracles but 
rather of enabling the United Nations 
to focus attention on the future of 
negotiations. The joint draft resolu- 
tion was in no way incompatible 
with the other proposals before the 
Committee, he contended. 

Iceland’s Amendments 

Iceland submitted amendments to 
the joint draft resolution sponsored by 
Canada, Norway and Sweden. The ef- 
fect of the amendments would be that 
the Assembly would hope that the 
negotiations would be continued in the 
Ten-Nation Committee on Disarma- 
ment, under the chairmanship of the 
Chairman of the Disarmament Com- 
mission, with the assistance of a Vice- 
Chairman and Rapporteur to be elect- 
ed by the Disarmament Commission. 
Those officers would have no vote in 
the Ten-Nation Committee; their 
duties would be limited to trying to 
facilitate negotiations and the work of 
the Ten-Nation Committee. 

Thor Thors, of Iceland, explained 
that the appointment of the three of- 
ficers would make it unnecessary to 
establish the proposed ad hoc Com- 
mittee. He foresaw that such a com- 
mittee, in order to satisfy considera- 
tions of geographical distribution, 
among others, would probably have 
to comprise about 20 members. It 
would run into endless debates, which 
would only delay still further the re- 
sumption of contacts between the 
great powers, the only possible source 
of practical results. The Committee of 
Ten, which had been established by 
the great powers themselves, was the 
organ which should be set in motion 
again as soon as possible. 

The terms of reference proposed 
for the ad hoc Committee in the three- 
power draft resolution, he said, in- 
cluding the submission of a report to 

UNR—December 1960 

Proposal for Expert Group to Study Effects 
of Disarmament Adopted by Second Committee 

fy expert study that would analyze 
the economic and social effects of 
disarmament has been proposed by the 
General Assembly’s Second (Eco- 
nomic and Financial) Committee. A 
group of expert-consultants would pre- 
pare the study on behalf of the Secre- 
tary-General who would report the 
findings to the Economic and Social 
Council in the summer of 1962. A 
draft resolution to that effect, original- 
ly proposed by Pakistan and later 
amended by Lebanon and the Philip- 
pines, was approved in committee by 
66 votes to none, with 4 abstentions. 
The purpose of the study, as speci- 
fied in the draft resolution, is to ex- 
amine (1) the national economic and 
social consequences of disarmament 
in countries with different economic 
systems and at different stages of eco- 
nomic development; (2) the possible 
development of structural imbalances 

in national economies and the adop- 
tion of possible corrective measures, 
including expanded capital assistance; 
(3) effects on world trade, and es- 
pecially the trade of the poorer coun- 
tries; (4) utilization of resources re- 
leased by disarmament for the de- 
velopment of poorer countries. 
Pakistan’s representative, Wazir Ali, 
in introducing the draft resolution, 
said that a reduction of military ex- 
penditures was certain to set in mo- 
tion changes in domestic economies 
and in world trade. Underdeveloped 
countries, in particular, might be con- 
cerned with a possible decline in the 
demand for raw materials. A study of 
the effects of disarmament might 
therefore be of special importance to 
the poorer countries. The study, he 
said, should outline solutions for the 
transitional period between wartime 
(Continued on next page) 

the Disarmament Commission not 
later than April 1, 1961, should be 
given to the three persons whose ap- 
pointment was suggested in Iceland’s 
amendments. It might be advisable, he 
added, that the Vice-Chairman and the 
Rapporteur should represent Africa 
and Asia. 

Panels of Experts: 
United Kingdom Proposal 

The United Kingdom sponsored a 
proposal to establish panels of tech- 
nical experts to examine the scientific, 
technical and administrative aspects 
of control and to submit a progress 
report to the Disarmament Commis- 
sion within six months. 

They would be experts in the scien- 
tific, military and administrative fields 
and would report on the capabilities 
and limitations of systems of inspec- 
tion and control which would be ef- 
fective and fair to all concerned in 
relation to the following measures of 

the cessation of the production of 
fissile material for use in weapons and 
the transfer of existing material to 
peaceful purposes; 

the preventing of the clandestine 
storage of nuclear weapons and of fis- 
sile material intended for use in weap- 

measures to reduce the dangers of 
surprise attack and war by miscalcula- 

the reduction to agreed levels of 
armed forces and armaments; 

the progressive reduction and eli- 
mination of weapons of mass destruc- 
tion and their means of delivery; 

the prevention of the manufacture 
of chemical and biological weapons; 

measures leading to the use of outer 
space for peaceful purposes only. 

David Ormsby-Gore, of the United 
Kingdom, told the First Committee 
that, in submitting that proposal, his 
Government was not putting control 
before disarmament. The highly tech- 
nical matters involved could be studied 
without prejudice to such questions as 
the sequence of implementation of the 
various disarmament measures, which 
were matters for political negotiation. 
Furthermore, such political negotia- 
tions did not need to await the out- 
come of the technical studies. 

In the Ten-Nation Committee, he 
pointed out, neither side would have 
been able to say, if pressed, what its 
proposals involved in terms of detailed 
practical arrangements. And, inasmuch 
as no state would be willing to com- 
mit itself to any disarmament scheme 
until it knew what was involved and 
to what extent its security was safe- 
guarded, preliminary technical studies 
of a detailed nature were clearly es- 
sential. His delegation had no set view 
on the composition of the proposed 
technical groups, although they obvi- 
ously should include representatives 
of the two principal military alliances. 
There was also validity to the observa- 
tion that other countries were also 
deeply concerned and wished to make 
a contribution. 


Expert Group 
(Continued from previous page) 

and peacetime production. To be 
fruitful, it should avoid raising con- 
tentious issues. 

The Pakistani proposal was sup- 
ported by speakers from Eastern 
Europe. Latin American delegates 
favored the resolution but feared that 
disarmament might not be achieved 
and that the study would therefore 
serve no useful purpose. Speakers 
from western Europe had misgivings 
about raising hopes that might not be 
fulfilled. Eventually, all countries, in- 
cluding the United States, indicated 
their willingness to cooperate in the 

For Strengthening Activities 
of Economic Commissions 

A 25-nation proposal calling for the 
strengthening of the activities of the 
regional economic commissions of the 
United Nations was adopted unani- 
mously in the General Assembly’s 
Economic and Financial Committee. 
The Secretary-General would be asked 
to make every effort to promote and 
assist the effective functioning in par- 
ticular of the secretariat of the Eco- 
nomic Commission for Africa. The 
other regional commissions are for 
Asia and the Far East, Latin America 
and Europe. 

Member states would be asked to 
give still stronger support to the re- 
gional commissions which, as is point- 
ed out, are playing an increasingly im- 
portant role as focal centres for the 
promotion of economic and social de- 
velopment and as a meeting ground 
for experts. 

Portrait of Trygve Lie 
Presented to United Nations 

A portrait of Trygve Lie by the 
Norwegian artist Harald Dal has been 
presented to the United Nations by 
ten Norwegian friends of Mr. Lie in 
commemoration of his service as first 
Secretary-General. Mr. Lie himself 
was among those attending the cere- 
mony in the executive office of Secre- 
tary-General Dag Hammarskjold, 
where the portrait is hung. Norway’s 
permanent representative to the United 
Nations, Sievert A. Nielsen, made the 

Mr. Hammarskjold told Mr. Lie 
that the portrait “will, in the light of 
my own experiences, always remind 
me of all the difficulties you had to 
encounter and to overcome in what, 
on my arrival in New York in the 
spring of 1953, you yourself called 
‘the most impossible job in the world.’ ” 


United Nations Digest 



Elections to International Court* 

Meetings 909, 910 
November 16, 17 

Elected unanimously Sir Gerald Gray 
Fitzmaurice, of United Kingdom, to fill 
unexpired term of late Judge Sir Hersch 
Lauterpacht, also of United Kingdom, 
who died May 8, 1960; term expires Feb- 
ruary 5, 1964; 

Elected for 9-year term to replace five 
judges whose terms expire February 5, 
1961: Philip C. Jessup, United States (11 
votes); Vladimir Koretsky, USSR (9 
votes); Gaetano Morelli, Italy (7 votes); 
Kotaro Tanaka, Japan (6 votes); Jose 
Luis Bustamente y Rivero, Peru (10 
* Elections to Court take place simultaneously 

in General Assembly and Security Council 
and require absolute majorities in both organs. 

votes}. [Outgoing judges: Helge Klae- 
stad, Norway, current President of Court; 

Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan, Pakistan; 
Green H. Hackworth, United States; En- 
rique C. Armand-Ugon, Uruguay; Feodor 
Kojevnikov, USSR.] 

Documents: §/4457(A/4449) and Corr. 
1; S/4474/Rev.1(A/4465/Rev.1) and 
Add.1, 2; S/4479(A/4475) and Add.1; 

Other Council Documents 

Congo: Letter of October 27 from 
President of Security Council to Secre- 
tary-General and reply of October 28 
from Secretary-General: S/4554; Second 
progress report of his Special Represen- 
tative in Congo and Exchange of mes- 
sages between Secretary-General and 
Permanent Representative of Belgium, 
and between Secretary-General and Mr. 
Tshombe, President of Provincial Gov- 

Rise in World Rice Exports 
in 1960 Forecast by FAO 

ORLD rice exports in 1960 will 

be at least as high as the 5.7 mil- 
lion tons shipped in 1959, and they 
may well exceed last year’s volume by 
100,000 to 200,000 tons, the Septem- 
ber issue of the Bulletin of the Food 
and Agriculture Organization of the 
United Nations (FAO) states. 

Total exports in January-June of 
the current year were probably as 
large or even larger than in any cor- 
responding period in postwar years. 
Two outstanding features were: the 
pronounced recovery in imports from 
the United Arab Republic, which 
should be 200,000 tons or more higher 
than in 1959; and the equally marked 
reduction in sales by mainland China. 

Nearly all the other traditional ex- 
porting countries, except Italy and 
China (Taiwan), seem likely to ex- 
pand shipments this year or at least 
to maintain them at last year’s level. 
In particular, substantial increases will 
probably occur in exports from Bur- 
ma, Thailand and the United States. 

Mainiand China’s shipments in 1960 
to destinations other than the USSR 
will be less than one half the 1959 
peak exports of 930,000 tons. By 
early August the only government- 
to-government export commitments 
(aside from those with the Soviet 
Union) were the barter agreements 
with Ceylon (160,000 tons) and Cuba 
(believed to be 100,000 tons). 

The Egyptian section of the United 
Arab Republic showed a production 

recovery. After relatively small ship- 
ments early in the year, exports 
reached about 250,000 tons by August. 

Burma where, because of heavy 
government commitments, private sales 
were suspended, shipped by the end 
of June 1.2 million tons abroad against 
a 1959 total of 1.7 million tons. About 
200,000 tons more rice are expected 
to be still available for export. Thai- 
land has about 100,000 tons more 
available than in 1959. South Viet- 
Nam’s export surplus of about 350,- 
000 tons is one-third higher than last 
year; Cambodia’s crop may well ap- 
proach the 1958 figure of 211,000 
tons. Pakistan has 90,000 tons of high- 
quality rice available for export, 
slightly more than last year. 

United States Exports 

The United States shipped 542,000 
tons in the first half of the current 
year against 323,000 in the same 
period last year. Shipments were par- 
ticularly heavy to India and Indonesia. 

The recent downward trend in 
Asian imports may come to a halt this 
year, the FAO Bulletin forecasts. By 
August 1960, the five largest Asian 
importers—Indonesia, India, Ceylon, 
Japan, and Pakistan, in this order— 
had already contracted to buy a total 
of 2.9 to 3.0 million tons of rice 
against actual imports of 2.3 million 
tons in 1959 and only 1.9 million 
tons in 1958. 

UNR—December 1960 

a ee ne ee ee el 


ane Gn Gh the ame 









Sse ort Fr Ses as 

ernment of Katanga: S/4557(A/4557) 
and Add.1. 

Kashmir: Letter of November 1 from 
Pakistan: S/4556. 

OAS: Letter of November 7 from Sec- 
retary-General of Organization of Amer- 
ican States: S/4559. 

Suez Canal: Letter of November 10 
from Israel: S/4560. 

Summary statements by Secretary- 
General on matters before Council: S/ 
4552, 4553, 4555, 4558, 4561. 

Fifteenth Session 


Meetings 908-923 
October 27-November 22 

Credentials of Representatives [3] 

Nov. 18-22 (meetings 917-924): took 
up report of Credentials Committee on 
credentials of representatives of Repub- 
lic of Congo (Leopoldville) (A/4578); 
Nov. 18 (meeting 917) rejected by roll- 
call vote (36-51-11) motion by Ghana 
for adjournment of debate; approved 
by roll-call vote (40-35-19) proposal of 
United Arab Republic for recess of one 
hour for consultations among members 
of conciliation commission set up by 
Secretary-General’s Advisory Committee 
on Congo; held general debate; Nov. 22: 
rejected by roll-call vote (34-50-13) 
Ghana motion to adjourn debate; heard 
statement by Secretary-General; rejected 
motion of Mali for suspension of meet- 
ing by roll-call vote (32-47-16); rejected 
by roll-call vote (32-50-14) Guinea 
amendment (A/L.322/Rev.1) which would 
have Assembly agree to defer decision 
on credentials of Republic of Congo 
(Leopoldville); adopted by roll-call vote 
(53-24-19) recommendation of Creden- 
tials Committee (A/4578) to accept 
credentials of representatives of Repub- 
lic of Congo (Leopoldville) issued by 
President Joseph Kasavubu [A/Res/1498 

Ad pti of g a [8] 

Question of Oman [89] Oct. 31 (meet- 
ing 909): decided without objection to 
include item (A/4521) in agenda and to 
allocate it to Special Political Committee 
as recommended by General Committee 
in its second report (A/4549). 

Complaint by Cuba against United 
States [90] Oct. 31; Nov 1 (meetings 
909, 910): agreed without objection to in- 
clude in agenda Cuban complaint regard- 
ing “plans of aggression” by United States 
against Cuba (A/4543—for full title, see 
below under General Committee) as 
recommended by General Committee in 
its second report (A/4549); rejected by 
roll-call vote of 29-45-18 Cuban amend- 
ment (A/L.321) to General Committee’s 
recommendation (A/4549) which would 
have had item considered directly in 
plenary meeting; adopted by roll-call 
vote of 53-11-27 General Committee’s 
recommendation to allocate item to 
First (Political and Security) Committee. 

Document: Agenda of 15th regular 
session of Assembly: A/4534/Add.1; 

UNR—December 1960 

also supplements Nos. 1 and 2 to Jour- 
nal No. 2499. 

[Following item should be added to 
those allocated directly to plenary: Dec- 
laration on granting of independence to 
colonial countries and peoples [87]. (See 
UNITED Nations Review for November, 
p. 95)]. 

General debate [9] 

Documents: Notes verbales of October 
20 from Union of South Africa, Novem- 
ber 12 from Sweden, and November 14 
from Norway: A/4558, 4572, 4574. 

Election of non-per t bers of Security 
Council [15]; Election of six members of Eco- 
nomic and Social Council [16] 

Nov. 11 (meeting 914): adopted pro- 
posal of Nigeria to postpone elections by 
roll-call vote of 51-38-9. 

Elections to International Court [17]* 

Meetings 915, 916 
Nov. 16, 17 
Elected to fill vacancy caused by death 
of Sir Hersch Lauterpacht: Sir Gerald 
Fitzmaurice, United Kingdom (86 votes); 
Elected to fill vacancies which will oc- 
cur in Court on February 5, 1961: Phil- 
ip C. Jessup, United States (77 votes) 
and Vladimir Koretsky, USSR (62 votes), 
both on first ballot; Kotaro Tanaka, Ja- 
pan (56 votes—on second ballot); José 
Luis Bustamante y Rivero, Peru (53 
votes—on fourth ballot); Gaetano Mo- 
relli, Italy (56 votes—on fifth ballot). 
During meeting representatives of In- 
dia and El Salvador spoke on point of 
order concerning procedure for elections 
to Court; President put to Assembly 
question whether election should be con- 
ducted in conformity with rule 96 of 
Assembly’s rules of procedure relating 
to balloting. The vote by roll-call was 27 
in favor, 47 against, 25 abstentions; the 
decision was therefore that rule 96 did 
not apply and that elections should take 
place on basis of unrestricted ballots. 
Document: A/4373. For other docu- 
ments and further details, see above un- 
der Security Council. 

Economic development of under-developed 
countries [29] 
Provision of food surpluses to food-deficient 

Oct. 27 (meeting 908): on proposal 
of President adopted unanimously draft 
resolution proposed by Second Commit- 
tee in its report (A/4551) on provision 
of food surpluses to food-deficient peo- 
ples through United Nations system and 
among other things endorsing FAO “Free- 
dom-from-Hunger Campaign” [A/RES/ 
1496(XV)]. For excerpts from resolu- 
tion, see page 18. 

Status of German-speaking element in Province 
of Bolzano (Bozen). Implementation of Paris 
Agr t of September 5, 1946 [68] 

Oct. 31 (meeting 909): on proposal 
of President adopted without objection 
resolution recommended by Special Po- 
litical Committee in its report (A/4553 
and Corr.1) on resumption of negotia- 

* Elections to Court take place simultaneously 
in General Assembly and Security Council 
and require absolute majorities in both organs. 

tions between two parties concerned 
(Austria and Italy) with view to find- 
ing solution for all differences relating 
to implementation of Paris Agreement of 
September 5, 1946 [A/RES/1497(XV)]. 
For further details, see pages 47-48. 

Situation in Republic of Congo [85] 

Nov. 7-9 (meetings 911, 912, 913). 
Nov. 7: adopted by vote of 61-12-12 mo- 
tion of Dahomey for adjournment; Nov. 
8: heard statement by President of Re- 
public of Congo (Leopoldville); began 
debate; Nov. 9: heard two statements on 
substance of item; adopted by roll-call 
vote of 48-30-18 motion of Ghana to 
adjourn until after conciliation commit- 
tee set up by Secretary-General’s Ad- 
visory Committee on Congo returned 
from Leopoldville. 

Documents: Letter of Sept. 16 from 
USSR proposing item for agenda under 
title: Threat to political independence 
and territorial integrity of Republic of 
Congo: A/4495; Letter of Sept. 28 from 
USSR with memorandum from a delega- 
tion of Congolese parliament to Mr. 
Dayal, UN Special Representative in 
Congo: A/4518; Letters of Oct. 21 and 28 
from USSR: A/4547 and Corr.1, 4555; 
Second progress report of his special rep- 
resentative in Congo submitted by Secre- 
tary-General and Exchange of messages 
between Secretary-General and Perma- 
nent Representative of Belgium and be- 
tween Secretary-General and Mr. Tshom- 
be, president of Provincial Government 
of Katanga: A/4557 and Add.1; Ex- 
change of messages between President of 
Congo (Leopoldville) and President of 
General Assembly in reference to 8- 
power draft resolution (A/L.319/Rev.2): 
A/4560; Note verbale of Nov. 7 from 
Ghana: A/4561; Letter of Nov. 9 
from President of Republic of Congo 
(Leopoldville): A/4569; Letter of Nov. 
11 from P. E. Lumumba, Prime Minister 
of Republic of Congo (Leopoldville): 
A/4571 and Corr.1; Letter of Nov. 16 
from President of Republic of Congo 
(Leopoldville): A/4577; Letter of Nov. 
21 from Guinea: A/4583; Statement by 
USSR at 15th session of Assembly re- 
garding attitude of Command of United 
Nations Force to Mobutu forces in Con- 
go: A/4586; Report to Secretary-General 
from his Acting Special Representative 
in Republic of Congo, General Rikhye: 
A/4587; Guinea: draft resolution: A/ 
L.319; Ceylon, Ghana, Guinea, India, 
Morocco, United Arab Republic: revised 
draft resolution: A/L.319/Rev.1 and 
Add.1 and 2; Ceylon, Ghana, Guinea, 
India, Indonesia, Mali, Morocco, United 
Arab Republic: revised draft resolution: 
A/L.319/Rev.2; Report by Advisory 
Committee on Congo: A/4592. 

Address by President of Congo (Brazzaville) 

Nov. 18: (meeting 917): heard ad- 
dress by Fulbert Youlou, President of 
Republic of Congo (Brazzaville). 

Pledging Conference for Extra-Budgetary 
Funds. Ad Hoc Committee of Whole Assembly 
Meetings 1, 2 
October 20 

Heard statements by President of 
General Assembly, Director of United 
Nations Relief and Works Agency for 


Palestine Refugees in Near East and 
United Nations High Commissioner for 
Refugees; 34 governments pledged equiv- 
alent of $29,487,500 for 1961 budget of 
UNRWA; 30 governments pledged equiv- 
alent of approximately $2,944,000 for 
1961 program of UNHCR. 

Credentials Committee 

Meetings 36-38 
November 9, 10 

Met to consider question of represen- 
tation of Republic of Congo (Leopold- 
ville); Nov. 9 rejected (3-6) motion of 
USSR to adjourn pending recepit of 
relevant official documentation; elected 
Foss Shanahan (New Zealand) Chair- 
man; Nov. 10 (meetings 37 and 38) re- 
jected (3-5-1) United Arab Republic 
motions to adjourn debate until later in 
session; adopted (5-3-1) United States 
motion to proceed at once to examine 
credentials; adopted (6-1) United States 
draft resolution (A/CR/L.4) recommend- 
ing Assembly accept credentials of rep- 
resentatives of Congo (Leopoldville) is- 
sued by head of State and communicated 
by him to President of General Assembly 
in letter of November 8 (A/CR/L.3 
Rev.1). Morocco and United Arab Re- 
public did not participate in vote. 

Report of Credentials Committee: 

General Committee 

Meeting 131 
October 25 

Question of Oman: by vote of 14-2-4 
decided to recommend for inclusion in 
agenda item on question of Oman pro- 
posed by Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, 
Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Tunisia, 
United Arab Republic and Yemen (A/ 
4521); agreed without objection to rec- 
ommend its allocation to Special Po- 
litical Committee; during discussion 
heard statement by Secretary-General. 

Cuban complaint: decided without ob- 
jection to recommend inclusion of item 
proposed by Cuba on “Complaint by the 
Revolutionary Government of Cuba re- 
garding the various plans of aggression 
and acts of intervention being executed 
by the Government of the United States 
of America against the Republic of 
Cuba, constituting a manifest violation 
of its territorial integrity, sovereignty 
and independence and a clear threat to 
international peace and security” (A/ 
4543); rejected USSR motion to allocate 
it to plenary by vote of 6-10-4; adopted 
United States motion to allocate it to 
First Committee by vote of 12-3-5. 

Second report of General Committee: 

First (Political and Security) Committee 

Meetings 1083-1112 
October 18-November 18 

Organization of work 

Oct. 18 (meetings 1083, 1084): de- 
cided on following order of agenda 


items: 1. Disarmament (67, 69, 73, 86— 
see titles below); 2. Africa: UN program 
for independence and development (88); 
3. Question of Algeria (71); 4. Problem 
of Mauritania (79); 5. Korean question 
(21); 6. Complaint of USSR about men- 
ace to world peace created by aggressive 
actions of United States against USSR 
(80): 7. Report of Committee on Peace- 
ful Uses of Outer Space (22); rejected 
by vote of 15-44-27 USSR proposal to 
place item 80 fifth, and adopted by vote 
of 58-11-16 Ghana proposal that item 21 
have that place; Nov. 10 (meeting 1107): 
agreed to take up item 90 (Cuban com- 
plaint against United States) after Afri- 
can items, i.e. between items 4 and 5, 
with understanding that item 90 would 
be discussed at earlier date should Com- 
mittee consider it necessary; set dates for 
discussing Mauritania and Algeria. 

Disarmament and situation with regard to 
fulfilment of GA resolution 1378(XIV) of No- 
vember 20, 1959, on question of disarmament 
[67]; Report of Disar . ©& issi 
[86]; Suspension of nuclear and thermo- 
nuclear tests [69]; Prevention of wider dis- 
semination of nuclear weapons [73] 

Oct. 19-Nov. 15, 17 (meetings 1085- 

1110, 1112): general debate and discus- 
sion of draft resolutions. 

Documents: Letters of January 16, 
June 2, July 15, August 1 and 8 from 
USSR (A/4356, 4374/Rev.1, 4423, 4426, 
4426/Add.1, 4426/Add.1/Corr.1); Let- 
ter of July 8 from United States (A/ 
4399); Letter of July 8 from United 
Kingdom (A/4400); Letter of July 8 
from Canada (A/4403); Letter of July 
11 from France (A/4405); Letter of July 
19 from Italy (A/4421); Declaration of 
USSR Government on disarmament (A/ 
4503); Letter of September 20 from 
Czechoslovakia (A/4504); Basic pro- 
visions of treaty on general and com- 
plete disarmament—proposals of Soviet 
Government submitted for considera- 
tion of UN General Assembly at its 15th 
session, by N. S. Khrushchev, Chairman 
of Council of Ministers of USSR, Chair- 
man of USSR Delegation, on September 
23, 1960 (A/4505). 

Item 67: Letter of June 27 from USSR 
proposing item (A/4385 and Corr.1); 
Letter of September 27 from USSR con- 
taining draft resolution on membership 
of Ten-Nation Disarmament Committee 
(A/4509); USSR draft resolution on 
item 67 (A/C.1/L.249); Letter of Nov. 
23 from USSR (A/C.1/828). 

Item 69: Letter of July 19 from India 
proposing item (A/4414); draft resolu- 
tions submitted by: Austria, India, 
Sweden (A/C.1/L.256); Afghanistan, 
Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Cyprus, Ethi- 
opia, Federation of Malaya, Ghana, 
Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Japan, 
Jordan, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Moroc- 
co, Nepal, Nigeria, Sudan, Tunisia, Unit- 
ed Arab Republic, Venezuela, Yemen, 
Yugoslavia (A/C.1/L.258 and Add.1, 2); 

Item 73: Letter of August 15 from 
Ireland proposing item (A/4434); Ire- 
land—draft resolution (A/C.1/L.253 and 

Rev.1); Ghana, Ireland, Japan, Mexico, 
Morocco—draft resolution (A/C.1/L.253 
/Rev.1 and Add.1-3); 

Item 86: Note by Secretary-General 
(A/4500); Letter of August 26 from 
Chairman of Disarmament Commission 

Items 67 and 86 jointly: draft resolu- 
tions submitted by: Italy, United King- 
dom, United States (A/C.1/L.250); 
United Kingdom (A/C.1/L.251); Can- 
ada, Norway, Sweden (A/C.1/L.255); 
Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Ghana, India, 
Indonesia, Iraq, Morocco, Nepal, United 
Arab Republic, Venezuela, Yugoslavia 
(A/C.1/L.259 and Add.1, 2); amendment 
to 3-power draft (A/C.1/L.255)  sub- 
mitted by Iceland (A/C.1/L.257); 

Items 67, 69, and 73 jointly: draft res- 
olution submitted by Ceylon, Ethiopia, 
Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Libya, Nigeria, 
Somalia, Sudan, Tunisia (A/C.1/L.254 
and Add.1-3); 

Items 67, 69, 73 and 86 jointly: Poland 
—draft resolutions on (1) establishment 
of conditions conducive to reaching 
agreement on general and complete dis- 
armament (A/C.1/L.252 and Rev.1) and 
(2) universal dissemination of informa- 
tion on consequences of nuclear war 
(A/C.1/L.260 and Rev.1). 

Problem of Mauritania [79] 

Nov. 15-17 (meetings 1109, 1111, 
1112): held general debate on item, pro- 
posed by Morocco (A/4445 and Add.1). 

Complaint by Revolutionary Government of 
Cuba regarding various plans of aggression 
and acts of intervention being executed by 
Government of United States against Republic 
of Cuba, constituting a manifest violation of 
its territorial integrity, sovereignty and inde- 
pendence, and a clear threat to international 
peace and security [90] 

Nov. 2, 8, 10 (meetings 1100, 1106, 
1107). For decision see above under 
Organization of Work. 

Documents: Letter of October 18 from 
Cuba, proposing item (A/4543); Allo- 
cation of additional item to First Com- 
mittee (A/C.1/825/Add.1). 

Special Political Committee 

Meetings 176-203 
October 18-November 18 

Status of German-speaking el t in Province 
of Bolzano (Bozen). Implementation of Paris 
Agreement of September 5, 1946 [68] 

Oct. 18-27 (meetings 176-185); held 
debate; Oct. 27 (meeting 185): adopted 
by acclamation draft resolution on item, 
submitted by Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil. 
Canada, Ceylon, Cyprus, Denmark, Ec- 
uador, Ghana, India, Iraq, Ireland, Jor- 
dan, Mexico, Norway, Paraguay, Urv- 
guay (A/SPC/L.50). Cuba joined as 

Draft resolution by Austria (A/SPC, 
L.45/Rev.1), not pressed to vote; draft 
resolution by Argentina, Brazil, Para- 
guay, Uruguay (A/SPC/L.46 and Cort. 
1) withdrawn; draft resolution by Bo- 
livia, Ceylon, Cuba, Cyprus, Denmark, 
Ecuador, Ghana, India, Iraq, Ireland, 

UNR—December 1960 

a ae ee ae ee ee Se ee 

——) - 

oa ita a oe 

nt mn i Se oe 






li a ee] 

Jordan, Mexico 
pressed to vote. 

Other documents: Problem of Austrian 
minority in Italy—Letter of June 23, 
1960, from Austria, proposing item for 
agenda (A/4395); Letter of October 4 
from Austria (A/4530); Letter of Octo- 
ber 12 from Italy (A/SPC/44); Amend- 
ments by Bolivia, Ceylon, Cuba, Cy- 
prus, Denmark, Ecuador, Ghana, India, 
Iraq, Ireland, Jordan, Mexico (A/SPC/ 
L.47 and L.48) to Austrian draft resolu- 
tion (A/SPC/L.45/Rev.1) and to 4- 
power draft (A/SPC/L.46) respectively; 
Resolution adopted by Special Political 
Committee (A/SPC/46 and Corr.1); 
Report of Special Political Committee 
(A/4553 and Corr.1). 

(A/SPC/L.49) not 

Question of an increase in membership of 
Security Council and of Economic and Social 
Council [23] 

Oct. 31-Nov. 14 (meetings 186-199): 
held general debate and considered vari- 
ous proposals (A/SPC/L.51 and Add.1- 
5, L.5S2 and Add.1-3, L.53 and Rev.1); 
Nov. 14: adjourned debate. 

Report of Director of UNRWA [26] 

Nov. 14-18 (meetings 199-203): heard 
statement by Director of UN Relief and 
Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in 
Near East (UNRWA), John H. Davis, in- 
troducing his annual report for period 
July 1, 1959-June 30, 1960 (A/4478); 
held general debate. 

Other documents: United Nations Con- 
ciliation Commission for Palestine. 18th 
progress report, period September 1, 
1959-November 11, 1960 (A/4573); Let- 
ter of November 8 from Iraq, Jordan, 
Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, 
Sudan, Tunisia, United Arab Republic, 
Yemen (A/SPC/48). 

Question of Oman [89] 

Item proposed by Iraq, Jordan, Leb- 
anon, Libya, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Su- 
dan, Tunisia, United Arab Republic, 
Yemen (A/4521) allocated to Special 
Political Committee on October 31 by 
Assembly (meeting 909) (A/SPC/47). 

Second (Economic and Financial) Committee 

Meetings 649-682 
October 18-November 17 

Report of Economic and Social Council [12]; 
Economic development of under-developed 
countries [29]; Land reform [74] 

Oct. 18-Nov. 17 (meetings 649-682): 
continued general discussion; Oct. 20 
(meeting 652) decided by vote of 36-12- 
27 to give priority to discussion of 6- 
power draft resolution on: 

Provision of food surpluses to food- 
deficient peoples through United Nations 
system, sponsored by Canada, Haiti, Li- 
beria, Pakistan, United States, Venezuela 
(A/C.2/L.459/Rev.2 and Rev.2/Corr.1); 
on Oct. 26 (meeting 658) voted as fol- 
lows: (1) rejected three amendments by 
Byelorussian SSR (A/C.2/L.468) by 
votes of 24-35-12, 24-35-13, and 12-38- 
20 respectively; (2) adopted oral amend- 
ment by Afghanistan and United Arab 

UNR—December 1960 

Republic by vote of 25-21-24; (3) adopt- 
ed operative paragraph 4 of draft resolu- 
tion by vote of 60-0-6, operative para- 
graph 5 by vote of 64-0-8, and operative 
paragraph 6 by vote of 67-0-5; (4) 
adopted unanimously draft resolution as 
whole (A/C.2/L.459/Rev.2 and Rev.2/ 
Corr.1) as further amended orally by 
Afghanistan and United Arab Republic 
jointly, by a number of other delegations, 
by Guinea (A/C.2/L.467) and by 
Czechoslovakia (A/C.2/L.464, as sub- 
amended orally by United Arab Re- 

Amendments by Afghanistan and 
United Arab Republic (A/C.2/L.463) 
incorporated in second revision of 6- 
power draft resolution. 

Committee also agreed that summary 
records of discussions on draft resolu- 
tion be transmitted to FAO. 

Other documents: Note by Secretariat 
(bibliography of documents issued by 
UN and Fao relating to food surpluses 
and food shortages): A/C.2/L.462; Re- 
port of Second Committee: A/4551. 

Oct. 27-Nov 17 (meetings 659-682): 
continued debate; Nov. 8 (meeting 671) 
heard statement by Under-Secretary for 
Economic and Social Affairs (A/C.2/ 
L.479); discussed draft resolutions; took 
action on: 

Draft Declaration on International 
Economic Cooperation, submitted by 
USSR (A/C.2/L.466): Nov. 10 (meet- 
ing 674) approved motion of Afghan- 
istan that “Declaration was of such im- 
portance that it should be discussed by 
Economic and Social Council” taking 
into consideration Committee’s views; 
USSR representative though expressing 
preference fo. adoption of draft Declara- 
tion “agreed with the proposal of the 
representative of Afghanistan”; Commit- 
tee agreed to include paragraph to this 
effect in its report to Assembly. 

Concerted action for economic devel- 
opment of economically less developed 
countries, draft resolution proposed by 
Canada, Colombia, Federation of Ma- 
laya, Italy, Nigeria, Norway, Turkey, 
United Kingdom (A/C.2/L.461/Rev.4); 
Nov. 15 (meeting 679) voted as follows 
after sponsors accepted oral proposal by 
Poland for change in title: rejected by 
roll-call Ukrainian SSR amendment (A/ 
C.2/L.483/Rev.1): 18-30-36; rejected by 
roll-call Guinea amendment (A/C.2/L. 
485): 21-23-40; rejected Bulgarian amend- 
ment (A/C.2/L.497): 20-35-28; adopted 
Romanian oral amendment to reintro- 
duce last five words of operative para- 
graph 4 (d) withdrawn by United King- 
dom: 53-2-22; adopted final clause of 
operative paragraph 5: 54-0-26; adopt- 
ed draft resolution as whole as amended 

Amendments withdrawn by: Brazil; 
United Arab Republic; Ukrainian SSR; 
Pakistan; Romania; Tunisia; Ireland, 
Thailand, New Zealand; Ukrainian SSR 
(second of two); Guinea (first para- 
graph); Brazil, Ceylon, India, Indonesia, 
Iraq; and United States (sub-amend- 
ment): A/C.2/L.475, L.476, L.477/ 
Rev.i, L.478 and Corr.1, L.480, L.481/ 
Rev.i, L.482, L.483/Rev.1, L.485, L.489 

{replacing amendments by India and 
Indonesia (L.484) and by Brazil, Ceylon, 
Indonesia, Iraq (L.488)], and L.496/ 

Financing of economic development of 
less developed countries through long- 
term loans and in other advantageous ways 
and ensuring an increasing share in 
world trade for their products, draft 
resolution proposed by Czechoslovakia 
(A/C.2/L.465/Rev.2): Nov. 17 (meeting 
682) voted as follows after sponsor ac- 
cepted United States amendment (A/ 
C.2/L.486) as sub-amended by Argen- 
tina (A/C.2/L.504): rejected amendment - 
of Italy (A/C.2/L.507/Rev.1): 24-25-23; 
adopted word “grants” in operative para- 
graph 1 (a): 48-0-20; adopted operative 
paragraph 1 (b): 63-0-7; adopted draft 
resolution as whole as modified unani- 

Amendments withdrawn by: Afghan- 
istan and United Arab Republic; Can- 
ada; Canada (subamendment); New Zea- 
land (subamendment); United Kingdom; 
Turkey; Greece; India (subamendment); 
Mexico: A/C.2/L.487/Rev.1, /L.498, L. 
499, L.500, L.501/Rev.2, L.503, L.505, 
L.506, and L.508. 

Note by Chairman on proposals be- 
fore Committee: A/C.2/L.502. 

[For other documents relating to items 
12, 29 and 74, see UNITED NATIONS RE- 
view for November, p. 93] 

Third (Social, Humanitarian, Cultural) 

Meetings 994-1027 
October 18-November 18 

Report of Economic and Social Council [12] 

Oct. 18-24 (meetings 994-999); con- 
tinued discussion; Oct. 19 (meeting 995): 
adopted draft resolution on: 

UNICEF, sponsored by Afghanistan, 
Australia, Colombia, Denmark, Ghana. 
Greece, Indonesia, Mexico, New Zea- 
land, Nigeria, Pakistan, Senegal, Tunisia. 
Yugoslavia (A/C.3/L.849). Vote—unani- 

Oct. 21 (meeting 998): adopted draft 
resolutions on: 

Advancement of women in developing 
countries, sponsored by Afghanistan, 
Greece, Liberia, Morocco, Nigeria, 
Pakistan, Tunisia (A/C.3/L.847/Rev.1) 
Votes: (1) retention of words “that they 
will collaborate with the Secretary- 
General in the study which he has under- 
taken in compliance with resolution 771 
H(XXX) of the Council”: 64-11-6 (roll- 
call); (2) operative paragraph one: 
70-0-11 (roll-call); (3) resolution as 
whole: 81-0. Amendment by Poland 
(A/C.3/L.856/Rev.1) withdrawn. 

Manifestation of racial and national 
hatred, sponsored by Czechoslovakia 
(A/C.3/L.848/Rev.2), as amended by 
Saudi Arabia (A/C.3/L.859/Corr.1) and 
orally by France. Votes: (1) preamble 
and first operative paragraph: 78-0-2; 
(2) operative paragraph two: 76-0-5 
(roll-call); (3) draft resolution as 
whole: 78-0-3 (roll-call). Amendment 
by Saudi Arabia (A/C.3/L.857) incor- 


porated in second revision of draft res- 
olution. Amendments by Morocco (A/ 
C.3/L.853) and Netherlands and Nor- 
way jointly (A/C.3/L.858) withdrawn. 

Teaching of purposes and principles, 
structure and activities of UN and re- 
lated agencies, sponsored by Afghanistan, 
Bolivia, Brazil, Burma, Canada, Costa 
Rica, Ghana, Honduras, India, Iran, Ja- 
pan, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zea- 
land, Sudan (A/C.3/L.850/Rev.1.) Vote: 
unanimous. Sponsors of original draft 
(A/C.3/L.850) did not include Bolivia, 
Honduras, India, Iran, Mexico; amend- 
ment by Bolivia (A/C.3/L.855) with- 
drawn, as part incorporated in revised 
draft, (A/C.3/L.850/Rev.1.) 

Low-cost housing and related com- 
munity facilities, sponsored by Afghan- 
istan, Ethiopia, Ghana, Indonesia, Libya, 
Morocco, Nigeria, Peru, Somalia, Yugo- 
slavia (A/C.3/L.851/Rev.1). Votes: adop- 
ted unanimously in four separate votes 
preamble and operative paragraphs one, 
three and four; operative paragraph two: 
69-9-1; draft resolution as whole: 71-0-9. 
Original sponsors did not include Af- 
ghanistan (A/'C.3/L.851). 

Oct. 18 (meeting 994): decided to 
postpone consideration of draft resolu- 
tion on training and education in coun- 
tries in process of development, especial- 
ly in Africa, submitted by Ethiopia, 
Guinea, Morocco, Nigeria, Senegal (A/ 
C.3/L.852/Rev.1) until after First Com- 
mittee completed its consideration of 
Item 88 (Africa: UN program for in- 
dependence and development). 

Other documents: Secretariat note on 
paragraph 645 of Ecosoc report (A/C.3/ 
L.845); Text of draft resolutions adopted 
by Third Committee (A/C.3/L.862). 

Assistance to refugees: 
Report of UN High Commissioner for Refu- 
gees [33(a)] 

Oct. 24-31 (meetings 999-1006): heard 
statement by UN High Commissioner 
for Refugees introducing his annual 
report (A/4378/Rev.1 and Rev.1/Add. 
1); held debate; Oct. 27 (meeting 1004) 
adopted draft resolutions on: 

Refugees from Algeria in Morocco 
and Tunisia, sponsored by Afghanistan, 
Libya, Morocco, Tunisia (A/C.3/L.861/ 
Rev.1 and Rev.1/Corr.1); roll-call vote 
of 76-0-1. Original sponsors did not in- 
clude Afghanistan (A/C.3/L.861). 

Report of High Commissioner, spon- 
sored by Brazil, Ceylon, Colombia, Den- 
mark, Federation of Malaya, Ghana, 
Greece, Italy, Netherlands, New Zealand, 
Togo (A/C.3/L.864). Vote: 65-0-12. 

Appreciation of High Commissioner, 
Dr. Auguste Lindt, sponsored by Ar- 
gentina, Australia, Canada, Denmark, 
Greece, Italy, Netherlands, New Zea- 
land, Pakistan, Tunisia, Turkey, United 
Kingdom, United States (A/C.3/L.860): 
adopted by acclamation. 

Report of Secretary-General on World Refugee 
Year [33(b)] 

Oct. 27 (meeting 1004): heard state- 
ment by Secretary-General introducing 
his report (A/4546); also heard High 
Commissioner for Refugees and Director 


of UN Relief and Works Agency for 
Palestine Refugees; held debate; Oct. 31 
(meeting 1006): adopted draft resolu- 
tion on: 

World Refugee Year, sponsored by 
Afghanistan, Argentina, Australia, Can- 
ada, France, Iran, Italy, Norway, Paki- 
stan, United Kingdom, United States 
(A/C.3/L.863/Rev.2), as orally amend- 
ed by sponsors and by Saudi Arabia, by 
vote of 64-0-12. Pakistan was not 
among original sponsors (A/C.3/L.863). 

Draft International Covenants on Human 
Rights [34] 

Oct. 31-Nov. 18 (meetings 1007-1027): 
discussed and adopted four articles of 
Draft Covenant on Civil and Political 

Article 15 (on non-retroactivity of 
penal law and exception to it). Oct. 31- 
Nov. 7 (meetings 1007-1014). Nov. 4 
(meeting 1013), rejected two Argentine 
amendments (A/C.3/L.865) by votes of 
23-47-10 and 19-51-10, and United King- 
dom oral amendment to insert words 
“and before sentence is passed” after 
words “commission of the offence” by 
vote of 28-34-18; adopted paragraph 
1(56-0-24), paragraph 2(53-4-22) and 
article as whole (56-0-23) as drafted by 
Commission on Human Rights at its 10th 
session in 1954(E/2573). All votes by 

Amendments’ withdrawn: Norway, 
Philippines, Ukrainian SSR, Japan, and 
United Kingdom (A/C.3/L.866-L.870 in- 


Article 16 (on right to legal recogni- 
tion). Nov. 7 (meeting 1014), adopted 
by vote of 74-0-1, as drafted by Com- 

Article 17 (on right to protection of 
law against interference with privacy, 
family, home, or correspondence, and 
against unlawful attacks on honor and 
reputation). Nov. 7-14 (meetings 1014- 
1021). Nov. 14 (meeting 1020) adopted 
unanimously Indian oral amendment to 
add word “family” after words “his 
privacy”; adopted paragraph 1, as amend- 
ed (68-0-5) and paragraph 2(69-0-4); 
rejected by roll-call (20-38-16) amend- 
ment by Denmark, Ireland, Netherlands 
(A/C.3/L.874/Rev.2) proposing third 
paragraph; adopted article as whole as 
drafted by Commission, and as amend- 
ed, by roll-call vote of 70-0-3. 

Amendments withdrawn: Cuba, India 
(A/C.3/L.872, L.873). 

Three-power amendment (A/C.3/ 
L.874/Rev.2) originally submitted by 
Denmark and Netherlands (A/C.3/L.874 
and Corr.1). 

Article 18 (on freedom of thought, 
conscience and religion). Nov. 14-18 
(meetings 1021-1027). Nov. 18 (meeting 
1027) voted as follows: adopted by vote 
of 54-0-15 words “or to adopt” [pro- 
posed orally by United Kingdom as sub- 
amendment to joint Brazil-Philippines 
amendment (A/C.3/L.877) and accept- 
ed by sponsors]; adopted first joint 
amendment (A/C.3/L.877) (67-0-4); para- 
graph 1, as whole, as amended (70-0-2); 
second joint amendment (A/C.3/L.877) 

working paper: A/C.3/ 

as orally sub-amended by United King. 
dom (67-0-6); paragraph 2, as whole, as 
amended (72-0-2); paragraph 3, as draft. 
ed by Commission, unanimously; amend- 
ment by Greece (A/C.3/L.875), adding 
fourth paragraph, by roll-call (30-17-27); 
and article as whole, as amended, 

Amendment withdrawn: Saudi Arabia 

Other documents: Note by Secretary- 
General (includes texts of amendments 
to Articles 15-17, and new article by 
USSR on right of asylum, submitted at 
14th Assembly sessions (A/4397)); Note 
by Secretary-General (A/4428). 

Fourth (Trusteeship) Committee 

October 18-November 18 
Meetings 1014-1057 

Information from NSGT’s [37]; Dissemination 
of information on United Nations [39]; Parti- 
cipation of NSGT’s in work of United Nations 
and specialized agencies [40]; Offers of study 
and training facilities [41] 
October 18-31 (meetings 1014-1030): 
Continued discussion; adopted seven 
draft resolutions as follows: 

I. Participation of NsGT’s in work of 
UN and specialized agencies, sponsored by 
Ceylon, Cuba, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, 
Haiti, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Liberia, Libya, 
Mali, Mexico, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, 
Somalia, Sudan, Tunisia, United Arab 
Republic, Venezuela, Yugoslavia (A/C. 
4/L.639/Rev.1 and Rev.1/Add.1). Oct. 
25, meeting 1022: (1) adopted oral 
amendment of India, sub-amended by 
Ethiopia (42-3-31); (2) adopted draft 
resolution as whole, as amended (67-0- 
12, roll-call); Philippine amendment (A/ 
C.4/L.642) withdrawn. Ceylon, Cuba, 
Ghana, Iran, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia 
were not among original sponsors (A/ 

Il. Preparation and training of in- 
digenous civil and technical cadres in 
NSGT’s, sponsored by Argentina, Bur- 
ma, Canada, Ceylon, Ghana, India, In- 
donesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Mexico, Mo- 
rocco, Nepal, Nigeria, Pakistan, Senegal, 
Somalia, Sweden (A/C.4/L.641 and Add. 
1), adopted on Oct. 26 (meeting 1024), 
as orally amended by Liberia: 73-0-8 

III. Progress achieved in NSGT’s, spon- 
sored by Burma, Ceylon, Ghana, India, 
Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Libya, 
Mali, Morocco, Nigeria, Senegal, So- 
malia, Sudan, Togo, United Arab Re- 
public,” Venezuela (A/C.4/L.640/Rev.! 
and Rev.1.Add.1,2) (Original sponsors: 
Nigeria and Venezuela—A/C.4/L.640); 
Oct. 27, meeting 1026: adopted draft 
resolution and amendments by Guinea 
(A/C.4/L.644) as follows: amendment 
to operative paragraph 3 (25-17-37); 
paragraph 3 as amended (56-0-19); 
amendment to operative paragraph 5 
(roll-call) (32-2-51); paragraph 5 4 
amended (64-0-20); amendment to oper- 
ative paragraph 6 (39-2-38); paragraph 
6 as amended (61-0-17); amendment to 
operative paragraph 7 (29-12-34); para 
graph 7 as amended (59-3-19); draft 

UNR—December 1960 

oy a8 


1 at 








ere. ee 

—_—Y Tee VM 

—- = Fee ce 

"SS Seo Ve 

resolution, as a whole, as amended by 
Guinea, and orally by Ireland, Liberia 
and Morocco (roll-call) (61-0-24). 

IV. Racial discrimination in NSGT’s, 
sponsored by Afghanistan, Bolivia, Ethi- 
opia, Ghana, Guinea, India, Iraq, Mo- 
rocco, Liberia, Nepal, Nigeria, Panama, 
Senegal, Somalia, Sudan, Togo, United 
Arab Republic (A/C.4/L.643 and Add. 
1,2). Oct. 28 (meeting 1028): rejected 
amendment of Haiti (A/C.4/L.646) (9- 
33-32); adopted operative paragraph 2 
(73-0-2), operative paragraph 3 (68-0- 
7), and draft resolution as whole (roll- 
call) (74-0-2). 

V. Offers by member states of study 
and training facilities for inhabitants of 
NSGT’s, sponsored by Ceylon, Somalia, 
Venezuela, Yugoslavia (A/C.4/L.645), 
adopted unanimously, as orally revised 
by sponsors, on Oct. 31 (meeting 1029). 

VI. Dissemination of information on 
United Nations in NSGT’s, proposed by 
Burma (A/C.4/L.647) and orally re- 
vised by sponsor, adopted on Oct. 31 
(meeting 1030) by vote of 63-0-13. 

VII. Information from NSGT’s, sub- 
mitted by Committee on Information 
from NsGT’s (A/4371, Part 1, Annex II), 
adopted on Oct. 31 (meeting 1030) by 
vote of 63-0-9. 

[For other documents on above items, 
1960, page 93.| 

[Note: As noted by Chairman (Oct. 
31, meeting 1030), final Committee re- 
port on items 37, 39, 40 and 41 will not 
be presented until Assembly has con- 
cluded its consideration of item 87: 
Declaration on granting of independence 
to colonial countries and peoples.] 

Study of principles which should guide mem- 
bers in determining whether or not an obliga- 
tion exists to transmit information called for 
in Article 73e of Charter of United Nations 

Nov. 1-14 (meetings 1031-1049): con- 
sidered report of Special Committee of 
Six on Transmission of Information ap- 
pointed by Assembly resolution 1467 
(XIV) 1959(A/4526); adopted two draft 

I. Adoption of principles contained in 
Report of Special Committee: draft res- 
olution, recommending Assembly accept 
twelve principles, sponsored by Bolivia, 
Iraq, Ireland, Nigeria, Venezuela (A/ 
C.4/L.648 and Add.1). Nov. 10 (meet- 
ing 1045) adopted: amendment by Togo 
and Tunisia (A/C.4/L.650) as orally re- 
vised (38-24-26, roll-call); Principle VI 
(c) (63-0-19); Principle VI (67-0-22); 
Principle VIII (69-0-18); Principle IX 
(a) (68-0-19); Principle IX(b) (57-5-24); 
Principle IX, as amended (50-3-32); 
Twelve principles as whole (66-3-19, roll- 
call); draft resolution as whole: (62-3- 
19, roll-call). 

II. Transmission of information under 
Art. 73e of Charter: draft resolution, 
recommending Assembly request Portu- 
gal to transmit information on territories 
under its administration, sponsored by 
Afghanistan, Burma, Ceylon, Ghana, 
Guinea, India, Iraq, Liberia, Libya, Ne- 
pal, Nigeria, Senegal (A/C.4/L.469/Rev.1 
and Add.1 and Corr.1). Nov. 11 (meet- 

UNR—December 1960 

ing 1048): in four separate votes reject- 
ed Ukrainian amendments (A/C.4/ 
L.651), two referring to preambular para- 
graph 4 (11-50-11) (15-42-16), one to 
operative paragraph 2 (21-28-21) and 
one deleting operative paragraph 4(9-51- 
14, roll-call); adopted paragraphs 3 and 
4 of preamble (64-0-11) (54-8-13, roll- 
call); adopted Bulgarian oral amend- 
ment referring to statement of Spain 
(57-0-17); adopted list of territories in 
operative paragraph 1 (Cape Verde to 
Mozambique: 45-6-22) (Goa, Macao, 
Timor: 44-6-24); adopted operative para- 
graph 1 as whole, as modified and as 
orally revised by Guinea (50-6-20); 
adopted operative paragraphs 4 and 5 
(52-10-9) (51-3-19); adopted draft res- 
olution as whole, as amended, by roll- 
call vote of 45-6-24. 

Other documents: Statements by India 
and Mexico on Nov. 1 (meeting 1031): 
A/C.4/450, 451; Statement by United 
Kingdom on Nov. 3 (meeting 1035): 
A/C.4/452 and Corr.1; Statements by 
Spain on Nov. 7 and 11 (meetings 1038, 
1046, 1047): A/C.4/453. 

Question of South West Africa [43] 

Oct. 26, 27 (meetings 1023-1025): dis- 
cussed request by Union of South Africa 
that Minister of External Affairs of Un- 
ion of South Africa be permitted to make 
statement on item 43 before conclusion of 
consideration of items relating to NSGT’s; 
request withdrawn (meeting 1024); de- 
cided (meeting 1025) without objection 
to circulate letter of October 20 from 
Union of South Africa and text of en- 
closures as Committee document (A/ 

Nov. 14-18 (meetings 1049-1057): 
Nov. 14 (meeting 1049), rejected by 
roll-call vote of 1-67-11 proposal by Un- 
ion of South Africa for adjournment of 
debate on question of South West Africa, 
based on ground that Committee should 
not proceed with discussion of item 
“which deals with matters which are 
pending before the International Court, 
and which are thus sub judice”; heard 
statement by Victorio D. Carpio (Philip- 
pines), Rapporteur of Committee on 
South West Africa, presenting Commit- 
tee’s report (A/4464); heard and ques- 
tioned petitioners (Nov. 14-18, meetings 
1050-1057); Nov. 18 (meeting 1057) 
began general debate. 

Other documents: Petitions and com- 
munications relating to South West Af- 
rica: A/AC.73/3; Information and doc- 
umentation in respect of Territory of 
South West Africa: A/AC.73/L.14. 

[See also below: Oral hearings] 

Question of future of Ruanda-Urundi [45] 

Nov. 17 (meeting 1056): heard an- 
nouncement by Chairman that Belgian 
Government had invited United Nations 
to send observers to Ruanda-Urundi 
about Dec. 15 for legislative elections to 
be held in that territory under UN super- 
vision about middle of January 1961. 

Documents: Note verbale of Novem- 
ber 16 from Belgium (A/C.4/455). 

[See also below: Oral hearings] 

Oral hearings 

Ruanda-Urundi (Oct. 24, 25, 27, 28, 
Nov. 17, 21. Meetings 1021, 1022, 1026, 
1027, 1056, 1058): granted requests for 
hearing from Mr. Ntidendereza (“Front 
Commun”), from Kigeli V, Mwami of 
Ruanda, and from Léon Ndenzako 
(uPRONA)—Docs. A/C.4/444/Add. 3-5. 

South West Africa (Oct. 26, 27, Nov. 
14-18. Meetings 1023, 1025, 1050-1057): 
decided by vote of 44-1-6 to grant hear- 
ing to Van Ismael Fortune (SWAPO), 
and, after taking note of objection of 
Union of South Africa, to Oliver R. 
Tambo (attorney for Ovamboland Peo- 
ple’s Organization, now South West Af- 
rican People’s Organization)—Docs. A/ 
C.4/443/Add.1 and 2 respectively. Heard 
and questioned eight petitioners (Jarire- 
tundu Kozonguizi; Rev. Markus Kooper; 
Jacob Kuhangua; Rev. Sam Nujoma; Van 
Ismael Fortune; Mburumba Kerina; Oli- 
ver R. Tambo; Rev. Michael Scott). 

Membership of Fourth Committee (re- 
vised): A/C.4/442/Rev.1. 

Fifth (Administrative and Budgetary) 

Financial reports and accounts [48] 

Oct. 27 (meeting 776): approved with- 
out vote draft report (A/C.5/L.612) on 
financial reports and accounts and re- 
ports of Board of Auditors thereon for 
United Nations, UNICEF, UNRWA, volun- 
tary funds administered by UN High 
Commissioner for Refugees, and UNKRA. 
Report of Fifth Committee (A/4552). 

Supplementary estimates for 1960 [49] 

United Nations activities in Congo for 
period July-December 1960: Oct. 27, 28 
(meetings 777, 778). Documents: A/ 
C.5/836, 837, 840, A/4580. 

Budget estimates for 1961 [50] 

Oct. 18 (meeting 769): heard state- 
ment by Secretary-General. 

First reading of 1961 budget: Oct. 18- 
31 (meetings 769-779): Section 1 (travel 
and other expenses of representatives, 
members of commissions, committees 
and other bodies) approved amount of 
$32,000 for 1961 Visiting Mission to 
Pacific Islands (A/C.5/818; A/4506) by 
vote of 58-0-9; approved section as whole 
at $907,200; Section 2 (special meetings 
and conferences): approved at $255,- 
600; Section 3 (salaries and wages): (1) 
rejected by vote of 9-47-8 USSR pro- 
posal that appropriation recommended 
by Advisory Committee be reduced by 
$3,446,600 to $31,300,000; (2) approved 
Indian proposal by vote of 61-0-3 that 
amount of $150,000 be provided under 
Section 3 to be spread at discretion of 
Secretary-General in order to staff on 
temporary basis regional economic com- 
missions at required level for 1961 and 
to provide for priority work in field of 
economic development; (3) by vote of 
57-9-0 approved amount of $34,896,600 
for Section 3; Section 4 (common staff 
costs): approved at $7,837,750 by vote 
of 56-9-0; Section 5 (travel of staff): 
approved without objection proposal by 
Czechoslovakia that reports be submitted 


to 16th General Assembly session con- 
taining specific recommendations on 
standards of travel accommodation for 
United Nations staff; approved Section 
5 at $2,011,200 by vote of 59-0-8; Sec- 
tion 6 (payments under Annex 1, paras. 
2 and 3 of Staff Regulations: Hospital- 
ity): approved at $100,000 by vote of 
59-0-8; Section 7 (buildings and im- 
provements to premises): approved at 
$3,749,500; Section 8 (permanent equip- 
ment): approved at $400,000; Section 9 
(maintenance, operation and rental of 
premises): approved at $3,244,050; Sec- 
tion 10 (general expenses): approved at 
$3,469,750; Section 11 (printing): ap- 
proved at $1,180,750. 

Estimates of Income: Section 1 (in- 
come from staff assessment): approved 
at $6,550,000; Section 2 (funds provided 
from extra-budgetary accounts): ap- 
proved at $1,879,880; Section 3 (general 
income): approved at $1,595,100; Sec- 
tion 4 (sale of UN postage stamps—-UN 
Postal Administration): approved at $1,- 
070,000; Section 5 (sale of publications) : 
approved at $360,000; Section 6 (services 
to visitors and catering services): ap- 
proved at $645,400. 

First reading of budget estimates (con- 
tinued): Nov. 10, 11, 14 (Meetings 788- 
790): Section 18 (special missions): ap- 
proved Chap. IV (plebiscites for Came- 
roons), V (expenses arising from GA 
resolution 1237 (ES-III)—on question of 
Lebanon), and VI (plebiscite for Western 
Samoa) by votes of 58-0, 60-0, and 61-0; 
approved section as whole at $2,255,000 
by vote of 51-9-1; Section 19 (UN Field 
Service) approved at $1,289,000 by vote 
of 51-9-1; Section 20 (Office of UNHCR): 
rejected by roll-call vote of 11-27-28 
United States proposal amending Ad- 
visory Committee’s recommendation to 
the effect that, for 1961, there should 
be credited to miscellaneous income of 
United Nations, as subvention from In- 
demnification Fund, the actual interest 
earned on Fund through 1961, not to 
exceed $137,000 [to compensate United 
Nations for administrative expenses in- 
curred in connection with Fund]; adopt- 
ed by vote of 47-9-10 Iranian proposal 
recommending approval of Advisory 
Committee’s recommendation for ap- 
propriation of $2,256,000 for Office of 
UNHCR (A/C.5/838, A/4562); Section 21 
(International Court of Justice): ap- 
proved on Oct. 28, meeting 778, at 

Control and limitation of documenta- 
tion: Oct. 18, 19 (meetings 770, 771): 
took note of reports of Secretary-General 
(A/C.5/822) and Advisory Committee 
(A/4524) with understanding that re- 
port of Fifth Committee would reflect 
views and suggestions of members, 
among them one that further reports 
should be submitted to General Assem- 
bly at its 17th session (in 1962), includ- 
ing assessment of effects of General 
Assembly resolution 1272 (XIII) on 
quality of documentation. Draft report 
of Fifth Committee: A/C.5/L.623. 

WHO, headquarters accommodation: 
Oct. 28, 31 (meetings 778, 779): ap- 
proved recommendation of Advisory 
Committee that Assembly authorize re- 
imbursement to wHO of amount equiva- 


lent to $1,020,000 relating to premises 
to be relinquished by WHo at Palais des 
Nations on completion of its own head- 
quarters building, and that reimburse- 
ment should be made over three-year 
period 1962-1964 in equal annual in- 
stallments of $340,000 (A/C.5/821 and 
Corr.1; A/4539). Draft report of Fifth 
Committee: A/C.5/L.626. 

System of travel and subsistence allow- 
ances to members of organs and sub- 
sidiary organs of UN. Draft report of 
Fifth Committee: A/C.5/L.621. 

Payment of honoraria to members of 
Administrative Tribunal. Draft report of 
Fifth Committee: A/C.5/L.621/Rev.1. 

Other Documents: Budget estimates 
(A/4370, 4408); Revised estimates for 
sections 2, 3, 4, 5 and 11 resulting from 
decisions of Economic and Social Coun- 
cil (A/C.5/819 and Corr.1; A/4523); 
First reading of 1961 estimates (A/C.5/ 
L.611); Revised estimates for section 1 
arising from reports of Secretary-Gen- 
eral and of Committee of Experts ap- 
pointed under General Assembly resolu- 
tion 1446(XIV) on organization and 
work of Secretariat (A/4536) (A/C.5/ 
830; A/4556); Comparison of 1961 bud- 
get estimates with 1954 expenditures. 
Report of Secretary-General (A/C.5/842). 

[Note: Secretary-General in his esti- 
mates (A/4370) requested initial appro- 
priation of $67,453,750 for 1961. Ad- 
visory Committee on Administrative and 
Budgetary Questions recommended (A/ 
4408) reduction of $942,850 in Secre- 
tary-General’s estimates. ] 

Appointments to fill vacancies [51] 

Advisory Committee on Administra- 
tive and Budgetary Questions [51 (a)] 
Nov. 18 (meeting 795): decided to rec- 
ommend Thanassis Aghnides (Greece), 
Alexei F. Sokirkin (USSR) and Rail Qui- 
zano (Argentina) for appointment to 
Advisory Committee for three-year term 
to begin January 1, 1961 (A/4375, A/ 

Committee on Contributions [51b]: 
Nov. 3 (meeting 783): decided to recom- 
mend Pavel Mikhailovich Chernyshev 
(USSR), Chandra Shekhar Jha (India), 
José Pareja (Peru) and Maurice Viaud 
(France) for appointment to Commit- 
tee on Contributions for three-year term 
to begin January 1, 1961 (A/4381, A/ 
C.5/L.614, A/4567). 

Board of Auditors [Sic]: Nov. 4 
(meeting 784): decided to recommend 
appointment of Auditor-General of Pak- 
istan to Board of Auditors for three-year 
term to begin July 1, 1961 (A/4379, 
A/C.5/L.616, A/4568). 

United Nations Administrative Tri- 
bunal [Sle]: Oct. 19 (meeting 771): 
decided to recommend José A. Correa 
(Ecuador) and Bror Arvid Sture Petrén 
(Sweden) for appointment to Adminis- 
trative Tribunal for three-year term to 
begin January 1, 1961 (A/4376, A/C.5/ 
L.613, A/4548). 

United Nations Library [56] 

Nov. 17 (meeting 794): decided to 
take note of Secretary-General’s report 
(A/4545) on understanding that long- 

term program for development of library 
staff and services set out therein would 
be subject of review and report by Ad- 
visory Committee, that Committee’s re- 
port on item would also reflect sugges- 
tions that development of UN library 
services generally might be matter for 
study by Committee of Experts on Re- 
view of Activities and Organization of 
Secretariat, and that improvement of 
library facilities at information centres 
would be considered by Advisory Com- 
mittee for report to 16th Assembly ses- 

Construction of United Nations Building at 
Santiago, Chile [57] 

Nov. 10 (meeting 788): considered 
progress report by Secretary-General (A/ 
4535) and report of Advisory Com- 
mittee (A/4559); decided to take note 
of reports, with understanding that As- 
sembly at its 16th session would be in- 
formed of situation at that time; ap- 
proved by vote of 62-0-1 proposal of 
Secretary-General, concurred in by Ad- 
visory Committee, that notwithstanding 
provisions of financial regulations which 
require that unobligated appropriations 
be surrendered, balance of 1960 appro- 
priation for Santiago building should re- 
main for obligation in 1961. Draft report 
of Fifth Committee: A/C.5/L.625. 

Organization and work of Secretariat [58] 

Nov. 3, 4 (meetings 783, 784): ap 
proved without objection provisional de- 
cision of Secretary-General to invite 
eight persons to serve on Committee of 
Experts instead of six as provided by 
General Assembly resolution 1446(XIV); 
unanimously approved recommendation 
of Advisory Committee for additional 
$50,000 under Section 1 of budget esti- 
mates for 1961 to provide for expenses 
of Committee of Experts (A/4536 and 
Corr.1, 4554, 4556, A/C.5/830, A/C.5 
/L.624 (draft report of Fifth Committee). 

Public information activities of 
United Nations [59] 

Oct. 31-Nov. 3, 8, 9 (meetings 779- 
783, 785-787): held general debate; on 
Nov. 9 (meeting 787) adopted 20-power 
draft resolution (A/C.5/L.617/Rev.1 and 
Rev.1/Add.1) sponsored by Afghanistan, 
Burma, Chad, Ghana, India, Indonesia, 
Iran, Iraq, Japan, Lebanon, Morocco, 
Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, 
Togo, Tunisia, United Arab Republic, 
Yemen, Yugoslavia. Adopted: (1) new 
preambular paragraph submitted orally 
by Canada and United Kingdom (on 
expenditure level of about $5 million net 
for 1960 and 1961) (49-5-11); (2) 
words “by effecting economies in other 
directions” in operative para. 1 (62-0-7); 
(3) operative para. 2 (on regional rep- 
resentation) (69-0-1); (4) draft as whole 
as amended (61-0-9). 

Amendments by Canada and United 
Kingdom (A/C.5/L.619) and by Ethiopia 
(A/C.5/L.620) withdrawn. 

Sponsors of first draft (A/C.5/L.617) 
included Ethiopia, and did not include: 
Burma, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Somalia. 

Documents: Budget estimates for 1961 
(A/4370, 4408); Report by Secretary- 
General (A/4429). 

UNR—December 1960 

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Personnel questions [60] 

Nov. 14-18, 21 (meetings 790-796): 
took up reports of Secretary-General on 
geographical distribution of staff of 
United Nations Secretariat (A/C.5/833 
and Corr.1 and Add.1) and on propor- 
tion of fixed-term staff (A/C.5/834); 
held general debate. 

Other documents: A/C.5/832; A/C.5/ 
L.607, L.609 and Add.1. 

Proposed amendments to certain provisions of 
Pension Scheme Regulations of International 
Court of Justice [64] 

Nov. 2, 9 (meetings 781, 785): re- 
ferred back to Advisory Committee for 
consideration and report draft pension 
scheme (A/4424, 4544), amendment to 
revised regulations proposed by El Sal- 
vador, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, So- 
malia (A/C.5/L.615) and proposals and 
suggestions made orally by United Arab 
Republic, United Kingdom and United 
States. Report of Advisory Committee: 


Nov. 21 (meeting 796): heard state- 
ment by Secretary-General (A/C.5/843) 
on finances of Organization and other 
questions before Fifth Committee, includ- 
ing 1961 budget estimates and problems 
of geographical distribution. 

Sixth (Legal) Committee 

Meetings 652-672 
October 19-November 21 

Report of International Law Commission [65] 

Continued general debate on Commis- 
sion’s report of twelfth session (A/4425); 
adopted two draft resolutions: 

Work of Commission: Nov. 8 (meet- 
ing 664): adopted unanimously draft 
resolution (A/C.6/L.468) by Bolivia and 
Mexico on report of twelfth session and 
on work of Commission in fields of con- 
sular intercourse and immunities, ad hoc 
diplomacy, and diplomatic intercourse 
and immunities after approving unani- 
mously Polish oral amendment to insert 
words “at its twelfth session” in operative 
paragraph 2 and by vote of 50-1-7 Li- 
berian oral amendment to delete words 
“the contents of” in operative paragraph 
a resolution as adopted: A/C.6/ 


Survey of international law, draft res- 
olution (A/C.6/L.467/Rev.2) on future 
study and survey of “whole field of in- 
ternational law,” sponsored by Afghan- 
istan, Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Ceylon, 
Colombia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Ghana, 
Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Liberia, Mexico, 
Morocco, Netherlands, Pakistan, Thai- 
land, Tunisia, Turkey, United Arab Re- 
public, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, adopted 
unanimously Nov. 21 (meeting 672) as 
amended by Ukrainian SSR (A/C.6/ 
L.474, adopted without objection). 

Other documents: Amendments and 
revised amendments by Argentina, Can- 
ada, Colombia, Denmark, Iran, Liberia, 
Netherlands, Pakistan, Thailand, Tunisia 
and Turkey (A/C.6/L.472, L.473) to 

UNR—December 1960 

draft resolution and revised draft resolu- 
tion by Afghanistan, Ceylon, Ghana, 
Iraq, Mexico, United Arab Republic, 
Venezuela, Yugoslavia (A/C.6/L.467 and 

Membership (revised list): A/C.6/ 

Other Assembly documents 

Resolutions adopted by Assembly dur- 
ing Fourth Emergency Special Session, 
September 17-19: A/4510; Letters of 
October 11 and 21 from USSR: A/4540, 
4550; Letter of November 18 from Cuba: 
A/4581; Review of communications re- 
lating to Assembly matters: A/INF/87 
and Add.1-3; Annual note by UN Ad- 
ministrative Tribunal on functioning of 
Tribunal: A/INF/88; Delegation list, 
15th Assembly session (revised): Sales 
No.: 60.1.6. 

Second United Nations Conference on 
Law of Sea, Geneva, March 17-April 
26, 1960. Official records; Summary rec- 
ords of plenary meetings and of meet- 
ings of Committee of Whole; Annexes 
and Final Act (A/CONF.19/8). Sales 
No.: 60.V.6. 

Other Assembly Bodies 

Advisory Committee on Administrative and 
Budgetary Questions 


Committee on Contributions 

Oct. 17-20 (closed) 

Standing Committee of United Nations Joint 
Staff Pension Board 

Oct. 19 (closed) 

United Nations Administrative Tribunal 
Oct. 31 (closed) 

Executive Committee of High Commissioner's 

October 6-13 

Heard opening statement by High 
Commissioner, Auguste Lindt; adopted 
agenda (A/AC.96/81/Rev.3); 

Action taken included: 

Refugees from Algeria in Morocco 
and Tunisia: approved budget in amount 
of $6,963,600; 

Refugee resettlement: adopted sugges- 
tions relating to certain categories of 
refugees and to continuing need for 
flexible immigration policies; expressed 
wish that governments give favorable 
consideration to recommendations of re- 
port (A/AC.96/88 and Corr.1) as basis 
for planning; 

Transport of refugees: requested prep- 
aration of comprehensive paper on argu- 
ments for and against proposal that Of- 
fice of High Commissioner should in 
certain circumstances provide funds for 
refugee transport; 

Far Eastern operation: agreed it essen- 
tial to continue operation and to pro- 

vide resettlement opportunities for those 
refugees on mainland and in Hong Kong 
who had not yet received final destina- 
tion visas; approved project for settle- 
ment of handicapped cases in institutions 
in amount of $72,000; 

1961 program: authorized High Com- 
missioner to implement in first stage 
projects to value of $4 million; 

Status of contributions: expressed wish 
that financial target of $12 million for 
UNHCR current programs for 1960 should 
be reached and that governments should 
take necessary measures to enable Office 
of High Commissioner to reach $6 mil- 
lion financial target for 1961 current 
programs and also to enable it to meet 
financial requirements of its other pro- 

Committee also approved other proj- 
ects and programs for 1960 and 1961, 
priorities and allocations. 

Officers: Jean de Rham (Switzerland) 
Chairman; H. de Souza-Gomes (Brazil) 
Vice-Chairman; Werner G. Middelmann 
(Federal Republic of Germany) Rap- 

Attendance at session: Members of 
Executive Committee: Australia, Austria, 
Belgium, Brazil, Canada, China, Colom- 
bia, Denmark, France, Germany (Fed- 
eral Republic of), Greece, Holy See, 
Iran, Israel, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, 
Sweden, Switzerland, Tunisia, Turkey, 
United Kingdom, United States, Vene- 
zuela and Yugoslavia; 

United Arab Republic represented by 
observer, as was Sovereign Order of 

Also represented by observers: ILO, 
wHo, Council of Europe, ICcEM, League 
of Arab States, and Commission of 
European Economic Community. 

Documents: Progress report on UNHCR 
programs for 1959 and 1960 and on 
former UNREF program, as of June 30, 
1960 (A/AC.96/82 and Corr.1 and 
Add.1); Note on progress made in camp 
clearance during second half of 1960 
(A/AC.96/83 and Corr.1); Report on 
mental health of refugees and in par- 
ticular of special cases in Austria, Ger- 
many, Greece and Italy (A/AC.96/84); 
Progress report on program for new 
Hungarian refugees (A/AC.96/85 and 
Corr.1); Report on assistance to refu- 
gees from Algeria in Morocco and Tu- 
nisia-implementation of GA res. 1286 
(XIII) and 1389 (XIV) and Operational 
budget for Jan. 1-December 31, 1961 
(A/AC.96/86 and Add.1/Rev.1); Note 
on status of contributions to UNHCR for 
1960 (A/AC.96/87/Rev.1 and Rev.1/ 
Add.1); Resettlement within context of 
World Refugee Year (A/AC.96/88 and 
Corr.1); General report on Far Eastern 
Operation (A/AC.96/89); Far Eastern 
program for 1960: third part (A/AC.96/ 
90); Camp clearance program and fund 
for special hardship cases (A/AC.96/ 
91); 1960 program for non-settled refu- 
gees living outside camps: third part 
(A/AC.96/92 and Corr.1); Material as- 
sistance program for 1961 (A/AC.96/93 
and Corr.1 and Add.1); Legal assistance 
program for 1961 (A/AC.96/94); Ad- 
ministrative expenditure for 1961 (A/ 
AC.96/95); Note on priorities for 1961 


(A/AC.96/96); Report of Board of Au- 
ditors on audit of accounts of voluntary 
funds administered by UNHCR for 1959 
(A/AC.96/97); Provisional financial 
statements for voluntary funds admin- 
istered by UNHCR—Jan. 1-Aug. 31, 1960 
(A/AC.96/98); Financing of transport 
of refugees (A/AC.96/99); Chinese ref- 
ugees in Hong Kong—summary of re- 
cent developments (A/AC.96/100); Pro- 
gram allocations and priorities for third 
part of UNHCR programs for 1960 (A/ 
AC.96/101); Statements by B. Epinat, 
Deputy Director of Intergovernmental 
Committee for European Migration, by 
W. A. Higgie (Australia) and by High 
Commissioner (A/AC.96/102, 105, 106); 
Report on 4th session of Executive Com- 
mittee (A/AC.96/104 [A/4378/Rev.1/ 
Add.1]}); List of representatives (A/AC. 


Administrative Committee on Coordination 
October 10 

Met under chairmanship of Secretary- 
General Dag Hammarskjold; reviewed 
organization of United Nations civilian 
operation in Republic of Congo; was 
informed of latest developments regard- 
ing International Development Associa- 
tion, which has formally come into ex- 
istence as an affiliate of International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment; exchanged information on devel- 
opments and current issues relating to 
UN Expanded Program of Technical 
Assistance, Special Fund, UNICEF and 
UNRWA; took a number of decisions to 
expedite interagency work in. various 
fields, including oceanography. 

Agencies represented: IAEA, ILO, WHO, 
IMF, ICAO, UNESCO, FAO, International 
Bank, UPU, ITU and wMo; also present: 
Executive Chairman of TAB; Managing 
Director of Special Fund; Executive Di- 
rector of UNICEF; Director of UNWRA; 
other officials of UN and specialized 

1960 Technical Assistance and 
Special Fund Pledging Conference 

October 13 

78 governments pledged total sum 
equivalent to $88.8 million to 1961 
operations of Expanded Program of 
Technical Assistance and UN Special 
Fund; total amount pledged based on 
assumption that it will be possible to 
meet matching condition of United States 
pledge of $40 million (i.e. that US con- 
tribution should not exceed 40 per cent 
of total contributed by other govern- 
ments); Final Act adopted and signed. 

Officers: El Mehdi Ben Aboud (Mo- 
rocco) President; Armando C. Amador 
(Mexico) First Vice-President; Jacek Ma- 
chowski (Poland) Second Vice-President. 

Documents: A/CONF.21/L.1-3. 

Administrative Committee on Coordination: 

Consultative Committ 

Oct. 3-5 (closed) 

on Administrative 

Preparatory Committee 
Oct. 4-7 (closed) 


Interim Coordinating Committee on Inter- 
national Commodity Arrangements (ICCICA) 

Oct. 5 (closed) 

Technical Assistance Board: 
Oct. 11, 12, 14 (closed) 

Program Working Party 
Oct. 6, 7 (closed) 

Working Group on Administrative and 
Financial Management 

Oct. 12 (closed) 

United Nations Children’s Fund: 

Committee on Administrative Budget 

Oct. 25 (closed) 

Other Council Documents 

Five-year perspective 1960-1964. Con- 
solidated report on appraisals of scope, 
trend and costs of programs of United 
and IAEA in economic, social and human 
rights fields (E/3347/Rev.1). Sales No.: 

United Nations Sugar Conference, 
1958. Summary of proceedings (E/ 
CONF.27/6). Sales No.: 60.I1.D.2. 

United Nations Conference on New 
Sources of Energy, Italy, August 21-31, 
1961. Information Bulletin (E/CONF.35/ 


Pulp and Paper Conference 

October 17-28 

Discussed ways of increasing Asia’s 
paper production to meet increasing de- 
mands; need of foreign investments for 
construction of paper mills; availability 
of raw materials, and other prerequi- 
sites for paper making; and need for 

regional approach to problems involved, 
Sponsors: ECAFE, FAO, and UN Bureay 

of Technical Assistance Operations. 
Chairman: Takeso Shimoda (Japan). 


The following received during October: 

From Republic of Upper Volta, Oct. 4, 
Republic of Niger, Oct. 5, Republic of 
Mali, Oct. 17, Ivory Coast, Oct. 28, and 
Senegal, Oct. 31, instruments of accept- 
ance of Constitution of WHO, done at 
New York on July 22, 1946. 

From Greece, Oct. 5, instrument of 
acceptance of International Agreement 
on Olive Oil, 1956, as amended by Pro- 
tocol of April 3, 1958. 

From Ukrainian SSR, Oct. 10, instru- 
ment of ratification of Convention on 
the Recognition and Enforcement of 
Foreign Arbitral Awards, done at New 
York on June 10, 1958. 

From Poland, Oct. 13, instrument of 
accession to Convention on the Recovery 
Abroad of Maintenance, done at New 
York on June 20, 1956. 

From Federal Republic of Germany, 
Oct. 21, instrument of ratification of 
Customs Convention concerning Spare 
Parts used for repairing EUROP Wagons, 
done at Geneva on January 15, 1958. 

From Luxembourg, Oct. 25, instru- 
ment of ratifications of Customs Con- 
vention on Containers, done at Geneva 
on May 18, 1956. 

Registration of Treaty 

Treaty of Economic Association, signed 
in Guatemala City by El Salvador, 
Guatemala, and Honduras on February 
6, 1960, deposited with United Nations 
by the three countries on October 19 for 
purposes of registration in accordance 
with Article 102 of Charter. [Art. 102 
provides that every treaty and _ inter- 
national agreement entered into by any 
member of United Nations shall be 
registered with Secretariat.] 


December 1960 

United Nations 

Bodies in Continuous Session 

Security Council, Headquarters. 
Military Staff Committee, once every 
fortnight, Headquarters. 

Other Bodies and Conferences 

mittee on Administrative and Bud- 
getary Questions, Headquarters. 

Assembly, fifteenth session, Head- 

and Social Council, resumed thirtieth 
session, Headquarters. 

DECEMBER UNICEF, Program Commit 
tee and Executive Board, Headquar- 

DEcEMBER Special Fund, Governing 
Council, Headquarters. 

UNR—December 1960 


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DECEMBER 12-23 United Nations Sem- 
inar on the Participation of Women 
in Public Life, Addis Ababa. 

Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) 
[All meetings at Geneva] 

on Agricultural Problems 

DECEMBER 5-9 Inland Transport Com- 

DECEMBER 12-16 Working Party on 
Housing and Building Statistics 

DECEMBER 12-16 Working Group on 
Statistics of Wholesale Prices 

DECEMBER 19 Coal Trade Subcommittee 
DECEMBER 20 Coal Committee 

Economic Commission for Asia 
and the Far East (ECAFE) 

NOVEMBER/DECEMBER- Third series of 
Zonal Meeting of Groups of Experts 
on International Highways, (location 
to be announced). 

DECEMBER 5-13 Fourth Regional Tech- 
nical Conference on Water Resources 
Development, Colombo. 

DECEMBER 14-21 Metals and Engineer- 
ing Subcommittee, Jamshedpur, India. 

Economic Commission for 
Latin America (ECLA) 

DECEMBER Central American Economic 
Cooperation Committee, seventh ses- 
sion, (location to be announced). 

Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) 

DECEMBER 20-23 Meeting of Heads of 
African Universities and University 
Colleges, Khartoum. 

Inter-Agency Meetings 

on Reactors (organized by UNESCO 
and 1AEA), Trombay, India. 

NOVEMBER 24-DECEMBER 3 Veterinary 
Public Health Seminar (organized by 
WHO and FAO), Nairobi, Kenya. 

DECEMBER 5-9 FAO/ECE Working Party 
on Forest and Forest Products Sta- 
tistics, Geneva. 

DECEMBER 12-16 Symposium on the 
Use of Radioisotopes in the Study of 
Endemic and Tropical Diseases (or- 
ganized by IAEA and wHo), Bangkok. 

DECEMBER 12-19 Joint FAO/wHO Com- 
mittee on Food Additives, fifth ses- 
sion, Geneva. 

um on Social Aspects of Economic 
Development in Latin America, Mex- 
ico City. 

Intergovernmental Organizations 
Related to United Nations 

International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) 

Radioactive Waste Disposal into 
Fresh Water, Vienna. 

Library Workshop in Literature in 
the Field of Nuclear Energy, Manila. 

UNR—December 1960 

DECEMBER 5-9 Symposium on Radio- 
isotopes and Radiation in Entomol- 
ogy, Trombay, India. 

DECEMBER 6-16 Board of Governors, 

International Labor Organization (ILO) 

DECEMBER 5-17 First African Regional 
Conference, Leopoldville. 

Food and Agriculture Organization of 
United Nations (FAO) 

DECEMBER 5-12 Fao Technical Meeting 
on Control of Olive Pests, Israel. 

DECEMBER 13-15 Executive Committee 
of the European Commission for the 
Control of Foot-and-Mouth Disease, 

EarLy DECEMBER Governing Body of 
Near East Forest Rangers’ School, 
second session, Latakia, Syrian Re- 
gion of United Arab Republic. 

MID-DECEMBER Fao Pulp and Paper 
Advisory Group, second meeting, 

United Nations Educational, Scientific and 
Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 

DECEMBER 5-18 Meeting of Experts on 
Teaching of Science in Tropical Af- 
rica, Abijan, Ivory Coast. 

DECEMBER 15-16 Executive 


DECEMBER 19-23 Symposium on Cul- 
tural Values in Africa, Jbadan, Ni- 

DECEMBER Meeting of Experts on So- 
cial Science Teaching at Pre-Uni- 
versity Level, Hamburg, Federal 
Republic of Germany. 

World Health Organization (WHO) 

NOVEMBER 28-DECEMBER 3 _Interregion- 
al Seminar on Community Water 
Supply, Addis Ababa. 

Seminar, Pakistan. 

DECEMBER 5-9 Expert Committee on 
Specifications for Pharmaceutical 
Preparations, Geneva. 


DECEMBER 5-10 Expert Committee on 
Health Statistics, Geneva. 

DECEMBER 6-15 Interregional Confer- 
ence on Techniques of Surveys on 
the Epidemiology of Mental Dis- 
orders, Naples. 

DECEMBER 6-15 Seminar on Public 
Health Laboratory Services, Manila. 

DECEMBER 12-17 Expert Committee on 
Professional and Technical Educa- 
tion of Medical and Auxiliary Per- 
sonnel (recommended requirements 
for schools of public health), Ge- 

International Telecommunication Union (ITU) 
[All meetings at New Delhi] 

9 (Telegraph transmission) 

1/2 (Use of lines for telephony) 

2/2 (Telephone operation and tar- 

mittee Working Party on Asia 

Group 7 (Vocabulary, symbols) 

DECEMBER 2 Study Group 3 (Introduc- 
tion of radio relay links into the 
general network) 

DECEMBER 2 Study Group 4 (Mainte- 

DECEMBER 2-7 Study Group 8 (Tele- 
graph apparatus and facsimile) 

DECEMBER 5-7 Study Group 1 (General 
transmission problems) 

DECEMBER 5-7 Study Group 2 (Coor- 
dination for operation and tariffs) 

DECEMBER 8-16 Second Plenary Assem- 

World Meteorological Organization (WMO) 

sion of Regional Association I (Af- 
rica), Cairo. 

DECEMBER 1-16 Commission for Cli- 
matology, third session, London. 

General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade (GATT) 

SEPTEMBER 1-M1ID-196i Tariff Confer- 

ence, Geneva. 

DECEMBER 5-10 Working Party on 
Commodities, Geneva. 

Non-Governmental Organizations 
in Consultative Status with the 
Economic and Social Council 

American Statistical Institute, Com- 
mittee on Improvement of National 
Statistics (Coins), Mexico City. 

DECEMBER 5-8 _ International Chamber 
of Commerce, Commission on Asian 
and Far-Eastern Affairs, ninth joint 
session, Karachi. 

DECEMBER 12-14 International Council 
for Philosophy and Humanistic Stud- 
ies, Board meeting, Seattle, Wash- 
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Unitep Nations Review 

Vol. 8, No. 4 IN TWO SECTIONS — SECTION TWO April 1961 
July 1960—December 1960 
General Abbreviations Used in This Index 
Ag. . August Ja. January 
Ap. . April Je. June 
applin. application Jl. . July 
Commn. Commission Mr. . March 
Cttee. Committee N. . November 
D. . December O. October 
F. February S. . September 
illus. illustration Subcommn. Subcameiieiiin 
internat. international Subcttee. Subcommittee 

Formal abbreviations for organizations and for organizational units within the United 
Nations w:'! be found within the index in their expected alphabetical positions. 


Abbas, Mekki Jl 5 

ECA report to ECOSOC Ag 17 
Abdel-Ghani, Abdel-Hamid: 

food surpluses, use of D 16 
Abdoh, Djalal, illus. D 11 

plebiscites in British Cameroons D 10-13 
Abedi, Amri Jl 52 
Aboud, El Mehdi Ben: 

Congo crisis O 52 
Acly, R. Austin: 

New Guinea S 42, 43 

obligation of nations to report on de- 

pendencies D 42 

Adeel, Omar Hamid: 

Congo crisis O 19 

ECOSOC Second Vice-President Jl 2; S 31 
— and Budgetary Committee 

( 3. 

items allocated to N 12 
Majoli, Mario, elected Chairman O 7; 
D back cover 
UN finances D 2-3 
Admission of new members: 
Cameroun O 1, 6 
Central African Republic O 1, 6 
Chad O 1, 6 
Congo O 1, 6 
Cyprus O 1, 6 
Dahomey O 1, 6 
GA action O 5, 6-7, 8 

Admission of new members (Cont.): 
Gabon O 1, 6 
Ivory Coast O 1, 6 
Malagasy Republic O 1, 6 
Mali Federation N 1 
Niger O 1, 6 
Senegal N 1 
Somalia O 1, 6 
Togo Jl 2; Ag 37; 0 6 
Upper Volta O 1, 6 
Adult education, see Education, adult 
Congo crisis O 64 
disarmament D 82 
food surpluses, use of D 15, 17, 18 
GA general debate N 65 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
ndencies D 23 
ugees D 45, 46 
map Ag 37 
See also Economic Commission for Africa; 
names of countries 
Afridi, Colonel M. K. Ji 10 
State of Food and Agriculture i N 4 
surplus facing Western Europe N 4 
~ Sg Food and Agriculture Organiza- 

Aboate Bello, Alhaji Sir, illus., Ag 4 
Aiken, Frank: 
Congo crisis O 17 
GA general debate D 59-60 
disarmament D 83 

Congo crisis O 14-15 
GA general debate N 45-46 
Alemayehou, Ato Haddis: 
disarmament D 8&2 
Alexander, Henry T. Ag 12; S 59; O 65, 66 
Ali, Wazir D 85 
Almadu Bello, Alhaji Sir, illus. Ag 4 
visits UN Headquarters Ag 4 
Al Salim Al Sabbah, Abdulla, Sheik Sir O 4 
Alvarez Plata, Federico: 
GA general debate D 54-55 
Amadeo, Gilberto: 
AS —. concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 6 
Amadeo, Mario, illus. Ag 15 
Congo crisis S 49, 55-56; O 10, 38 
Cuban complaint against US. S 33 
Eichmann case Jl 1; Ag 14-15 
solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means Jl 8, 50 
ek es of aerial aggression by U.S. 

USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47) case S 36 
Amador, Armando C. N 
Ammoun, Fouad: 
et Israel during GA general debate 

Aplogan, Francois, illus., O 6 
Apte- be) Akale- ‘Work D 46 

ae (Bozen) minority problem D 48 

Congo crisis Ag 48; S 8, 49, 55-56, 59, 62; 
O 10, 37, 38, 51, 60, 66, 67; N 25; D 40 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 33, 37 
Eichmann case JI 1; Ag 1, 14-15 
food surpluses, use of D 15, 16 
GA appeal in interests in peace and 
progress N 55, 99 
GA general debate N 43-44 
IFC investment in Ag 3 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 68 
power needs surveyed S 2 
refugees D 45, 46 
solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means Jl 8, 50 
transport survey N 2 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Ji 7 41 
USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36 
Armand-Ugon, Enrique C. D 3 
Asante, K. B.: 
~— to Portugal in GA general debate 

Asha, Rafik: 
Congo crisis O 15-16, 53 
New Guinea S 40, 41, 42, 43 
reply to Jordan during GA general debate 
N 81 

ICAO aid to N 3 
See also Economic Commission for Asia 
and the Far East; names of countries 
Atomic Radiation: 
Un Scientific Cttee. on the Effects of 
members O 4 
session (8th) O 4 
Attolico, Bartolomeo: 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 30, 31, 32 
Auger, Pierre S 31 
Auguste, Carlet, illus. D back cover 
Chairman, GA Special Political Cttee. O 7; 
D 48, back cover 
GA general debate D 71 
Chinese representation question N 11 
Congo crisis O 19; N 25 
food surpluses, use of D 16-17 
GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 54, 55 
GA general debate D 55-56 
IFC investment in rubber industry Jl 3 
Indus water treaty O 1 
New Guinea S 38-46 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 42 
refugees D 45, 46 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 27, 30, 32 
meee (Bozen) minority problem D 47- 

disarmament D 82 

GA general debate N 69 
Averoff-Tossizza, Evangelos: 

Congo crisis O 18-19 

GA general debate N 87-88 
Ayari, Chedli: 

food surpluses, use of D 18 
Ayub Khan, Mohammad: 

Indus water treaty O 1 
Aznar, Manuel: 

obligations of nations to report on depend- 

encies D 22-23 


Ba, Ousman: 
GA a ry D 72-73 
Baena, Dr. J. M. Ji 
Bal, Erik: 
New Guinea §S 40, 42, 43 
Balima, Albert, illus., O 6 
Bamalli, Nuhu: 
obligation of nations to report on depen- 
dencies D 21 
BANK, see International Bank for Reconstruc- 
tion and Development 
Barwick, Sir Garfield: 
Chinese representation question N 11 
Congo crisis O 19 
Beeley, Harold: 
Congo crisis Ag 47-48, 50; S 56; O 38 
Cuban complaint against U.S. § 33 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69 
Betedade, Victor A., illus., O inside front cover, 

“GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 53 
GA session (15th) O 5, 6 

Belatinde, Victor A. (Cont.): 
GA Spec. Emergency Session (4th) O 1, 8 
— to Ecuador in GA general debate 
N 70-71 
Secretariat organization consultations D 5 
Congo crisis Ag 1, 6-12, 45-50; S 1, 6-21, 
47-62; O 8-19, 28-29; N 13-25; D 24-42 
GA general debate N 77-80 
New Guinea S 40, 42, 43, 46 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 23 
reply to Ghana and USSR in GA general 
debate N 38-39 
reply to India and Hungary during GA 
general debate N 84 
Road Markings Agreement S 4 
Ruanda-Urundi Jl 28-29; Ag 22-35; D 4 
Bell, Colin D 5 
Ben Abbes, Dr. Y. Jl 10 
Benaboud, El Mehdi N 89 
Bérard, Armand: 
Congo crisis Ag 48; S 50-51, 56-57; O 16- 
17, 33, 39, 61 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 33 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69 
solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means Jl 48-49 
a of aerial aggression by U.S. 

USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air wy _ 47 case) S 36 
Berendsen, Ian E. 
Bernardo, Héctor: 
food surpluses, use of D 15, 16 
Berthoin, Jean D 46 
Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali: 
GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 53, 55 
GA general debate N 69-70 
Bigayimpunzi, Chief, illus. Ag 28 
Birgitta, Princess, illus. D 3 
Bisbe, Manuel: 
reply to Colombia in GA general debate 

reply to Paraguay and Guatemala in GA 
general debate N 60 
Blind persons: 
UNESCO report on Jl 5 
Bloch, H. S.: 
technical assistance to the Congo S 60 
Blusztajn, Mieczyslaw: 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 23 
Boland, Frederick H., illus. O 7; N 27 
biographical sketch O 7 
condolences extended to Irish Defense 
Forces concerning Irish soldiers am- 
bushed in the Congo D 2 
GA President (15th session) O 1, 5-6 
Headquarters ceremony at which flags of 
new member nations were raised N 1 
Bolela, Albert D 28 
Bolikango, Mr. D 39, 40 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
GA general debate D 54-55 
New Guinea S 40, 42 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26, 32 
Tanganyika Jl 56 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem: 
GA action D 47-48 
Bomboko, Justin, illus. § 15 
Congo crisis § 8, 12-13, 51, 52; O 45, 61, 
;_D 27, 38, 3 
Braimah, Joseph A.: 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 21 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Congo crisis S 8, 62; O 10, 60, 67; N 25 
Emergency Force (UN) S 2 
GA general debate N 28-29 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 23 
refugees D 46 
Breivik, Birger: 
food surpluses, use of D 18 
Brooks, Miss Angie: 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 21 
Broz-Tito, Josip, illus. N 26 
GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 53 
GA general debate N 30-32 
Brucan, Silviu: 
Congo crisis O 11-12 
Budget (UN 
estimate (1961) $1 
Congo crisis O 11 

BULGARIA (Cont.): 
disarmament D 84 
GA general debate N 63 
world economic problems Ag 16 
Bunche, Ralph J., illus. Ag front cover; O 2 
special representative of Hammarskjold in 
the Congo Jl 1; Ag front cover, 1, 7, 
10, 11; S 1, 18, 20, 48, 53, 58, 59, 60: 
O 2, 40, 49, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67; 
D 36 

Congo crisis O 17, 64, 87; N 25 
disarmament D 6, 8, 
GA general debate D. 61-68 
food surpluses, use of D 16 
New Guinea S 40-41, 42, 43, 44 
obligation of nations to report on depeno- 
encies D 23 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26, 29, 30, 31, 32 
Tanganyika Jl 54-55 
Bustamante, M. B. Jl 10 
Bustamante y Rivero, José Luis D 3 
Congo crisis O 15 
food surpluses, use of D 17, 18 
GA general debate D 57-58 


Caba, Sory: 
Congo crisis O 17, 35, 52; D 40 
disarmament D 6, 8, 82 
GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 55 
GA general debate N 65-66 
map D 11 
preparing for prebiscites in D 10-13 
TC action Jl 1 
admission to the UN 0 6 
GA general debate D 75-76 
UN membership appln. Ag 37 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
er ge crisis Ag 11; S 8, 58; O 18, 66, 
67; N 23, 25; D 36 
pn t_% D 84-85 
Emergency Force (UN) S 2 
food surpluses, use of D 14, 15 
GA general debate N 44-45 
Indus water treaty O 1 
refugees O 4; D 45, 46 
JNICEF contribution O 4 
UNRWA contribution Ag 2 
Candau, M. G., illus. Jl 11 
Congo crisis Ag 12; O 60, 61 
Cariget, Alois S 3 
Castro, Ruz, Fidel, illus. N 26 
GA general debate N 46-48 
admission to the UN O06 
membership appin. S 1 
WHO membership D 4 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Congo crisis Ag 48; S 10, 12, 15, 48, 50, 
$1, 52, 55, 56, 59-60; O 15, 28, 33, 37, 
38, 48, 51, 53-54, 62, 64, 66, 67; N 25; 
D 40, 41 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 37 
disarmament D 6, 8, 82 
food surpluses, use of D 16 
GA general debate D 73-74 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 2 
refugees D 46 
solution of internat. problems by peace- 
ful means Jl 8 
USSR charge yA i aggression by U.S. 
at, a» Th 
USSR soutien r “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36 
admission to the UN O 6 
membership appln. S 1 
WHO membership D 4 
Chagall, Marc S 3 
Champassal, Sisouk Na: 
Congo crisis O 19 
Chang, C. M.: 
Congo crisis Ag 48, 50 
solution of internat. problems by peace- 
ful means Jl 50 
CE Gates of aerial aggression by US. 

Charles, Sir John, quoted Jl 10 



ey AA & 

Chataway, Christopher J. N 3 
Chernyshev, P. M.: 
food surpluses, use of D 15, 16 
Childs, Hubert D 13 
EC LA holds special oy er in connection 
with disaster in Jl 2; Ag 44 
ECOSOC recommends Ags to, following 
earthquake Ag 44 
GA general debate D 71-72 
IFC investment in N 3 
UN building in D 3 
UNICEF emergency aid for Ji 2 
CHINA: -_ 
Congo crisis Ag 48, 50; S 48-49, 56; O 28, 
37, 38, 51, 66 
GA general debate D 63-64 
New Guinea S 40, 41, 42, 43 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69 } 
representation question 
GA action N 9-12 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 30, 31, 32, 33 
solution of internat. problems by peace- 
ful means Jl 49 
Taiwan water development project N 2 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Ji 7, 39 
USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36 
world economic problems Ag 16 
Chiriboga, José R.: 
GA general debate N 70-71 
Cisse, Alioune D 1 
Claeys Bouuaert, Alfred: 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 23-24, 27, 33-34 
Cohen, Sir Andrew: 
New Guinea S 40, 41, 42, 43 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 23, 42 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26, 29-30, 31 
Tanganyika Jl 57-58 
GA general debate N 76-77 
refugees D 46 
Comay, Michael: 
Congo crisis O 12, 19 
GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 53 
Conference of Independent African States: 
Congo crisis D 37 
cooperation between ECA and Jl 5 
admission to the UN O 6 
Advisory Cttee. for the D 1 
Conciliation Cmmn. for the D 1 
crisis in the 
Biggest Single Effort Under UN Col- 
ors Ag 6-7, 45-50 
chronology of UN action relating to 
57-61; O 60-67; D 36-42 
First Progress Report to Secretary- 
General from his Special Repre- 
sentative in the Congo N 15-25 
first report by Secretary-General on 
implementation of SC resolution of 
July 14, 1960 Ag 8-12 
fourth report of Secretary-General on 
implementation of SC resolutions 
of July 14 and 22, 1960 O 57-59 
GA resolution of Sept. 20, 1960 O 15 
GA special emergency session on O 
8-19, 28-29; D 41 
SC action Ag 1, 6-7, 45-50; S 6-10, 
12-15, 47-61; O 32-67; D 38-41 
SC action on Katanga aspect of S 
12-15, 47-52 
SC action to speed withdrawal of Bel- 
gian troops S 52-57 
SC resolution of July 14, 1960 Ag 46 
SC resolution of July 22, 1960 S 54, 
SC resolution of August 9, 1960 S 10, 

Second Progress Report to Secretary- 
General from his Special Repre- 
sentative in the Congo D 24-36, 81 

second report by Secretary-General 
on implementation of SC resolu- 
tions of July 14 and 22, 1960 S 18- 
21, 61-62 

Statement by Secretary-General be- 
fore SC July 20, 1960 Ag 12, 50 

statement by Secretary-General be- 
fore SC August 8, 1960 S 16-17 

Statement by Secretary-General be- 
fore SC Aug. 21, 1960 O 39-44 

Statement by Secretary-General be- 
fore SC Sept. 9, 1960, O 46-47, 59-60 

third report by Secretary- General on 
implementation of SC — of 
July 14 and 22, 1960 O 5 


CONGO (Cont.): 
a the Troubled Congo S 6-15, 

UN Civilian ration and O 55-56; 
N 20-22; D 2, 33- 
UN Force and the Ag 1, 7, 8-12, 50; 
S front cover, 1, 6-9, 18-21, 47-48, 
49, 52, 58-59, 60, 61-62, back cover; 
O 32, 33, 39-43, 48, 50, 53, 59-67; 
N 16-20, 23-25; D 2, 27, 30-33, 36, 
37, 40, 41, 42 
delegation seated by GA D 1-2 
GA general debate D 61-62 
ILO membership appln. O 61 
technical assistance to S 60 
UN membership appln. Ag 37; S 1 
WHO membership D 4 
Cooper, Henry Ford: 
reply to Xx; Africa during GA general 
debate D 7 
Cordier, Andrew W., illus. O — front cover 
Congo crisis S 60; O 49, 7 
Corea, Sir Claude, illus. Ss 14; b back cover 
Chairman, GA First Cttee. O 7; D back 
Congo crisis S 48, 51, 55; O 38, 53-54 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 37 
GA general debate D 73-74 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69 
solution of internat. problems by peace- 
ful means Jl 8, 50 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Jl 7, 38, 42-43 
USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36 
Correa, José A.: 
a a Ag 45, 48, 50; S 48, 57; O 38, 

Cuban complaint against U.S. S 33 

OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69, 88 

a nae of aerial aggression by U.S. 

USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36-37 
GA general debate 78-79 
Couve de Murville, Maurice: 
GA session (15th) O 7 
Cox, William W. O 63 
Crevecoeur, Colonel D 30 
Criminal procedure: 
UN regional seminar on Ag 5 
See also Prevention of Crime and Treat- 
ment of Offenders 
complaint against U.S. 
SC action Ag 2; S 32-33, 37 
GA general debate N 46-48 
reply » Colombia in GA general debate 

reply to Paraguay and Guatemala in GA 
general debate N 60, 61 
Cuevas Cancino, Francisco: 
Congo crisis O 19 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 20 
Cunningham, Sir Charles, illus. O 30 
report on Second UN Congress on the 
Prevention of Crime and the Treatment 
of Offenders O 30-31 
admission to the UN O 6 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
disarmament D 82 
GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 53 
GA general debate D 79 
membership appln. S 1 
WHO membership D 4 
Congo crisis O 14 
disarmament D 84 
food surpluses, use of D 17, 18 
GA general debate N 41-43 
reply to UK in GA general debate N 68 
Road Markings Agreement S 4 


Dadzie, Kenneth O 61 
admission to the UN O 6 
membership appln. S 1 
UNICEF contribution O 4 
WHO membership D 4 
Dal, Harald D 86 
David, Vaclav: 
reply to U.K. in general debate N 68 

Davis, John H.: 
UNRWA’'s annual report N 6-8 
ey program outlined by N 89; 

Dayal, Rajeshwar, illus. O 2; N 15 
First Progress Report to the Secretary- 
General N 15-25; D 42 
Second Progress a to the Secretary- 
General D 24-36, 8i 
special oy eae Hy of Hammarskjold in 
in the —os O 2, 45, 65, 67; N 15; 
a 2, 3 
Dean, Sir Patrick: 
Congo crisis O 16, 52 
Debayle, Luis Manuel 
reply to Cuba in GA general debate N 48 
reply to Honduras during GA general de- 
bate N 84 
de Camaret, Michel: 
New Guinea S 40, 41-42 
De Grazia, Ettore S 3 
de Groote, Christian D 3 
Delvaux, Albert O 66 
de Melen, H. Moreau: 
reply to India and Hungary during GA 
general debate N 84 
Demographic Yearbook 1959: 
review of O 2-3 

Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem > 48 
Congo crisis Ag 11; S 8, 58; O 67; N 25 
food surpluses, use of D 18 
GA general debate N 62-63 
King and Queen visit UN Headquarters, 
illus. N 1-2 
refugees D 46 
de Lequerica, José Félix: 
GA general debate D 49 
Delgado, Francisco A.: 
GA general debate D 56-57 
Desirée, Princess, illus. D 3 
d’Estaing, Giscard: 
ECOSOC session (30th) Ag 16 
Diailo, Demba D 1 
Diefenbaker, John: 
GA. on Sante N 44-45 

Dillon, C. Dougl 
ECOSOC an (30th) Ag 16 
Belainde, V. A., quoted on O 6 
GA action 
First Cttee. N 1; D 6-9, 82-85 
Second Cttee. D 85 
Ten-Nation Cttee. on Ag 2; S$ 1 
members S 1 

Disarmament Commission: 
Hammarskjold quoted on Ag 2 
meetings S 1 
Dixon, Sir Pierson: 
Congo crisis § 49-50, 52 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
solution of . problems by peace- 
ful means Jl 4 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Ji 38-39 
USSR yo of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force al case) § 35-36 
OAS decision concerning, noted by SC 
O 68-69, 88 

Dorsinville, Max: 

food surpluses, use of D 15 
Dudley, A. A.: 
surpluses, use of D 18 
Duhart, Emilio D 3 


ECA, see Economic Commission for Africa 
ECAFE, see Economic Commission for Asia 
and the Far East 
ECE, see Economic Commission for Europe 
ECLA, see Economic Commission for Latin 
Economic and Financial Committee (GA): 
disarmament effects D 85 
items allocated to N 12 
regional economic commissions D 86 
Stanovnik, Janez, elected Chairman O 7: 
D back cover 
Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC): 
aid for Chile recommended by, following 

OPEX program $ 29-30 
reports of regional economic commissions 
discussed by Ag 17; S 30 
right of —! ‘. 31 
session (30th) Jl 
report on Ay 16-17; S 27-31 
social questions S$ 31 
— economic problems Ag 16-17; § 27- 


Economic Commission for Africa (ECA): 
African workshop J 
annual report considered by ECOSOC Ag 
17; S 30 
cooperation between Conference of Inde- 
pendent African States and Jl 5 
library gift from Germany Ag 5 
Economic — for Asia and the Far 
East (ECA 
annual ECOSOC 
Ag 17; 
Economic te for Europe (ECE): 
annual report considered by ECOSOC Ag 
17; S 30 
Road Markings Agreement S 4 
Velebit, Vladimir, named Executive Sec- 
Economic Commission for Latin America 
annual ‘nw considered by ECOSOC Ag 
17; S 30 
Headquarters building in Chile D 3 
special session dealing with earthquake 
disaster in Chile Jl 2; Ag 44 
world economic problems 
ECOSOC action Ag 16-17; S 27-29 
World Economic Survey, 1959 (summary) 
Jl 18-21; Ag 38-41 
ECOSOC, see Economic 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Congo crisis Ag 48; S 48, 56, 57; O 28, 
37, 38, 51-52, 66 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 33, 37 
GA general debate N 70-71 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 68, 69, 88 
solution of internat. 
ful means Jl 8, 50 
—s charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Jl 7,4 
USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36-37 

report considered by 

and Social Council 

problems by peace- 

Edmonds, Paul, illus. Ji 13 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 30, 32, 33 

UNESCO conference on Ag 3; O 4 
discrimination in 
draft Internat. Convention on Ji 5; 
UNESCO program Ag 3 
See also United Nations Educational, 
Scientific and Cultural Organization 
Eichmann, Adolf: 
SC action JI 1; Ag 1, 
resolution Ag 15 
Eisenhower, Dwight D., illus. N 27 
GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 53-54 
GA general debate N 29-30 
GA general debate D 78 
IAEA mission to D 4 
Emergency Force (UN): 
Brazil's battalion headquarters visited by 
Gen. Floriano de Lima Brayner § 2 
command of Canadian contingent handed 
over to Col. Fosbery S 2 
Nehru quoted on Jl 2 
troop rotation D 4 
ILO survey of world employment situa- 
tion O 3 
UN Conference on New Sources of N § 
Erchov, Pavel Ivanovitch D 4 
Congo crisis Ag 7, 10; S 8, 58, 59, 60, 61, 
62, back cover; O 15, 28, 52-53, 60, 64, 
66, 67; N 23, 24, 25; D 36 
disarmament D 9, 82 
GA general debate N 73-74 
human rights seminar in D 3 
South West Africa D 3 
Ewa, J. M. S 59 



FAO, see Food and Agriculture Organization 
Far East, see ASIA; Economic Commission 
for Asia and the Far East; names of coun- 
Fekini, Mohieddin: 
Congo crisis O 10 
GA general debate N 71 
fellows chosen for study of UN N 4 
UN Fellowship Program Ag 42-43 

FAO report on § 4-5 ; 
Fifth Committee (GA), see Administrative 
and Budgetary Committee (GA) 
IFC investment S 4; N 3 
First Committee (GA), see Political and Secu- 
rity Committee (GA) 
Fitzmaurice, Sir Gerald D 3 
Flere, Janvid: 
food surpluses, use of D 17 
Fletcher-Cooke, John: 
Tanganyika Jl 53-54, 56 
Fodeba, Keita D 1 
State of Food and Agriculture 1960 N 4 
surpluses, GA adopts plans for distribu- 
tion of D 14-18 
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO): 
African horse sickness combatted by O 4 
agricultural survey mission to Ireland Jl 3 
distribution of food surpluses D 14 
fibers report S 4-5 
Fishing Boats of the World Ji4 
Freedom-from-Hunger Campaign Ag 13, 
back cover; D 5, 14 
locust control training course D 2 
report shows Western Europe facing a 
farm surplus N 4 
rice export statistics D 86 
State of Food and Agric ulture 1960 N 4 
Fosbery, Colonel T. S. S 2 
Fourth Committee (GA), see Trusteeship and 
Information from Non-Self-Governing Ter- 
ritories Committee 
admission of new members O 7 
Congo crisis Ag 11, 48; * 50-51, 
58; O 16-17, 37, 39, 51, 
Cuban complaint against U: 3 S 33 
disarmament D 84 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
New Guinea S 40, 41-42 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies 23 
refugees D 45 
Road Markings Agreement S 4 
Ruanda-Urandi Ag 26, 29, 30, 31, 32 
solution of internat. problems by peace- 
ful means Jl 48-49 
UNRWA contribution Ag 2 
USSR args of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Jl 7, 38 


USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36 
world economic problems Ag 16 
Franzi, Mario: 
food surpluses, use of D 15 
Frederik IX, King of Denmark, illus. N 1 
visits UN Headquarters N 1-2 
Freitas-Valle, Cyro de: 
Congo crisis O 10 
FUND, see International Monetary Fund 


GA, see General Assembly 
admission to the UN O 6 
membership appln. S 1 
WHO membership D 4 
Garin, Vasco Vieira: 
GA general debate D 62-63 
GATT, see General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Gebre-Egzy, Dr.: 
Congo crisis O 52-53 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 
session (16th) 
report on Jl 2-3 
General Assembly (GA): 
admission of new members O 1, 5, 6-7, 8 
appeal in interests of peace and progress 
N 52-55, 99 

Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 47- 

Congo crisis O 8-19, 28-29 
Hammarskjold’s statement of Oct. 17 
1960 N 13-14 
Special Emergency Session on O Il, 
8-19, 28-29; D 4 
resolution of September 20, 1960 O 15 
Congo delegation seated D 1-2 
Credentials Cttee. D 1 
Fifth Cttee., see Administrative and Budg- 
etary Committee 
First Cttee., see Political 

and Security 

General Assembly (GA) (Cont.): 

Fourth Cttee., see Trusteeship and Infor- 
mation from Non-Self-Governing Terri- 
tories Committee 

hunger problem D 14-18 

resolution D 18 

ICJ judges elected D 3 

Second Cttee., see Economic and Finan- 
cial Committee 

session (15th), illus. O front cover, 5 

addressed by King Frederik IX of 
Denmark N 1-2 

agenda O 5, 70-84; N 1, 9-12; D1 

Chinese representation question N 9- 

Cttee. chairmen elected O 7 
coverage by correspondents and 
broadcasters, illus. article N back 
general debate O 26-49, 56-88 
report on O 1, 5- 
Vice-Presidents elected O 7 
session, special emergency (fourth) 
report on O 1, 8-19, 28-29 
Sixth Cttee., see Legal Committee 
Special Political Cttee., see Special Politi- 
cal Committee 
Third Cttee., see Social, Humanitarian and 
Cultural Committee 
Geographic names: 
standardization of Ag 4 
Germain, Charles, i/lus., O 31 
Indus water treaty O 1 
library gift to ECA Ag 5 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Congo crisis Ag 7, 10; S 8, 58, 59, 61, 62, 
back cover; O 15, 29, 45, 52, 60, 62, 64, 
65, 66, 67; N 23, 25; D 36 
disarmament D 6, 8, 9, 82, 83, 84 
food surpluses, use of D 16 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53, 54 
GA general debate N 33-35 
gift to UN 
obligation of chain to report on de- 
pendencies D 21, 23 
refugees D 46 
reply to Portugal in GA general debate 
D 62-63 
Gheorghiu-Dej, Gheorghe: 
GA general debate N 48-49, 56 
Gheysen, General Ag 11 
Gillet, Colonel D 30 
Gizenga, Antoine: 
Congo crisis O 34, 60, 61, 62, 66 
Gomulka, Wladyslaw: 
GA general debate N 58-59 
reply to U.K. in GA general debate N 68 
Goycochea, Roberto D 3 
Congo crisis O 18-19 
GA general debate N 87-88 
refugees D 46 
Green, Howard C.: 
disarmament D 84-85 
Green, W. A. E.: 
food surpluses, use of D 15, 17 
Grimes, J. Rudolph: 
GA general debate N 72-73 
Gromyko, Andrei A 
solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means Jl 48, 49-50 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by US. 
Jl 6, 7, 43-46 
FUND agreement with Jl 3 
GA general debate N 60-61 
Chinese representation question N 11 
Congo crisis Ag 7, 10; S 8, 18, 58, 60, 61, 
62, back cover; O 15, 17, 35, 52, 62, 64, 
66, 67: N 13, 23, 25; D 36, 40 
disarmament D 82 
food surpluses, use of D 17 
GA general debate D 64-66 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 
Gurinovich, A. E.: 
food surpluses, use of D 17, 18 
Gyani, P. S.: 
Congo crisis S 61 
UNEF Commander § 2 


Hackworth, Green H. D 3 
Haedo, Eduardo Victor: 
GA general debate N 61-62 







Hagi Farah Ali Omar, illus., O 6 
Somalia Ag 19 
Congo crisis O 28 
food surpluses, use of D 14, 15 
GA general debate D 71 
Hajibhoy, Hamid D 42 
Hakim, Georges: 
Congo crisis: O 19 
Halm, W. M. 
food cine, use of D 16 
Hammarskjold, Dag, illus. J1 4; Ag front cover, 
3, 4: S front cover, 7 back cover; O inside 
front cover, 13; 1: D3 
ECOSOC session (30th) Ag 16 
aid to Chile following earthquake Ag 44 
annual report to GA, introduction to O 
budget (UN) estimates S 1 
ceremony commemorating tenth anniver- 
sary of UN action in Korea Ag 5 
Congo crisis Ag 1, 6, 7, 45; S 1, 6-12, 16- 
21, 47, 50, 51-52, 57-62; O 1, 10, 12, 19 
29, 32, 33-35, 36-37, 45, 48, 49-50, 55 
56-67; D 36-42 
first report on implementation of SC 
resolution of July 14, 1960 Ag 8-12 
fourth report on implementation of 
SC resolutions of July 14 and 22, 
1960 O 57-59 
Leopoldville visit Ag 1; S 6, 99 
second report on implementation sof 
SC resolutions of July 14 and 2 
1960 S 18-21, 61-62 
statement before GA Oct. 17, 1960 

statement before SC July 20, 1960 
Ag 12, § 
statement before SC Aug. 8, 1960 
S 16-17 
statement before SC Aug. 21, 1960 
O 39-44 
statement before SC Sept. 9, 1960 
O 46-47, 59-60 
third report on implementation of SC 
resolutions of July 14 and 22, 1960 
O 57 
economic mission to Ruanda-Urundi Jl 5 
Freedom-from-Hunger Campaign message 

g 1: 

Ghana’s gift to UN accepted by N 4 

Headquarters ceremony at which flags of 
new member nations were raised N 1 

Lie’s portrait hung in executive office of 
D 86 

to Internat. Society for the Welfare 
of Cripples O 2 
to Nansen Medal Award recipients 
to technical assistance pledging con- 
ference N 88-89 
to World Federation of United Na- 
tions Associations O 2 
UN Day N 4 
preparation for plebiscites in Cameroons 
under British Administration D 10-13 
on Disarmament Commn. 
Ag 2 
on refugee problem Ag 2; S 23 
on technical assistance programs Jl 5 
on UN finances D 2-3 
reply to USSR in GA general debate N 39- 
40, 80 
report on new sources of energy N 5 
report on OPEX program Jl 4 
Secretariat organization D 5 
Statement on internat. cooperation for eco- 
nomic development Jl 22-27 
travel plans of Jl 1 
Union of South Africa’s invitation to N 1 
World Refugee Year report D 43-44 
Hanson, Donald Raymond § 2 
Harvey, Dennis JI 3; Ag 4 
Hasan, Said: 
Congo crisis O 13 
Hassan, Hassan Mohamed: 
food surpluses, use of D 15 
Hassan, Moulay: 
GA general debate D 51-52 
Hassan E] Zayet, Mohamed 1 1 
Hauoui, Hassan: 
food surpluses, use of D 18 
Headquarters (UN): 
ceremony at which flags of sixteen new 
member states were raised, illus. N front 
cover, 1 
Ghana’s gift to N 4 
Herter, Christian A.: 
Congo crisis O 67; D 42 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 55 



Heuchan, Colonel E. R. § 2 
Heurtematte, Roberto: 
report on OPEX program S 29 
report to ECOSOC on UN technical 
assistance programs S 30 
technical assistance to the Congo S 60 
Hill, Martin S 31 
Hoffman, Paul, illus. Jl 14 
Managing eee Special Fund Jl 14- 
eg to ECOSOC on the Special Fund 

technical assistance pledging conference 
N 88-89 
Holmes, Denis A.: 

food surpluses, use of D 17 

BANK loan to Ag 3 

GA general debate N 84 
Hood, John D. L.: 

New Guinea S 43 

Ruanda-Urundi Ag 27, 30, 32 

— horse sickness combatted by FAO 


Human rights: 

Addis Ababa Seminar on D 3 

ECOSOC action § 31 

Congo crisis O 15 

GA general debate N 83-84 

GA action concerning problem of D 14-18 
Hussein, King: 

GA general debate N 80-81 

tribute to UNRWA D 5 

IAEA, see International Atomic Energy Agency 
ICAO, see International Civil Aviation Organi- 
disarmament D 85 
IMCO membership D 4 
ICJ, see International Court of Justice 
IDA, see International Development Associa- 
IFC, see International Finance Corporation 
ILC, see International Law Commission 
lleo, Joseph O 46; N 13, 18; D 25, 38, 40 
lliff, W. A. B.: 
BANK’s annual report to Board of Gover- 
nors N 2 
Indus water treaty O 1 
Illueca, Jorge E.: 
GA general debate N 63-64 
a ECOSOC Cttee. of the Whole 

ILO, see International Labor Organization 
IMCO, see Intergovernmental Maritime Con- 
sultative Organization 
review of UN Yearbook of National Ac- 
count Statistics O 3 
BANK loan to S 4; D 4 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Congo crisis Ag 11; S 1, 8, 58, 62; O 28, 
60, 66, 67; N 23, 25; D 36 
disarmament D 6, 8, 82, 83, 84 
food surpluses, use of D 15 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 52-53, 54-55, 99 
GA general debate N . “83: D 79-81 
IFC investment in Ag 3 
Indus water treaty O 1-2 
New Guinea S 40, 41, 42, 43, 46 
obligation of nations to en on de- 
pendencies D 20, 21-22, 23 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26, 30, am 3 
Tanganyika Jl 54, 55, 56 
UNEF troop rotation D 4 
Congo crisis § 8; O 15, 29, 63, 66; N 25; 
disarmament D 6, 8, 82, 84 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53, 55 
GA general debate N 74-76 
reply to the Netherlands in GA general 
debate D 53 
Ingrid, Queen of Denmark, illus. N 1 
visits UN Headquarters N 1-2 

Patterns in Industrial Growth 1938/58 re- 
viewed O 3 

Infantile paralysis, see Poliomyelitis 

Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Or- 
ganization (IMCO): 
report on Jl 5 
Internat. Convention for the Safety of Life 
at Sea S 5 
membership D 4 
revised internat. convention adopted Jl 5 
sea pollution conference D 3 
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA): 
annual report S 3 
General Conference (4th) S 3 
mission to Latin America D 4-5 
radiation exposure report submitted to 
N § 

radiation treatment meeting D 2 
International Bank for Reconstruction and De- 
velopment (BANK): 
agricultural survey mission to Ireland Jl 3. 
annual report N 2 
Argentina’s power needs surveyed by S 2 
Argentine transport study 
borrowing arrangement with Deutsche 
Bundesbank Ag 3 
Indus water treaty O 1-2 
Libyan — study D 4 
loans § 4; 
to alan Ag 3 
to India S 4; D 4 
to Israel O 4 
to Kenya Jl 3 
to Mexico D 4 
to Nicaragua Ag 3 
to Peru Ag 3 
to Sudan Jl 3 
membership N 2 
reserves S 4 
Surinam mineral survey D 4 
survey mission to Uganda N 2 
International Civil Aviation Organization 
aid helps nations improve air services, 
illus. article Jl back cover 
Asian air aid N 3 
ocean station program N 3 
technical assistance O 61 
International Court of Justice (ICJ): 
election of judges D 3 
in session, illus. D inside front cover 
South West Africa D 3 
International Development Association (IDA): 
administration of N 4 
membership N 4, 5; D 2 
organized N 4; D 2 
purpose N 4; D 2 
International Finance Corporation (IFC): 
Argentine sulphite mill investment Ag 3 
Australian rubber factory investment Jl 3 
Chilean investment N 3 
Finnish investment S 4; N 3 
Indian company investment Ag 3 
investments N 2 
Italian investment S 4 
membership N 3 
Tanganyika sugar investment Jl 3 
Venezuelan investment S 4 
International Labor Organization (ILO): 
conference (44th) 
report on Jl 4 
Congo’s membership appIn. O 61 
membership Jl 4 
specialists sent to Congo S 61; O 67 
world employment situation survey O 3 
International Law Commission (ILC): 
consular code Ag 5 
session (12th) 
report on Ag 5 
International Monetary Fund (FUND): 
money agreement with Guatemala Jl 3 
International problems: 
solution by peaceful means SC action Jl 8- 

International Red Cross: 
Congo crisis and Ag 12; S 59; O 47 
International Society for the Welfare of 
Hammarskjold’s message to eighth world 
congress of O 2 
Congo crisis O 17 
GA general debate N 40-41 
refugees D 45 
World Refugee Year contribution S§ 5 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Congo crisis O 15, 28 
disarmament D 6, 8, 82 
GA general debate D 58-59 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 
reply to South Africa during GA general 
debate D 77-78 

agricultural survey mission Jl 3 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Congo crisis Ag 7; S 8, 59, 61, 62, back 
cover; O 17, 64, 66, 67; N 24, 25; D 2, 36 
disarmament D 82, 83 
food surpluses, use of D 17 
GA general debate D 59-60 
Irish Red Cross: 
World Refugee Year contribution O 4 
Irwin, W. Arthur: 
food surpluses, use of D 15 
BANK loan to O 4 
Congo crisis O 12, 19 
Eichmann case Jl 1: Ag 1, 14-15 
GA appeal 2. interests of peace and 
progress N 5 
GA general a D 68-71 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 47- 

Congo crisis Ag 47, 50; S 49, 52, 56, 58; 
O 10, 37, 38, 51, 66; N 25 

Cuban complaint against U.S. S 33 

disarmament D 6, 7, 84 

Eichmann case Ag 15 

food surpluses, use of D 16 

GA general debate N 64-65 

IFC investment S 4 

New Guinea S 42, 43 

OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69, 88 

refugees O 4; D 45, 46 

Ruanda-Urundi Ag 30, 31, 32 

solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means Jl 48, 49, 5 

Somalia attains independence Ag 19 

UN Conference on New Sources of 
Energy N 5 

- yo of aerial aggression by U.S. 


USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 

U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 34, 36 
Ivella, Vittorio: 
New Guinea S 42, 43 

admission to the UN O 6 

IMCO membership D 4 

membership zppln. § 1 

WHO membership D 4 


disarmament D 82, 83 
GA general debate N 32-33 
Jawad, Hashim: 
GA general debate D 58-59 
reply to South Africa during GA general 
debate D 77-78 
Jessup, Philip C. D 3 
Jha, C. S., illus. Ji 14 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 20 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 30, 31, 32 
Special Fund, The—a cooperative endeavor 
Jl 14-16 
Tanganyika Jl 54, 55 
John XXIII, Pope Ag 13 
Johnson, Dosomu: 
Congo crisis O 53 
Jones, Colin S. N 3 
Jones, J. H.: 
New Guinea S 38-40, 43-45 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Congo crisis O 12-13, 15 
disarmament D 82 
GA general debate N 80-81 
—_ > Israel during GA general debate 

Jung, Ali Yavar: ; 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 


Kadar, Janos: 
GA general debate N 83-84 
Kadir, Abdul D 1 
Kalonji, Albert O 45; D 26, 30, 37, 39 
Kamil, Dat6 Nik Ahmed: 
GA general debate D 66 
Kanza, Thomas, illus. Ag front cover 
Congo crisis S§ 52-54, 56, 57, 59, 60; O 45, 
61; D 39, 40 


Kasavubu, Joseph: 
Congo crisis Ag 6, 49; S 53, 58; O 32, 45, 
46, 48, 60; N 13, 17, 18; D1, "26, 30, 38, 
39, 40 
Kasongo, Joseph: 
a crisis S 60; D 37-38, 40 
BANK loan to Ji 3 
Ketsia, Nana Kobina D1 
Kettani, Ben Hammou § 9; O 63, 64, 67 
Keumbeliev, Guergui: 
ECOSOC session (30th) Ag 16 
Kheir, Ahmed: 
GA general debate D 54 
Khoman, Thanat: 
GA general debate N 58 
Khrushchev, Nikita S., illus. N 26 
Chinese representation question N 10-11 
Congo crisis S 56 
disarmament D 7 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53, 54 
GA general debate N 35-40 
reply during GA general debate concern- 
ing proposed executive body to replace 
post of Secretary- General N 78-80 
=e, Chiping H. 
New Guinea S 40, 41, 42, 43 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 30, Jy Sy OO 
Kibwe, Mr., illus., S 15 
Kilmuir, Viscount, illus., O 31 
Second UN Congress on Prevention of 
Crime and Treatment of Offenders S 2-3 
Kimny, Nong, illus. D 5 
Klaestad, Helge D 3 
Koirala, Bishweshwar Prasad: 
GA general debate N 71-72 
Kojevnikov, Feodor I. D 3 
ceremony commemorating tenth anniver- 
sary of UN action in Ag 5 
elections in S 4 
See also United Nations Commission for 
the Unification and Rehabilitation of 
Korea; United Nations Korean Recon- 
struction Agency 
Koretsky, Vladimir D 3 
Korteweg, S.: 
food surpluses, use of D 17 
Kosaka, Zentaro: 
GA general debate N 32-33 
Koscziusko-Morizet, Jacques: 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26, 29, 30, 31, 32 
Krag, J. O.: 
ECOSOC session (30th) Ag 16, 17 
GA general debate N 62-63 
Kreisky, Bruno: 
— (Bozen) minority problem D 47- 

GA general debate N 69 
Krishna Menon, V. K.: 
disarmament D 9, 83 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 52-53, 99 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 21-22 
Krishnaswami, Arcot § 31 
Kuchava, M. I 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 21 
Kurka, Karel: 
Congo crisis O 14 
World Refugee Year contribution O 4 
Kuznetsov, Vasily: 
Congo crisis S 15, 47, 51, 52, 54, 57; 
O 35-36, 39, 44, 66; D 38 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 68, 88 
USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” b 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) § 34-35, 37 


Labouisse, Henry R.: 
N Force in the Congo Ag 1; S 58, 60 
Lafer, Horacio: 
GA general debate N 28-29 
Lange, Halvard M.: 
GA general debate D 60-61 
Congo crisis O 19 
GA general debate D 74-75 
IAEA mission to D 4-5 
See also Economic Commission for Latin 
America; names of countries 
Lauterpacht, Sir Hersch D 3 

Congo crisis O 15, 19, 64 
disarmament D 82, 85 
GA general debate N 86-87 
wm 2 Y Israel during GA general debate 

Legal Committee (GA): 
items allocated to N 12 
Ortiz Martin, Gonzalo, elected Chairman 
we Vi back cover 
ECO: SOC s session (30th) Ag 16 
Levaux, Colonel D 28 
Lewandowski, Bohdan: 
Congo crisis Ag 48, 50; S 49, 52, 55; O 10, 
38-39, 48, 53, 54 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 33 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 88 
USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 37 
“9 crisis S$ 8, 61, 62, back cover; O 28, 
53, 64, 66, 67; N 24, 25; D 36 
disarmament D 9, 82 
food surpluses, use of D 14 
GA general debate N 72-73 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 21, 23 
reply to South Africa during GA general 
debate D 77 
South West Africa D 3 
technical assistance to § 2 
town of Fizebu rebuilt following fire S 2 
Congo crisis O 10, 15 
disarmament D 82 
economic study of D 4 
GA general debate N 71 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 
refugees D 46 
Lie, Trygve: 
portrait of, presented to UN D 86 
Lima Brayner, General Floriano de S 2 
Limb, Ben: 
ceremony commemorating tenth anniver- 
sary of UN action in Korea Ag 5 
Lindt, Auguste R., illus. S 22; D 43 
appeal for funds to aid refugees N 89 
ECOSOC addressed by § 22-26, 31 
Nansen Medals presented by N 3 
— on contributions to aid refugees 

quoted on refugees in Italy O 4 
report on refugees Ag 2; N 3-4; D 45 
resigns refugee post to become Swiss Am- 
, bassador to U.S. S 5 
Linner, Sture C.: 
Congo assignment Ag 1; S 58, 60; O 55, 
60, 63, 64; D 2 
Locust control: 
training course in a 2 
Lodge, Henry Cabot, J 
7 Ag 46-47, 50; S 14-15, 54-55; 

Cuban complaint against U.S. S 32-33, 37 

Eichmann case A 

solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means Jl 9, 48, 4 

USSR charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
1 7, 46-47 

USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 35, 37 
Loomes, A. H.: 
obligation of naticns to report on de- 
pendencies D 42 
Lopez, Mrs. Maria Ag 44 
Lopez, Salvador P.: 
Congo crisis O 17 
Lopez-Rey, Manuel, illus., O 30, 31 
Second UN Congress on Prevention of 
Crime and Treatment of Offenders S$ 3 
Loridan, Walter: 
Conge ‘crisis Ag 48-49; O 18, 39; D 37 
Loutfi, Omar, illus. Jl 13 
reply A Israel during GA general debate 

mt. Urundi Ag 31 
a mission to African trust territories 
Ji 13, 28, 55 
Louw, Eric H.: 
Congo crisis O 18 
GA general debate D 76-78 
South West Africa D 3-4 
Lumbala, J. M. D 40 
Lumumba, Patrice, illus. S 7 
Congo crisis Ag 6, 49; S 1, 6-10, 14, 47, 
48, 49, 53, 54, 58, 60; O 12, 32, 33, 45, 
46, 48, 60, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67; N 13, 17, 
18: D 25, 26, 37, 38, 39, 
Lundula, General D 30, 39 


ow oa 

ead Oud Oa Oa 



3 2 

Luns, J. M. A. H.: 
ECOSOC session (30th) Ag 16 
GA general debate 52-54 
GA general debate N 77 


MacEoin, Sean D 2 
MacFarquhar, Sir Alexander: 
Congo crisis § 60 
Machowski, Jacek N 89 
Macleod, Iain: 
Tanganyika Jl 52, 53 
Macmillan, Harold, illus. N 27 
Congo crisis S 56 
GA general debate N 66-68 
U.K. contributions to World Refugee Year 

Maheu, Rene O 64 
Majoli, Mario, illus. D back cover 
ae GA Fifth Cttee. O 7; D back 

admission to the UN O 6 
UN membership appln. Ag 37 
WHO eradication program Jl 10-11, 12; 
S 1-2; D5 
Congo crisis O 28, 67; N 25; D 31 
contribution for Malaria eradication D 5 
disarmament D 82 
GA general debate D 66 
Prime Minister Rahman visits UN Head- 
quarters, illus. D 5 
refugees D 46 
admission to the UN N 1 
Congo crisis Ag 7, 10, 12; S 8, 18, 21, 
58, 59, 62, back cover; O 60, 64, 66, 67; 
N 24, 25; D 31, 36 
GA general debate D 72-73 
UN membership applIn. Ag 37; O 6 
WHO membership D 4 
Malile, Reis: 
Congo crisis O 14 
Mandi, André: 
Congo crisis S 59, 60 
Mangasha, Iyassu O 64 
Martino, Gaetano: 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Masangu, Mr., illus., S 
Massena, K. O 61, 67 
Mata’afa, Fiame Ag 36 
Matubangulu, André: 
Congo crisis § 59 
Maung, U. Hla: 
food surpluses, use of D 16 
Maung, U Tin: 
New Guinea S 40-41, 42, 43 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 36, 39, 30, 31, 32 
Tanganyika Jl 54-55 
UNICEF emergency aid to Ag 2-3 
Mawoso, Michel: 
Congo crisis S$ 60 
Mayobre, José Antonio: 
ECOSOC session (30th) Ag 16 
Mazurov, K. T.: 
GA ‘general debate D 57-58 
McCarthy, Justin D 2 
McCaw, William D 5 
McDiarmid, John O 49, 63 
Meir, Mrs. Golda, illus., Ag 15 
Eichmann case Jl 1; Ag 14, 15 
Mellesse, Ato Andom D 1 
Members (UN): 
date of admission of (map) N 50-51 
See also Admission of new members 
Mental health: 
WHO Expert Cttee. on N 5 
Menzies, Robert Gordon, illus. N back cover 
appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 54 
GA general debate D 55-56 
BANK loan to D 4 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
Congo crisis O 19 
disarmament D 82, 83, 84 
IAEA mission to D 4 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 20 
Mezincescu, Eduard, illus. D back cover 
Chairman, GA Third Cttee. O 7; D 44, 
back cover 
Michalowski, Jerzy 
solution of problems by peaceful 
means Jl 49 
a ee of aerial aggression by U.S. 


Milla Bermudez, Francisco: 
GA general debate N 84 
Millet, Pierre: 
Congo crisis O 52 
Mobutu, Colonel O 65; N 13; D 26, 28 
Mohallim, Omar, illus., O 6 
Montero de Vargas, Pacifico: 
New Guinea S 40, 43 
Mora, José A.: 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 68 
Morelli, Gaetano D 3 
Morgan, K. Z. N 5 
Congo crisis Ag 7, 10; S 8, 9, 58, 59, 60, 
61, 62, back cover; O 15, 52, 64, 66, 67; 
N 23, 24, 25; D 36 
Congo representation in UN D 1 
disarmament D 6, 8, 82, 83 
food surpluses, use of D 18 
GA general debate D 51-52 
refugees D 46 
Morse, David A.: 
Congo’s ILO membership applin. O 61 
ILO conference (44th) Jl 4 
ILO specialists sent to Congo S 61 
Morse, Wayne: 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 22 
Munyanganju, Aloys Ag 25, 27, 28-29 
Mwamba, Remy: 
Congo crisis S 12; O 61 


Naim, Sardar Mohammed: 
GA general debate N 65 
Nakayama, Tadashi S 3 
Nansen Medal: 
recipients of N 3 
Nash, Walter: 
GA general debate D 49-52 
Nasir, Musa: 
me ty Israel during GA general debate 

Nasser, Gamal Abdel, illus. N 27 
3A appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53 
GA general debate N 56-58 
Nehru, B. K.: 
food surpluses, use of D 15 
Nehru, Jawaharlal, illus. Jl 2; N 27 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53, 54-55 
GA general debate N 81-83 
Indus water treaty O 1 
quoted on UNEF Jl 2 
Neklessa, Ivan G.: 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 
Chinese representation question N 11 
Congo crisis O 14, 15 
disarmament D 6, 8, 82 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 54 
GA general debate N 71-72 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 
Congo crisis § 8; O 28, 67; N 25 
contribution to FAO’s Freedom-from- 
Hunger campaign Ag 13 
food surpluses, use of D 17 
GA general debate 52-54 
refugees D 46 
world ee problems Ag 16 
TC ron “ 38-46 
Congo crisis § 58; O 19, 28; N 25 
food surpluses, use of D 15, 17 
GA general debate D 49-52 
IMCO membership D 4 
Indus water treaty O 1 
New Guinea S 40, 41, 42 
refugees D 46 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 30, 32, 33 
Western Samoa Jl 1-2; Ag 35-37 
BANK loan to Ag 3 
reply to Cuba in GA general debate N 48 
Nielsen, S. A.: 
Congo crisis O 16 
portrait of Trygve Lie presented to UN 
by D 86 
reply to South Africa during GA general 
debate D 77 
admission to the UN O 6 
membership appln. S 1 
UNICEF contribution O 4 
WHO membership D 4 

admission to the UN N 1 
Congo crisis Ag 11; D 31 
disarmament D 9, 82 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 21, 23 
— visits UN Headquarters, illus. 
WHO membership D 4 
N’Kaye, Pascal O 66 
Nkrumah, Kwame, illus. N 27 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53, 54 
GA general debate N 33-35 
gift from Ghana to UN presented by N 4 
Nogueira, Alberto Franco: 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 20-21 
Non-self-governing territories: 
— of nations to report on D 19-23, ° 

Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
— S 8, 58, 62; O 16, 60, 67; 

disarmament D 84, 85 
food surpluses, use of D 18 
GA general debate D 60-61 
refugees D 45 
reply to South Africa during GA general 
debate D 77 
Nosek, Jiri: 
GA session (15th) O 1, 5 
Novotny, Antonin: 
GA general debate N 41-43 
WHO membership D4 
Nyerere, Julius K. Jl i. 58; Ag 20; illus. Ji 13 
Nyun, U.: 
ECAFE report considered by ECOSOC 
Ag 17 


Obeid, Fad! D 1 
Oberemko, Valentin: 
New Guinea S 40-41, 42-43, 44, 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26, 29, 30, 31 32, 33 
Tanganyika Jl 55-56, 58 
UNESCO interest in Ag 4 
Offenders, see Prevention of Crime and Treat- 
ment of Offenders 
Okala, Charles: 
GA general debate D 75-76 
Okito, Joseph: 
Congo crisis § 60; D 40 
Omar, Mohammad Sarwar: 
food surpluses, use of D 15, 17 
Operational and executive personnel (OPEX): 
ECOSOC action § 29-30 
Secretary-General’s report on Jl 3 
Organization of American States: 
Cn SF complaint against the U.S. Ag 2; 
decision "2 concerning Dominican Re- 
public, noted by SC O 68-69, 88 
Ormsby-Gore, David: 
disarmament D 8, 8 
ECOSOC session Goth) Ag 16 
Ortiz Martin, Gonzalo, illus. D back cover 
GA general debate D 78-79 
Chairman, GA Sixth Cttee. O 7; D back 
Ortona, Egidio: 
Congo crisis Ag 47, 50; S 49, 52, 56; O 10, 
38, 45, 51; 8 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 33 
Eichmann case Ag 15 | hull 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69, 8 
solution of internat. ' ane by peaceful 
means Jl 48, 49, 
Somalia Pek Ba acclaimed by Ag 19 
- eae of aerial aggression by U.S. 


USSR Paci of “aggressive acts” by 
USS. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36 

Owen, David: 

report on technical assistance to TAC D 5 

TAB report to ECOSOC S 30 

technical assistance 
nounced by N 88-89 

contributions an- 


Pachachi, Adnan, illus. D back cover 
Chairman, GA Fourth Cttee. O 7; D 4, 
back cover 


TC action Ag 4 
visiting mission to 

Padilla Nervo, Luis: 
disarmament § 1 


Congo crisis § 8; O 13, 66, 67 
D 36, 42 

disarmament D 85-86 

food surpluses, use of D 14 

GA appeal in interests of 
progress N 53, 55 

GA general debate N 69-70 

Indus water treaty O 1-2 

mineral survey N 2 

refugees D 45, 46 

UNRWA contribution Ag 2 

Palestinian refugees, see Refugees 


GA general debate N 63-64 

Panyaré ichun, Anand: 
food surpluses, usc 


Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
GA general debate N 59-60 
IAEA mission to D 4 
New Guinea S 40, 43 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 27, 30, 31, 32 
Pate, Maurice: 
Congo assignment Ag 1; S 58 

Patterns in Industrial Growth 1938/58 
review of ( 

Payne, Frederick: 
food surpluses, use of D 14-15, 17 

Pearson, Lester B. D 5 


BANK loan to Ag 3 

GA appeal in interests of 
progress N § 

IAEA mission to D 4 

reply to Ecuador in GA general debate 

Ag 4 

; N 23, 25; 

peace and 

of D 17 

peace and 

Peter, Georges JI 3: Ag 4 
Petrovsky, V. F., illus., O 12 

Congo crisis O 17 
disarmament D 85 
GA general debate D 56-57 
malaria eradication § 1-2 
Philpott, Trevor N 3 
Pinto, Ignacio, illus., O 6 
Pitchie, C. S. A.: 
Congo crisis O 18 
Place names: 
standardization of Ag 4 
Plaza, Galo O 67; D 33 
Podgorny, Nicolai: 
GA general debate N 85-86 
Congo crisis Ag 48, 50; S 49, 52, 55, 59; 
O 10, 32, 38-39, 48, 53, 54, 66; D 40 
Cuban complaint against U.S. § 33 
disarmament D 82-83, 84 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
GA general debate N 58-59 
OAS ogy concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 8 
obligation b nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 
reply to UK in GA general debate N 68 
solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means JI 49 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Ji 7, 39-41 
USSR complaint of “aggressive — by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 3 
vaccines Ag 4-5 
Political and Security Committee (GA): 
Corea, Sir Claude, elected Chairman O 7; 
D back cover 
disarmament N 1; D 6-9, 82-85 
items allocated to N 12 
Demographic Yearbook 1959 reviewed 
O 2-3 
GA general debate D 62-63 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 19, 20-22, 23 
Road Markings Agreement S 4 
Potrubach, Michael: 
Congo crisis S 60 
Prebisch, Rail: 
aid to Chile following earthquake Ag 44 
appointed special representative of Ham- 
+ cr in Chilean earthquake area 

ECLA report to ECOSOC Ag 17 


Treatment of 

S 2-3; 

Prevention of Crime and the 
UN Congress on (second) Jl 34-37: 
O 30-31 
Patterns in Industrial Growth 1938/58 
reviewed O 3 
Public Information, UN Office of: 
interne program organized by S 5 

contribution to aid refugees S 5 
Quaison-Sackey, Alex: 
Congo crisis O 14, 29, 52 

Quijano, Raul A. J.: 
Congo crisis Ag 48 


Rahman, Tunku Abdul, illus. D § 
visits UN Headquarters D5 
Raison, Timothy N : 
Ranallo, William O 53 
Rapoport, Jacques, illus. 
Rasgotra, M.: 
New Guinea S 40, 41, 42, 43 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26 
Read, James Morgan: 
resigns as refugee aide § 5 
Canadian scheme to admit O 4 
GA action 
Third Cttee. D 43-46 
High Commissioner looks to liquidation 
. — refugee problem in Europe 
High C. ~~ ER report on Ag 2 
Nansen Medal recipients N 3 
Palestine Ag 2: N6 -8 
report on Ag 2; N wr 
See also United Nations Relief and Works 
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the 
Middle East; World Refugee Year 
Regional economic commissions: 
GA action 
Second Cttee. D 86 
See also Economic Commission for Africa: 
Economic Commission for Asia and the 

Ag 28 

Far East; Economic Commission for 
Europe; Economic Commission for 
- atin ry rica 
Reid, R. O 
Reisdorff Iv ey 
Ruanda-U rundi Ag 23, 24, 34 

Rejapatirana, D. W.: 

food surpluses, use of D 16 
Reymond, Henri O 65 

WHO membership D 4 

FAO statistics on exports of D &6 
Rifai, Abdul Monem: 

Congo crisis O 12-13 
Right of asylum: 

ECOSOC action § 31 

Rikhye, I. J.: 
UN Force in the Congo Ag 1; S 58, 60: 
O 63, 64, 67 
Roa, Rail: 

Cuban complaint against U.S. § 32, 33, 37 
reply > Guatemala in GA general debate 
N 6 
Roa, Shri Rameshwar D 1 
Road Markings: 
European Agreement on S 4 
Roberts, Captain D 28, 30 
Rodriguez Fabregat, Enrique Ag 44 
Congo crisis O 11-12, 15 
disarmament D 84 
GA general debate N 48-49, 56 
Ross, Ronald JI 11 
Rossel, Mrs. Agda, illus. D 3 
Congo crisis O 19 
reply to South Africa during GA general 
debate D 77 
Rossides, Zenon: 
GA appeal in 
progress N 53 
GA general debate D 79 
Rotschild, Robert D 28 
economic mission to Jl 5 
elections in D 4 
TC action Ag 22-35 
visiting mission’s report on Jl 28-29 
Rwagasana, Michel Ag 25-29 

interests of peace and 



Safety of Life at Sea, International Convention 
for the: 
signatories to § 5 
Sahbani, Tajeb D 1 
Salaam, Saeb: 
GA general debate N 86-87 
Salamanca, Carlos: 
New Guinea § 40, 42 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26, 32 
Salumu, Bernard: 
Congo crisis S 60 

TC action Jl 1-2; Ag 35-37 
Sann, Son: 
GA appeal _* interests of peace and 

progress N 5 
Santelices, Oscar D 5 
Sapena Pastor, Raul: 
GA general debate N 59-60 
Sarper, Selim: 
GA general debate N 41 
Congo crisis O 11, 15 
GA appeal in interests 
progress N 54 
GA general debate N 74 
reply to Israel during GA general debate 
D ) 

of peace and 

SC, see Security Council 
Schnyder, F. D 13 
Schurmann, C. W. A., illus. S 27 
ECOSOC president Ji 2; S$ 31 
ECOSOC session (30th) Ag 17; S 27-31 
Schweitzer, Daniel: 
ECOSOC First Vice-President Jl 2; S 31 
GA general debate 71-72 
Sea =. 
IMCO conference on D 3 
Sears, Mason, illus. Jl 13; Ag 28 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 30, 32 
visiting mission to African trust territories 
Ji 13, 28, 51, 52, 54; Ag 26, 27 
Second Committee (GA). see Economic and 
Financial Committee (GA) 
Secretariat (UN): 
consultations related to organization of, at 
Under-Secretary level D 5 
annual Feport 
O 20-28 
See also Hammarskjold, 
Security Council (SC): 
admission of new members 
Cameroun Ag 37 
Congo Ag 37 
Malagasy Republic Ag 37 
Mali Ag 37 
Somalia Ag 7. 
Togo Jl 2; Ag 
Cc re crisis Ag x é 5, 45- y S 6, 
15, 47-61; O 32-67: D 3 8-41 
resolution of July 14, 1960 Ag 46 
resolution of July 22, 1960 S 54, 59-60 
resolution of August 9, 1960 § 10, 12, 

. Ag 2; 

to GA, introduction to 

Dag; Lie, Trygve 

10, 12- 

Cuban . against the U.S 
S 7% 

Eichmann hdl Jl 1; Ag 1, 14-15 
resolution Ag 15 
ICJ judges elected D 3 
OAS decision in respect to Dominican Re- 
public noted by O 68-69, 88 
solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means Jl 8-9, 48-50 
resolution Jl 9 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by US. 

Jl 6-7, 38-47 
USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) Ag 2 
S 34-37 
Segni, Antonio: 

Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 47, 

GA general debate N 64-65 
Selassie, Haile, illus. S back cover 
Congo crisis O 52 
Sen, B. R., illus. Ag 13 
FAO’s Freedom-from-Hunger Campaign 
Ag 13 
quoted on GA resolution on the distribu- 
tion of food surpluses D 5 
admission to the UN N 1 
IMCO membership D 4 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 
Seynes, Philippe de: 
technical assistance to the Congo S 30, 
60; O 66 














Shaha, Rishikesh: 
Chinese representation question N 11 
Congo crisis O 14 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 54 
Shahi, Agha D 1 
Shanahan, Foss: 
Congo crisis O 19, 28 
Western Samoa Ag 36 
Shehu, Mehmet: 
GA general debate N 45-46 
Sherman, George D 1 
Shukairy, Ahmad: 
Congo crisis O 11 ; 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 54 
GA general debate N 74 
reply to Israel during GA general debate 
D 69-70 
WHO membership D 4 
Sihanouk, Prince Norodom: 
GA general debate N 65-66 
Sikhé, Camara: 
food surpluses, use of D 17 
Sixth Committee (GA), see Legal Committee 

Slim, Mongi, illus., S 14 
Congo crisis Ag 46, 49-50; S 15, 51, 55; 
O 14, 37, 40, 45, 53 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 37 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
GA general debate D 66-67 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 

public O 88 

solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means Jl 8, § 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Jl 41-42 

USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36 
Smid, Ladislav: 
food surpluses, use of D 17 
Snoussi, Ahmed 
Sobolev, Arkady: 
Congo crisis Ag 47, 49, 50 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 33, 37 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
speaker at unveiling of statue presented to 
UN by U.S.S.R. Jl 4 
Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Committee 
items allocated to N 12 
Mezincescu, Eduard, elected Chairman 
O 7; D back cover 
refugees D 43-46 
social work being done by UN reported 
to 2 
Social welfare: 
seminar on, for experts from Arab states 
S 5 

Social work: 
UN action in field of D 13 
Society of Friends: 
donation to UN D § 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 55 
reply to the Netherlands in GA general 
debate D 5 
Solano Lopez, Miguel: 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 27, 30, 31, 
vaning mission to African at territories 
JI 13, 28 
admission to the UN O 6 
disarmament D 82 
independence attained Ag 18-19 
UN membership appin. Ag 37 
Sopiee, Mohamed D 1 
Sosa-Rodriguez, Carlos: 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53 
GA general debate N 85 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69 
Cttee. on 
report of Ag 5; S 4 
GA action 
Fourth Cttee. D 3-4 
Souvanlasy, Khamking: 
GA general debate D 74-75 
Souza-Braga, Pedro de: 
obligation of nations to report on 
pendencies D 23 

Congo crisis O 28 
GA general debate D 49 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 20, 21, 22-23 
Special Fund (UN): 
Argentina’s power needs surveyed by S 2 




Special Fund (UN) (Cont.): 
Argentine transport study N 2 
booklet available about Ag 4 
Governing Council Jl 14-17 
new aid projects approved by J! 17 
locust control training course D 2 
Managing Director Jl 14-16 
Pakistan mineral survey N 2 
report to ECOSOC §S 30 
Special Fund, The—a cooperative en- 
deavor, by C. S. Jha Jl 14-16 
Surinam mineral survey D 4 
Taiwan water development project N 2 
Special Political Committee (GA): 
Auguste, Carlet R., elected Chairman O 7; 
back cover 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 47 
items allocated to N 12 
Specialized agencies: 
UN Civilian Operation in the Congo and 
the O 55-56; N 14 
issues released in connection with UN Day 
O back cover 
Stanovnik, Janez, illus. D back cover 
Chairman, GA Second Cttee. O 7; D back 
Stavropoulos, Constantine A.: 
personal representative of Hammarskjold 
in Somalia Jl 1 
BANK loan to Jl 3 
Congo crisis S 8, back cx i 15, 19, 63, 
64, 66, 67; N 23, 25; D 3 
disarmament D 82 
food surpluses, use of D 15 
GA general debate D 54 
Sukarno, Dr., illus. N 27 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53 
GA general debate N 74-76 
mineral survey D 4 
Congo crisis Ag 7, 10; S 7, 8, 9, 58, 59, 61, 
62, back cover; O 19, 60, 64, 66, 67: 
N 23, 25; D 36 
disarmament D 82, 84, 85 
GA general debate D 73 
princesses visit UN, illus. D 3 
reply to South Africa during GA general 
debate D 77 
UNRWA contribution S 5 
Congo crisis Ag 11; S 58; N 25 
Sylvain, Edmond O 64 


TAB, see Technical Assistance Board 
Taboada, Didégenes: 
GA general debate N 43-44 
TAC, see Technical Assistance Committee 
Tamayo, Rufino S 3 
Tanaka, Kotaro D 3 
largest trust territory Jl 52; Ag 20 
map Ag 22 
sugar industry Jl 3 
TC action Jl 53-58; Ag 20-22 
visiting mission to 
members of Jl 13 
report of Jl 13, 51-53 
Tavares de Sa, Hernane, illus. S 5 
TC, see Trusteeship Council 
Tchichelle, Stéphane: 
GA general debate D 61-62 
[chobanov, Yordan: 
Congo crisis O 11 
Technical assistance: 
annual report on Jl 4-5, 30-33, 58 
contributions N 88-89; D 5 
ICAO O 61 
to Liberia S 2 
to the Congo S 60 
Technical Assistance Board (TAB): 
annual report Jl 4-5, 30-33, 58; S 30 
Technical Assistance Committee (TAC): 
report by David Owen on technical assist- 
ance to the D 5 
report to ECOSOC § 30 
food surpluses, use of D 17 
GA general debate N 58 
King and Queen visit UN Headquarters, 
illus. Ag 3 
Thant, U.: 
Congo crisis O 17 
GA general debate D 67-68 
Third Committee (GA), see Social, Humani- 
tarian and Cultural Committee (GA) 

Thors, Thor: 
disarmament D 85 
GA session (15th) O 1, 5 
Thurnauer, Miss Helen Jl 4 
Tin Conference (UN): 
report on Jl 3; Ag 4 
admission to the UN O 6 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 19 
refugees D 46 
UN membership applin. Jl 2; Ag 37 
Touré, Sekou: 
Congo crisis S 60; O 62; N 13 
GA general debate D 64-66 
eradication efforts Jl 5 
Iraung, Jan-Olof Jl 4 
Trust territories: 
map of N 50-51 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 19-23, 42 
See also names of territories 
[rusteeship and Information from Non-Self- 
Governing Territories Committee (GA): 
items allocated to N 12 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 19-23, 42 
Pachachi, Adnan, elected Chairman O 7; 
D back cover 
Ruanda-Urundi D 4 
South West Africa D 3-4 
Irusteeship Council (TC): 
oe under British Administration 
New Guinea S 38-46 
Pacific Islands Trust Territory Ag 4 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 22-35 
session (26th) 
report on Jl 1-2; Ag 18-37 
Somalia congratulated by, upon attain- 
ment of independence Ag 18-19 
Tanganyika Jl 53-58; Ag 20-22 
Western Samoa Jl 1-2; Ag 35-37 
[shombe, Moise, illus. § front cover 
Congo crisis Ag 49, 50; S 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 
16, 18, 19, 20, 50, 51, 54; O 12, 40, 45, 
61, 63, 64; D 26, 27, 37, 39, 42 
Isiang, T. F.: 
Chinese representation question N 11 
Congo crisis § 48-49, 56; O 38 
GA general debate D 63-64 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 69 
ae complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36 
admission of new members O 7 
Congo crisis Ag 7, 10, 46, 49-50; S 8, 10, 
12, 15, 48, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56, 58, 59-60, 
61, 62, back cover; O 14, 15, 33, 37, 45, 
48, 51, 53, 54, 62, 64, 66, 67; N 23, 24, 
25; D 36, 38, 40, 41 
Cuban complaint against U.S. § 37 
disarmament D 82 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
food surpluses, use of D 18 
GA general debate D 66-67 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 88 
obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 19 
refugees D 46 
solution of internat. problems by peaceful 
means Jl 8, 50 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Jl 7, 41-42 
USSR complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 36 
Tuomioja, Sakari: 
ECE report to ECOSOC Ag 17 
lurbay Ayala, Julio César: 
GA general debate N 76-77 

Turbott, Dr. H. B., illus., Jl 11 

review of work of thirteenth World Health 
Assembly Jl 10-12 


GA general debate N 41 
refugees D 46 

Turnbull, Sir Richard Jl 52 


Udovichenko, Petr: 
Congo crisis O 14 
BANK survey mission N 2 
Congo crisis O 14 
GA general debate N 85-86 

obligation of nations to report on de- 
pendencies D 23 
UNCURK, see United Nations Commission 
for the Unification and Rehabilitation of 
Unda-Murillo, Jesius: 
GA general debate N 60-61 
Unden, Osten, illus. D 3 
GA general debate D 73 
UNESCO, see United Nations Educational, 
Scientific and Cultural Organization 
UNICEF, see United Nations Children’s Fund 
Congo crisis O 18 
GA general debate D 76-78 
= « wee extended invitation to visit 

N 1 
South West Africa D 3-4 
charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
SC action Jl 6-7, 38-47 
Chinese representation question N 9, 10-11 
complaint of new aggressive acts by U.S. 
SC action Ag 2; S 34-37 
Congo crisis Ag 6, 11, 46, 47, 49, 50; S 12, 
15, 47, 51, 52, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60; O 9, 
17-18, 28-29, 32, 33, 35-36, 39, 44, 45, 
48-49, 51, 54, 61, 62, 66, 67; D 37, 38-39, 
40, 41 
Cuban complaint against U.S. S 33, 37 
disarmament § 1; D 6-7, 84 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
food surpluses, use of D 15, 16, 18 
GA appeal in int :sts of peace and prog- 
ress N 53, 54 
GA general det ute N 35-40 
New Guinea S 40-41, 42-43, 44, 45, 46 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 68, 88 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 2 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33 
solution of internat. problems by peace- 
ful means Jl 48, 49-50 
statue presented to UN, illus. Jl 4 
Tanganyika Jl 55-56, 58 
world economic problems Ag 16 
Congo crisis § 8; O 15-16, 53, 63, 64, 66, 
67; N 23, 25; D 36 
Congo representation in UN D 1 
disarmament D 6, 8, 82, 84 
food surpluses, use of D 16, 17, 18 
GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 5 
GA general debate N 56-58 
New Guinea S 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46 
—. Israel during GA general debate 

“7 Jordan during GA general debate 

Ruanda-Urundi Ag 31 
Cameroons, see CAMEROONS UNDER 
Congo crisis Ag 10, 11, 47-48, 50; § 49-50, 
52, 56, 58; O 16, 37, 38, 51, 52, 66 
Cuban complaint against US. § 33 
disarmament D 6, 7, 8, 84, 85 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
food surpluses, use of D 18 
GA general debate N 66-68 
Indus water treaty O 1 
New Guinea S 40, 41, 42, 43, 46 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
os O 69 
obligation of = to report on depend- 
encies D 23 
refugees D és’ “a 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 26, 29-30, 31 
solution of internat. problems by peace- 
ful means Jl 48, 50 
survey mission to Ugunda N2 
Tanganyika Jl 53-58 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by U.S. 
Ji 7, 38-39 
USSR’ complaint of “aggressive acts” by 
U.S. Air Force (RB-47 case) S 35-36 
world economic problems Ag 16 
World Refugee Year contributions J] 4 
United Nations (UN): 
a and date of admission (map) 
Society of Friends donation to D 5 
Yearbook 1959 N § 
United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF): 
contributions to O 4 
emergency aid for Chile Ji 2 
emergency aid to Mauritania Ag 2-3 
greeting cards, illus. § 3 

United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) 
Hallowe'en collections O 4 
trachoma eradication Jl 5 
United Nations Commission for the Unifica- 
tion and Rehabilitation of Korea 
Korean elections S 4 
United Nations Day: 
celebration of O back cover 
Hammarskjold’s message on N 4 
United Nations Educational, Scientific and 
Cultural Organization (UNESCO): 
Adult Education Conference Ag 3; O 4 
budget D 46 
contribution to civilian assistance program 
in the Congo O 64 
draft Internat. Convention on Discrimi- 
nation in Education Jl 5; Ag 3 
education drive Ag 3 
Erchov, P. I., appointed Assistant Director- 
General D 4 
General Conference (11th) D 46 
membership D 46 
oceanography Ag 4 
report on world’s blind persons Jl 5 
tasks broadened S 2 
United Nations Emergency Force, see Emerg- 
ency Force (UN) 
United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency 
dissolved O 3 
United Nations Relief and Works Agency for 
Palestine Refugees in the Middle East 
annual report N 6-8 
contributions to Jl 4; Ag 2; S 5; N 89 
new vocational training center at Wadi- 
Seer D 5 
United Nations Yearbook of National Account 
reviewed O 3 
Chinese representation question N 9-10 
Congo crisis Ag 10, 11, 46-47, 50; S 14-15, 
54-55, 58; O 8-9, 29, -; YY 37, 38, 45, 
48, 50-51, 54, 66; D 37, 4 aot 42 
Congo representation in UN Di 
Cuban complaint against 
SC action Ag 2; S 32-33, 37 
disarmament § 1; D 6, 7-8, 84 
Eichmann case Ag 14 
food surpluses, use of D 14, 17 
GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 
ress N 53-54, 55 
GA general debate N 29-30 
Indus water treaty O 1 
New Guinea S 42, 43 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 68-69 
obligation of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 22, 42 
refugees D 45, 46 
reply to Cuba in GA general debate N 48 
reply to USSR in GA general debate N 39 
Ruanda-Urundi Ag 30, 32 
solution of internat. problems by peace- 
ful means Jl 9, 48, 49 
Tanganyika Jl 54 
USSR charge of aerial aggression by 
SC action Jl 6-7, 38-47 
USSR complaint of new aggressive acts by 
SC action Ag 2; S 34-37 
world economic problems Ag 16 
UNKRA, see United Nations Korean Recon- 
struction Agency 
UNRWA, see United Nations Relief and Works 
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Middle 

admission to the UN O 6 
membership appln. S 1 
UNICEF contribution O 4 
WHO membership D 4 
Urquia, Rafael: 
aid for Chile following earthquake Ag 44 
GA general debate D 78 
Bolzano (Bozen) minority problem D 48 
GA general debate N 61-62 


Vakil, Mehdi: 
Congo crisis O 17 
GA general debate N 40-41 
Vanderborght, E.: 
obligations of nations to report on depend- 
encies D 23 

Velebit, Vladimir: 

named Executive Secretary of ECE N 3 

disarmament D 6, 8, 82 

food surpluses, use of D 14 

GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 

ress N 53 

GA general debate N 85 

IFC investment S 4 

SC notes OAS decision concerning acts by 

Dominican Republic against O 68-69, 88 

world economic problems Ag 16 

Veronese, Vittorino D 4, 46 
Verosta, Stephen Ag 5 
Vidic, Dobrivoje: 

Congo crisis O 10-11, 
Vieyra, Desire, illus. O 6 
von Horn, Carl, illus. Ag front cover 

Supreme Commander of UN Force in the 

Congo Ag 1, 7, 10, 11, 45; S 9, 58, 59, 
60; O 35, 60, 64 

44-45, 53; D 39 


Wachtmeister, Wilhelm: 

Congo crisis S 60 

Wachuku, Jaja A. D 1 
Wadsworth, James J., illus. O 12 

Chinese representation question N 9-10 

Congo crisis O 8-9, 29, 45, 51, 54 

disarmament D 8 

GA appeal in interests of peace and prog- 

ress N 53 
OAS decision concerning Dominican Re- 
public O 68-69 

reply to Cuba in GA general debate N 48 

reply to USSR in GA general debate N 39 
er Prince Wan D 5 
Watt, J. 

ea Guinea S$ 40, 41, 42 
Wentworth, W. C.: 

food surpluses, use of D 16-17 
Western Samoa, see SAMOA, WESTERN 
Wheeler, Raymond A.: 

Congo assignment Ag 1, 12; S 59; O 64 
WHO, see by Health Organization 
Wieschhoff, H. 

Congo crisis + 60; O 60, 63 
Wigny, Pierre, illus., S 14 

Congo crisis S 13-14, 19, 51, 53, 57 

GA general debate N 77-80 

reply to Ghana and USSR in GA general 

debate N 38-39 
second progress report to Secretary-Gen- 
eral by his special representative in the 
Congo criticized by D 1 

Congo crisis Ag 48 
Winiewicz, Josef: 

disarmament D 83, 84 

ECOSOC session (30th) Ag 16 
Wirjopranoto, Sukardjo: 

Congo crisis O 29, 53 

UN Tin conference JI 3; Ag 4 
WMO, see World Meteorological Organization 
Wold, Aklilou Abte: 

GA general debate N 73-74 
World economic problems: 

ECOSOC action Ag 16-17; S 27-29 
World Economic Survey, 1959 

summary Jl 18-21; Ag 38-41 
World Federation of United Nations Associa- 


Hammarskjold’s message to O 2 
World Health Assembly: 

session (13th) 

report on Jl 10-12 

session (14th) Jl 12 
World Health Organization (WHO): 

African states join 4 

budget Jl 11 

Congo crisis and Ag 12; S 59; O 60 

Executive Board J 1 12 

Expert Cttee. on Poliomyelitis Ag 4-5 

malaria eradication JI 10-11, 12; D 

membership Jl 10 

mental health research N 5 

radiation treatment meeting D 2 

trachoma eradication Jl 5 

work program for 1961 Jl 11 

See also World Health Assembly 
World Meteorological Organization (WMO): 

contribution to civilian operations in the 

Congo O 

Headquarters, illus. S inside front cover 

tidal-wave warning service S 5 

use of artificial satellites for weather fore- 

casting S 5 
World Refugee @ 
contributions to Jl 4; Ag 2; S 5; 04 
Internat. Cttee. for Ag 2 






World Refugee Year (Cont.): 

report on S 5 

success of, noted by GA Third Cttee. D 43 
Wright, Mrs. Nonny: 

food surpluses, use of D 18 
Wyn-Harris, Sir Percy D 13 


Yav, Mr., illus., S 15 
Congo crisis D 28 

Yearbook of the United Nations 1959: 
review of N 5 


Congo crisis O 15 
disarmament D 82 
GA general debate D 64 
Yen, Chia-Kan: 
ECOSOC session (30th) Ag 16 
Congo crisis § 8, 62; O 10-11, 44-45, 53, 
60; N 25; D 37, 38, 39 
disarmament D 6, 8, 82 
food surpluses, use of D 17 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53 
GA general debate N 30-32 
Road Markings Agreement S 4 
UNEF troop rotation D 4 


Zabarah, Ahmad Ali: 
GA general debate D 64 
Zabransky, Adolph § 3 
Zafrulla Khan, Sir Muhammad D 3 
Zhdanov, Victor JI 12 
Zhivkov, Todor: 
GA general debate N 63 
Zorin, Valerian, illus. O 12 
Congo crisis O 9, 18, 28-29, 45, 48-49, 51, 
54; D 39, 40, 41 
disarmament D 7, 84 
GA appeal in interests of peace and 
progress N 53 


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