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Peace and Commerce — The Decision of the Supreme Court — The 
Lake Mohonk Arbitration Conference — Platform of the Seventh 
Lake Mohonk Arbitration Conference. 

PE: TING 00's. isc nee tiscdnecsassncessencesccese i 
International Peace Congress — Absurdity of Modern Warfare — 
The Czar as Arbitrator — Tariff Troubles with Russia — Germany 
and the United States — Austrian Militarism — Arbitration Steam 
Power — Bayoneting Dummies — Professional Warriors — Reac- 
tion in England— Y. M.C. A. Jubilee— Loss of Workers —Still 
Under Martial Law — A Festival of Peace — Insanity of War. 

SI cack cd bn. cng ocsn <deecn del pudnadae sath neeadei aha wkees she ince ae 

SINNED ad scweigicks, inks RAEN ReneS Cae nib dGue aie! ac cnne- ewes 145 
O Martial Man, Awake! Poem, Edwin Arnold Brenholtz........ 145 
The Bravest of the Brave. Poem, Joaquin Miller ............... 145-146 
Appeal to the Women of all Countries 
The Triple Alliance. EF. T. Moneta 

ET SED cnn nde a taibake bene ausdanee SeURMO RS dbs aban Seba Meme cowe 148 


Peace and Commerce. 

At the recent Mohonk Arbitration Conference much 
was said, and very justly said, of the influence of com- 

merce in promoting peace. In its present state of 
development and organization international trade is 
one of the most potent and ceaseless of the agencies 
which are binding the nations together and gradually 
constructing a fabric of world-wide connections which 
is to make war more and more impossible. 

This unifying commercial fabric does not by any 
means consist entirely of selfish material interests, 
strong as these are. It has many ethical threads in 
it. Trade brings men and peoples into intimate con- 
tact, into knowledge of one another. It reveals to 
them their essential human likenesses, their similar 
virtues and faults, as well as their differences of 
customs and institutions. It thus opens their eyes 
to their own prejudices and narrownesses, as well as 
to the good qualities of those with whom they deal. 
It creates appreciation and trust; it removes dislike 
and offishness. Much of this influence is unconscious, 
but it is none the less real, and possibly all the more 
powerful because it is unconscious. 

But it must not be forgotten that in the order of 
historic development peace has been the basis of 

BOSTON, JULY, 1905. 

Ure’ r 
JUL 12 ig 

of Peace. 

No. 7. 

commerce much more than commerce of peace. So 
iong as war was the rule between nations, steady 
trade between them was impossible. ‘Their commer- 
cial dealings were irregular and timid. International 
trade found its course everywhere blocked by sus- 
picious guards and relentless toll-barriers, and almost 
wholly suppressed while campaigns and battles were 
on. It was never entirely killed out by hate and 
war; but it led an uncertain and meagre existence, 
and consumed its temporary gains to a large extent 
in paying the exactions laid upon it, in the suffering 
of sudden and heavy losses, and in the expense of 
arming itself for its own defense. 

One of the first great pleas for international 
peace was made quite as much in the interest of 
commerce and the blessings which it brings as in 
behalf of morality and humanity. Emeric Crueé, 
who, so far as is known, made the first definite pro- 
posal of an international tribunal of arbitration 
(1623), set forth in vigorous terms the value of 
trade and commerce to the welfare of peoples, 
and showed how the cessation of quarreling and 
fighting would promote them. He deplored the 
mercantile wreckage and ruin attendant upon the 
incessant wars of his time, and longed that what he 
had to say on the subject might be heard and heeded 
by all the rulers and princes of the world, as it was 
undoubtedly deeply felt by the suffering masses 

It is one of the clearest facts of history that just 
in the measure that peace has prevailed has com- 
merce between peoples sprung up and grown. Peace 
creates the conditions and frees from restraint the 
forces which create commerce. Peace allows the 
pupulation of countries to grow naturally, and thus 
increases greatly their economic power. 

The importance of these truths may be made more 
real by an analysis of two significant facts connected 
with the progress of the past century. 

The population of the world at the beginning of 
the nineteenth century, as nearly as the best statis- 
ticians have been able to determine it, was about six 
hundred and fifty millions. The international com- 
merce of the world at that time was about fifteen 
hundred million dollars, or about two dollars and 
one-third per capita of the population. The increase 
in population during the century was about eight 
hundred and fifty millions. If the average earning 
power of the individual for commerce had remained 


the same at the close of the century as at its begin- 
ning, this increase of population would give an in- 
crease in the annual commerce of the world of no 
less than two thousand millions of dollars. 

This growth of population was due to the decrease 
of wars and the conquest of disease. So that, from 
this point of view, we are justified in crediting to 
peace not much less than one-half of the economic 
value to the world of these extra eight hundred and 
fifty millions of people. Of course the earning 
power of the individual at the close of the century 
was much greater than at the beginning, and this 
increased earning power is due to the industrial and 
transportation inventions made possible by the in- 
creasing prevalence of peace. It has often been 
shown that the great inventions have nearly all been 
made by civilians, that is, by men of peace, and not 
by military men. 

But from another point of view the case is more 
impressive still. The annual commerce of the world 
increased during the century, not the two thousand 
millions mentioned above, but more than eighteen 
thousand millions, or above twelve hundred per 
cent. It is now twenty thousand millions of dollars 
per year, or above thirteen dollars per capita of the 
world’s population. This great expansion of com- 
merce has taken place very largely within the last 
thirty years, during which there has been no war 
between the civilized powers except the recent brief 
Spanish-American War, which showed in its way 
what immense ruin to commerce a great war would 
now cause. This long period of peace, which has 
left commerce without fear of disturbance, has stimu- 
lated its growth and expansion in a marvelous manner, 
and accounts in the main for probably more than half 
of the enormous commercial transactions between the 
nations, which are now going rapidly beyond twenty 
thousand millions of dollars per annum. 

No man of business, it would seem, can realize the 
significance of these stupendous facts without hence- 
forth throwing the whole weight of his influence on 
the side of permanent peace. <A war for a single 
year at the present time between the United States 
and Great Britain, the two leading commercial nations, 
would result in a commercial destruction of not less 
than four or five thousand millions of dollars, leaving 
out of view the direct cost of the war. Commerce 
demands peace in its own interests. Give it peace, 
and in these days when piracy is gone from the seas 
it will take care of itself, without the protection of 
armed cruisers. Will the men of commerce every- 
where throughout the nation do their duty and let 
their voice be heard like the trumpet’s note in behalf 
of peace — thrice blessed permanent peace? As Dr. 
Hale pleaded at the Mohonk Conference, their hour 

has come. 



The Decision of the Supreme Court. 

What relation has the recent decision of the Sup- 
reme Court to the cause of peace? Only from that 
point of view do we care here to comment much upon 
it. If the court has decided, as many able lawyers 
think is uncertain, that the Constitution does not ap- 
ply of itself, without special legislation, to newly 
acquired territories, it is the most momentous deci- 
sion ever made in the history of the country. 

It is difficult for an untutored mind to see how a 
legislative body existing only under the Constitution 
can have any power to legislate in matters over which 
the Constitution has not actually extended its author- 
ity. If its authority does not extend by the very 
fact of their acquisition over the newly acquired 
territories, then no provision of it so extends, it would 
seem, and Congress in that case has no power of leg- 
islation whatever over them. This is the view taken 
by four out of nine of the justices, including the 
Chief Justice and two others of the very ablest mem- 
bers of the court. 

This view means that the Constitution, extending 
of its own force over the annexed territories, com- 
mands Congress to proceed to enact legislation for 
them in harmony with its principles. The Constitu- 
tion of course enacts no special legislation for the 
carrying out of its own provisions. That has to be 
done by Congress. This is probably the reason that 
so much confusion has arisen on the subject, from 
which the court itself does not seem to have wholly 
escaped. The opinion of the majority, or rather their 
opinions,— for each of them had a different reason 
for his view,—show that there was no very clear 
conception in their minds of the nature of the real 
question at issue. They seem to have confounded 
the application of the Constitution itself with that 
of special legislation under it. 

There is little doubt that the majority opinion, 
which is henceforth, until reversed, the law of the 
land, has arisen out of the political exigencies and 
prevailing policies of the time. If this interpreta- 
tion remains in force, the policy of colonial dependen- 
cies is henceforth a part of the national program. 
Congress must still legislate for the home United 
States according to the Constitution, but for the 
vassal territories, who are to have no original hand 
in determining the government under which they 
are to live, it may legislate as it pleases. It may 
give them one form of government or another. It 
may provide for their admission as territories or as 
states, or it may keep them in vassalage for all time. 
It may adopt any form of taxation it chooses, with- 
out any reference to uniformity. It may preserve 
slavery in the Sulu Islands as long as it likes, or any 
other barbarous institution. 

Thus the nation as a whole has ceased to be a re- 
public, and has become part republic and part empire, 

1901. THE 
part free and part political slave. This it has become 
through the action of men sworn to support and abide 
by the Constitution, and through an interpretation 
of the Constitution by a court which has no existence 
except under the Constitution! There is in political 
history no parallel to this in the way of national 

Those who support the position of the majority of 
the court say that this is just what they want,—a 
free hand to do as the nation pleases abroad in its 
aggressions and dominations — taking our share in 
the redemption of the uncivilized world, they call it — 
without any restraints whatever from the Constitu- 
tion, which we had all supposed embodied the 
fundamental principles of the national life. Yet 
these good “patriots” are anxious to save appear- 
ances and shield themselves under the cover of the 
Constitution and the court which it provides, and are 
offended to have what they are doing called by its 
real name. How does this system differ in principle 
from that of the Romans, who had a fine system of 
liberty and organized justice for themselves, while 
they ruled the peoples whom they subdued with an 
iron-handed tyranny ? 

The spirit of militarism, commercial greed, con- 
quest and imperialism, which has brought about this 
deplorable transformation, will be greatly stimulated 
by the decision of the Supreme Court. This spirit 
has been hallowed by the consecrating act of the 
highest tribunal in the land, as slavery was half a 
century ago. It will henceforth feel itself free and 
bold to do whatever its lust of trade, power and ter- 
ritorial aggrandizement shall dictate. It will cry 
traitor with new vigor of lungs against all those who 
dare to question its proceedings. It will easily find 
or make pretexts for new annexations by force at the 
first favorable moment. It will involve us if possi- 
ble in new wars. It will insist on the government’s 
constructing and owning the Nicaragua canal, even 
if treaties have to be openly repudiated, and if, in 
order to accomplish its purpose, the whole of Nicara- 
gua shall have to be annexed by force. The public 
men of this spirit are already talking of the canal as 
the “extension of our coast line.” This spirit will 
take its delight in nagging foreign peoples, and will 
seek rather than try to avoid foreign entanglements. 
It will push by every device the extension of our 
military and naval establishments. 

It is in this direction that the seriousness of the 
Supreme Court’s decision lies. The manner in 
which it affects the destiny of the territories already 
annexed by conquest is grave enough; but vastly 
more serious is the encouragement and strength 
which it gives to the lustful, militaristic, un-Ameri- 
can spirit which has seized the nation like a sudden 
madness and already carried it so far astray. But 
false interpretations of the Constitution in the past 
have been reversed, and we believe that this one will 


OF PEACE, 135 
be in time. The nation cannot exist half republic 
and half empire any more than it could have existed 
half slave and half free. The people will by and by 
come to the consciousness that they have been mis- 
erably fooled by political chicanery, and when they 
finally speak in the spirit of true democracy, as they 
will, the President, Congress and the Supreme Court 
will all hear and heed. It is said that Congress un- 
der pressure of public opinion can be trusted to give 
the right kind of institutions to the dependent peoples. 
But if the pressure of public opinion can do this, it 
can do something infinitely more important: it can 
make it impossible for Congress to keep them in 
vassalage and give than anything but fundamental 
political rights of American citizens. 

The Lake Mohonk Arbitration Confer- 

The development of the International Arbitration 
Conference held annually by Albert K. Smiley at Lake 
Mohonk, N. Y., is a remarkable proof of the growing 
public interest in the cause of peace between the 
nations, and in the adoption of every practicable 
means of doing away with war. ‘The first of these 
conferences was held six years ago. Mr. Smiley be- 
gan them in the same large-hearted and public-spirited 
way that had characterized the Indian conferences 
held for many years previously and still held annually 
at his Mountain House. 

He began them, however, in a very tentative man- 
ner. He was not sure that the time was altogether 
ripe for such a movement. ‘The first year he was 
able to get together but fifty-six men and women. 
The spirit in which they came together was not alto- 
gether reassuring. They were full of praise of the 
noble spirit and generosity of their host, and did their 
best to think highly of the enterprise; but only a 
few of them who had given special thought to the 
subject believed that anything of importance could 
be accomplished in the near future. Many of them 
were ignorant of even the first principles of the sub- 
ject. Of the history of arbitration the past century 
they knew almost nothing. They talked, some of the 
ablest of them, in most charming generalities and 
sentimental phrases, and took extraordinary pains not 
to commit themselves to much of anything. 

But the Conference was a success beyond expecta- 
tions, and Mr. Smiley decided to hold another. So 
he has continued to do every year since, and the 
development of the work and the general progress of 
events have proved that he began too late rather than 
too soon. 

At the Conference this year, the seventh in the 
series, one hundred and seventy-six invited members 
were present, more than three times as many as came 
in 1895. The attendance from among the regular 
guests of the house was also unusually large, and the 
attention shown by them most impressive. 

136 THE 
The Conference was as remarkable in character as 
in size. We have rarely seen in any gathering so 
large a proportion of able men and women from so 
many spheres in life. The material for speaking was 
so abundant that the attempt to utilize as much of it 
as possible actually did damage to the character of 
the discussions, rendering a number of the speeches 
incomplete and unsatisfactory. The business com- 
mittee ought not to repeat this mistake another year. 
The interest manifested in the proceedings was 
deep and sustained throughout, reaching a remarkable 
climax the last evening. It centered, too, about the 
subject rather than about the glories of Mohonk, which 
were somewhat put into the background this year by 
the incessant rains. Indeed, the interest 
strong at times and the wish to push on the work 
fast so powerful that it took about all of Mr. Smiley’s 
skill, master of driving as he is, to keep the reins in 
his hands and prevent the Conference from running 
down the mountain side and off into other parts. 

There was also a tone of triumph and confidence 
in the discussions not heard much in the earlier meet- 
ings. This arose from the incredibly rapid progress 
of the arbitration movement since the Conference first 
met in 1895. There were, to be sure, a few “inno- 
cents” in the gathering who talked generalities, said 
but little that bore upon the subject of arbitration, 
and even showed, in cases, some alarm that the cause 
was gaining so rapidly. But the rambling and some- 
what uncertain speech of a few did not interfere with 
the general spirit and strength of the Conference as a 

The subject which received the chief attention in 
the deliberations was the importance of bringing the 
Hague Court of Arbitration into operation at the 
earliest possible moment. Disarmament, the history 
of arbitration, industrial arbitration, the relations of 
commerce to peace, and kindred topics, received 
serious consideration, and called out some interesting 
and instructive speeches. But the emphasis of the 
occasion was upon the one topic, the necessity of put- 
ting the Hague Court to work at once. Various 
speakers laid stress upon this, and it was the leading 
topic put into the final declaration of the Conference, 
which we give in full below. 

The opinion was uttered that the United States 
and Great Britain, which had taken such a conspicu- 
ous part in preparing the way for and creating the 
court, owed it to themselves to be the first if pos- 
sible to use it, even if the cases already referred to 
the United States-Canadian Joint High Commission 
had to be turned over to the court, a very proper 
course to take, as the Commission had come to a dead- 
lock. One speaker made the wise suggestion that the 
question of the inviolability of treaties involved in 
the Clayton-Bulwer convention —a most pressing 
and serious matter— was a very fitting case with 

Was SO 

which the new court might begin its career. 




A committee of the Conference will lay its declar- 
ation before the President of the United States, and 
do what may be found wise and practicable to secure 
early action by the government in the matter of bring- 
ing cases before the court, and of negotiating treaties 
with other nations for the obligatory reference to it 
of controversies which may hereafter arise. 

The seventh Mohonk Conference will, we are sure, 
prove one of the most fruitful in the whole series. 
It was presided over by Hon. J. H. Stiness, chief 
justice of Rhode Island,a man of distinguished ability 
and great public usefulness, able to “rule well” a 
peace meeting. Dr, E. E. Hale was there, interested 
and enthusiastic as a young man of twenty-five. 
There were many prominent clergymen of different 
denominations, from many cities and towns, teaching 
or learning the ways of peace; editors of a number 
of the foremost religious weeklies, taking notes and 
preparing to give their readers some pacific ideas ; 
bankers, railroad men and men of commerce, convinced 
that the world of business imperiously demands peace ; 
lawyers we do not know how many, moving most of 
them in the advance guard of arbitration; college 
presidents, professors and teachers, some in profound 
sympathy with the new enlarged ideas of human 
brotherhood and some less so; military and naval 
men, pacifically warlike, hearing “strange things” 
and going away with new conflicts in their heads ; 
devout and honorable women, “ not a few,” who did 
not say, or were not asked to say, as much as they 
ought to have said. 

The Mohonk Conference is a veritable microcosm, 
an epitome of the great world, and we are inclined to 
believe that the mutual respect and courtesy, the 
goodwill and peace, that prevail in it are prophetic of 
the spirit of friendliness and peace which are by and 
by, perhaps earlier than many think, to master the 
world and make war henceforth impossible. 

Mr. and Mrs. Smiley —and Mr. and Mrs. Daniel 
Smiley, the Prime Ministers of Mohonk — again won 
by their unbounded hospitality and kindness, the 
hearts of all their arbitration guests, and made them 
all wish when leaving that the Conference lasted all 

Platform of the Seventh Lake Mo- 
honk Arbitration Conference. 

+ The Seventh Annual Conference on International 
Arbitration in session at Lake Mohonk extends its 
congratulations to all who are working for the cause 
in behalf of which the Conference has been called. 
There is encouragement to be derived from recent 
events and from the present state of the world. No 
war between great and highly civilized powers has 
occurred within thirty years. During that period 
more than a hundred disputes between nations have 
heen submitted to arbitration, and in no case has any 


appeal to force for the execution of decisions been 
necessary. On the part of many philanthropic bodies 
there has been an increased activity which has accom- 
plished much in creating a public sentiment favorable to 
arbitration, and seems destined to accomplish still more. 

In the establishment of the International Court at 
The Hague there is reason for immense rejoicing and 
the profoundest gratitude. There is now a tribunal 
before which nations, great and small, may bring 
their controversies with confidence that the truth 
will be ascertained and fair decisions rendered. It 
remains to call this tribunal into action to the end 
that particular disputes may be terminated, and that 
contributions may be made to international law. 
Certain minor wars, which were begun before the 
court of arbitration was established, have continued 
since that time; troubles have occurred in China 
which were incidental to the contact of the people 
of that country with Western life; but they promise 
to have, as a later effect, the bringing of an Asiatic 
empire within the area in which the tribunal at 
The Hague will operate. 

The Conference has to mourn the death of an 
honored ex-president of the United States, Benjamin 
Harrison, who had been appointed a member of the 
high court at The Hague, was the senior counsel 
for Venezuela in the arbitration between that country 
and Great Britain, and had expressed the intention 
of honoring this assembly by his presence. 

The Conference expresses its sense of the great 
importance of making the tribunal of arbitration ef- 
fective, not for the repressing of diplomatic action, 
but for precluding warfare where diplomacy fails. 
It is essential that cases which threaten to lead to 
war should be promptly brought before this court, 
and it is highly important that minor disputes, which 
nations may be less reluctant to submit to adjudica- 
tion, should also be brought before it, in order that 
precedents may be created and that the custom of 
appealing to the court may be speedily and firmly 
established. We wish that the United States might 
be foremost in submitting cases to the tribunal which 
it has had such an honorable share in creating. 

We would call the attention of all who mould 
public opinion to a special opportunity, that, namely, 
of strengthening the feeling in favor of arbitration 
during the critical period before the court shall have 
come into full activity. Particularly should laborers 
who bear the brunt of wars be induced to use their 
collective power to prevent them. In like manner 
should chambers of commerce, boards of trade, bank- 
ers’ associations and organizations of manufacturers 
and merchants in specific lines of business, as well as 
individual financiers, be induced to use their power 
for the same object. Such action is called for in 
behalf of their own interest and in behalf of those 
greater interests of humanity which are, in a sense, 
under their guardianship. 


PEACE. 1: 


It is not too much to hope that ulterior results 
not immediately secured by the establishment of the 
tribunal at The Hague may, in the end, be gained 
through its action. Such a result would be the re- 
duction of armaments and the lessening of the burdens 
and the temptations which they entail. Particularly 
is this to be hoped for in the case of the weaker 
nations, crushed as they are by the cost of their 
armies and navies. These would be unnecessary if 
the decisions of the high court in any case which they 
might submit to it were supported in advance by 
guaranties such as a few powerful nations might 
give. A final consummation, to which it is legiti- 
mate to look forward, would be the extension of these 
guaranties to the greater nations themselves and the 
reduction of the great armaments. 

The court represents a great gain already secured, 
and a possible one, the value of which transcends all 
power of expression. It remains to make the gieater 
gain a reality.” 

-<-> -- 

Editorial Notes. 

At the spring meeting of the Commis- 

7 7 2 "nati « ro ‘a 2 ‘es € 
fate, of the International Peace Bureau at 

Berne, Switzerland, on the 18th of May, 
the date of the opening of the Tenth International Peace 
Congress was fixed for Tuesday, the 10th of September, 
instead of the 7th, as had been provisionally announced. 
The congress meets at Glasgow on the invitation of the 
Association for the Advancement of Science, Art and 
Education. The indications are that the Glasgow meet- 
ing will be one of unusual strength and far-reaching 
influence. The Lord Provost of the city is to be the 
honorary president of the congress. The arrangements 
for the meeting are being made by the English peace 
societies with the codperation of a local committee at 
Glasgow. The provisional program, prepared by the 

topics to be discussed are, permanent treaties of arbitra- 

Berne Peace Bureau, has already been published. 

tion, execution of arbitral awards, code of international 
law, pacific alliance of neutral powers, obligatory arbitra- 
tion, etc. A great public meeting will be held in Glas- 
gow during the time of the congress, which will take 
the form largely of a workingmen’s demonstration. 
Public meetings will also be held in Edinburgh and 
Paisley. The day before the congress proper opens, 
Monday, will be given up to a Conference of Churches 
on the subject of peace. One of the chief features of the 
day will be the public meetings arranged by the English 
Friends, who have been always foremost in the peace 
movement and who have felt it their duty on this oc- 
vasion to make a new declaration of their principles to 
the nation and the world. 

We hope that many of our friends who are in Europe 

138 THE 
may be able to attend the congress. William Lloyd 
Garrison, Edwin D. Mead, Lucia Ames Mead and Ben- 
jamin F. Trueblood have been appointed delegates to 
represent the American Peace Society. We shall be 
glad to make any other members of the society dele- 
gates who will inform us of their intention to be present. 

Mr. Bloch, whose great six-yolume work 
on “The Future of War” has produced 
such a profound impression in all parts 
of Europe, continues his investigations and discussions, 
whose purpose is to show that war under the present 
perfected state of the implements used has become ut- 
terly absurd. A paper written by him on the lessons of 
the Transvaal war was read on the 24th of June at the 
United Service Institution, London. He declared that 
the South African war has proved that military service 
as practiced to-day is absurd, and that the sacrifice made 
on the Continent to support conscription is unneces- 
sary. The war has showed that the theatrical spectacles 
called man«wuvres are in no way related to real warfare. 
One of the most remarkable features is the constant im- 
possibility of determining the enemy’s position. This is 
not attributable to British defective reconnoissance, but 
It is not mistakes made 

Absurdity of 
Modern Warfare. 

to the new conditions of war. 
by the British nor the qualities of the Boers, who have 
shown an entire lack of rational strategy and tactics, 
which produce the results seen, but smokeless powder 
and long-range, quick-firing rifles, which involve disper- 
sion and invisibility to a degree unheard of formerly, 
and to the possibility of providing riflemen with a larger 
number of cartridges. The action of artillery in South 
Africa has been generally absolutely contemptible against 
an intrenched enemy. The main lesson of the war, Mr. 
Bloch declares, is that a successful outcome of a war 
of aggression could not be hoped for against any great 
power, still less against allied powers. No results could 
be obtained in a great European war. It has become 
impossible to wage war decisively. Mr. Bloch argues 
from these data that the only rational thing to do is for 
the powers to abandon conscription and the whole present 
military system, and to turn their attention at once to 
the perfecting of pacific methods of settling disputes. 

In a recent editorial the Boston Herald 
recommends that the Alaska boundary 
question, which has reached a dead-lock 
in the Joint High Commission, be leit to the decision of 
It makes this proposition, because 

The Czar as 

the Czar of Russia. 

we purchased the territory, with whatever rights went 
with it, from Russia, which is therefore supposed to know 
more about the subject than any one else. 
arbitrator would meet the English contention that the 

The Czar as 



umpire, in case of arbitration, should be a European, and 
he would be in every way unobjectionable to the United 
States, as Russia is well-known not to be prejudiced in 
favor of England. We see no objection to the course 
suggested by the //erald, if the case is to be submitted 
to a special arbitrator or board of arbitrators. Russia 
would be able to furnish as good and impartial an ar- 
bitrator in the person of Mr. Frederick de Martens as 
could possibly be found. But what the United States 
and Great Britain under the circumstances ought to do 
is to turn the case over to the Hague court. The de- 
cision of this court would carry much greater weight 
than that of any individual, however able and impartial. 
Mr. de Martens is a member of the court. The Czar, 
if the case were intrusted to him, would most likely 
wani to put it into the court’s hands. It would be wise 
in every way for the two governments interested to go 
direct to the court, which they have had such a prom- 
They owe it to themselves 

inent part in establishing. 
They might, 

and their arbitration history to do this. 
by submitting this important case, with all the minor 
cases grouped with it, to the new tribunal, give it such a 
start and such immediate prestige as would not be possi- 
ble through the reference to it of a dozen or more less 
difficult cases. There is no necessity, from any point of 
view, now that the Hague court is ready to take cases, 
to give any thought to the question of devising a special 
tribunal. The Hague court, which is to be the supreme 
tribunal of the world, and which all friends of interna- 
tional justice and peace desire to make strong and effti- 
cient, ought to be put into operation with the least 
possible delay. The Alaska boundary controversy is 
ready at hand, and the only entirely sensible way to 
dispose of it, it seems to us, is the one here suggested. 

In reference to the tariff contentions 

f bl . . 
Tariff Troubles now going on between this country and 

with Russia. 
Russia a valued correspondent writes us: 

“In the course of the present trouble over the tariff 
with Russia, were our relations with that country, present 
and traditional, decidedly less cordial than is the case, 
it would take but a repetition of hot-brained recrimina- 
tions on the part of the daily press, such as prevailed in 
England in 1853-54, to bring on another ‘ Crimean 
War’ — with the Stars and Stripes in place of the Union 
Jack on the opposing side of Balaklava and Sebastopol.” 

It cannot be said that the tariff troubles have as yet 
produced any strained relations between the two coun- 
tries, but they are nevertheless most unfortunate. They 
seem to have come about originally from misunderstand- 
ing and lack of information. The two governments are 
now engaged in explanations and counter explanations, 
and we look for no further serious contention. The state 
departments of both countries are pacific and conciliatory 

1901. THE 
in spirit, and that counts for almost as much as the long- 
continued friendly relations between the two nations. 
The whole episode proves again the necessity of accu- 
rate knowledge on the part of officials before action. If 
Secretary Gage had known all about the nature of the 
Russian sugar bounty, so called, it is not likely that he 
would have taken the course which he did, and so of the 
Russian minister on the matter of petroleum. Some 
other course would have been found possible. The epi- 
sode proves again also that tariff retaliation is not only 
bad morals, but bad policy, as all tariff waris. It is a 
game at which two can }lay, and are very certain to 
play, if a move is once made. Tariff wars may become 
in the end very bitter and lead straight to serious po- 
litical disturbances. The trouble has given rise in Europe 
to a great deal of unfavorable comment upon the United 
States, and the hope has been expressed that Russia had 
actually taken the lead in the European tariff combina- 
tion against our country which has been so often sug- 
gested. There appears to be no truth in this, but the 
mere suggestion indicates bad blood, for which our stiff 
and severe tariff system is in considerable measure re- 
sponsible. Our present system is far from being a peace- 
maker, and we hope that some of its worst features may 
soon be corrected by the speedy and large application of 

reciprocity measures. 

The short address made by Baron von 

—— Holleben, the German Ambassador, at the 

alumni dinner at Harvard University on 

the 26th ult., was a most significant and encouraging ut- 

terance. It was in accord with what Ambassador White 

recently published in one of the Berlin journals concern- 

ing friendship between the two countries. Baron von 

Holleben said, among other things, in allusion to the 
degree which the university had bestowed upon him: 

“ You want to honor the nation which in its ancient 
places of learning has incessantly striven for science and 
knowledge, for freedom of intellect abroad. Behind your 
appreciation of German scholarship perhaps takes shape 
also the friendly thought of German music and art, of 
German literature and religious movements. But I should 
not fulfill completely my role as envoy from the land over 
there, did I not bring assurance that it is more than books 
and tunes which my fatherland sends you over the sea — 
that it is, more than all else, goodwill and friendship. 

« Mr. President, we all know how, through the influ- 
ence of the market and the turmoil of newspaper writers, 
the tone of the true sentiment may be sometimes mis- 
understood. Since the first Atlantic cable between this 
country and Germany was laid last summer, not only 
words of harmony have been sent over; too often there 
have sounded false notes and suspicious and alarming 
rumors. But yet all Germany feels that the two great 
branches of the Teutonic race belong together (applause), 


OF PEACE. 139 
and that while the millions of German-Americans may 
form an outward tie between them, a deep community of 
aims and ideas links them internally. . German ideas 
of study and work have been welcomed here, and Harvard 
is the first and only place in America where a German 
museum has been started to give an artistic background 
to the study of German history and culture. It is as a 
symbol of these friendly relations that you have invited 
the representative of the German empire to this great 
occasion. . I am most profoundly grateful to be re- 
ceived into your historic communion, but I do not know 
a better way to show myself worthy of the honor than 
by promising that I shall do at all times my best for 
peaceful relations between Germany and the United 
States.” (Applause.) 

The way in which men are 

leaving Austria in order to escape army 


Militarism. . : 
service ought to be a lesson to any Ameri- 

can who is so foolish as to wish to see our own military 
establishment brought into any sort of rivalry with those 
of the Old World. Mr. Addison B. Harris, lately United 
States minister to Austria, has recently returned home, 
and says that not less than seventy-five thousand young 
men come to the United States from that country every 
year to escape service in the army. A number of these 
do not come so much to remain and become United 
States citizens as to escape the necessity of military 
service. They stay in this country five years, take out 
naturalization papers, and when they go back to their 
native country they claim, as citizens of this country, 
exemption from army service. A good many of them, 
Mr. Harris says, get into trouble and keep the American 
minister busy getting them released. This large exodus 
of Austrian young men (and the same is true of other 
countries), which gives the army officials great dis- 
turbance, is a revelation of the deep and widespread. 
dislike of militarism among the younger generation in 
Europe. There is not a particle of doubt that the oppo- 
sition to it is abundant enough, if it could only be 
expressed in united and persistent form, to overthrow 
the present military system root and branch. It will, 
we are sure, find means in a few years, and courage too, 
to bring itself to bear irresistibly upon the governments. 
Toward this end the European oganizations which are 
working for the checking and reduction of armaments 
will find it most wise and practicable to labor. There 
is no other line along which they may work so ef- 
fectively. If all these seventy-five thousand young men 
per year had the faith and heroic spirit to remain at 
home and refuse to do army service, at no matter what 
cost in suffering, five years would entirely suffice to rid 
their country of the hated evil. It is a big sacrifice to 
ask of them; but if ‘it is sweet and glorious to die for 
one’s country,’ why not in this way, which is much less 
horrible than that of the battlefield and camp ? 


The new International Union established 
at Paris last autumn has appealed to the 
various branches of the Independent Labor 
Party in England to aid in bringing pressure to bear to 
give political effect to the work of the Hague Conference. 
This is a service in which every labor organization 
throughout the world can, in the political ways of its 
own country, take most effective part. We commend to 
their most serious consideration the suggestions of Mr. 
S. G. Hobson, in an article in a recent number of Zhe 
Labor Leader (London). He writes: 

Steam Power. 

“ Under that Convention an international arbitration 
court has been founded, to which the signatory nations 
can refer their differences. The immediate danger is 
that to this court will only be submitted questions which 
in any case would have been recognized by the various 
nations as fit subjects for arbitration. If this is all that 
the international court will be called upon to deal with, 
we may set down the Hague Conference as a failure. It 
remains for those of us in the various countries of Europe 
to see to it that arbitration shall be considered just as 
obligatory upon all peoples of the earth in obtaining 
judgment upon questions which they deem vital to their 
existence. No section of the nation is more concerned 
in securing this great end than are the workers of Great 
Britain. If they do not supply the international court of 
arbitration with steam power, they will have only them- 
selves to blame if, at some future time, we find ourselves 
precipitated into a European war without having first 
resorted to arbitration. 

“For these reasons I trust that when the various 
branches of the I. L. P. are invited to coéperate to this 
end, they will one and all give the weight of their infiu- 
ence and support. I think all your readers will agree 
with me that to bring political pressure upon the British 
government to respect the spirit of the Hague Conference, 
not only with regard to arbitration, but to the usages of 
war, is eminently a subject which should be dealt with 
by the I. L. P. branches. What is wanted most at the 
present moment is a compelling force brought to bear 
upon the government to secure treaties with all the sig- 
natories to the Hague Convention to the effect that all 
differences between the nations, whether vital or other- 
wise, shall be referred to the international court of arbi- 
tration. ‘To bring this about, pressure must be brought 
to bear upon members of Parliament of every political 
shade. The various branches of the I. L. P. will be 
asked to act as a nucleus in each constituency. This 
once agreed to, I suggest that each branch should invite 
every prominent person in the district who is known to 
be favorable to the cause of peace to coéperate with 
them in the formation of a group for the special purposes 
indicated above.” 

The Pilgrim for June publishes a draw- 
ing representing the manner in which the 
Russian soldiers are taught the art of the 

Life-sized, puffy dummies are hung up by the 



head in a doorway sort of frame set upon big rockers. 
The soldiers are set to stabbing these dummies, clubbing 



them over the heads with the butts of their muskets, etc. 
The poor dummies, as if possessed with sensitive human 
spirits, oscillate back and forth and swing from side to 
side, as if to escape the butchery and clubbing to which 

they are subjected. Of this training the Pilgrim remarks: 

“This art, when mastered, they may apply to the 
Chinese, whom they are even now robbing of their lands 
and their women; or, if their fathers should weary of the 
autocracy of the Czar and the exactions of his tax- 
gatherer, the sons may apply to them the treatment of 
clubbed muskets and bayonet thrusts which we see them 
assiduously practicing. The most useful of all arts, in 
the estimation of despotic governments, is this. By it 
they are maintained, and by it, with the aid of a few 
bands, some gold-lace, trumpery decorations, and a great 
deal of flatulent oratory, they can turn the minds of their 
people away from needed reforms at home to glory and 
theft abroad. And so the Czar, who would not have 
his people taught to read lest at the same time they learn 
to think, and into whose plan of national development 
the thought of enhancing the industrial power of the 
masses by systematic instruction in arts and crafts has 
never entered, spends their money lavishly in teaching 
them to kill. At this very instant some thousands of 
the servants of the Czar are climbing breastworks, de- 
livering blows and thrusts upon rocking dummies made 
in the image of man-—as man was made in that of his 
Maker — passing on over the crest of the works and 
doing mimic murder upon other effigies beyond; for it 
is clearly not enough that they should be taught to carry 
the works, but must slaughter all defenders. The stories 
that come out of China tell how thoroughly the Russians 
were schooled in this art of war. 

“ Nothing could be more ridiculous — were it not for 
the grim hatefulness of it all—than this occupation of 
thousands of healthy young men, intelligent, if their in- 
tellects were only aroused by education, having fathers, 
mothers, sisters, and sweethearts who need their aid 
while they are playing soldier, possessing the ordinary 
human affections, yet giving up their time to preparation 
for wholesale slaughter of their kind. ... The ‘poor 
blockheads’ whom we see in the engraving thrusting 
and striking with a vigor and a zest that would be in- 
valuable if applied to the clearing of a virgin forest or 
the breaking of a rugged bit of land, are preparing them- 
selves to kill and be killed in the service of a master 
who diligently avoids himself the field of battle. Small 
wonder if occasionally one finds an extra zest in slaughter- 
ing his dummy by imagining it an effigy of the Czar.” 

In an address at Rochester, N. Y., at 
the Women’s Peace Meeting held on the 
18th of May, Rev. W. C. Gannett of that 
city uttered, among others, the following most pertinent 


and timely words: 

“The wars and the professional warriors are the refuse 
shell heaps of an earlier and lower stage of civilization. 
They lie along the coasts of history, marking the con- 
ditions that once prevailed among men. We still eat 
oysters, but we do not live mainly on them, as men once 
did in certain parts of the earth. In civilized communi- 


ties we are passing out of the day of fisticuffs as a 
method of settling disputes between individuals. Where- 
ever the duel lingers, though it be in the heart of an 
emperor and a goodly nation, we note the fact as a relic 
of the lower stage. Wherever the wrath of a commun- 
ity takes the form of lynch law instead of the slower, 
saner, surer methods of court law, we deplore the fact 
as again the sign of lower civilization lingering in our 
midst. It is not to the credit of an American home, but 
to its discredit, another sign of the lower survival, when 
its boy wants to go to West Point, that is, wants to 
select war, in either its defensive or its aggressive form, 
as his occupation for life—the thing he was sent on 
earth to do. It is not to the credit of a commun- 
ity, but a sign of the lower survival, that the statues and 
monuments set in its public places, silently proclaiming, 
‘ These are our ideals of manhood and patriotism; these 
the makers of our nation, ’— not toa community’s credit, 
I say, that these should be mainly monuments to men 
of the sword. . . The man of the sword, the man of 
the club — let us do justice to their personal bravery, so 
often exhibited ; to their willingness to die in the service 
which they have selected to render; to the nobility of 
personal character so often possessed; to the part they 
play in defending us against the incursions of ruffianism ; 
— but let us not believe, or make believe, that the men and 
the methods of foree — of force represented by the ex- 
ecutioner’s tools — should have the honors we give to 
the real upbuilders and advancers of civilization.” 

The ew Aye thus describes the pro- 
Reaction in 

test against the war of a meeting of two 
England. : > 

thousand workingmen and women held at 
the Battersea Town Hall, London, on the 2d of June: 

“It is no exaggeration to say that the anti-war demon- 
stration in Battersea Town Hall on Sunday evening last 
marks an epoch in the history of the war, if not in the 
history of the country. No mere newspaper report, 
however full and accurate, would suffice to indicate in 
any adequate degree the intensity of feeling, the extra- 
ordinary enthusiasm or the wonderful unanimity which 
prevailed at the meeting. Here we had a perfectly free 
and open meeting of fully two thousand thoroughly 
respectable, earnest, workingmen and women, drawn 
from all parts of the Metropolis, shouting themselves 
hoarse in their approval of the strongest sentiments con- 
demnatory of our national crime in South Africa, and, 
finally, with absolute unanimity agreeing to the most 
comprehensive resolution against the war which has 
probably yet been submitted to a public meeting in this 
country, including as it did a demand for the recognition 
of the independence of the two Republics, a condemna- 
tion of the provocative diplomacy of the government 
which eventuated in war, and a demand that Lord Milner 
should be prevented from aggravating an already sufli- 
ciently difficult situation by having his baneful influence 
permanently withdrawn from the sphere of his recent 
labors. The meeting rose as one man to both Mr. 
Merriman and Mr. Sauer on their rising to speak, and 
for three hours listened with eager attention and sympa- 
thetic interest while those gentlemen and some five or 
six other speakers told and retold the tale of our in- 



famous proceedings in South Africa. Not the least 
significant indication of the feeling of the meeting was 
furnished when, with evident emotion, Mr. Sauer de- 
scribed in simple but telling phrases the awful havoc 
wrought, and being wrought, by the war in erstwhile 
peaceful and prosperous South Africa. In_ particular, 
his references to the unmanly and disgraceful treatment 
of the Boer women and children evoked a storm of pro- 
test. No less enthusiastic was the applause evoked 
by the sturdy declaration of republican principles by the 
same speaker, and by his references to the deleterious 
effects on the morals of the nation of what he styled 
‘pampered loyalty.’ Needless to say, Mr. John Burns 
met with a grand reception, and his speech delivered 
in his usual terse, pithy and vigorous manner was worthy 
of the occasion. Perhaps the gem of a really magnifi- 
cent speech was his likening of Mr. Chamberlain to 
Mephistopheles ‘ with his blood-red feather in his blood- 
red cap,’ a simile which fairly took the audience by 
storm. The meeting was one which will long live in 
the memory of those who were privileged to be present, 
and we believe it will prove to be but the precursor of 
many similar gatherings throughout the country.” 

The Jubilee Convention of the Y.M.C.A., 

¥. BCs. which met in Boston from the 11th to the 
Jubilee. : ne : 

16th of June, was an event of first import- 

delegates present from many parts of the world, and 

ance from more than one point of view. were 
greetings were sent by a number of national rulers. The 
spirit of the occasion was most enthusiastic, and there 
was a feeling manifested of profound gratitude for what 
the organization has been able to accomplish in the fifty 
years of its existence. The direct work of the Y.M.C. A, 
is one of the noblest possible, namely, the redemption 
and spiritual development of young men, who, in our 
day more than ever it seems, are put under strains upon 
their moral nature which seem very difficult to resist. 
The homelike work of young men for young men, which 
the Association does, in the cities, on the railroads, in 
the army and navy and elsewhere, is surpassed in practi- 
cal importance by few other lines of religious and moral 
ing to the cause of international goodwill and peace, 
though indirect, is scarcely less valuable than its direct 

But the service which the organization is render- 

work. It is binding together into a real brotherhood 
multitudes of young men of different nationalities, and 
teaching them to think of one another, not as aliens and 
enemies, but as brethren and friends. Thus the sso- 
ciation, silently and for the most part unconsciously, but 
none the less powerfully, is assisting in working out the 
Who knows but that at 

its next jubilee, so swiftly do things move in these times, 

unity and peace of the world. 

it will see this unity and peace an accomplished fact? We 
hope the Association will never allow itself to lose sight 
of this noble peace role, which is a part of its divinely 

appointed mission. This we fear it did momentarily, 


through the obsequiousness which it showed to our 
army and navy at the Jubilee reception. No objection 
could be offered to its work among soldiers and seamen 
being properly presented, but to make the main reception 
of the Jubilee an army and navy night, with prominent 
military and naval officers among the chief receivers, was 
most inappropriate and regrettable. The character of 
the reception was such as to inspire the young with the 
notion that the army and navy offer the most fitting and 
honorable career for Christian young men, and that they 
are among the foremost agents in Christian civilization. 
This criticism has been made by many of the best friends 
of the Association. We make it in the kindliest spirit, 
because we do not wish to see this great organization 
turn aside from its holy mission to flirt with institutions 
which stand not for a Christian future, but represent the 

barbarous and uncivilized past. 

Death has been very busy among the 
Board of Directors of the American Peace 
Within a 
little more than twelve months four of its most regu- 
lar and active members have been taken away. First, 
William E. Sheldon, a prominent educator, was stricken 
Then Barthold Schlesinger, a re- 
Then recently 

Loss of 
Workers. : ; 
Society during the past year. 

down in a moment. 
tired business man, almost as suddenly. 
Leveret M. Chase, long a master in the Boston public 
schools, of whom mention was made in our last issue, 
passed away as in the twinkling of an eye. Since our 
last issue we have been called on to give up another of 
our best co-workers, Rev. Charles B. Smith, of West 
Medford, Mass., who bad been for sixteen years a mem- 
ber of the Board. The Society and the cause have never 
had a truer and more earnest friend. From early life 
Mr. Smith became convinced that war and Christianity 
are entirely incompatible, and he at once began that clear 
and uncompromising advocacy of peace principles which 
he kept up with extraordinary fidelity and zeal till his 
end came at the ripe age of eighty-six. He was one of 
the most transparently good men whom we have ever 
met. His ideas of truth and right were clear and un- 
confused, and he presented them in a manly, straight- 
forward way, that was as refreshing as it was rare. In 
his long course as a preacher in the Congregational 
Church, he sought on all proper occasions to bring his 
church to accept what he believed to be the true standard 
of the Prince of Peace. It grieved him deeply that so 
many of his brethren in the ministry seemed indifferent 
to the subject, or open advocates or excusers of war. 
Mr. Smith was one of the representatives of the Ameri- 
can Peace Society at the London Peace Congress in 

1890, which was presided over by the late distinguished 
David Dudley Field. 

His address at that Congress was 




marked by great clearness and force. More recently he 
had attended some of the Mohonk Arbitration Confer- 
ences, and he was never so much at home as in the 
councils of peace. We have never known any man more 
faithful and prompt in the performance of his duties. 
As a Director of the American Peace Society he was 
practically always at the Board meetings, measuring his 
duty not by the habits of others nor by the standard of 
numbers. He was present at the next to the last meet- 
ing of the Board before he died, and though not strong, 
showed as great interest in the work as if he had been 
a young man of thirty. Such a man is one of God’s 
greatest gifts to the world, and we wish that the streets 
and homes everywhere were ful! of those like him. 

The ill-will produced by war and con- 
euler quest rarely ever dies entirely out among 
Martial Law. . i x : as 
a people, especially in these days when 
men know the meaning of human rights and human 

liberties. In some cases it grows deeper and more in- 

eradicable as time goes on, as has been the case in Poland. 
It would be easy to give a number of examples where 
the conquest and incorporation of a people has left a 
feeling of hatred just as intense to-day as when the 
people was first subjugated. In a recent letter to the 
London Daily News, Miss M. Betham-Edwards draws 
from the history of the annexation of Alsace and Lor- 
raine to Germany a strong argument against the present 
course of Great Britain in South Africa. She thus writes: 

“It is now seventeen years since I first visited Alsace 
and Lorraine, spending some time in the annexed 
provinces with French friends. A few years later I 
again visited those unhappy provinces, contributing at 
some length an account of my experiences to these 
columns. Again, four years ago, I crossed the frontier, 
being the guest of ‘annexes’ not far from Nancy. Two 
or three days ago I was dining with my last mentioned 
hosts in Paris, and inquired if matters had at all changed 
for the better in that part of France now subject to the 
German Emperor. My friend’s answer was of the briefest 
possible, but what a lesson for ourselves at the present 
moment is conveyed in these few words: ‘ No,’ he replied, 
‘things remain precisely as they were. Alsace and Lor- 
raine still remain under martial law, and French and 
Germans hold no intercourse whatever.’ I quote the last 
sentence for the consideration of those who fondly im- 
agine that Briton and Boer are going to fraternize in the 
desert we have made of South Africa. It is now, be it 
remembered, thirty years since Alsace and the greater 
portion of Lorraine became German by right — or rather 
wrong — of conquest.” 

At the dinner extended by the Pan- 
American Exposition directors to the Na- 
tional Editorial Association on the 13th 

Secretary of State Hay made an address of 

A Festival 
of Peace. 

of June, 


extraordinary force and beauty, in which he expressed 
sentiments which ought to be reéchoed by every Ameri- 

can. He said: 

“There have been statesmen and soldiers who have 
cherished the fancy in the past year of a vast American 
army recruited from every country between the Arctic 
and Antarctic seas, which should bind us together in one 
immense military power, that might overawe the older 
civilizations. But this conception belongs to the past, 
to an order of things that has gone, I hope, forever by. 
How far more inspiring is the thought of the results we 
see here now; how much more in keeping with the better 
times in whose light we live, and the still more glorious 
future to which we look forward, is the result we see 
to-day of the armies of labor and intelligence in every 
country of this new world, all working with one mind 
and one will, not to attain an unhappy preéminence in 
the art of destruction, but to advance in liberal emula- 
tion in the arts which tend to make men happier and 
better, to make this long-harassed and tormented earth 
a brighter and more blest abode for men of goodwill. 

Here you have force, which enables men to con- 
quer and tame the powers of nature; wealth, not meant, 
as Tennyson sang, to rest in moulded heaps, but smit 
with the free light to melt and fatten lower lands ; beauty, 
not for the selfish gratification of the few, but for the 
joy of the many, to fill their days with gladness and their 
nights with music. And hovering over all the sublime, 
the well-nigh divine conception of a brotherhood of mu- 
tually helpful nations, fit harbinger and forerunner of a 
brotherhood of man. 

“God forbid that there should be in all this the slight- 
est hint of vainglory, still less of menace to the rest of 
the world. On the contrary, we cannot but think that 
this friendly challenge we sent out to all peoples, con- 
voking them also to join in this brotherly emulation, in 
which the prizes are, after all, merely the right to further 
peaceful progress in good work, will be to the benefit 
and profit of every country under the wide heaven. Out 
of a good source evil cannot flow; out of the light dark- 
ness cannot be born. The benignant influences that shall 
emanate from this great festival of peace shall not be 
bounded by oceans nor by continents.” 

The Boston Globe, commenting on the 
reconcentrado methods of the British in 
South Africa, says: 

of War. 

“That the British are doing exactly what Weyler did 
is beyond all question. The British war secretary ad- 
mitted freely as much the other day. Questioned in the 
House of Commons, he explained that sixty-three thousand 
Boers were penned up in the reconcentration camps of 
South Africa, and that some thirty-four thousand of them 
were children. The horrors of these worse than slave 
pens have been more than once described. The groans 
of weeping, starving, shivering, despairing women fill the 
air. Once happy wives and mothers are huddled together 
in dingy tents upon the bare veldt. The children, torn 
from their fathers, cry for bread that is moistened with 
the tears of mothers. 

“ The very method of reconcentradoism savors of bar- 


OF PEACE. 143 
barity. We said of the Spanish that a people capable of 
such practices merited the wrath of humanity. Why not 
the British, then? They stand accused of these practices 
out of the mouths of their own subjects, and their war 
secretary stands up unblushingly in parliament and 
admits them. 

“ But the end is not yet. For the sake of destroying 
the Boer habitations, british soldiers are said to put in 
all their spare time in shooting every bird and beast in 
sight. The purpose seems to be to create a grim silence 
in South Africa, broken only perhaps by the sound of 
owls and vultures. 

“This is the very insanity of war—to make a desert 
where it cannot make a conquest. The Boers, however, 
are not yet conquered, and all the omens of the time 
seem to presage that before this seemingly interminable 
war is over the graveyard of the british empire will have 
been dug. Mighty wrongs breed mighty penalties.” 

<<< -- 


- The conferring of an honorary LL.D. on the 
German Ambassador, Baron von Holleben, by Harvard 
University has given great pleasure in Germany, to the 
Emperor and all others. 

. Many messages of sympathy for Secretary Hay 
in the severe blow that has befallen him in the death of 
his son, Adelbert S. Hay, have been sent over from Eng- 
land and the European continent. Mr. Hay has won the 
friendship of all right-minded people abroad and at home 
by his generous, highminded and impartial spirit towards 
other nations. 

The Woman's Journal (3 Park St., Boston) has 
reprinted as a leaflet the article which appeared in its 
issue of May 25, giving in considerable detail the appal- 
ling facts as to regulation of vice in the Philippines by 
the military authorities. The /owrnal appeals to the 
nation to bring pressure to bear upon Congress to put an 
end at once to the government’s participation in the ini- 
quity. But what a comment it is that such an appeal 
should have to be made, when the authorities at Wash- 
ington are perfectly aware of the facts ! 

F An embassy of several noted lamas of Thibet is 
said to be on the w ay to St. Petersburg to make protest 
against British aggressions on their territory and to seek 
the aid of Russiain resisting them. More civilization 
probably is coming, by either the mouth of the Lion or 
that of the Bear! 

, It is reported that in spite of recent wars and 
the continual growth of armaments the Krupp Works 
in Germany are without orders for cannons, that the era 
of gun-making is on the decline, and that the workmen 
are being turned off by thousands. This is the best of 
news, if it is true. The workmen will find something 
else to do, where they will not be promoting the greatest 
curse of humanity. 

Lord Raglan, British under-secretary for war, 
has announced, in a public speech, that if the army can- 
not be increased by volunteering, conscription will be 
resorted to. 

144 THE 
Thomas Hardy, the English author, is recorded 
as saying: “Oh, yes, war is doomed. It is doomed by 
the gradual growth of the introspective faculty in man- 
kind — of their power of putting themselves in another’s 
place, and taking a point of view that is not their own. 
In another aspect, this may be called the growth of a 
sense of humor. Not to-day, nor to-morrow, but in the 
fulness of time, war will come to an end, not for moral 
reasons, but because of its absurdity.” 

Countess von Crockow writes in the New York 
Indep ndent that she has lived in Germany over twenty 
years, and never till this year received invitations to 
join anti-military or international arbitration unions. 
She also writes that the advocates of disarmament are 
now granted a hearing, and not ridiculed as they were 
a short time ago. 

At the request of the governments of Italy and 
Peru, the President of Switzerland has named Mr. 
Winkler, the Swiss .Federal Tribunal, to 
act as arbitrator in the interpretation of an article of 
the treaty of navigation and commerce of 1874. The 
two governments pledge themselves to abide by the 
award of the arbitrator. 

An officer of the regular army, 

nearly the whole of his life in the service of the 
States, in a recent letter to the New writes : 
“The moral tone of the army tolerates without com- 
punction the vices that shock the sensibilities of moral 
people in civil life. Gambling, profanity, drunkenness, 
and Sunday desecration do not degrade or disgrace those 
who practice them in the eyes of the military community, 
whether among the aristocratic official element or the 
private soldiers.” 
. The Anglo- Russian for June says: “The appre- 
hension of Russian aggression is now the pervading 
national feeling both in Sweden and in Norway, since 
it has been established by a series of facts that Russian 
Imperial covetousness does not intend to be satisfied 
with the new régime in Finland, but is scheming also to 
gain a footing on the Scandinavian peninsula. Hence 
the energetic activity for army reform, higher military 
and naval budgets, more effective fortifications, etc.” 

president of 

who has spent 

V7 orce, 

pi It is good news that the report that Ambassador 
White is to resign his post at Berlin proves to be un- 
founded. Mr. White is one of the ablest and most judi- 
cious men in the diplomatic service, thoroughly given to 
the things which make for friendship and peace. He is 
most useful at Berlin in counteracting the influence of 
some of our anti-German fire eaters at home. 

The Cruiser Newark, homeward bound from Ma- 
nila, though built less than ten years ago, is now out of 
date, and is to be modernized at the Boston navy yard 
at a cost of $500,000. The San Francisco has been over- 
hauled at Norfolk at a cost of $500,000, and other cruis- 
ers are to be reconstructed at like costs. 

; Lord Charles Beresford, second in command of 
England’s navy, is again at the trick of trying to get more 
and better warships by complaining of the want of 
proper strength and efficiency in Great Britain’s Mediter- 
ranean fleet. Poor England! It is a hard race to keep 

her fleet equal to those of any two other powers. 



’ In a recent interview in London, Mr. Herbert W. 
Bowen, the newly appointed United States minister to 
Venezuela, said that the first and foremost duty of a 
representative of any country abroad is to promote 
friendly feeling on the part of all nations with whom he 
may be brought in contact. That is admirably put, and 
it is an expression of the new spirit which is more and 
more taking possession of diplomacy. 

Mr. Robert Gorden Butler, in the June //ome 
Magazine, estimates that the wars of the nineteenth 
century cost $17,922,000,000, or six dollars per second 
of the entire century, or six dollars per minute for the 
period of six thousand years since creation, according to 
the old chronology. This is actual war expenses, and 
includes neither the indirect cost of war nor the cost of 
armies and navies in times of peace. 

General Chaffee, in his report on the campaign 
in China, says that through “ the indiscriminate and gen- 
eraliy unprovoked shooting of Chinese, in city, country 

and along the line of march and the river, fifty harm- 
less coolies or laborers on farms, including not a few 
women and children, have been slain” to every real 

The general 
than this. 

In his address at Tufts College on June 19, Min- 
ister Conger said that “there is a very grave rains that, 
by judging the entire Chinese people by the events that 
happened about its capital vt summer, gross miscon- 
ceptions may be had.” He explained that the uprising 
was confined to three out of the eighteen provinces, and 
that “he was unwilling that the entire Chinese people 
be charged with a crime that they did not commit and 
did not encourage.” 

Boxer killed after the capture of Pekin. 
reports have said nothing more condemnatory 

The Gospel Messenger, commenting on the new 
plain uniforms which are to be used in the German army, 

says: “Nothing ought to disguise its (war’s) real sig- 

nificance. Stripped of its romance, its deadly purpose 
shall be written in every feature. Widows, orphans, 
lonely graves, and heavy debts upon impoverished 

countries, are the logical outgrowth of war, and let 

nothing be done to hide this awful truth.” 

Apropos of the mischief which certain politicians 
in this country are trying to make in regard to our re- 
lations with Germany, Ambassador Andrew D. White 
has written in a Berlin journal that “There is not the 
slightest ground for apprehension of difficulties between 
Germany and the United States under any circumstances, 
and least of all on account of the so-called Margarita 
island incident, cleared up nearly two months ago.’ 

The colony of Algeria, which has already cost 
France several billions of franes, is costing the French 
treasury at the present time about eighty million francs, 
or sixteen million dollars, a year. 

In an important article on “ Young Men and the 
Republic’ which President Loubet of France has con- 
tributed to the Saturday Evening Post (Philadelphia), 
for July 13, will be found an interesting reference to 
France’s relations to our country and also to the other 


The State Department has received a dispatch 
from Mr. Rockhill, at Peking, saying that Prince Chuan, 
brother of the Emperor, is to sail for Germany on the 
20th of July, on a special mission. He is expected to 
return by way of the United States, and will probably 
reach this country in October. It is supposed that his 
mission to Germany is to apologize for the murder of the 
German minister at Peking. [lis visit to this country is 
interpreted to be a particular remark of appreciation of 
the course taken by our State Department in the Chinese 

The Cuban constitutional convention, on June 12, 
accepted the Platt amendment by a vote of 16 to 11. 
The resolution to accept was voted without discussion. 

- -——<> + — 


Double It, and Double It Again. 

To enable the ApvocaTE oF PEACE to exert the in- 
fluence the cause demands, its circulation ought to be 
doubled, and then doubled again, within the next year. 
This can be done if every person who receives the paper 
will make proper effort to increase its circulation. I am 
in my seventy-fourth year, and not possessed of robust 
health, but after reading a few numbers of the Apvo- 

caTE I became impressed with the conviction that it was 
my duty to extend its circulation by securing new sub- 
scribers. Thereupon, about the Ist of May I set about 
the work, and in less than five weeks obtained and for- 
warded to the publishers the names of seventeen new 
annual subscribers, with the pay therefor. 

This was done without much loss of time. I do not 
feel that I have fully discharged my duty in that line, 
but propose, the Lord willing, to continue the effort as 
I may have opportunity. And now, to every friend of 
the cause of peace I would say, Go thou and do likewise. 
Intelligent opposers of the war spirit realize that our 
country, not to speak of any other nation, is in the 
midst of a crisis that is calculated to decide its future, 
either for weal or for woe. The conflict between the 
spirit of peace and goodwill among mankind and the 
spirit of war and hatred cannot be postponed to a coming 
generation. We have too much light, too many means 
of communication, by which the people may be instructed 
and taught the lessons of righteousness and peace, to 
justify ourselves in the sight of God if we fail to put 
forth an earnest effort to strengthen the cause. Such 
effort as I here propose would double, and double again, 
the circulation of the Apvocarr, and greatly aid in 
bringing about the desired result. 

WestTFIELD, Inp., June 15, 1901. 

Rosert Denny. 

P.S.—In a business letter of recent date which I 
have received from an American citizen now in South 
Africa, one paragraph reads as follows: 

‘““Tam exceedingly thankful that God in His infinite good- 
ness permitted me to grasp something of what peace means, 
for in these times, when feeling runs so high, there is nothing 
else that will keep one out of these wars. Judging from what 
I have seen and heard here, I believe there never has been a 
time when men so needed to stand true to their belief that 
war and the Spirit of Christ have nothing in common.”’ 


OF PEACE. 145 

O Martial Man, Awake! 

But oh! 
That heroes’ deeds should thus be 

That lives heroic as the race 
Hath e’er produced should do what God abhors! 

the shame, the deep disgrace, 
saved for wars! 

If but one thousandth part of all 

The time and treasure spent to train for this 
Were given, in haste, to heed the call 

Of Love, this world were bathed in waves of bliss. 

Awake, O Martial Man! 
Awake, Awake! 
And see thyself as ages hence will scan 
Thee and thy deeds, when all this dreadful lake — 
Of blood, of blood! — 
And tempest, thick, of sighs and groans and tears 
And deeds of rapine and of rape shall flood 
The page of hist’ry as the tale of years 
When ye held sway, 
Held Peace at bay. 

Awake, O Martial Man! 

Awake! Awake! 
How shal! such deeds e’er bide th’ 
Shall we to Life such an accounting make — 

Of death, of death! 
And of destruction, wanton,— as the sum 
Of all our thoughts and acts whilst we had breath ? 
Of good produced bring forth no single crumb 

For men to see: 
where is SHE ? 

winnowing fan ? 


Awake! tear from those lids 

The weights, the scales: 
These plaudits of unthinking man — those bids 
For thy strong arm to strike when he bewails 

Thy brother's acts. 
Be not deceived! Man dreads, not worships, thee; 
For all thy gold and plumes hide not the facts 
Disclosed on every page that ye, that ye, 

Are tyrants’ tools: 

Enforce Hell’s rules. 

oe -- 

The Bravest of the Brave. 


‘Europe was never so entirely and terribly armed. Woe to him who 

sets fire to Europe now.”’— Moltke. 
Who was the bravest of the brave, 
The bravest hero ever born ? 
*Twas one who dared a felon’s grave, 
Who dared to bear the scorn of scorn. 
Nay, more than this— when sword was drawn, 
And vengeance waited but His word, 
He looked with pitying eyes upon 
The scene and said, ** Put up thy sword!” 
Could but one king be found to-day 
As brave to do, as brave to say ? 

“ Put up thy sword”? into the sheath! 

‘ Put up thy sword,” “ Put up thy sword!” 
By Cedron’s brook thus spake beneath 

The olive trees our King and Lord, 

146 THE 

Spake calm and kinglike. Sword and stave 
And torch and stormy men of death 
Made clamor. Yet He spoke not, save 
With loving word and patient breath, 
“ Put up thy sword” into the sheath! 
The peaceful olive boughs beneath. 

Ye Christian kings, in Christ's dear name 
I charge you live no more this lie. 
‘Put up thy sword!” The time they came 
To bind and lead Him forth to die, 
Behold this was His last command! 
Yet ye dare cry to Christ in prayer, 
With red and reeking sword in hand! 
Ye dare do this as devils dare! 
Ye liars, liars, great and small, 
Ye cowards, cowards, cowards ali! 

O God, but for one gallant ezar, 
One valiant king, one fearless queen! 
Yea, there would be an end of war, 
If but one could be heard or seen 
To follow Christ: to bravely ery, 
* Put up thy sword!” ** Put up thy sword!” 
And let us dare to live and die 
As did command our King and Lord; 
With sword commanded to its sheath, 
The blessed olive boughs beneath. 
— Selected. 
Se eee 
Appeal to the Women of All Countries. 

The Women’s Universal Peace Alliance (Princess 
W iszniewska, president, Tbis rue du Débareadére, Paris) 
has sent out the following appeal to the women of all 

“The last years of the nineteenth century were marked 
by a deplorable recrudescence of barbarism. Cruel war 
caused the shedding of much blood and tears, and the 
genius of man was turned again to the business of 

“ But these sad events should not discourage us. Quite 
the contrary. More than ever should we women, the 
most unfortunate victims of war, unite to combat this 
scourge, which may perhaps be done away by our inter- 
vention and efforts. In fact, if all women understood 
the importance of their mission as peacemakers, the 
power which they are capable of exercising in all circles, 
and especially the depth of meaning of the adage, ‘ W ho- 
ever controls education controls the future, there would 
be no more war. 

“Women can, and hence should, unite their efforts to 
arrest this flow of blood and tears, to remove the causes 
of conflagration, and to establish upon the earth the 
reign of real justice and true fraternity among the na- 
tions. We who give life are appointed to the special 
role of assuring to our children the right to live. 

“In the midst of the prevailing iniquities and hatreds 
the idea of peace has appeared, like the dawn of the day, 
and its rays are being extended over the earth. The 
gospel of universal brotherhood is now proclaimed by 
multitudes of lips. The ideal of kindness and forgive- 
ness is attracting men’s souls, and human intelligence is 
beginning to detest the glory of the conqueror and to 
interest itself in the lot of his victims. 

“Tere, then, is the path which women ought to take, 




and to direct into it the new generations. The future 
is surely in their hands, for they are the first educators 
of youth. They are the inspirers of man, and often his 
co-workers. By their words of persuasion they can and 
they ought to put into the souls whose moral direction 
is in their hands the spirit of pity, of kindness and of 
love. They will thus be able, in whatever social circle 
they move, to contribute to the conversion of the spirit 
of war into the spirit of peace. 

“Tt has been the good fortune of the Women’s Uni- 
versal Peace Alliance to organize throughout the world 
groups of women devoted to the cause. The mothers 
who truly love their children, the patriots who are genu- 
inely devoted to the good of their country, have pledged 
themselves to pursue the task of the ennoblement of the 
human race and of the elevation of the national spirit, 
by an education truly worthy of human beings. On the 
initiative of the central council of the alliance, they keep 
up between different countries friendly intercommuni- 
cations and pacific relations the importance of which 
will be recognized in the future. Hand in hand, the 
mothers, sisters and wives of France, England, Germany, 
Russia, Finland, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Italy, Spain, 
Roumania, Norway, Sweden, the United States, the Ar- 
gentine Republic, Egypt, Syria, Canada, etc., demand, 
aside from all political motives, the right to the inviola- 
bility of human life, the right to liberty and happiness. 
They thus furnish an example of the holiest and most 
beautiful of alliances, that whose aim is not conquest by 
brute force and destruction, but universal happiness 
through love and peace. 

« At the Universal Exposition at Paris in 1900, around 
a panel on which were placed, as in an arch of Union, 
all the official documents of the Women’s Universal 
Peace Alliance, floated the banners of all countries, form- 
ing an artistic combination of many colors. This repre- 
sentation of international harmony was at the same time 
impressive and encouraging. It arrested the attention 
of all who passed by. The Women’s Universal Peace 
Alliance was the first to take the initiative in this col- 
lection of symbols from all countries, small as well as 
great, fraternizing thus under the auspices of women 
aspiring after the ideal of peace. Delegates from differ- 
ent countries met in a congress and deliberated earnestly 
upon the question of education for peace. Possessed of 
the same ideas, pursuing the same object, they realize 
how much power there is in union. The possibility of 
realizing universal brotherhood, so long dreamed of, be- 
came clear to them. They departed, strengthened in 
their convictions, cherishing a delightful and imperish- 
able memory of the communion of ideas which they had 
had together. They returned to their several countries, 
animated with hope and new ardor. 

“ But it is not the few, the few thousands or millions of 
women, who are needed for the realization of the ideal of 
peace, that the butcheries and crimes of every sort en- 
gendered by hatred and ignorance may disappear forever 
from the earth. All women are needed, humble or ex- 
alted, poor or rich, unfortunate or fortunate. ‘They 

should come and unite their efforts, and seek in every 
way to help on this most glorious and beneficent cause. 
What is needed is a really wniversal peace alliance of 
women, that war may be suppressed by the action of 
the universal feminine spirit.” 

1901. THE 

“Come to us, come with us, oh mothers! whether you 
be sad or happy; oh women! whose mission it is to love. 
Women of all countries, unite for peace, that wars may 
no longer cut down the flower of youth; that your 
homes may no longer be pillaged and destroyed. 

“ At the Central Bureau, 7bis rue du Débarcadére, 
Paris, the permanent committee of the alliance, whose 
chairman is the Princess Wiszniewska, is at the service 
of all persons who desire to aid in the work.” 

Paris, June, 1901. 

The Triple Alliance. 

From Il Secolo, Milan, Italy. 

Ought the treaty establishing the Triple Alliance to be 
renewed by Italy? It will not expire till toward the end 
of 1903; but it must be remembered that twice already, 
in 1887 and in 1891, it was renewed immediately after 
its expiration, by the will of the government solely, the 
country giving no attention to the matter. 

In order that the same story may not be repeated, the 
Lombard Peace Union, which has been so often accused 
by the Socialists of doing nothing but indulging in aca- 
demic discussions, in order to give proof of its practical 
character, invited many political and non-political societies 
of Milan, in a sort of referendum, to say whether the 
treaty should be renewed or not. At the same time the 
Union gave its opinion that the treaty should be super- 
seded by conventions more civic in character, in harmony 
with the stipulations of the Hague Conference, and with 
the treaty of peace and arbitration now existing between 
Italy and the Argentine Republic. 

At the meeting appointed for the 15th of this month 
(May), for the discussion of the resolution proposed by 
the Peace Union, no delegates will be present from the 
Milan Federation of the Italian Socialist Party, because 
the Federation believes that for the moment there are 
for it “more urgent” questions, and because it does not 
wish to take action in accord with adverse parties. Nor 
will delegates be present from the Milan Constitutional 
Association, which does not consider it opportune to 
participate in a public discussion with representatives 
of other societies in reference to the Triple Alliance. 
Agreement between different parties,— into which the 
members of these two societies decline to enter,—in a 
resolution looking to the good of the country, to which 
in itself they have no objections to offer, this they have 
at any rate shown in their refusal. They will doubtless 
take pleasure in this fact. It remains to be seen whether 
the other societies invited will respond favorably in any 
considerable number. 

As for myself, I confess that my desire for the accom- 
plishment of the purpose which the letter of invitation 
had in view is much stronger than my expectation. 

The Italian people take an interest in things which 
they understand or which directly affect them. ‘They 
are aroused when an imminent peril threatens the coun- 
try. But as for a question like that of a treaty of alliance, 
the conditions of which they do not know, of which they 
cannot see the immediate effects, nor imagine the connec- 
tion with the taxes which they pay to the government, 
with the price of bread and their foreign commercial 
dealings, they interest themselves little more than an 
inhabitant of Guatemala or of Paraguay might do. But 


OF PEACE. 147 
we do not wonder at this; for citizens of other countries, 
far more experienced than ours in the exercise of politi- 
cal liberty, do not interest themselves in questions of 
foreign politics, except when these questions are con- 
nected with an acute state of affairs, or when, though they 
relate to preventable disasters, there is no longer time 
for aremedy. We have anew example of this at the 
present time in England. 

If after the filibustering expedition of Dr. Jameson 
against the Transvaal, and that mystification of his trial 
in London which turned him into a hero, the English 
people had seen that any extension of imperialism by 
force of arms would have to be paid for by them with an 
unusual increase of taxes, dearness of the means of 
living and restriction of commerce,— as the great Glad- 
stone had forewarned them,— and if, determined to pre- 
vent this, they had put an end to the ambitious and 
aggressive policy of Chamberlain, they would not have 
to deplore to-day so many thousands of dead buried in 
South Africa, nor such huge sums to pay for a war which 
has disclosed to all the world the clay feet of the great 
British colossus. : 

The Triple Alliance, its promoters say, has, since its 
existence, given to Italy peace and security, and has 
furthermore contributed to the maintenance of the peace 
of Europe ; therefore it ought to be renewed. 

Were these supposed merits of the Triple Alliance 
real, and were the renewal of it in accord with political 
wisdom, this would not be a sufficient reason why the 
country should continue to show no interest in the matter. 
If the people are not inclined of their own initiative to 
give the subject proper consideration, if they think that 
it is appreciated and left undisturbed by the true-blue 
conservatives who wish to have entrusted to the executive 
power now and always unlimited authority in questions 
which concern the supreme safety and the future of the 
nation,— yet it is not reasonable that those also should be 
silently satisfied with it who believe that the political 
education of the people is brought about by habituating 
them to taking an interest in all questions which concern 
their present and future condition. 

It was with this idea that the Lombard Peace Union 
took the initiative ta a discussion of the Triple Alliance, 
in common with representatives of other associations, 
and directed its appeal to associations of whatever politi- 
cal color, because it was aware that eminent men of the 
moderate party, like Jacini and Bonghi, were opposed 
from the very beginning to the renewal of the Alliance. 
The Union believed, further, that the country could be 
more easily induced to interest itself in this question, and 
that the government would more readily consent to fol- 
low the course suggested, if both saw that the solution 
proposed was not a matter of party, but had the support 
of men and associations of different political opinions. 

To those who charge the Lombard Peace Union with 
ingenuous folly in taking this initiative, the Union re- 
sponds by offering itself as an example. It contains in 
its own membership, and even in its Committee of Direc- 
tion, men of different and even opposite opinions, Radi- 
cals, Republicans, Socialists, Moderates and Catholics ; 
and yet since its foundation, thirteen years ago, they all 
have always labored in entire harmony for two most 
desirable ends: the supplanting of the reign of violence 
and international anarchy, which has been dominant up 

148 THE 
to the present time, by that of law, to which all nations 
ought to be subject; and, secondly, the substitution of a 
purely defensive citizen soldiery for the permanent armies 
organized for offence. These are the two essential 
features of the Union’s program. 

Well, what the Lombard Union has been able to do 
for so long a time in its own line of service,— why can- 
not this be done by associations of citizens of different 
opinions, when a question arises which, like that of the 
Triple Alliance, surpasses in importance all party pre- 
occupations, and affects the great material and moral 
interests, the economic prosperity and the political dig- 
nity of the whole country ? 


New Books. 

Reat CuinesE QUESTION. 
New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. 

Price, $1.50. 

By Chester Iol- 
Pages XXII 

and 386. 

Mr. Holcombe, the author of this work, was for many 
years the Secretary of the American Legation at Pekin, 
antl acting Minister of the United States at the Chinese 
Capital. His opportunities of study and comprehension 
of the Chinese people, customs and institutions have been 
large, and his work makes clear that he has used these 
opportunities to the best advantage. No living man, 
perhaps, unless it be Sir Robert Hart, possesses a larger 
and truer knowledge of China and her people. 

It seems a pity that this work could not have appeared 
years ago and been read by millions of people in the 
Western nations, whose ignorance of Chinese life, char- 
acter and institutions has been as dense as their conceit 
of superiority has been disgusting. It might have saved 
all the recent horrors 

Mr. Holcombe takes up and discusses in order the seri- 
ous mistakes of foreigners about the Chinese, the Chinese 
character, the literati and their position in the nation, 
the Chinese societies, the army and the navy, the mission- 
ary and his work, diplomacy, opinion of and opposition 
to foreigners, the opium traffic, foreign aggression, the 
partition of China, and reform in China. His discussion 
of each of these topics, while free from burdensome 
technicalities, is thorough and comprehensive, and made 
in a most interesting and readable style. Each chapter 
seems quite as important as any other. But if we had 
to choose, we should say that the core of the subject is 
reached in chapters VIII, IX and X, in which Chinese 
opinion of foreigners, the opium traffic and foreign ag- 
gression are treated. 

After reading these chapters one is no longer at a loss, 
if he ever was, as to the causes of the recent fearful dis- 
turbances which have shaken the whole earth. Mr. Hol- 
combe declares that the wonder is, not that the outbreak 
occurred, but that it was so long delayed. He says that 
the Chinese are fully justified in their opinion that the 
policy of the Western powers towards their country is 
purely selfish, mercenary and brutal. 

His treatment of the opium business is luminous, and 
one cannot rise from reading it without a new sense 
of horror and indignation at this great crime against a 
people who have done their best to keep free from the 
degrading evil. The opium traffic, he says, is the main 

source and feeder of “the sentiment of inveterate hos- 
tility to every product, be it a man, a thing, or an idea, 



coming from the Western world.” “The modern great 
Chinese wall is mainly constructed of chests of opium.” 
The opium vice, which in the main the British govern- 
ment is responsible for fastening upon China, has, he says, 
rendered any reform difficult to the verge of impossibility, 
and unless this vice can be done away he sees no hope 
for saving and regenerating the Empire. It is a question 
of life and death. If she is freed from opium, left largely 
to herself, encouraged and guided in a kindly and friendly 
way, she will be able to save herself, but not otherwise. 
Mr. Holeombe’s book ought to be read and re-read 
by everybody who pretends to any intelligent opinion 
on the Chinese question, and by all who desire to cast 
the weight of their influence on the right side of the sub- 
ject. Something more than the salvation of China is at 
stake. How will it be possible for nations who shall have 
ruined such a people as the Chinese to save themselves 
from ruin? 
Hudson- Kimberly 

Parks. Kansas City: 
Publishing Company. Cloth. 173 pages. 

This book, published last year, is one of the most re- 
markable of the many arraignments of the course of our 
government in the matter of the conquest and annexa- 
tion of the Philippines. The author was a close personal 
and political friend of Abraham Lincoln, has had wide 
experience in political affairs, and in both state and na- 
tional courts. His argument is putin the form of a trial, 
in which William McKinley is arraigned for his conduct 
toward the Philippines. The presiding judge is Chief 
Justice Marshal, with John Jay and Chancellor Kant 
associated with him. The jury is made up of Aristides 
of Athens, Cincinnatus of Rome, Lafayette, Alfred the 
Great, Count Tolstoy, Washington, Jefferson, Madison, 
Lincoln, Grant, Heny Clay, and Bishop Simpson. After 
the jury have rendered their verdict of * Guilty as charged 
in the indictment,” they decide, because of the importance 
of the case, to hold a special public meeting and give 
their reasons for their decision. At this meeting each of 
them makes a speech in which he sets forth the reasons 
for the judgment reached. In this series of speeches 
Judge Parks develops in a masterly way his objections 
to the course of the administration as opposed to the 
fundamental American doctrine of human rights, and as 
a foolish and mad “attempt to destroy the great Declara- 
tion of the rights of Man.” Incidentally, Mr. Parks 
enters his strong protest against the spirit of war and 
militarism which has manifested itself recently so danger- 
ously in the nation, and sets forth the corruptions which 
have attended military operations in the Philippines and 
their peril to the country. The book is enriched with 
a quotation from Webster’s speech at Philadelphia in 
1846, on the “ War Power,” in which is set forth the 
usurpation which brought on the Mexican war, and also 
with extracts from a speech of Henry Clay in the House 
of Representatives in 1818, which contain the well-settled 
American doctrine which has been trampled down by 
our government’s conquest of the Philippines. Judge 
Park’s lecture on Abraham Lincoln before the Oratorical 
Association of Michigan University, given at the end of 
the book, has been pronounced one of the ablest and 
most discriminating estimates of the great President’s 
character which have appeared. 

By Samuel C. 


Commercialism and War. 

Arnold White, the London corre- 
spondent of the Philadelphia Public 
Ledger, one who has an exceptional 
understanding of military matters 
and acquaintance with men in the 
military service, writes to J.W. Leeds, 
in reference to the latter’s recent 
pamphlet on the Peace Views of 
Wiclif, in the following candid 
vein : 

“ You have done public service in 
drawing attention to the reformer’s 
opinions on the incompatibility be- 
tween the teaching of the Mount and 
the warlike operations of modern 
states. But war itself is not more 
opposed to the teaching of Christ 
than modern commercialism on the 
competitive system; indeed, com- 
merce is war. So that apparently we 
are reduced to the dilemma that 
drove thousands to monastic and con- 
ventual life in the middle ages. On 
which horn of the dilemma will good 
Americans and English elect to be 
impaled ?” 

——we <> + 

Herbert Spencer on Militarism. 

Iferbert Spencer has written a let- 
ter pleading for mitigation of the war 
spirit, says a London dispatch to the 
New York Journal and Advertiser 
of recent date. In it he says: 

“ Whatever fosters militarism 
makes for barbarism; whatever fos- 
ters peace makes for civilization. 
There are two fundamentally opposed 
principles on which social life may 
be organized — compulsory coépera- 


A rich lady, cured of her Deafness 
and Noises in the Head by Dr. 
Nicholson’s Artificial Ear Drums, 
gave $10,000 to his Institute, so that 
deaf people unable to procure the 
Ear Drums may have them free. 
Address No. 4971, The Nicholson 
Institute, 780 Eighth Avenue, New 
York, U.S.A. 


To any one who will send us the 
names of three new subscribers to the 
ApvocaTE OF PEAcE with the 
money, three dollars, we will send as 
a present, postpaid, a fine three- 
dollar fountain pen. 


tion, the one implying coercive in- 
stitutions, the other free institutions. 

Just in proportion as militant ac- 
tivity is great does the coercive re- 
gime more pervade the whole society 
Hence, to oppose militancy is to op- 
pose return toward despotism. My 
fear is that the retrograde movement 
will become too strong to be checked 
by argument or exhortation. 

<-> — 

The Pan-American Conference. 

It seems now that the difficuities 
which have been raised by Peru are 
not likely to interfere with the hold- 
ing of the Pan-American Conference 
in October. Our government has 
decided not to agree to the sugges- 
tion of Peru that any arbitration sys- 
tem which may be agreed to shall 
apply to past as well as to future 
questions, but that it shall be re- 
stricted to future questions, as the 
Executive Committee of the Bureau 
of American Republics has proposed 
in the program. Peru, we feel sure, 
will not stay out of the Conference 
on this account. 





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Hon. RoBeERT TREAT PAINE, 6 Joy St., Boston, Mass. 

Tuomas H. Russet, 27 State St., Boston, Mass. 


Rev. Edw. Everett Hale, D.D.,39 Highland St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Rev. Lyman Abbott, D.D., Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago, III. 

George T. Angell, 19 Milk Street, Boston, Mass. 
Edward Atkinson, Brookline, Mass. 

Joshua L. Baily, 1624 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Rev. Wm. E. Barton, D.D., Oak Park, I}. 

Ida Whipple Benham, Mystic, Conn. 

Mrs. George W. Bingham, Derry, N. H. 

Rev. Everett D. Burr, D.D., Newton Centre, Mass. 
Hezekiah Butterworth, 28 Worcester St., Boston, Mass. 
Rey. Geo. D. Boardman, D.D., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Prof. Geo. N. Boardman, Pittsford, Vt. 

Hon. Charles C. Bonney, Chicago, Il. 

Hon. Thomas B. Bryan, Chieago, Il. 

Hon. Wm. A. Butler, New York, N. Y. 

Hon. Samuel B. Capen, 38 Greenough Ave., Boston, Mass. 
Hon. Jonathan Chace, Providence, R. I. 

Rev. Frank G. Clark, Plymouth, N. H. 

Edward H. Clement, 3 Regent Circle, Brookline, Mass. 
Rev. Joseph 8. Cogswell, Ashburnham, Mass. 

Rev. D. S. Coles, Wakefield, Mass. 

Joseph Cook, Ticonderoga, N. Y. 

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Rev. G. L. Demarest, D.D., Manchester, N. H. 

Mrs. Elizabeth Dow, Brookline, Mass. 

Rey. Howard C., Dunham, Winthrop, Mass. 

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Everett O. Fisk, 4 Ashburton Place, Boston, Mass. 

B. O. Flower, Brookline, Mass. 

Hon. John B. Foster, Bangor, Me. 

Philip C. Garrett, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Merrill E.Gates, LL.D., Washington, D.C. 

Hon. Thomas N. Hart, Boston, Mass. 

Hon, John W. Hoyt, Washington, D.C. 

tev. W. G. Hubbard, Lansing, Mich. 

Rev. Charles E. Jefferson, New York City, N. Y. 
Hon. Sumner I. Kimball, Washington, D. C. 

Bishop William Lawrence, Cambridge, Mass. 

Mary A. Livermore, Melrose, Mass. 

Edwin i). Mead, 30 Pinckney St., Boston, Mass. 

Rev. Philip S. Moxom, D.D., Springfield, Mass. 

Hon. Nathan Matthews, Jr., 456 Beacon St., Boston,}!Mass. 
George Foster Peabody, 28 Monroe Place, Brooklyn, N.Y. 
L. H. Pillsbury, Derry, N. H. 

Hon. J. H. Powell, Henderson, Ky. 

Hon. Wm. L. Putnam, Portland, Me. 


Bens. F. TRUEBLOOD, LL.D., 3 Somerset St., Boston, Mass. 

Dr. WILIIAM F. JARVIS, 233 Moody St., Waltham, Mass. 

Thos. D. Robertson, Rockford, Ill. 

Charles T. Russell, Jr., Cambridge, Mass. 

Mrs. Mary Wright Sewall, Indianapolis, Ind. 
Edwin Burritt Smith, 164 Dearborn St., Chicago, Ill. 
Mrs. Ruth H. Spray, Salida, Col. 

Mrs. L. M. N. Stevens, Portland, Me. 

David S. Taber, New York, N.Y. 

Pres. C, F. Thwing, D.D., Cleveland, Ohio. 
Bishop Henry W. Warren, Denver, Col. 

Herbert Welsh, 1305 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. 
Richard Wood, 1620 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 


Hon. Robert Treat Paine, er-officio. 

Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL. D., ex-officio. 

Nathaniel T. Allen, West Newton, Mass. 

Rev. Charles G. Ames, D.D., 12 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 
Hannah J. Bailey, Winthrop Centre, Me. 

Rev. S. C. Bushnell, Arlington, Mass. 

Edwin Ginn, 13 Tremont Place, Boston, Mass. 

Rev. David H. Ela, D.D., Hudson, Mass. 

tev. Scott F. Hershey, LL.D., Newtonville, Mass. 
Julia Ward Howe, 241 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 
Augustine Jones, Providence, R. I. 

Rev. B. F. Leavitt, Melrose Highlands, Mass. 

Lucia Ames Mead, 30 Pinckney St., Boston, Mass. 
Wm. A. Mowry, Ph.D., Hyde Park, Mass. 

Rev. Charles B. Smith, West Medford, Mass. 
Frederick A. smith, West Medford, Mass. 

Rev. G. W. Stearns, Middleboro, Mass. 

Rev. Reuen Thomas, D.D., Brookline, Mass. 

Rev. C. H. Watson, D.D., Arlington, Mass. 

Kate Gannett Wells, 45 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 
Rev. A. E. Winship, 20 Pemberton Sq., Boston, Mass. 

Hon. Robert Treat Paine, ex-officio. 
Benjamin F, Trueblood, LL. D., ex-officio. 
Rev. S. F. Hershey, LL. D., Newtonville, Mass. 
Wm. A. Mowry, Ph. D., Hyde Park, Mass. 
Rev. Charles B. Smith, West Medford, Mass. 


Cephas Brainerd, New York, N.Y. 

Hon. William A. Butler, New York, N.Y. 
Moorfield Storey, Brookline, Mass. 
Judge William L. Putnam, Portland, Me. 
Hon. Josiah Quincy, Boston, Mass. 




ARTICLE I. This Society shall be designated the ‘*‘ AMERI- 

Art. II. This Society, being founded on the principle that 
all war is contrary to the spirit of the gospel, shall have for its 
object to illustrate the inconsistency of war with Christianity, 
to show its baleful influence on all the great interests of man- 
kind, and to devise means for insuring universal and perman- 
ent peace. 

Art. III. Persons of every Christian denomination desirous 
of promoting peace on earth and goodwill towards men may 
become members of this Society. 

Art. IV. Every annual subscriber of two dollars shall be 
a member of this Society. 

Art. V. The payment of twenty dollars at one time shall 
constitute any person a Life-member. 

ArT. VI. The chairman of each corresponding committee, 
the officers and delegates of every auxiliary contributing to 
the funds of this Society, and every minister of the gospel who 
preaches once a year on the subject of peace, and takes up a 
collection in behalf of the cause, shall be entitled to the privi- 
leges of regular members. 

Art. VII. All contributors shall be entitled within the 
year to one-half the amount of their contributions in the publi- 
cations of the Society. 

Art. VIII. The Officers of this Society shall be a President, 
Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, an Auditor and a 
Board of Directors, consisting of not less than twenty members 
of the Society, including the President, Secretary and Treas- 
urer, who shall be ex-ofticio members of the Board. All Ofti- 
cers shall hold their offices until their successors are appointed, 
and the Board of Directors shall have power to fill vacancies 
in any office of the Society. There shall be an Executive 
Committee of seven, consisting of the President, Secretary 
and five Directors to be chosen by the Board, which Com- 
mittee shall, subject to the Board of Directors, have the entire 
control of the executive and financial affairs of the Society. 
Meetings of the Board of Directors or the Executive Com- 
mittee may be called by the President, the Secretary, or two 
members of such body. The Society or the Board of Direc- 
tors may invite persons of well-known legal ability to act as 
Honorary Counsel. 

Art. IX. The Society shall hold an annual meeting at 
such time and place as the Board ef Directors may appoint, to 
receive their own and the Treasurer’s report, to choose offti- 
cers, and transact such other business as may come before 

Art. X. The object of this Society shall never be changed; 
but the Constitution may in other respects be altered, on 
recommendation of the Executive Committee, or of any ten 
members of the Society, by a vote of three-fourths of the 
members present at any regular meeting. 


Publications of the American Peace Society, 

War Unnecessary and Unchristian.—By Augustine Jones, LL. 
B. New edition, 20 pages. 5 cts. each, $2.00 per hundred. 

Dymond’s Essay on War. — With an introduction by John 
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The Nation’s Responsibility for Peace.—By Benjamin F. True- 
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Nationalism and Internationalism, or Mankind One Body.— 
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The Coming Reform— A Woman’s Word. — By Mary Eliza- 
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War from the Christian Point of View.— By Ernest Ilow- 
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Providence, R.I., November, 1900. 12 pages. $1.50 per 
hundred, prepaid. 




The Absurdities of Militarism.— By Ernest Howard Crosby. 
Address delivered at the Commemoration meeting held in 
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War from the Christian Point of View.— By Rev. L. Henry 
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An Essay toward the Present and Future Peace of Europe.— 
By William Penn. First published in 1693. 24 pages, 
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A Permanent Tribunal of Arbitration. — By Edward Everett 
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Text of the Hague Convention for the Pacific Settlement 
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Perpetual Peace. — By Immanuel Kant. Translated by Ben- 
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The Arbitrations of the United States. — By Professor John 
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The War System; Its History, Tendency, and Character, in 
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The Boys’ Brigade; Its Character and Tendencies. — By 
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Topics for Essays and Discussions in Schools, Colleges, and 
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Report of the Chicago Peace Congress of 1893.— Price 
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Military Drill in Schools. — By Rev. W. Evans Darby, LL.D. 
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The Old Testament on War. — By George Gillett. 24 pages. 
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William Penn’s Holy Experiment in Civil Government. — 
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July, 1901. 




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The Advocate of Peace. 

WORLD. By Benjamin F. 
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