THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY,
NO. 3 SOMERSET STREET, BOSTON, MASS.
MONTHLY, ONE DOLLAR PER YEAR. TEN CENTS PER COPY.
Peace and Commerce — The Decision of the Supreme Court — The
Lake Mohonk Arbitration Conference — Platform of the Seventh
Lake Mohonk Arbitration Conference.
PE: TING 00's. isc nee tiscdnecsassncessencesccese i
International Peace Congress — Absurdity of Modern Warfare —
The Czar as Arbitrator — Tariff Troubles with Russia — Germany
and the United States — Austrian Militarism — Arbitration Steam
Power — Bayoneting Dummies — Professional Warriors — Reac-
tion in England— Y. M.C. A. Jubilee— Loss of Workers —Still
Under Martial Law — A Festival of Peace — Insanity of War.
SI cack cd bn. cng ocsn <deecn del pudnadae sath neeadei aha wkees she ince ae
SINNED ad scweigicks, inks RAEN ReneS Cae nib dGue aie! ac cnne- ewes 145
O Martial Man, Awake! Poem, Edwin Arnold Brenholtz........ 145
The Bravest of the Brave. Poem, Joaquin Miller ............... 145-146
Appeal to the Women of all Countries
The Triple Alliance. EF. T. Moneta
ET SED cnn nde a taibake bene ausdanee SeURMO RS dbs aban Seba Meme cowe 148
Peace and Commerce.
At the recent Mohonk Arbitration Conference much
was said, and very justly said, of the influence of com-
merce in promoting peace. In its present state of
development and organization international trade is
one of the most potent and ceaseless of the agencies
which are binding the nations together and gradually
constructing a fabric of world-wide connections which
is to make war more and more impossible.
This unifying commercial fabric does not by any
means consist entirely of selfish material interests,
strong as these are. It has many ethical threads in
it. Trade brings men and peoples into intimate con-
tact, into knowledge of one another. It reveals to
them their essential human likenesses, their similar
virtues and faults, as well as their differences of
customs and institutions. It thus opens their eyes
to their own prejudices and narrownesses, as well as
to the good qualities of those with whom they deal.
It creates appreciation and trust; it removes dislike
and offishness. Much of this influence is unconscious,
but it is none the less real, and possibly all the more
powerful because it is unconscious.
But it must not be forgotten that in the order of
historic development peace has been the basis of
BOSTON, JULY, 1905.
JUL 12 ig
commerce much more than commerce of peace. So
iong as war was the rule between nations, steady
trade between them was impossible. ‘Their commer-
cial dealings were irregular and timid. International
trade found its course everywhere blocked by sus-
picious guards and relentless toll-barriers, and almost
wholly suppressed while campaigns and battles were
on. It was never entirely killed out by hate and
war; but it led an uncertain and meagre existence,
and consumed its temporary gains to a large extent
in paying the exactions laid upon it, in the suffering
of sudden and heavy losses, and in the expense of
arming itself for its own defense.
One of the first great pleas for international
peace was made quite as much in the interest of
commerce and the blessings which it brings as in
behalf of morality and humanity. Emeric Crueé,
who, so far as is known, made the first definite pro-
posal of an international tribunal of arbitration
(1623), set forth in vigorous terms the value of
trade and commerce to the welfare of peoples,
and showed how the cessation of quarreling and
fighting would promote them. He deplored the
mercantile wreckage and ruin attendant upon the
incessant wars of his time, and longed that what he
had to say on the subject might be heard and heeded
by all the rulers and princes of the world, as it was
undoubtedly deeply felt by the suffering masses
It is one of the clearest facts of history that just
in the measure that peace has prevailed has com-
merce between peoples sprung up and grown. Peace
creates the conditions and frees from restraint the
forces which create commerce. Peace allows the
pupulation of countries to grow naturally, and thus
increases greatly their economic power.
The importance of these truths may be made more
real by an analysis of two significant facts connected
with the progress of the past century.
The population of the world at the beginning of
the nineteenth century, as nearly as the best statis-
ticians have been able to determine it, was about six
hundred and fifty millions. The international com-
merce of the world at that time was about fifteen
hundred million dollars, or about two dollars and
one-third per capita of the population. The increase
in population during the century was about eight
hundred and fifty millions. If the average earning
power of the individual for commerce had remained
the same at the close of the century as at its begin-
ning, this increase of population would give an in-
crease in the annual commerce of the world of no
less than two thousand millions of dollars.
This growth of population was due to the decrease
of wars and the conquest of disease. So that, from
this point of view, we are justified in crediting to
peace not much less than one-half of the economic
value to the world of these extra eight hundred and
fifty millions of people. Of course the earning
power of the individual at the close of the century
was much greater than at the beginning, and this
increased earning power is due to the industrial and
transportation inventions made possible by the in-
creasing prevalence of peace. It has often been
shown that the great inventions have nearly all been
made by civilians, that is, by men of peace, and not
by military men.
But from another point of view the case is more
impressive still. The annual commerce of the world
increased during the century, not the two thousand
millions mentioned above, but more than eighteen
thousand millions, or above twelve hundred per
cent. It is now twenty thousand millions of dollars
per year, or above thirteen dollars per capita of the
world’s population. This great expansion of com-
merce has taken place very largely within the last
thirty years, during which there has been no war
between the civilized powers except the recent brief
Spanish-American War, which showed in its way
what immense ruin to commerce a great war would
now cause. This long period of peace, which has
left commerce without fear of disturbance, has stimu-
lated its growth and expansion in a marvelous manner,
and accounts in the main for probably more than half
of the enormous commercial transactions between the
nations, which are now going rapidly beyond twenty
thousand millions of dollars per annum.
No man of business, it would seem, can realize the
significance of these stupendous facts without hence-
forth throwing the whole weight of his influence on
the side of permanent peace. <A war for a single
year at the present time between the United States
and Great Britain, the two leading commercial nations,
would result in a commercial destruction of not less
than four or five thousand millions of dollars, leaving
out of view the direct cost of the war. Commerce
demands peace in its own interests. Give it peace,
and in these days when piracy is gone from the seas
it will take care of itself, without the protection of
armed cruisers. Will the men of commerce every-
where throughout the nation do their duty and let
their voice be heard like the trumpet’s note in behalf
of peace — thrice blessed permanent peace? As Dr.
Hale pleaded at the Mohonk Conference, their hour
THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.
The Decision of the Supreme Court.
What relation has the recent decision of the Sup-
reme Court to the cause of peace? Only from that
point of view do we care here to comment much upon
it. If the court has decided, as many able lawyers
think is uncertain, that the Constitution does not ap-
ply of itself, without special legislation, to newly
acquired territories, it is the most momentous deci-
sion ever made in the history of the country.
It is difficult for an untutored mind to see how a
legislative body existing only under the Constitution
can have any power to legislate in matters over which
the Constitution has not actually extended its author-
ity. If its authority does not extend by the very
fact of their acquisition over the newly acquired
territories, then no provision of it so extends, it would
seem, and Congress in that case has no power of leg-
islation whatever over them. This is the view taken
by four out of nine of the justices, including the
Chief Justice and two others of the very ablest mem-
bers of the court.
This view means that the Constitution, extending
of its own force over the annexed territories, com-
mands Congress to proceed to enact legislation for
them in harmony with its principles. The Constitu-
tion of course enacts no special legislation for the
carrying out of its own provisions. That has to be
done by Congress. This is probably the reason that
so much confusion has arisen on the subject, from
which the court itself does not seem to have wholly
escaped. The opinion of the majority, or rather their
opinions,— for each of them had a different reason
for his view,—show that there was no very clear
conception in their minds of the nature of the real
question at issue. They seem to have confounded
the application of the Constitution itself with that
of special legislation under it.
There is little doubt that the majority opinion,
which is henceforth, until reversed, the law of the
land, has arisen out of the political exigencies and
prevailing policies of the time. If this interpreta-
tion remains in force, the policy of colonial dependen-
cies is henceforth a part of the national program.
Congress must still legislate for the home United
States according to the Constitution, but for the
vassal territories, who are to have no original hand
in determining the government under which they
are to live, it may legislate as it pleases. It may
give them one form of government or another. It
may provide for their admission as territories or as
states, or it may keep them in vassalage for all time.
It may adopt any form of taxation it chooses, with-
out any reference to uniformity. It may preserve
slavery in the Sulu Islands as long as it likes, or any
other barbarous institution.
Thus the nation as a whole has ceased to be a re-
public, and has become part republic and part empire,
part free and part political slave. This it has become
through the action of men sworn to support and abide
by the Constitution, and through an interpretation
of the Constitution by a court which has no existence
except under the Constitution! There is in political
history no parallel to this in the way of national
Those who support the position of the majority of
the court say that this is just what they want,—a
free hand to do as the nation pleases abroad in its
aggressions and dominations — taking our share in
the redemption of the uncivilized world, they call it —
without any restraints whatever from the Constitu-
tion, which we had all supposed embodied the
fundamental principles of the national life. Yet
these good “patriots” are anxious to save appear-
ances and shield themselves under the cover of the
Constitution and the court which it provides, and are
offended to have what they are doing called by its
real name. How does this system differ in principle
from that of the Romans, who had a fine system of
liberty and organized justice for themselves, while
they ruled the peoples whom they subdued with an
iron-handed tyranny ?
The spirit of militarism, commercial greed, con-
quest and imperialism, which has brought about this
deplorable transformation, will be greatly stimulated
by the decision of the Supreme Court. This spirit
has been hallowed by the consecrating act of the
highest tribunal in the land, as slavery was half a
century ago. It will henceforth feel itself free and
bold to do whatever its lust of trade, power and ter-
ritorial aggrandizement shall dictate. It will cry
traitor with new vigor of lungs against all those who
dare to question its proceedings. It will easily find
or make pretexts for new annexations by force at the
first favorable moment. It will involve us if possi-
ble in new wars. It will insist on the government’s
constructing and owning the Nicaragua canal, even
if treaties have to be openly repudiated, and if, in
order to accomplish its purpose, the whole of Nicara-
gua shall have to be annexed by force. The public
men of this spirit are already talking of the canal as
the “extension of our coast line.” This spirit will
take its delight in nagging foreign peoples, and will
seek rather than try to avoid foreign entanglements.
It will push by every device the extension of our
military and naval establishments.
It is in this direction that the seriousness of the
Supreme Court’s decision lies. The manner in
which it affects the destiny of the territories already
annexed by conquest is grave enough; but vastly
more serious is the encouragement and strength
which it gives to the lustful, militaristic, un-Ameri-
can spirit which has seized the nation like a sudden
madness and already carried it so far astray. But
false interpretations of the Constitution in the past
have been reversed, and we believe that this one will
OF PEACE, 135
be in time. The nation cannot exist half republic
and half empire any more than it could have existed
half slave and half free. The people will by and by
come to the consciousness that they have been mis-
erably fooled by political chicanery, and when they
finally speak in the spirit of true democracy, as they
will, the President, Congress and the Supreme Court
will all hear and heed. It is said that Congress un-
der pressure of public opinion can be trusted to give
the right kind of institutions to the dependent peoples.
But if the pressure of public opinion can do this, it
can do something infinitely more important: it can
make it impossible for Congress to keep them in
vassalage and give than anything but fundamental
political rights of American citizens.
The Lake Mohonk Arbitration Confer-
The development of the International Arbitration
Conference held annually by Albert K. Smiley at Lake
Mohonk, N. Y., is a remarkable proof of the growing
public interest in the cause of peace between the
nations, and in the adoption of every practicable
means of doing away with war. ‘The first of these
conferences was held six years ago. Mr. Smiley be-
gan them in the same large-hearted and public-spirited
way that had characterized the Indian conferences
held for many years previously and still held annually
at his Mountain House.
He began them, however, in a very tentative man-
ner. He was not sure that the time was altogether
ripe for such a movement. ‘The first year he was
able to get together but fifty-six men and women.
The spirit in which they came together was not alto-
gether reassuring. They were full of praise of the
noble spirit and generosity of their host, and did their
best to think highly of the enterprise; but only a
few of them who had given special thought to the
subject believed that anything of importance could
be accomplished in the near future. Many of them
were ignorant of even the first principles of the sub-
ject. Of the history of arbitration the past century
they knew almost nothing. They talked, some of the
ablest of them, in most charming generalities and
sentimental phrases, and took extraordinary pains not
to commit themselves to much of anything.
But the Conference was a success beyond expecta-
tions, and Mr. Smiley decided to hold another. So
he has continued to do every year since, and the
development of the work and the general progress of
events have proved that he began too late rather than
At the Conference this year, the seventh in the
series, one hundred and seventy-six invited members
were present, more than three times as many as came
in 1895. The attendance from among the regular
guests of the house was also unusually large, and the
attention shown by them most impressive.
The Conference was as remarkable in character as
in size. We have rarely seen in any gathering so
large a proportion of able men and women from so
many spheres in life. The material for speaking was
so abundant that the attempt to utilize as much of it
as possible actually did damage to the character of
the discussions, rendering a number of the speeches
incomplete and unsatisfactory. The business com-
mittee ought not to repeat this mistake another year.
The interest manifested in the proceedings was
deep and sustained throughout, reaching a remarkable
climax the last evening. It centered, too, about the
subject rather than about the glories of Mohonk, which
were somewhat put into the background this year by
the incessant rains. Indeed, the interest
strong at times and the wish to push on the work
fast so powerful that it took about all of Mr. Smiley’s
skill, master of driving as he is, to keep the reins in
his hands and prevent the Conference from running
down the mountain side and off into other parts.
There was also a tone of triumph and confidence
in the discussions not heard much in the earlier meet-
ings. This arose from the incredibly rapid progress
of the arbitration movement since the Conference first
met in 1895. There were, to be sure, a few “inno-
cents” in the gathering who talked generalities, said
but little that bore upon the subject of arbitration,
and even showed, in cases, some alarm that the cause
was gaining so rapidly. But the rambling and some-
what uncertain speech of a few did not interfere with
the general spirit and strength of the Conference as a
The subject which received the chief attention in
the deliberations was the importance of bringing the
Hague Court of Arbitration into operation at the
earliest possible moment. Disarmament, the history
of arbitration, industrial arbitration, the relations of
commerce to peace, and kindred topics, received
serious consideration, and called out some interesting
and instructive speeches. But the emphasis of the
occasion was upon the one topic, the necessity of put-
ting the Hague Court to work at once. Various
speakers laid stress upon this, and it was the leading
topic put into the final declaration of the Conference,
which we give in full below.
The opinion was uttered that the United States
and Great Britain, which had taken such a conspicu-
ous part in preparing the way for and creating the
court, owed it to themselves to be the first if pos-
sible to use it, even if the cases already referred to
the United States-Canadian Joint High Commission
had to be turned over to the court, a very proper
course to take, as the Commission had come to a dead-
lock. One speaker made the wise suggestion that the
question of the inviolability of treaties involved in
the Clayton-Bulwer convention —a most pressing
and serious matter— was a very fitting case with
which the new court might begin its career.
A committee of the Conference will lay its declar-
ation before the President of the United States, and
do what may be found wise and practicable to secure
early action by the government in the matter of bring-
ing cases before the court, and of negotiating treaties
with other nations for the obligatory reference to it
of controversies which may hereafter arise.
The seventh Mohonk Conference will, we are sure,
prove one of the most fruitful in the whole series.
It was presided over by Hon. J. H. Stiness, chief
justice of Rhode Island,a man of distinguished ability
and great public usefulness, able to “rule well” a
peace meeting. Dr, E. E. Hale was there, interested
and enthusiastic as a young man of twenty-five.
There were many prominent clergymen of different
denominations, from many cities and towns, teaching
or learning the ways of peace; editors of a number
of the foremost religious weeklies, taking notes and
preparing to give their readers some pacific ideas ;
bankers, railroad men and men of commerce, convinced
that the world of business imperiously demands peace ;
lawyers we do not know how many, moving most of
them in the advance guard of arbitration; college
presidents, professors and teachers, some in profound
sympathy with the new enlarged ideas of human
brotherhood and some less so; military and naval
men, pacifically warlike, hearing “strange things”
and going away with new conflicts in their heads ;
devout and honorable women, “ not a few,” who did
not say, or were not asked to say, as much as they
ought to have said.
The Mohonk Conference is a veritable microcosm,
an epitome of the great world, and we are inclined to
believe that the mutual respect and courtesy, the
goodwill and peace, that prevail in it are prophetic of
the spirit of friendliness and peace which are by and
by, perhaps earlier than many think, to master the
world and make war henceforth impossible.
Mr. and Mrs. Smiley —and Mr. and Mrs. Daniel
Smiley, the Prime Ministers of Mohonk — again won
by their unbounded hospitality and kindness, the
hearts of all their arbitration guests, and made them
all wish when leaving that the Conference lasted all
Platform of the Seventh Lake Mo-
honk Arbitration Conference.
+ The Seventh Annual Conference on International
Arbitration in session at Lake Mohonk extends its
congratulations to all who are working for the cause
in behalf of which the Conference has been called.
There is encouragement to be derived from recent
events and from the present state of the world. No
war between great and highly civilized powers has
occurred within thirty years. During that period
more than a hundred disputes between nations have
heen submitted to arbitration, and in no case has any
appeal to force for the execution of decisions been
necessary. On the part of many philanthropic bodies
there has been an increased activity which has accom-
plished much in creating a public sentiment favorable to
arbitration, and seems destined to accomplish still more.
In the establishment of the International Court at
The Hague there is reason for immense rejoicing and
the profoundest gratitude. There is now a tribunal
before which nations, great and small, may bring
their controversies with confidence that the truth
will be ascertained and fair decisions rendered. It
remains to call this tribunal into action to the end
that particular disputes may be terminated, and that
contributions may be made to international law.
Certain minor wars, which were begun before the
court of arbitration was established, have continued
since that time; troubles have occurred in China
which were incidental to the contact of the people
of that country with Western life; but they promise
to have, as a later effect, the bringing of an Asiatic
empire within the area in which the tribunal at
The Hague will operate.
The Conference has to mourn the death of an
honored ex-president of the United States, Benjamin
Harrison, who had been appointed a member of the
high court at The Hague, was the senior counsel
for Venezuela in the arbitration between that country
and Great Britain, and had expressed the intention
of honoring this assembly by his presence.
The Conference expresses its sense of the great
importance of making the tribunal of arbitration ef-
fective, not for the repressing of diplomatic action,
but for precluding warfare where diplomacy fails.
It is essential that cases which threaten to lead to
war should be promptly brought before this court,
and it is highly important that minor disputes, which
nations may be less reluctant to submit to adjudica-
tion, should also be brought before it, in order that
precedents may be created and that the custom of
appealing to the court may be speedily and firmly
established. We wish that the United States might
be foremost in submitting cases to the tribunal which
it has had such an honorable share in creating.
We would call the attention of all who mould
public opinion to a special opportunity, that, namely,
of strengthening the feeling in favor of arbitration
during the critical period before the court shall have
come into full activity. Particularly should laborers
who bear the brunt of wars be induced to use their
collective power to prevent them. In like manner
should chambers of commerce, boards of trade, bank-
ers’ associations and organizations of manufacturers
and merchants in specific lines of business, as well as
individual financiers, be induced to use their power
for the same object. Such action is called for in
behalf of their own interest and in behalf of those
greater interests of humanity which are, in a sense,
under their guardianship.
THE ADVOCATE OF
It is not too much to hope that ulterior results
not immediately secured by the establishment of the
tribunal at The Hague may, in the end, be gained
through its action. Such a result would be the re-
duction of armaments and the lessening of the burdens
and the temptations which they entail. Particularly
is this to be hoped for in the case of the weaker
nations, crushed as they are by the cost of their
armies and navies. These would be unnecessary if
the decisions of the high court in any case which they
might submit to it were supported in advance by
guaranties such as a few powerful nations might
give. A final consummation, to which it is legiti-
mate to look forward, would be the extension of these
guaranties to the greater nations themselves and the
reduction of the great armaments.
The court represents a great gain already secured,
and a possible one, the value of which transcends all
power of expression. It remains to make the gieater
gain a reality.”
At the spring meeting of the Commis-
7 7 2 "nati « ro ‘a 2 ‘es €
fate, of the International Peace Bureau at
Berne, Switzerland, on the 18th of May,
the date of the opening of the Tenth International Peace
Congress was fixed for Tuesday, the 10th of September,
instead of the 7th, as had been provisionally announced.
The congress meets at Glasgow on the invitation of the
Association for the Advancement of Science, Art and
Education. The indications are that the Glasgow meet-
ing will be one of unusual strength and far-reaching
influence. The Lord Provost of the city is to be the
honorary president of the congress. The arrangements
for the meeting are being made by the English peace
societies with the codperation of a local committee at
Glasgow. The provisional program, prepared by the
topics to be discussed are, permanent treaties of arbitra-
Berne Peace Bureau, has already been published.
tion, execution of arbitral awards, code of international
law, pacific alliance of neutral powers, obligatory arbitra-
tion, etc. A great public meeting will be held in Glas-
gow during the time of the congress, which will take
the form largely of a workingmen’s demonstration.
Public meetings will also be held in Edinburgh and
Paisley. The day before the congress proper opens,
Monday, will be given up to a Conference of Churches
on the subject of peace. One of the chief features of the
day will be the public meetings arranged by the English
Friends, who have been always foremost in the peace
movement and who have felt it their duty on this oc-
vasion to make a new declaration of their principles to
the nation and the world.
We hope that many of our friends who are in Europe
may be able to attend the congress. William Lloyd
Garrison, Edwin D. Mead, Lucia Ames Mead and Ben-
jamin F. Trueblood have been appointed delegates to
represent the American Peace Society. We shall be
glad to make any other members of the society dele-
gates who will inform us of their intention to be present.
Mr. Bloch, whose great six-yolume work
on “The Future of War” has produced
such a profound impression in all parts
of Europe, continues his investigations and discussions,
whose purpose is to show that war under the present
perfected state of the implements used has become ut-
terly absurd. A paper written by him on the lessons of
the Transvaal war was read on the 24th of June at the
United Service Institution, London. He declared that
the South African war has proved that military service
as practiced to-day is absurd, and that the sacrifice made
on the Continent to support conscription is unneces-
sary. The war has showed that the theatrical spectacles
called man«wuvres are in no way related to real warfare.
One of the most remarkable features is the constant im-
possibility of determining the enemy’s position. This is
not attributable to British defective reconnoissance, but
It is not mistakes made
to the new conditions of war.
by the British nor the qualities of the Boers, who have
shown an entire lack of rational strategy and tactics,
which produce the results seen, but smokeless powder
and long-range, quick-firing rifles, which involve disper-
sion and invisibility to a degree unheard of formerly,
and to the possibility of providing riflemen with a larger
number of cartridges. The action of artillery in South
Africa has been generally absolutely contemptible against
an intrenched enemy. The main lesson of the war, Mr.
Bloch declares, is that a successful outcome of a war
of aggression could not be hoped for against any great
power, still less against allied powers. No results could
be obtained in a great European war. It has become
impossible to wage war decisively. Mr. Bloch argues
from these data that the only rational thing to do is for
the powers to abandon conscription and the whole present
military system, and to turn their attention at once to
the perfecting of pacific methods of settling disputes.
In a recent editorial the Boston Herald
recommends that the Alaska boundary
question, which has reached a dead-lock
in the Joint High Commission, be leit to the decision of
It makes this proposition, because
The Czar as
the Czar of Russia.
we purchased the territory, with whatever rights went
with it, from Russia, which is therefore supposed to know
more about the subject than any one else.
arbitrator would meet the English contention that the
The Czar as
umpire, in case of arbitration, should be a European, and
he would be in every way unobjectionable to the United
States, as Russia is well-known not to be prejudiced in
favor of England. We see no objection to the course
suggested by the //erald, if the case is to be submitted
to a special arbitrator or board of arbitrators. Russia
would be able to furnish as good and impartial an ar-
bitrator in the person of Mr. Frederick de Martens as
could possibly be found. But what the United States
and Great Britain under the circumstances ought to do
is to turn the case over to the Hague court. The de-
cision of this court would carry much greater weight
than that of any individual, however able and impartial.
Mr. de Martens is a member of the court. The Czar,
if the case were intrusted to him, would most likely
wani to put it into the court’s hands. It would be wise
in every way for the two governments interested to go
direct to the court, which they have had such a prom-
They owe it to themselves
inent part in establishing.
and their arbitration history to do this.
by submitting this important case, with all the minor
cases grouped with it, to the new tribunal, give it such a
start and such immediate prestige as would not be possi-
ble through the reference to it of a dozen or more less
difficult cases. There is no necessity, from any point of
view, now that the Hague court is ready to take cases,
to give any thought to the question of devising a special
tribunal. The Hague court, which is to be the supreme
tribunal of the world, and which all friends of interna-
tional justice and peace desire to make strong and effti-
cient, ought to be put into operation with the least
possible delay. The Alaska boundary controversy is
ready at hand, and the only entirely sensible way to
dispose of it, it seems to us, is the one here suggested.
In reference to the tariff contentions
f bl . .
Tariff Troubles now going on between this country and
Russia a valued correspondent writes us:
“In the course of the present trouble over the tariff
with Russia, were our relations with that country, present
and traditional, decidedly less cordial than is the case,
it would take but a repetition of hot-brained recrimina-
tions on the part of the daily press, such as prevailed in
England in 1853-54, to bring on another ‘ Crimean
War’ — with the Stars and Stripes in place of the Union
Jack on the opposing side of Balaklava and Sebastopol.”
It cannot be said that the tariff troubles have as yet
produced any strained relations between the two coun-
tries, but they are nevertheless most unfortunate. They
seem to have come about originally from misunderstand-
ing and lack of information. The two governments are
now engaged in explanations and counter explanations,
and we look for no further serious contention. The state
departments of both countries are pacific and conciliatory
in spirit, and that counts for almost as much as the long-
continued friendly relations between the two nations.
The whole episode proves again the necessity of accu-
rate knowledge on the part of officials before action. If
Secretary Gage had known all about the nature of the
Russian sugar bounty, so called, it is not likely that he
would have taken the course which he did, and so of the
Russian minister on the matter of petroleum. Some
other course would have been found possible. The epi-
sode proves again also that tariff retaliation is not only
bad morals, but bad policy, as all tariff waris. It is a
game at which two can }lay, and are very certain to
play, if a move is once made. Tariff wars may become
in the end very bitter and lead straight to serious po-
litical disturbances. The trouble has given rise in Europe
to a great deal of unfavorable comment upon the United
States, and the hope has been expressed that Russia had
actually taken the lead in the European tariff combina-
tion against our country which has been so often sug-
gested. There appears to be no truth in this, but the
mere suggestion indicates bad blood, for which our stiff
and severe tariff system is in considerable measure re-
sponsible. Our present system is far from being a peace-
maker, and we hope that some of its worst features may
soon be corrected by the speedy and large application of
The short address made by Baron von
—— Holleben, the German Ambassador, at the
alumni dinner at Harvard University on
the 26th ult., was a most significant and encouraging ut-
terance. It was in accord with what Ambassador White
recently published in one of the Berlin journals concern-
ing friendship between the two countries. Baron von
Holleben said, among other things, in allusion to the
degree which the university had bestowed upon him:
“ You want to honor the nation which in its ancient
places of learning has incessantly striven for science and
knowledge, for freedom of intellect abroad. Behind your
appreciation of German scholarship perhaps takes shape
also the friendly thought of German music and art, of
German literature and religious movements. But I should
not fulfill completely my role as envoy from the land over
there, did I not bring assurance that it is more than books
and tunes which my fatherland sends you over the sea —
that it is, more than all else, goodwill and friendship.
« Mr. President, we all know how, through the influ-
ence of the market and the turmoil of newspaper writers,
the tone of the true sentiment may be sometimes mis-
understood. Since the first Atlantic cable between this
country and Germany was laid last summer, not only
words of harmony have been sent over; too often there
have sounded false notes and suspicious and alarming
rumors. But yet all Germany feels that the two great
branches of the Teutonic race belong together (applause),
OF PEACE. 139
and that while the millions of German-Americans may
form an outward tie between them, a deep community of
aims and ideas links them internally. . German ideas
of study and work have been welcomed here, and Harvard
is the first and only place in America where a German
museum has been started to give an artistic background
to the study of German history and culture. It is as a
symbol of these friendly relations that you have invited
the representative of the German empire to this great
occasion. . I am most profoundly grateful to be re-
ceived into your historic communion, but I do not know
a better way to show myself worthy of the honor than
by promising that I shall do at all times my best for
peaceful relations between Germany and the United
The way in which men are
leaving Austria in order to escape army
Militarism. . :
service ought to be a lesson to any Ameri-
can who is so foolish as to wish to see our own military
establishment brought into any sort of rivalry with those
of the Old World. Mr. Addison B. Harris, lately United
States minister to Austria, has recently returned home,
and says that not less than seventy-five thousand young
men come to the United States from that country every
year to escape service in the army. A number of these
do not come so much to remain and become United
States citizens as to escape the necessity of military
service. They stay in this country five years, take out
naturalization papers, and when they go back to their
native country they claim, as citizens of this country,
exemption from army service. A good many of them,
Mr. Harris says, get into trouble and keep the American
minister busy getting them released. This large exodus
of Austrian young men (and the same is true of other
countries), which gives the army officials great dis-
turbance, is a revelation of the deep and widespread.
dislike of militarism among the younger generation in
Europe. There is not a particle of doubt that the oppo-
sition to it is abundant enough, if it could only be
expressed in united and persistent form, to overthrow
the present military system root and branch. It will,
we are sure, find means in a few years, and courage too,
to bring itself to bear irresistibly upon the governments.
Toward this end the European oganizations which are
working for the checking and reduction of armaments
will find it most wise and practicable to labor. There
is no other line along which they may work so ef-
fectively. If all these seventy-five thousand young men
per year had the faith and heroic spirit to remain at
home and refuse to do army service, at no matter what
cost in suffering, five years would entirely suffice to rid
their country of the hated evil. It is a big sacrifice to
ask of them; but if ‘it is sweet and glorious to die for
one’s country,’ why not in this way, which is much less
horrible than that of the battlefield and camp ?
The new International Union established
at Paris last autumn has appealed to the
various branches of the Independent Labor
Party in England to aid in bringing pressure to bear to
give political effect to the work of the Hague Conference.
This is a service in which every labor organization
throughout the world can, in the political ways of its
own country, take most effective part. We commend to
their most serious consideration the suggestions of Mr.
S. G. Hobson, in an article in a recent number of Zhe
Labor Leader (London). He writes:
“ Under that Convention an international arbitration
court has been founded, to which the signatory nations
can refer their differences. The immediate danger is
that to this court will only be submitted questions which
in any case would have been recognized by the various
nations as fit subjects for arbitration. If this is all that
the international court will be called upon to deal with,
we may set down the Hague Conference as a failure. It
remains for those of us in the various countries of Europe
to see to it that arbitration shall be considered just as
obligatory upon all peoples of the earth in obtaining
judgment upon questions which they deem vital to their
existence. No section of the nation is more concerned
in securing this great end than are the workers of Great
Britain. If they do not supply the international court of
arbitration with steam power, they will have only them-
selves to blame if, at some future time, we find ourselves
precipitated into a European war without having first
resorted to arbitration.
“For these reasons I trust that when the various
branches of the I. L. P. are invited to coéperate to this
end, they will one and all give the weight of their infiu-
ence and support. I think all your readers will agree
with me that to bring political pressure upon the British
government to respect the spirit of the Hague Conference,
not only with regard to arbitration, but to the usages of
war, is eminently a subject which should be dealt with
by the I. L. P. branches. What is wanted most at the
present moment is a compelling force brought to bear
upon the government to secure treaties with all the sig-
natories to the Hague Convention to the effect that all
differences between the nations, whether vital or other-
wise, shall be referred to the international court of arbi-
tration. ‘To bring this about, pressure must be brought
to bear upon members of Parliament of every political
shade. The various branches of the I. L. P. will be
asked to act as a nucleus in each constituency. This
once agreed to, I suggest that each branch should invite
every prominent person in the district who is known to
be favorable to the cause of peace to coéperate with
them in the formation of a group for the special purposes
The Pilgrim for June publishes a draw-
ing representing the manner in which the
Russian soldiers are taught the art of the
Life-sized, puffy dummies are hung up by the
head in a doorway sort of frame set upon big rockers.
The soldiers are set to stabbing these dummies, clubbing
THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.
them over the heads with the butts of their muskets, etc.
The poor dummies, as if possessed with sensitive human
spirits, oscillate back and forth and swing from side to
side, as if to escape the butchery and clubbing to which
they are subjected. Of this training the Pilgrim remarks:
“This art, when mastered, they may apply to the
Chinese, whom they are even now robbing of their lands
and their women; or, if their fathers should weary of the
autocracy of the Czar and the exactions of his tax-
gatherer, the sons may apply to them the treatment of
clubbed muskets and bayonet thrusts which we see them
assiduously practicing. The most useful of all arts, in
the estimation of despotic governments, is this. By it
they are maintained, and by it, with the aid of a few
bands, some gold-lace, trumpery decorations, and a great
deal of flatulent oratory, they can turn the minds of their
people away from needed reforms at home to glory and
theft abroad. And so the Czar, who would not have
his people taught to read lest at the same time they learn
to think, and into whose plan of national development
the thought of enhancing the industrial power of the
masses by systematic instruction in arts and crafts has
never entered, spends their money lavishly in teaching
them to kill. At this very instant some thousands of
the servants of the Czar are climbing breastworks, de-
livering blows and thrusts upon rocking dummies made
in the image of man-—as man was made in that of his
Maker — passing on over the crest of the works and
doing mimic murder upon other effigies beyond; for it
is clearly not enough that they should be taught to carry
the works, but must slaughter all defenders. The stories
that come out of China tell how thoroughly the Russians
were schooled in this art of war.
“ Nothing could be more ridiculous — were it not for
the grim hatefulness of it all—than this occupation of
thousands of healthy young men, intelligent, if their in-
tellects were only aroused by education, having fathers,
mothers, sisters, and sweethearts who need their aid
while they are playing soldier, possessing the ordinary
human affections, yet giving up their time to preparation
for wholesale slaughter of their kind. ... The ‘poor
blockheads’ whom we see in the engraving thrusting
and striking with a vigor and a zest that would be in-
valuable if applied to the clearing of a virgin forest or
the breaking of a rugged bit of land, are preparing them-
selves to kill and be killed in the service of a master
who diligently avoids himself the field of battle. Small
wonder if occasionally one finds an extra zest in slaughter-
ing his dummy by imagining it an effigy of the Czar.”
In an address at Rochester, N. Y., at
the Women’s Peace Meeting held on the
18th of May, Rev. W. C. Gannett of that
city uttered, among others, the following most pertinent
and timely words:
“The wars and the professional warriors are the refuse
shell heaps of an earlier and lower stage of civilization.
They lie along the coasts of history, marking the con-
ditions that once prevailed among men. We still eat
oysters, but we do not live mainly on them, as men once
did in certain parts of the earth. In civilized communi-
ties we are passing out of the day of fisticuffs as a
method of settling disputes between individuals. Where-
ever the duel lingers, though it be in the heart of an
emperor and a goodly nation, we note the fact as a relic
of the lower stage. Wherever the wrath of a commun-
ity takes the form of lynch law instead of the slower,
saner, surer methods of court law, we deplore the fact
as again the sign of lower civilization lingering in our
midst. It is not to the credit of an American home, but
to its discredit, another sign of the lower survival, when
its boy wants to go to West Point, that is, wants to
select war, in either its defensive or its aggressive form,
as his occupation for life—the thing he was sent on
earth to do. It is not to the credit of a commun-
ity, but a sign of the lower survival, that the statues and
monuments set in its public places, silently proclaiming,
‘ These are our ideals of manhood and patriotism; these
the makers of our nation, ’— not toa community’s credit,
I say, that these should be mainly monuments to men
of the sword. . . The man of the sword, the man of
the club — let us do justice to their personal bravery, so
often exhibited ; to their willingness to die in the service
which they have selected to render; to the nobility of
personal character so often possessed; to the part they
play in defending us against the incursions of ruffianism ;
— but let us not believe, or make believe, that the men and
the methods of foree — of force represented by the ex-
ecutioner’s tools — should have the honors we give to
the real upbuilders and advancers of civilization.”
The ew Aye thus describes the pro-
test against the war of a meeting of two
England. : >
thousand workingmen and women held at
the Battersea Town Hall, London, on the 2d of June:
“It is no exaggeration to say that the anti-war demon-
stration in Battersea Town Hall on Sunday evening last
marks an epoch in the history of the war, if not in the
history of the country. No mere newspaper report,
however full and accurate, would suffice to indicate in
any adequate degree the intensity of feeling, the extra-
ordinary enthusiasm or the wonderful unanimity which
prevailed at the meeting. Here we had a perfectly free
and open meeting of fully two thousand thoroughly
respectable, earnest, workingmen and women, drawn
from all parts of the Metropolis, shouting themselves
hoarse in their approval of the strongest sentiments con-
demnatory of our national crime in South Africa, and,
finally, with absolute unanimity agreeing to the most
comprehensive resolution against the war which has
probably yet been submitted to a public meeting in this
country, including as it did a demand for the recognition
of the independence of the two Republics, a condemna-
tion of the provocative diplomacy of the government
which eventuated in war, and a demand that Lord Milner
should be prevented from aggravating an already sufli-
ciently difficult situation by having his baneful influence
permanently withdrawn from the sphere of his recent
labors. The meeting rose as one man to both Mr.
Merriman and Mr. Sauer on their rising to speak, and
for three hours listened with eager attention and sympa-
thetic interest while those gentlemen and some five or
six other speakers told and retold the tale of our in-
THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.
famous proceedings in South Africa. Not the least
significant indication of the feeling of the meeting was
furnished when, with evident emotion, Mr. Sauer de-
scribed in simple but telling phrases the awful havoc
wrought, and being wrought, by the war in erstwhile
peaceful and prosperous South Africa. In_ particular,
his references to the unmanly and disgraceful treatment
of the Boer women and children evoked a storm of pro-
test. No less enthusiastic was the applause evoked
by the sturdy declaration of republican principles by the
same speaker, and by his references to the deleterious
effects on the morals of the nation of what he styled
‘pampered loyalty.’ Needless to say, Mr. John Burns
met with a grand reception, and his speech delivered
in his usual terse, pithy and vigorous manner was worthy
of the occasion. Perhaps the gem of a really magnifi-
cent speech was his likening of Mr. Chamberlain to
Mephistopheles ‘ with his blood-red feather in his blood-
red cap,’ a simile which fairly took the audience by
storm. The meeting was one which will long live in
the memory of those who were privileged to be present,
and we believe it will prove to be but the precursor of
many similar gatherings throughout the country.”
The Jubilee Convention of the Y.M.C.A.,
¥. BCs. which met in Boston from the 11th to the
Jubilee. : ne :
16th of June, was an event of first import-
delegates present from many parts of the world, and
ance from more than one point of view. were
greetings were sent by a number of national rulers. The
spirit of the occasion was most enthusiastic, and there
was a feeling manifested of profound gratitude for what
the organization has been able to accomplish in the fifty
years of its existence. The direct work of the Y.M.C. A,
is one of the noblest possible, namely, the redemption
and spiritual development of young men, who, in our
day more than ever it seems, are put under strains upon
their moral nature which seem very difficult to resist.
The homelike work of young men for young men, which
the Association does, in the cities, on the railroads, in
the army and navy and elsewhere, is surpassed in practi-
cal importance by few other lines of religious and moral
ing to the cause of international goodwill and peace,
though indirect, is scarcely less valuable than its direct
But the service which the organization is render-
work. It is binding together into a real brotherhood
multitudes of young men of different nationalities, and
teaching them to think of one another, not as aliens and
enemies, but as brethren and friends. Thus the sso-
ciation, silently and for the most part unconsciously, but
none the less powerfully, is assisting in working out the
Who knows but that at
its next jubilee, so swiftly do things move in these times,
unity and peace of the world.
it will see this unity and peace an accomplished fact? We
hope the Association will never allow itself to lose sight
of this noble peace role, which is a part of its divinely
appointed mission. This we fear it did momentarily,
through the obsequiousness which it showed to our
army and navy at the Jubilee reception. No objection
could be offered to its work among soldiers and seamen
being properly presented, but to make the main reception
of the Jubilee an army and navy night, with prominent
military and naval officers among the chief receivers, was
most inappropriate and regrettable. The character of
the reception was such as to inspire the young with the
notion that the army and navy offer the most fitting and
honorable career for Christian young men, and that they
are among the foremost agents in Christian civilization.
This criticism has been made by many of the best friends
of the Association. We make it in the kindliest spirit,
because we do not wish to see this great organization
turn aside from its holy mission to flirt with institutions
which stand not for a Christian future, but represent the
barbarous and uncivilized past.
Death has been very busy among the
Board of Directors of the American Peace
little more than twelve months four of its most regu-
lar and active members have been taken away. First,
William E. Sheldon, a prominent educator, was stricken
Then Barthold Schlesinger, a re-
Workers. : ;
Society during the past year.
down in a moment.
tired business man, almost as suddenly.
Leveret M. Chase, long a master in the Boston public
schools, of whom mention was made in our last issue,
passed away as in the twinkling of an eye. Since our
last issue we have been called on to give up another of
our best co-workers, Rev. Charles B. Smith, of West
Medford, Mass., who bad been for sixteen years a mem-
ber of the Board. The Society and the cause have never
had a truer and more earnest friend. From early life
Mr. Smith became convinced that war and Christianity
are entirely incompatible, and he at once began that clear
and uncompromising advocacy of peace principles which
he kept up with extraordinary fidelity and zeal till his
end came at the ripe age of eighty-six. He was one of
the most transparently good men whom we have ever
met. His ideas of truth and right were clear and un-
confused, and he presented them in a manly, straight-
forward way, that was as refreshing as it was rare. In
his long course as a preacher in the Congregational
Church, he sought on all proper occasions to bring his
church to accept what he believed to be the true standard
of the Prince of Peace. It grieved him deeply that so
many of his brethren in the ministry seemed indifferent
to the subject, or open advocates or excusers of war.
Mr. Smith was one of the representatives of the Ameri-
can Peace Society at the London Peace Congress in
1890, which was presided over by the late distinguished
David Dudley Field.
His address at that Congress was
THE ADVOCATE OF
marked by great clearness and force. More recently he
had attended some of the Mohonk Arbitration Confer-
ences, and he was never so much at home as in the
councils of peace. We have never known any man more
faithful and prompt in the performance of his duties.
As a Director of the American Peace Society he was
practically always at the Board meetings, measuring his
duty not by the habits of others nor by the standard of
numbers. He was present at the next to the last meet-
ing of the Board before he died, and though not strong,
showed as great interest in the work as if he had been
a young man of thirty. Such a man is one of God’s
greatest gifts to the world, and we wish that the streets
and homes everywhere were ful! of those like him.
The ill-will produced by war and con-
euler quest rarely ever dies entirely out among
Martial Law. . i x : as
a people, especially in these days when
men know the meaning of human rights and human
liberties. In some cases it grows deeper and more in-
eradicable as time goes on, as has been the case in Poland.
It would be easy to give a number of examples where
the conquest and incorporation of a people has left a
feeling of hatred just as intense to-day as when the
people was first subjugated. In a recent letter to the
London Daily News, Miss M. Betham-Edwards draws
from the history of the annexation of Alsace and Lor-
raine to Germany a strong argument against the present
course of Great Britain in South Africa. She thus writes:
“It is now seventeen years since I first visited Alsace
and Lorraine, spending some time in the annexed
provinces with French friends. A few years later I
again visited those unhappy provinces, contributing at
some length an account of my experiences to these
columns. Again, four years ago, I crossed the frontier,
being the guest of ‘annexes’ not far from Nancy. Two
or three days ago I was dining with my last mentioned
hosts in Paris, and inquired if matters had at all changed
for the better in that part of France now subject to the
German Emperor. My friend’s answer was of the briefest
possible, but what a lesson for ourselves at the present
moment is conveyed in these few words: ‘ No,’ he replied,
‘things remain precisely as they were. Alsace and Lor-
raine still remain under martial law, and French and
Germans hold no intercourse whatever.’ I quote the last
sentence for the consideration of those who fondly im-
agine that Briton and Boer are going to fraternize in the
desert we have made of South Africa. It is now, be it
remembered, thirty years since Alsace and the greater
portion of Lorraine became German by right — or rather
wrong — of conquest.”
At the dinner extended by the Pan-
American Exposition directors to the Na-
tional Editorial Association on the 13th
Secretary of State Hay made an address of
extraordinary force and beauty, in which he expressed
sentiments which ought to be reéchoed by every Ameri-
can. He said:
“There have been statesmen and soldiers who have
cherished the fancy in the past year of a vast American
army recruited from every country between the Arctic
and Antarctic seas, which should bind us together in one
immense military power, that might overawe the older
civilizations. But this conception belongs to the past,
to an order of things that has gone, I hope, forever by.
How far more inspiring is the thought of the results we
see here now; how much more in keeping with the better
times in whose light we live, and the still more glorious
future to which we look forward, is the result we see
to-day of the armies of labor and intelligence in every
country of this new world, all working with one mind
and one will, not to attain an unhappy preéminence in
the art of destruction, but to advance in liberal emula-
tion in the arts which tend to make men happier and
better, to make this long-harassed and tormented earth
a brighter and more blest abode for men of goodwill.
Here you have force, which enables men to con-
quer and tame the powers of nature; wealth, not meant,
as Tennyson sang, to rest in moulded heaps, but smit
with the free light to melt and fatten lower lands ; beauty,
not for the selfish gratification of the few, but for the
joy of the many, to fill their days with gladness and their
nights with music. And hovering over all the sublime,
the well-nigh divine conception of a brotherhood of mu-
tually helpful nations, fit harbinger and forerunner of a
brotherhood of man.
“God forbid that there should be in all this the slight-
est hint of vainglory, still less of menace to the rest of
the world. On the contrary, we cannot but think that
this friendly challenge we sent out to all peoples, con-
voking them also to join in this brotherly emulation, in
which the prizes are, after all, merely the right to further
peaceful progress in good work, will be to the benefit
and profit of every country under the wide heaven. Out
of a good source evil cannot flow; out of the light dark-
ness cannot be born. The benignant influences that shall
emanate from this great festival of peace shall not be
bounded by oceans nor by continents.”
The Boston Globe, commenting on the
reconcentrado methods of the British in
South Africa, says:
“That the British are doing exactly what Weyler did
is beyond all question. The British war secretary ad-
mitted freely as much the other day. Questioned in the
House of Commons, he explained that sixty-three thousand
Boers were penned up in the reconcentration camps of
South Africa, and that some thirty-four thousand of them
were children. The horrors of these worse than slave
pens have been more than once described. The groans
of weeping, starving, shivering, despairing women fill the
air. Once happy wives and mothers are huddled together
in dingy tents upon the bare veldt. The children, torn
from their fathers, cry for bread that is moistened with
the tears of mothers.
“ The very method of reconcentradoism savors of bar-
OF PEACE. 143
barity. We said of the Spanish that a people capable of
such practices merited the wrath of humanity. Why not
the British, then? They stand accused of these practices
out of the mouths of their own subjects, and their war
secretary stands up unblushingly in parliament and
“ But the end is not yet. For the sake of destroying
the Boer habitations, british soldiers are said to put in
all their spare time in shooting every bird and beast in
sight. The purpose seems to be to create a grim silence
in South Africa, broken only perhaps by the sound of
owls and vultures.
“This is the very insanity of war—to make a desert
where it cannot make a conquest. The Boers, however,
are not yet conquered, and all the omens of the time
seem to presage that before this seemingly interminable
war is over the graveyard of the british empire will have
been dug. Mighty wrongs breed mighty penalties.”
- The conferring of an honorary LL.D. on the
German Ambassador, Baron von Holleben, by Harvard
University has given great pleasure in Germany, to the
Emperor and all others.
. Many messages of sympathy for Secretary Hay
in the severe blow that has befallen him in the death of
his son, Adelbert S. Hay, have been sent over from Eng-
land and the European continent. Mr. Hay has won the
friendship of all right-minded people abroad and at home
by his generous, highminded and impartial spirit towards
The Woman's Journal (3 Park St., Boston) has
reprinted as a leaflet the article which appeared in its
issue of May 25, giving in considerable detail the appal-
ling facts as to regulation of vice in the Philippines by
the military authorities. The /owrnal appeals to the
nation to bring pressure to bear upon Congress to put an
end at once to the government’s participation in the ini-
quity. But what a comment it is that such an appeal
should have to be made, when the authorities at Wash-
ington are perfectly aware of the facts !
F An embassy of several noted lamas of Thibet is
said to be on the w ay to St. Petersburg to make protest
against British aggressions on their territory and to seek
the aid of Russiain resisting them. More civilization
probably is coming, by either the mouth of the Lion or
that of the Bear!
, It is reported that in spite of recent wars and
the continual growth of armaments the Krupp Works
in Germany are without orders for cannons, that the era
of gun-making is on the decline, and that the workmen
are being turned off by thousands. This is the best of
news, if it is true. The workmen will find something
else to do, where they will not be promoting the greatest
curse of humanity.
Lord Raglan, British under-secretary for war,
has announced, in a public speech, that if the army can-
not be increased by volunteering, conscription will be
Thomas Hardy, the English author, is recorded
as saying: “Oh, yes, war is doomed. It is doomed by
the gradual growth of the introspective faculty in man-
kind — of their power of putting themselves in another’s
place, and taking a point of view that is not their own.
In another aspect, this may be called the growth of a
sense of humor. Not to-day, nor to-morrow, but in the
fulness of time, war will come to an end, not for moral
reasons, but because of its absurdity.”
Countess von Crockow writes in the New York
Indep ndent that she has lived in Germany over twenty
years, and never till this year received invitations to
join anti-military or international arbitration unions.
She also writes that the advocates of disarmament are
now granted a hearing, and not ridiculed as they were
a short time ago.
At the request of the governments of Italy and
Peru, the President of Switzerland has named Mr.
Winkler, the Swiss .Federal Tribunal, to
act as arbitrator in the interpretation of an article of
the treaty of navigation and commerce of 1874. The
two governments pledge themselves to abide by the
award of the arbitrator.
An officer of the regular army,
nearly the whole of his life in the service of the
States, in a recent letter to the New writes :
“The moral tone of the army tolerates without com-
punction the vices that shock the sensibilities of moral
people in civil life. Gambling, profanity, drunkenness,
and Sunday desecration do not degrade or disgrace those
who practice them in the eyes of the military community,
whether among the aristocratic official element or the
. The Anglo- Russian for June says: “The appre-
hension of Russian aggression is now the pervading
national feeling both in Sweden and in Norway, since
it has been established by a series of facts that Russian
Imperial covetousness does not intend to be satisfied
with the new régime in Finland, but is scheming also to
gain a footing on the Scandinavian peninsula. Hence
the energetic activity for army reform, higher military
and naval budgets, more effective fortifications, etc.”
who has spent
pi It is good news that the report that Ambassador
White is to resign his post at Berlin proves to be un-
founded. Mr. White is one of the ablest and most judi-
cious men in the diplomatic service, thoroughly given to
the things which make for friendship and peace. He is
most useful at Berlin in counteracting the influence of
some of our anti-German fire eaters at home.
The Cruiser Newark, homeward bound from Ma-
nila, though built less than ten years ago, is now out of
date, and is to be modernized at the Boston navy yard
at a cost of $500,000. The San Francisco has been over-
hauled at Norfolk at a cost of $500,000, and other cruis-
ers are to be reconstructed at like costs.
; Lord Charles Beresford, second in command of
England’s navy, is again at the trick of trying to get more
and better warships by complaining of the want of
proper strength and efficiency in Great Britain’s Mediter-
ranean fleet. Poor England! It is a hard race to keep
her fleet equal to those of any two other powers.
’ In a recent interview in London, Mr. Herbert W.
Bowen, the newly appointed United States minister to
Venezuela, said that the first and foremost duty of a
representative of any country abroad is to promote
friendly feeling on the part of all nations with whom he
may be brought in contact. That is admirably put, and
it is an expression of the new spirit which is more and
more taking possession of diplomacy.
Mr. Robert Gorden Butler, in the June //ome
Magazine, estimates that the wars of the nineteenth
century cost $17,922,000,000, or six dollars per second
of the entire century, or six dollars per minute for the
period of six thousand years since creation, according to
the old chronology. This is actual war expenses, and
includes neither the indirect cost of war nor the cost of
armies and navies in times of peace.
General Chaffee, in his report on the campaign
in China, says that through “ the indiscriminate and gen-
eraliy unprovoked shooting of Chinese, in city, country
and along the line of march and the river, fifty harm-
less coolies or laborers on farms, including not a few
women and children, have been slain” to every real
In his address at Tufts College on June 19, Min-
ister Conger said that “there is a very grave rains that,
by judging the entire Chinese people by the events that
happened about its capital vt summer, gross miscon-
ceptions may be had.” He explained that the uprising
was confined to three out of the eighteen provinces, and
that “he was unwilling that the entire Chinese people
be charged with a crime that they did not commit and
did not encourage.”
Boxer killed after the capture of Pekin.
reports have said nothing more condemnatory
The Gospel Messenger, commenting on the new
plain uniforms which are to be used in the German army,
says: “Nothing ought to disguise its (war’s) real sig-
nificance. Stripped of its romance, its deadly purpose
shall be written in every feature. Widows, orphans,
lonely graves, and heavy debts upon impoverished
countries, are the logical outgrowth of war, and let
nothing be done to hide this awful truth.”
Apropos of the mischief which certain politicians
in this country are trying to make in regard to our re-
lations with Germany, Ambassador Andrew D. White
has written in a Berlin journal that “There is not the
slightest ground for apprehension of difficulties between
Germany and the United States under any circumstances,
and least of all on account of the so-called Margarita
island incident, cleared up nearly two months ago.’
The colony of Algeria, which has already cost
France several billions of franes, is costing the French
treasury at the present time about eighty million francs,
or sixteen million dollars, a year.
In an important article on “ Young Men and the
Republic’ which President Loubet of France has con-
tributed to the Saturday Evening Post (Philadelphia),
for July 13, will be found an interesting reference to
France’s relations to our country and also to the other
The State Department has received a dispatch
from Mr. Rockhill, at Peking, saying that Prince Chuan,
brother of the Emperor, is to sail for Germany on the
20th of July, on a special mission. He is expected to
return by way of the United States, and will probably
reach this country in October. It is supposed that his
mission to Germany is to apologize for the murder of the
German minister at Peking. [lis visit to this country is
interpreted to be a particular remark of appreciation of
the course taken by our State Department in the Chinese
The Cuban constitutional convention, on June 12,
accepted the Platt amendment by a vote of 16 to 11.
The resolution to accept was voted without discussion.
- -——<> + —
Double It, and Double It Again.
To enable the ApvocaTE oF PEACE to exert the in-
fluence the cause demands, its circulation ought to be
doubled, and then doubled again, within the next year.
This can be done if every person who receives the paper
will make proper effort to increase its circulation. I am
in my seventy-fourth year, and not possessed of robust
health, but after reading a few numbers of the Apvo-
caTE I became impressed with the conviction that it was
my duty to extend its circulation by securing new sub-
scribers. Thereupon, about the Ist of May I set about
the work, and in less than five weeks obtained and for-
warded to the publishers the names of seventeen new
annual subscribers, with the pay therefor.
This was done without much loss of time. I do not
feel that I have fully discharged my duty in that line,
but propose, the Lord willing, to continue the effort as
I may have opportunity. And now, to every friend of
the cause of peace I would say, Go thou and do likewise.
Intelligent opposers of the war spirit realize that our
country, not to speak of any other nation, is in the
midst of a crisis that is calculated to decide its future,
either for weal or for woe. The conflict between the
spirit of peace and goodwill among mankind and the
spirit of war and hatred cannot be postponed to a coming
generation. We have too much light, too many means
of communication, by which the people may be instructed
and taught the lessons of righteousness and peace, to
justify ourselves in the sight of God if we fail to put
forth an earnest effort to strengthen the cause. Such
effort as I here propose would double, and double again,
the circulation of the Apvocarr, and greatly aid in
bringing about the desired result.
WestTFIELD, Inp., June 15, 1901.
P.S.—In a business letter of recent date which I
have received from an American citizen now in South
Africa, one paragraph reads as follows:
‘““Tam exceedingly thankful that God in His infinite good-
ness permitted me to grasp something of what peace means,
for in these times, when feeling runs so high, there is nothing
else that will keep one out of these wars. Judging from what
I have seen and heard here, I believe there never has been a
time when men so needed to stand true to their belief that
war and the Spirit of Christ have nothing in common.”’
OF PEACE. 145
O Martial Man, Awake!
BY EDWIN ARNOLD BRENHOLTZ.
That heroes’ deeds should thus be
That lives heroic as the race
Hath e’er produced should do what God abhors!
the shame, the deep disgrace,
saved for wars!
If but one thousandth part of all
The time and treasure spent to train for this
Were given, in haste, to heed the call
Of Love, this world were bathed in waves of bliss.
Awake, O Martial Man!
And see thyself as ages hence will scan
Thee and thy deeds, when all this dreadful lake —
Of blood, of blood! —
And tempest, thick, of sighs and groans and tears
And deeds of rapine and of rape shall flood
The page of hist’ry as the tale of years
When ye held sway,
Held Peace at bay.
Awake, O Martial Man!
How shal! such deeds e’er bide th’
Shall we to Life such an accounting make —
Of death, of death!
And of destruction, wanton,— as the sum
Of all our thoughts and acts whilst we had breath ?
Of good produced bring forth no single crumb
For men to see:
where is SHE ?
winnowing fan ?
Awake! tear from those lids
The weights, the scales:
These plaudits of unthinking man — those bids
For thy strong arm to strike when he bewails
Thy brother's acts.
Be not deceived! Man dreads, not worships, thee;
For all thy gold and plumes hide not the facts
Disclosed on every page that ye, that ye,
Are tyrants’ tools:
Enforce Hell’s rules.
The Bravest of the Brave.
‘Europe was never so entirely and terribly armed. Woe to him who
sets fire to Europe now.”’— Moltke.
Who was the bravest of the brave,
The bravest hero ever born ?
*Twas one who dared a felon’s grave,
Who dared to bear the scorn of scorn.
Nay, more than this— when sword was drawn,
And vengeance waited but His word,
He looked with pitying eyes upon
The scene and said, ** Put up thy sword!”
Could but one king be found to-day
As brave to do, as brave to say ?
“ Put up thy sword”? into the sheath!
‘ Put up thy sword,” “ Put up thy sword!”
By Cedron’s brook thus spake beneath
The olive trees our King and Lord,
Spake calm and kinglike. Sword and stave
And torch and stormy men of death
Made clamor. Yet He spoke not, save
With loving word and patient breath,
“ Put up thy sword” into the sheath!
The peaceful olive boughs beneath.
Ye Christian kings, in Christ's dear name
I charge you live no more this lie.
‘Put up thy sword!” The time they came
To bind and lead Him forth to die,
Behold this was His last command!
Yet ye dare cry to Christ in prayer,
With red and reeking sword in hand!
Ye dare do this as devils dare!
Ye liars, liars, great and small,
Ye cowards, cowards, cowards ali!
O God, but for one gallant ezar,
One valiant king, one fearless queen!
Yea, there would be an end of war,
If but one could be heard or seen
To follow Christ: to bravely ery,
* Put up thy sword!” ** Put up thy sword!”
And let us dare to live and die
As did command our King and Lord;
With sword commanded to its sheath,
The blessed olive boughs beneath.
Appeal to the Women of All Countries.
The Women’s Universal Peace Alliance (Princess
W iszniewska, president, Tbis rue du Débareadére, Paris)
has sent out the following appeal to the women of all
“The last years of the nineteenth century were marked
by a deplorable recrudescence of barbarism. Cruel war
caused the shedding of much blood and tears, and the
genius of man was turned again to the business of
“ But these sad events should not discourage us. Quite
the contrary. More than ever should we women, the
most unfortunate victims of war, unite to combat this
scourge, which may perhaps be done away by our inter-
vention and efforts. In fact, if all women understood
the importance of their mission as peacemakers, the
power which they are capable of exercising in all circles,
and especially the depth of meaning of the adage, ‘ W ho-
ever controls education controls the future, there would
be no more war.
“Women can, and hence should, unite their efforts to
arrest this flow of blood and tears, to remove the causes
of conflagration, and to establish upon the earth the
reign of real justice and true fraternity among the na-
tions. We who give life are appointed to the special
role of assuring to our children the right to live.
“In the midst of the prevailing iniquities and hatreds
the idea of peace has appeared, like the dawn of the day,
and its rays are being extended over the earth. The
gospel of universal brotherhood is now proclaimed by
multitudes of lips. The ideal of kindness and forgive-
ness is attracting men’s souls, and human intelligence is
beginning to detest the glory of the conqueror and to
interest itself in the lot of his victims.
“Tere, then, is the path which women ought to take,
and to direct into it the new generations. The future
is surely in their hands, for they are the first educators
of youth. They are the inspirers of man, and often his
co-workers. By their words of persuasion they can and
they ought to put into the souls whose moral direction
is in their hands the spirit of pity, of kindness and of
love. They will thus be able, in whatever social circle
they move, to contribute to the conversion of the spirit
of war into the spirit of peace.
“Tt has been the good fortune of the Women’s Uni-
versal Peace Alliance to organize throughout the world
groups of women devoted to the cause. The mothers
who truly love their children, the patriots who are genu-
inely devoted to the good of their country, have pledged
themselves to pursue the task of the ennoblement of the
human race and of the elevation of the national spirit,
by an education truly worthy of human beings. On the
initiative of the central council of the alliance, they keep
up between different countries friendly intercommuni-
cations and pacific relations the importance of which
will be recognized in the future. Hand in hand, the
mothers, sisters and wives of France, England, Germany,
Russia, Finland, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Italy, Spain,
Roumania, Norway, Sweden, the United States, the Ar-
gentine Republic, Egypt, Syria, Canada, etc., demand,
aside from all political motives, the right to the inviola-
bility of human life, the right to liberty and happiness.
They thus furnish an example of the holiest and most
beautiful of alliances, that whose aim is not conquest by
brute force and destruction, but universal happiness
through love and peace.
« At the Universal Exposition at Paris in 1900, around
a panel on which were placed, as in an arch of Union,
all the official documents of the Women’s Universal
Peace Alliance, floated the banners of all countries, form-
ing an artistic combination of many colors. This repre-
sentation of international harmony was at the same time
impressive and encouraging. It arrested the attention
of all who passed by. The Women’s Universal Peace
Alliance was the first to take the initiative in this col-
lection of symbols from all countries, small as well as
great, fraternizing thus under the auspices of women
aspiring after the ideal of peace. Delegates from differ-
ent countries met in a congress and deliberated earnestly
upon the question of education for peace. Possessed of
the same ideas, pursuing the same object, they realize
how much power there is in union. The possibility of
realizing universal brotherhood, so long dreamed of, be-
came clear to them. They departed, strengthened in
their convictions, cherishing a delightful and imperish-
able memory of the communion of ideas which they had
had together. They returned to their several countries,
animated with hope and new ardor.
“ But it is not the few, the few thousands or millions of
women, who are needed for the realization of the ideal of
peace, that the butcheries and crimes of every sort en-
gendered by hatred and ignorance may disappear forever
from the earth. All women are needed, humble or ex-
alted, poor or rich, unfortunate or fortunate. ‘They
should come and unite their efforts, and seek in every
way to help on this most glorious and beneficent cause.
What is needed is a really wniversal peace alliance of
women, that war may be suppressed by the action of
the universal feminine spirit.”
“Come to us, come with us, oh mothers! whether you
be sad or happy; oh women! whose mission it is to love.
Women of all countries, unite for peace, that wars may
no longer cut down the flower of youth; that your
homes may no longer be pillaged and destroyed.
“ At the Central Bureau, 7bis rue du Débarcadére,
Paris, the permanent committee of the alliance, whose
chairman is the Princess Wiszniewska, is at the service
of all persons who desire to aid in the work.”
Paris, June, 1901.
The Triple Alliance.
BY E, T. MONETA.
From Il Secolo, Milan, Italy.
Ought the treaty establishing the Triple Alliance to be
renewed by Italy? It will not expire till toward the end
of 1903; but it must be remembered that twice already,
in 1887 and in 1891, it was renewed immediately after
its expiration, by the will of the government solely, the
country giving no attention to the matter.
In order that the same story may not be repeated, the
Lombard Peace Union, which has been so often accused
by the Socialists of doing nothing but indulging in aca-
demic discussions, in order to give proof of its practical
character, invited many political and non-political societies
of Milan, in a sort of referendum, to say whether the
treaty should be renewed or not. At the same time the
Union gave its opinion that the treaty should be super-
seded by conventions more civic in character, in harmony
with the stipulations of the Hague Conference, and with
the treaty of peace and arbitration now existing between
Italy and the Argentine Republic.
At the meeting appointed for the 15th of this month
(May), for the discussion of the resolution proposed by
the Peace Union, no delegates will be present from the
Milan Federation of the Italian Socialist Party, because
the Federation believes that for the moment there are
for it “more urgent” questions, and because it does not
wish to take action in accord with adverse parties. Nor
will delegates be present from the Milan Constitutional
Association, which does not consider it opportune to
participate in a public discussion with representatives
of other societies in reference to the Triple Alliance.
Agreement between different parties,— into which the
members of these two societies decline to enter,—in a
resolution looking to the good of the country, to which
in itself they have no objections to offer, this they have
at any rate shown in their refusal. They will doubtless
take pleasure in this fact. It remains to be seen whether
the other societies invited will respond favorably in any
As for myself, I confess that my desire for the accom-
plishment of the purpose which the letter of invitation
had in view is much stronger than my expectation.
The Italian people take an interest in things which
they understand or which directly affect them. ‘They
are aroused when an imminent peril threatens the coun-
try. But as for a question like that of a treaty of alliance,
the conditions of which they do not know, of which they
cannot see the immediate effects, nor imagine the connec-
tion with the taxes which they pay to the government,
with the price of bread and their foreign commercial
dealings, they interest themselves little more than an
inhabitant of Guatemala or of Paraguay might do. But
OF PEACE. 147
we do not wonder at this; for citizens of other countries,
far more experienced than ours in the exercise of politi-
cal liberty, do not interest themselves in questions of
foreign politics, except when these questions are con-
nected with an acute state of affairs, or when, though they
relate to preventable disasters, there is no longer time
for aremedy. We have anew example of this at the
present time in England.
If after the filibustering expedition of Dr. Jameson
against the Transvaal, and that mystification of his trial
in London which turned him into a hero, the English
people had seen that any extension of imperialism by
force of arms would have to be paid for by them with an
unusual increase of taxes, dearness of the means of
living and restriction of commerce,— as the great Glad-
stone had forewarned them,— and if, determined to pre-
vent this, they had put an end to the ambitious and
aggressive policy of Chamberlain, they would not have
to deplore to-day so many thousands of dead buried in
South Africa, nor such huge sums to pay for a war which
has disclosed to all the world the clay feet of the great
British colossus. :
The Triple Alliance, its promoters say, has, since its
existence, given to Italy peace and security, and has
furthermore contributed to the maintenance of the peace
of Europe ; therefore it ought to be renewed.
Were these supposed merits of the Triple Alliance
real, and were the renewal of it in accord with political
wisdom, this would not be a sufficient reason why the
country should continue to show no interest in the matter.
If the people are not inclined of their own initiative to
give the subject proper consideration, if they think that
it is appreciated and left undisturbed by the true-blue
conservatives who wish to have entrusted to the executive
power now and always unlimited authority in questions
which concern the supreme safety and the future of the
nation,— yet it is not reasonable that those also should be
silently satisfied with it who believe that the political
education of the people is brought about by habituating
them to taking an interest in all questions which concern
their present and future condition.
It was with this idea that the Lombard Peace Union
took the initiative ta a discussion of the Triple Alliance,
in common with representatives of other associations,
and directed its appeal to associations of whatever politi-
cal color, because it was aware that eminent men of the
moderate party, like Jacini and Bonghi, were opposed
from the very beginning to the renewal of the Alliance.
The Union believed, further, that the country could be
more easily induced to interest itself in this question, and
that the government would more readily consent to fol-
low the course suggested, if both saw that the solution
proposed was not a matter of party, but had the support
of men and associations of different political opinions.
To those who charge the Lombard Peace Union with
ingenuous folly in taking this initiative, the Union re-
sponds by offering itself as an example. It contains in
its own membership, and even in its Committee of Direc-
tion, men of different and even opposite opinions, Radi-
cals, Republicans, Socialists, Moderates and Catholics ;
and yet since its foundation, thirteen years ago, they all
have always labored in entire harmony for two most
desirable ends: the supplanting of the reign of violence
and international anarchy, which has been dominant up
to the present time, by that of law, to which all nations
ought to be subject; and, secondly, the substitution of a
purely defensive citizen soldiery for the permanent armies
organized for offence. These are the two essential
features of the Union’s program.
Well, what the Lombard Union has been able to do
for so long a time in its own line of service,— why can-
not this be done by associations of citizens of different
opinions, when a question arises which, like that of the
Triple Alliance, surpasses in importance all party pre-
occupations, and affects the great material and moral
interests, the economic prosperity and the political dig-
nity of the whole country ?
Reat CuinesE QUESTION.
New York: Dodd, Mead & Co.
By Chester Iol-
Mr. Holcombe, the author of this work, was for many
years the Secretary of the American Legation at Pekin,
antl acting Minister of the United States at the Chinese
Capital. His opportunities of study and comprehension
of the Chinese people, customs and institutions have been
large, and his work makes clear that he has used these
opportunities to the best advantage. No living man,
perhaps, unless it be Sir Robert Hart, possesses a larger
and truer knowledge of China and her people.
It seems a pity that this work could not have appeared
years ago and been read by millions of people in the
Western nations, whose ignorance of Chinese life, char-
acter and institutions has been as dense as their conceit
of superiority has been disgusting. It might have saved
all the recent horrors
Mr. Holcombe takes up and discusses in order the seri-
ous mistakes of foreigners about the Chinese, the Chinese
character, the literati and their position in the nation,
the Chinese societies, the army and the navy, the mission-
ary and his work, diplomacy, opinion of and opposition
to foreigners, the opium traffic, foreign aggression, the
partition of China, and reform in China. His discussion
of each of these topics, while free from burdensome
technicalities, is thorough and comprehensive, and made
in a most interesting and readable style. Each chapter
seems quite as important as any other. But if we had
to choose, we should say that the core of the subject is
reached in chapters VIII, IX and X, in which Chinese
opinion of foreigners, the opium traffic and foreign ag-
gression are treated.
After reading these chapters one is no longer at a loss,
if he ever was, as to the causes of the recent fearful dis-
turbances which have shaken the whole earth. Mr. Hol-
combe declares that the wonder is, not that the outbreak
occurred, but that it was so long delayed. He says that
the Chinese are fully justified in their opinion that the
policy of the Western powers towards their country is
purely selfish, mercenary and brutal.
His treatment of the opium business is luminous, and
one cannot rise from reading it without a new sense
of horror and indignation at this great crime against a
people who have done their best to keep free from the
degrading evil. The opium traffic, he says, is the main
source and feeder of “the sentiment of inveterate hos-
tility to every product, be it a man, a thing, or an idea,
coming from the Western world.” “The modern great
Chinese wall is mainly constructed of chests of opium.”
The opium vice, which in the main the British govern-
ment is responsible for fastening upon China, has, he says,
rendered any reform difficult to the verge of impossibility,
and unless this vice can be done away he sees no hope
for saving and regenerating the Empire. It is a question
of life and death. If she is freed from opium, left largely
to herself, encouraged and guided in a kindly and friendly
way, she will be able to save herself, but not otherwise.
Mr. Holeombe’s book ought to be read and re-read
by everybody who pretends to any intelligent opinion
on the Chinese question, and by all who desire to cast
the weight of their influence on the right side of the sub-
ject. Something more than the salvation of China is at
stake. How will it be possible for nations who shall have
ruined such a people as the Chinese to save themselves
TRIAL OF THE
Parks. Kansas City:
Publishing Company. Cloth. 173 pages.
This book, published last year, is one of the most re-
markable of the many arraignments of the course of our
government in the matter of the conquest and annexa-
tion of the Philippines. The author was a close personal
and political friend of Abraham Lincoln, has had wide
experience in political affairs, and in both state and na-
tional courts. His argument is putin the form of a trial,
in which William McKinley is arraigned for his conduct
toward the Philippines. The presiding judge is Chief
Justice Marshal, with John Jay and Chancellor Kant
associated with him. The jury is made up of Aristides
of Athens, Cincinnatus of Rome, Lafayette, Alfred the
Great, Count Tolstoy, Washington, Jefferson, Madison,
Lincoln, Grant, Heny Clay, and Bishop Simpson. After
the jury have rendered their verdict of * Guilty as charged
in the indictment,” they decide, because of the importance
of the case, to hold a special public meeting and give
their reasons for their decision. At this meeting each of
them makes a speech in which he sets forth the reasons
for the judgment reached. In this series of speeches
Judge Parks develops in a masterly way his objections
to the course of the administration as opposed to the
fundamental American doctrine of human rights, and as
a foolish and mad “attempt to destroy the great Declara-
tion of the rights of Man.” Incidentally, Mr. Parks
enters his strong protest against the spirit of war and
militarism which has manifested itself recently so danger-
ously in the nation, and sets forth the corruptions which
have attended military operations in the Philippines and
their peril to the country. The book is enriched with
a quotation from Webster’s speech at Philadelphia in
1846, on the “ War Power,” in which is set forth the
usurpation which brought on the Mexican war, and also
with extracts from a speech of Henry Clay in the House
of Representatives in 1818, which contain the well-settled
American doctrine which has been trampled down by
our government’s conquest of the Philippines. Judge
Park’s lecture on Abraham Lincoln before the Oratorical
Association of Michigan University, given at the end of
the book, has been pronounced one of the ablest and
most discriminating estimates of the great President’s
character which have appeared.
By Samuel C.
Commercialism and War.
Arnold White, the London corre-
spondent of the Philadelphia Public
Ledger, one who has an exceptional
understanding of military matters
and acquaintance with men in the
military service, writes to J.W. Leeds,
in reference to the latter’s recent
pamphlet on the Peace Views of
Wiclif, in the following candid
“ You have done public service in
drawing attention to the reformer’s
opinions on the incompatibility be-
tween the teaching of the Mount and
the warlike operations of modern
states. But war itself is not more
opposed to the teaching of Christ
than modern commercialism on the
competitive system; indeed, com-
merce is war. So that apparently we
are reduced to the dilemma that
drove thousands to monastic and con-
ventual life in the middle ages. On
which horn of the dilemma will good
Americans and English elect to be
——we <> +
Herbert Spencer on Militarism.
Iferbert Spencer has written a let-
ter pleading for mitigation of the war
spirit, says a London dispatch to the
New York Journal and Advertiser
of recent date. In it he says:
“ Whatever fosters militarism
makes for barbarism; whatever fos-
ters peace makes for civilization.
There are two fundamentally opposed
principles on which social life may
be organized — compulsory coépera-
TO THE DEAF.
A rich lady, cured of her Deafness
and Noises in the Head by Dr.
Nicholson’s Artificial Ear Drums,
gave $10,000 to his Institute, so that
deaf people unable to procure the
Ear Drums may have them free.
Address No. 4971, The Nicholson
Institute, 780 Eighth Avenue, New
A FINE GOLD PEN.
To any one who will send us the
names of three new subscribers to the
ApvocaTE OF PEAcE with the
money, three dollars, we will send as
a present, postpaid, a fine three-
dollar fountain pen.
ADVOCATE OF PEACE.
tion, the one implying coercive in-
stitutions, the other free institutions.
Just in proportion as militant ac-
tivity is great does the coercive re-
gime more pervade the whole society
Hence, to oppose militancy is to op-
pose return toward despotism. My
fear is that the retrograde movement
will become too strong to be checked
by argument or exhortation.
The Pan-American Conference.
It seems now that the difficuities
which have been raised by Peru are
not likely to interfere with the hold-
ing of the Pan-American Conference
in October. Our government has
decided not to agree to the sugges-
tion of Peru that any arbitration sys-
tem which may be agreed to shall
apply to past as well as to future
questions, but that it shall be re-
stricted to future questions, as the
Executive Committee of the Bureau
of American Republics has proposed
in the program. Peru, we feel sure,
will not stay out of the Conference
on this account.
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OFFICERS OF THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY.
150 THE ADVOCATE
Hon. RoBeERT TREAT PAINE, 6 Joy St., Boston, Mass.
Tuomas H. Russet, 27 State St., Boston, Mass.
Rev. Edw. Everett Hale, D.D.,39 Highland St., Roxbury, Mass.
Rev. Lyman Abbott, D.D., Brooklyn, N. Y.
Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago, III.
George T. Angell, 19 Milk Street, Boston, Mass.
Edward Atkinson, Brookline, Mass.
Joshua L. Baily, 1624 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Rev. Wm. E. Barton, D.D., Oak Park, I}.
Ida Whipple Benham, Mystic, Conn.
Mrs. George W. Bingham, Derry, N. H.
Rev. Everett D. Burr, D.D., Newton Centre, Mass.
Hezekiah Butterworth, 28 Worcester St., Boston, Mass.
Rey. Geo. D. Boardman, D.D., Philadelphia, Pa.
Prof. Geo. N. Boardman, Pittsford, Vt.
Hon. Charles C. Bonney, Chicago, Il.
Hon. Thomas B. Bryan, Chieago, Il.
Hon. Wm. A. Butler, New York, N. Y.
Hon. Samuel B. Capen, 38 Greenough Ave., Boston, Mass.
Hon. Jonathan Chace, Providence, R. I.
Rev. Frank G. Clark, Plymouth, N. H.
Edward H. Clement, 3 Regent Circle, Brookline, Mass.
Rev. Joseph 8. Cogswell, Ashburnham, Mass.
Rev. D. S. Coles, Wakefield, Mass.
Joseph Cook, Ticonderoga, N. Y.
Geo. Cromwell, Brooklyn, N.Y.
Rev. G. L. Demarest, D.D., Manchester, N. H.
Mrs. Elizabeth Dow, Brookline, Mass.
Rey. Howard C., Dunham, Winthrop, Mass.
Rev. S. Hopkins Emery, D.D., Taunton, Mass.
Everett O. Fisk, 4 Ashburton Place, Boston, Mass.
B. O. Flower, Brookline, Mass.
Hon. John B. Foster, Bangor, Me.
Philip C. Garrett, Philadelphia, Pa.
Merrill E.Gates, LL.D., Washington, D.C.
Hon. Thomas N. Hart, Boston, Mass.
Hon, John W. Hoyt, Washington, D.C.
tev. W. G. Hubbard, Lansing, Mich.
Rev. Charles E. Jefferson, New York City, N. Y.
Hon. Sumner I. Kimball, Washington, D. C.
Bishop William Lawrence, Cambridge, Mass.
Mary A. Livermore, Melrose, Mass.
Edwin i). Mead, 30 Pinckney St., Boston, Mass.
Rev. Philip S. Moxom, D.D., Springfield, Mass.
Hon. Nathan Matthews, Jr., 456 Beacon St., Boston,}!Mass.
George Foster Peabody, 28 Monroe Place, Brooklyn, N.Y.
L. H. Pillsbury, Derry, N. H.
Hon. J. H. Powell, Henderson, Ky.
Hon. Wm. L. Putnam, Portland, Me.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY :
Bens. F. TRUEBLOOD, LL.D., 3 Somerset St., Boston, Mass.
Dr. WILIIAM F. JARVIS, 233 Moody St., Waltham, Mass.
Thos. D. Robertson, Rockford, Ill.
Charles T. Russell, Jr., Cambridge, Mass.
Mrs. Mary Wright Sewall, Indianapolis, Ind.
Edwin Burritt Smith, 164 Dearborn St., Chicago, Ill.
Mrs. Ruth H. Spray, Salida, Col.
Mrs. L. M. N. Stevens, Portland, Me.
David S. Taber, New York, N.Y.
Pres. C, F. Thwing, D.D., Cleveland, Ohio.
Bishop Henry W. Warren, Denver, Col.
Herbert Welsh, 1305 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Richard Wood, 1620 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Hon. Robert Treat Paine, er-officio.
Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL. D., ex-officio.
Nathaniel T. Allen, West Newton, Mass.
Rev. Charles G. Ames, D.D., 12 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass.
Hannah J. Bailey, Winthrop Centre, Me.
Rev. S. C. Bushnell, Arlington, Mass.
Edwin Ginn, 13 Tremont Place, Boston, Mass.
Rev. David H. Ela, D.D., Hudson, Mass.
tev. Scott F. Hershey, LL.D., Newtonville, Mass.
Julia Ward Howe, 241 Beacon St., Boston, Mass.
Augustine Jones, Providence, R. I.
Rev. B. F. Leavitt, Melrose Highlands, Mass.
Lucia Ames Mead, 30 Pinckney St., Boston, Mass.
Wm. A. Mowry, Ph.D., Hyde Park, Mass.
Rev. Charles B. Smith, West Medford, Mass.
Frederick A. smith, West Medford, Mass.
Rev. G. W. Stearns, Middleboro, Mass.
Rev. Reuen Thomas, D.D., Brookline, Mass.
Rev. C. H. Watson, D.D., Arlington, Mass.
Kate Gannett Wells, 45 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass.
Rev. A. E. Winship, 20 Pemberton Sq., Boston, Mass.
Hon. Robert Treat Paine, ex-officio.
Benjamin F, Trueblood, LL. D., ex-officio.
Rev. S. F. Hershey, LL. D., Newtonville, Mass.
Wm. A. Mowry, Ph. D., Hyde Park, Mass.
Rev. Charles B. Smith, West Medford, Mass.
Cephas Brainerd, New York, N.Y.
Hon. William A. Butler, New York, N.Y.
Moorfield Storey, Brookline, Mass.
Judge William L. Putnam, Portland, Me.
Hon. Josiah Quincy, Boston, Mass.
AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY.
ARTICLE I. This Society shall be designated the ‘*‘ AMERI-
CAN PEACE SOCIETY.”
Art. II. This Society, being founded on the principle that
all war is contrary to the spirit of the gospel, shall have for its
object to illustrate the inconsistency of war with Christianity,
to show its baleful influence on all the great interests of man-
kind, and to devise means for insuring universal and perman-
Art. III. Persons of every Christian denomination desirous
of promoting peace on earth and goodwill towards men may
become members of this Society.
Art. IV. Every annual subscriber of two dollars shall be
a member of this Society.
Art. V. The payment of twenty dollars at one time shall
constitute any person a Life-member.
ArT. VI. The chairman of each corresponding committee,
the officers and delegates of every auxiliary contributing to
the funds of this Society, and every minister of the gospel who
preaches once a year on the subject of peace, and takes up a
collection in behalf of the cause, shall be entitled to the privi-
leges of regular members.
Art. VII. All contributors shall be entitled within the
year to one-half the amount of their contributions in the publi-
cations of the Society.
Art. VIII. The Officers of this Society shall be a President,
Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, an Auditor and a
Board of Directors, consisting of not less than twenty members
of the Society, including the President, Secretary and Treas-
urer, who shall be ex-ofticio members of the Board. All Ofti-
cers shall hold their offices until their successors are appointed,
and the Board of Directors shall have power to fill vacancies
in any office of the Society. There shall be an Executive
Committee of seven, consisting of the President, Secretary
and five Directors to be chosen by the Board, which Com-
mittee shall, subject to the Board of Directors, have the entire
control of the executive and financial affairs of the Society.
Meetings of the Board of Directors or the Executive Com-
mittee may be called by the President, the Secretary, or two
members of such body. The Society or the Board of Direc-
tors may invite persons of well-known legal ability to act as
Art. IX. The Society shall hold an annual meeting at
such time and place as the Board ef Directors may appoint, to
receive their own and the Treasurer’s report, to choose offti-
cers, and transact such other business as may come before
Art. X. The object of this Society shall never be changed;
but the Constitution may in other respects be altered, on
recommendation of the Executive Committee, or of any ten
members of the Society, by a vote of three-fourths of the
members present at any regular meeting.
Publications of the American Peace Society,
War Unnecessary and Unchristian.—By Augustine Jones, LL.
B. New edition, 20 pages. 5 cts. each, $2.00 per hundred.
Dymond’s Essay on War. — With an introduction by John
Bright. Sent free on receipt of 5 cts. for postage.
The Nation’s Responsibility for Peace.—By Benjamin F. True-
blood, LL.D. Price 5 cts., or $2.00 per hundred, prepaid.
Nationalism and Internationalism, or Mankind One Body.—
By George Dana Boardman, D.D., LL.D. New edition.
Price 5 cts. each, or $2.00 per hundred, prepaid.
The Coming Reform— A Woman’s Word. — By Mary Eliza-
beth Blake. New edition, 12 pages. $1.50 per hundred.
The Historic Development of the Peace Idea.— By Benjamin
F. Trueblood, LL.D. 32 pages. Price 5 cts. each. $2.50
War from the Christian Point of View.— By Ernest Ilow-
ard Crosby. Address at the Episcopal Church Congress at
Providence, R.I., November, 1900. 12 pages. $1.50 per
ADVOCATE OF PEACE.
The Absurdities of Militarism.— By Ernest Howard Crosby.
Address delivered at the Commemoration meeting held in
Tremont Temple, Boston, January 16, 1901. 12 pages.
Price $1.50 per hundred.
War from the Christian Point of View.— By Rev. L. Henry
Schwab. Paper read at the Episcopal Church Congress,
Providence, R. I., November, 1900. 16 pages. $1.50 per
An Essay toward the Present and Future Peace of Europe.—
By William Penn. First published in 1693. 24 pages,
with cover. Price 6 cts., or $3.00 per hundred, prepaid,
A Permanent Tribunal of Arbitration. — By Edward Everett
Hale, D.D. Price 5 cts. each; $2.00 per hundred, prepaid.
Text of the Hague Convention for the Pacific Settlement
of International Disputes.— Price 5 cts. each.
Perpetual Peace. — By Immanuel Kant. Translated by Ben-
jamin F, Trueblood. 53 pages. Price 20 cents, postpaid.
The Arbitrations of the United States. — By Professor John
Bassett Moore. 32 pages. 5 cents each. $2.50 per hundred,
The War System; Its History, Tendency, and Character, in
the Light of Civilization and Religion. — By Rev. Reuven
Thomas, D.D. New edition. Price 10 ets., prepaid.
The Boys’ Brigade; Its Character and Tendencies. — By
Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL.D. New edition. 8 pages.
Price 75 cts. per hundred, prepaid.
Topics for Essays and Discussions in Schools, Colleges, and
Debating Societies, with a list of reference books. Sent
on receipt of two cents for postage.
Report of the Chicago Peace Congress of 1893.— Price
postpaid, cloth 75 cts.; paper, 50 cents.
Report of the Philadelphia Arbitration Conference, Febru-
ary 22, 1896. 83 pages. Paper. Price 15 cts., postpaid.
Report of the Washington Arbitration Conference, Apri! 22
and 23,1896. In May and June numbers of the ADVOCATE
OF PEACE. The two numbers 25 cts., postpaid.
The Christian Attitude Toward War in the Light of Re-
cent History.— By Alexander Mackennal, D.D. Address
delivered at the International Congregational Council, Bos-
ton, September 22, 1899. Price $1.50 per hundred, prepaid.
International Arbitration; Its Present Status and Prospects.
—By Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL.D. New edition. 19
pages. Price 5 cts. each, or $2.00 per hundred, prepaid.
Military Drill in Schools. — By Rev. W. Evans Darby, LL.D.
8 pages. Price 2 cts., or $1.25 per hundred, postpaid.
The Old Testament on War. — By George Gillett. 24 pages.
5 ets. each, or $2.00 per hundred, prepaid.
The Growth of European Militarism.— Price 20 cents per
William Penn’s Holy Experiment in Civil Government. —
By Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL.D. 24 pages with cover.
5 ets. each, or $2.00 per hundred, carriage paid.
The Social and Moral Aspeets of War.— By Rev. Philip S.
Moxom, D.D. Price, postpaid, 5 cents. $2.00 per hundred.
The Coming Day of Peace. — By Rev. Charles G. Ames, D.D.
8 pages. $1.25 per hundred.
A Battle, as it appeared to an Eye-witness. — By Rev. R. B.
Howard. Letter Leaflet No. 1. Price, postpaid, 20 cts.
Hard Times. — Poem. By Ida Whipple Benham.
let No. 2. Price 20 cts. per hundred, prepaid.
Poor Harry, or the Terrible Exigencies of War. — Letter
Leaflet No. 3. Price 20 cts. per hundred, prepaid.
The Cherry Festival of Naumburg. — Letter Leaflet No. 4.
Price 20 cts. per hundred, prepaid.
The Logic of War. — By Katrina Trask.
Price 20 cts. per hundred, prepaid.
Woman and War. — By Ernest Howard Crosby.
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Coals of Fire.— By Willis R. Hotchkiss, of the Friends’
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30 cts. per hundred, prepaid.
Letter Leaflet No. 5.
INTERNATIONAL ~NEW EDITION
THE ADVOCATE OF
NEW PLATES THROUGHOUT
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LAY DOWN YOUR ARMS. By
The Baroness von Suttner. Au-
thorized English translation by
T. Holmes. New edition, cloth,
Cloth, 50 cts.
SOUTHERN HEROES; or tHe
Frienps 1N Wark Time. An
account of the sufferings and
loyalty of the Friends in the
South during the Civil War. By
Fernando G. Cartland. Third
Edition. $1.50. Five copies to
one address $5.00.
CHRISTIAN MARTYRDOM IN
RUSSIA: An Account of the
Persecutions of the Peace-loving
Doukhobortsi. Price, 40 cts.
By Charles Sumner.
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WAR AS IT IS. By Wilhelm
Carlsen. Translated by P. H.
Peckover. Forty-six illustrations.
TION: Irs Past, PRESENT anpD
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Cloth, 168 pages. Price, 75 cents,
THE FUTURE OF WAR. By
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THE FEDERATION OF THE
WORLD. By Benjamin F.
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