The Advocate of Peace 1905-10: Vol 67 Iss 9

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OCT 28 1905

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VOL. LXVII. _ BOSTON,

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY,

PUBLISHERS,
31 BEACON STREET, BOSTON, MASS.

MONTHLY, ONE DOLLAR PER YEAR.

Entered at the Boston Post Office as Second Class Matter.

TEN CENTS PER copy

PAGE
189-194

CONTENTS.

ND sins oon to6 cans cent sdkse pnts shen wenesbanercgeien Ask enes
The End of the Russo-Japanese War—The Peace Congress at
Lucerne —- The Interparliamentary Conference at Brussels—The
International Law Conference at Christiania.

AE, Fie sik ces cov nvcccccdececcsccccpscsseces cone .0sscens 194-195
The Anglo-Japanese Treaty — The Feeling in Japan — Horrors in
Manchuria.

BREVITIES 195

GENERAL ARTICLES:

Put up thy Sword. Poem. Joaquin Miller 196
Peace. Poem. Mrs. Whiton-Stone 197
Annual Report of the International Peace Bureau to the Peace
Congress 197-198
Proceedings of the Fourteenth International Peace C ongress .. 198-205
Address of Hon. Richard Bartholdt at the Brussels Inte rparlia-
mentary Conference. .... Coteoes 0900 se0ecnesces
et} a General Treaty of “Arbitration. “Hon. Richard Bar-
44:94 6959: 0606.0:6 96 SESE COOKERS HERD DO CD LEC SESE CODE SECT DES SECS
Text of the Treaty of Portsmouth
The New Anglo-Japanese Treaty

The End of the ‘Ruseo-Japancee War.

It has been a long time since the civilized world
gave such a sigh of relief as it did on the last day of
August, when the announcement was made from
Portsmouth that the Russian and Japanese peace
envoys had come to terms, and that a treaty of peace
would be forthwith signed.

The proceedings of the Commissioners, so far as
they could be known, had been watched daily with
deep interest and solicitude, and people everywhere
stood appalled when the negotiations threatened,
seemingly, to end in failure, and the great armies in
Manchuria to fall again upon each other in deadly
conflict. The war had from the beginning been
deplored as no other war of history had been, and it
had at last come to be a depressing burden upon the
conscience of the world not easy longer te bear. In
Europe the feeling of regret over the war was deeper
even than in this country, and the sense of relief
correspondingly greater at its termination.

As for ourselves, notwithstanding the alarming
rumors daily given out by the press, and the hitches
which occurred in the negotiations, we never had
any doubts, after the Commissioners had once met,
that peace would be the outcome of their conference.
The situation was such that any other result was
practically inconceivable. The war had become im-
mensely burdensome financially; it had desolated

“OCTOBER,

No. 9

1905.

eatin of homes in both countries; the continu-
ance of it, on the vast scale which it had reached,
would have been enough, after the losses and burdens
already incurred, to strain both governments to the
breaking point; to have gone back to it, after the
Portsmouth meeting had once begun, would have
been to the United ‘States, through the good offices
of whose President the negotiations had been opened
on our soil, an act of discourtesy amounting almost
to insult. These considerations, as well as the gen-
eral pressure of public reprobation of the war, seem
to have weighed heavily with the responsible experi-
enced statesmen at both Tokyo and St. Petersburg,
and thus the end of fhe war came.

The action of President Roosevelt in urging upon
the two governments, after the naval battle of the
Sea of Japan, to open at once negotiations to see if
terms of peace could not be agreed upon, was a timely
and courageous move, worthy of the universal recog-
nition and appreciation which it has received. The
merit of it was all the greater because of the general
apathy and unwillingness of the European heads of
government to make any move for peace, either
separately or jointly. It must not be forgotten,
however, that the American people, or at least a con-
siderable portion of them, are entitled to share in the
credit of whatever was done here for the termination
of the war. Time and again, after every great battle,
and especially after the fall of Port Arthur, the
President was urged by the peace societies, by
chambers of commerce, by civic and _ religious
bodies, and by many individuals, to offer to mediate,
either alone or with other governments, between the
fighting nations. All his powerful efforts, during
the negotiations, to bring them to a successful issue,
were backed by the people who were insistent that
the war should stop. The President spoke oppor-
tunely and bravely, especially at the critical moment
toward the close of the Conference, but he was the
spokesman of the people as well as of himself.

It is to be hoped that the terms on which the war
has been brought to an end, as provided in the treaty
which we give on another page, will prove to be such
as to ensure permanent peace in the Far East. It
seems monstrous that, at this advanced stage of the
world’s history, a new region like that in Manchuria,
capable of realizing a great and powerful civilization,
should have to be the scene of gigantic struggles of
barbarous brute violence, like those experienced by
Europe when she was just emerging from darkness.

190

The seeds of war, we know, are hard to destroy, and
this war has sown many of them, the bitter and poison-
ous fruit of which will be hard to prevent. But if
the terms of the treaty are carried out honestly and
with mutual respect and fairness, we see no reason
why in time ill feeling between the countries so lately
enemies should not pass speedily away, and they be-
come codperating forces in developing a civilization
founded on reason and right, on friendship and mutual
service. Perhaps in time they may both come to
realize that Korea, as an independent nation of ten
million people, has rights which they have little re-
spected in the war, and even less in the treaty of
peace. Settled peace in any quarter of the world
can hardly be expected until the nations which pos-
sess it renounce forever the so-called right of conquest
and recognize the right of any people freely to deter-
mine its own political status.

There has been a good deal of talk of diplomatic
victory in connection with the Portsmouth Peace
Treaty; but this is a small matter compared with
the great consummation reached by the Conference.
And, besides, it is not certain on which side the victory
was the greater. It was something, of course, that
Mr. de Witte prevented his government from having
to pay an indemnity of a billion or half a billion dol-
lars, even though in the determination to do this he
ran the risk of wrecking the Conference and letting
loose again the dogs of war, and thus saddling upon
his country another enormous war bill. But Baron
Komura seems to us to have won at least as great a
victory, and on a higher plane, by renouncing indem-
nity entirely. The ultimate fruits of this renuncia-
tion, which has met with so much reprobation in Japan,
will probably save his country several times the
amount of indemnity which it at first demanded.
Germany’s exaction of a billion dollars indemnity
from France proved to be one of the most disastrous
financial transactions of which she was ever guilty.
Japan’s renunciation, so far as its influence goes to-
ward counteracting other evil forces, will tend power-
fully to prevent exasperation and the spirit of revenge
in Russia, and may prove to be the determining factor
in preventing another war hereafter. Besides this,
it was most meritorious from the moral point of view,
for war indemnity is, after all, only a species of con-
quest and rubbery, which differs merely in form from
the stealing of land. If war ever becomes really
“ civilized,’ —- of which we permit ourselves to en-
tertain the strongest doubts, — war indemnities will
be as unknown as the enslaving of prisoners is to-day.

Some important general lessons of the war we must
reserve for comment hereafter. As we write these
words the last stage in the completion of the Ports-
mouth Treaty has been reached and the ratifications
will shortly be exchanged. It is cause of profound

gratification that the horrible orgies of the war are
over, and we shall hope that its mournful lessons

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

have so stirred the judgment, conscience and heart
of the peoples of the world as to make impossible
hereafter in any quarter of the earth any repetition
of its dreadful tragedy. To this end, at any rate, it
is our duty to work incessantly with such means and
strength as God may give us.

The Peace Congress at Lucerne.

The Peace Congress at Lucerne, which was looked
forward to with so much expectation, has made its
record and passed into history. It was not, in some
respects, all that we could have wished, but it was a
great meeting and its influence will be large and
lasting. Frederic Passy, who has attended nearly all
of the peace congresses, said at one of the banquets
that the Lucerne Congress seemed to him to surpass
all the others in seriousness of conviction and effort.
Perhaps the difference noticed by him could be
accounted for by the general development of the
peace movement and the stronger hold which it now
has everywhere upon the public. This gives the
peace congresses of to-day an air of greater confi-
dence than in former years, and leads them to deal
with the subject in eminently practical ways.

The attendance at the Congress was not so large
as we had expected. Four hundred and fifty dele-
gates and adherents had been announced, but less
than four hundred of them reported. But the dele-
gations from the United States, Great Britain, France,
Germany and Switzerland were unusually large.
That from the United States numbered about fifty,
the largest delegation that has ever gone from this
country to a European peace congress. Germany
had forty delegates, France sixty, Great Britain
seventy, and Switzerland more than a hundred.
There were good delegations from Austria, Denmark,
The Netherlands and Italy, and smaller ones from
Belgium, China, Spain, Hungary, Monaco, Russia
and Sweden. Altogether some one hundred and
twenty organizations were represented.

The number of new faces in the Congress was very
noticeable. These came largely from Germany and
France, except so far as they were local Swiss. Of
the old leaders, Frederic Passy and Emile Arnaud
from France, Fredrik Bajer from Denmark, Baroness
von Suttner from Austria, E. T. Moneta from Italy,
Elie Ducommun from Switzerland, Senators La Fon-
taine and Houzeau de Lehaie from Belgium, Felix
Moscheles, J. G. Alexander, Dr. W. Evans Darby,
George H. Perris, J. Fred. Green, Miss Peckover and
Miss Robinson from England, A. H. Fried and Pro-
fessor Ludwig Quidde from Germany, Baart de la
Faille from The Netherlands, were present and never
seemed fuller of faith, youthful vigor and enthusiasm.
The absence of Hodgson Pratt and of Dr. Adolf
Richter, two pillars of the movement in their respective
countries, was greatly regretted and messages of
greeting were sent them.

1905.

The matter of language created some confusion
and delay, in the early proceedings, as is always the
case in international gatherings. But though Eng-
lish, French and German were all used, the transla-
tions were so admirably done that soon everything
fell into harmony, and general unity of spirit became
a prominent characteristic of the meetings.

The Congress also suffered somewhat from a few
faddists, and was compelled to devote an unnecessary
amount of time to comparatively unimportant mat-
ters, though on the whole there was really less of
this than in some former years. On all but one or
two of the great subjects presented a fine practical
spirit was manifest, and general sanity and good
sense marked the proceedings, even where there was
most enthusiasm and demonstration.

For a fuller account of the deliberations and the
resolutions adopted, we must refer our readers to the
digest of the proceedings given in this issue. The
principal subjects treated were the neutralization of
the Scandinavian countries, the neutralization of
passenger and mail steamers and of the great trade
routes across the Atlantic, the reconciliation of
France and Germany, the adoption of a general
treaty of obligatory arbitration, the creation of a
regular congress of the nations to meet at stated
periods, the codification of international law, an in-
ternational system of education with uniform courses
in certain universities, pacific education in the
schools, the arrest of armaments on land and sea, a
universal auxiliary language, the codperation of
labor with the work of the peace congress, adequate
financial equipment of the peace organizations, etc.
The program was a very full one and was well carried
through.

The proposition of the Massachusetts State Board
of Trade for the neutralization of the great com-
mercial routes across the Atlantic, which was pre-
sented by Mr. Ashton Lee, of Lawrence, Mass.,
supported by Mrs. Mead and Dr. Trueblood, was
entirely new to most members of the Congress. It
was received with decided favor by most of the
delegates except those from the Socialist ranks.
These made opposition to it because they imagined
it to be a scheme gotten up by great commercial
corporations and capitalists in their own interests
without regard to the welfare of the people. The
arguments which they used in opposition were as
extraordinary as any we have ever listened to, as
will be seen by consulting the report given herein-
after. No action was finally taken on the subject,
but it was gotten clearly before the delegates, and
the curious opposition deepened interest in it. This
proposition, as well as that of the International Law
Association for the permanent neutralization of pas-
senger and mail steamers, is so evidently practical,
and in the interests of permanent peace, that it will
very soon receive the support of all unbiased men.

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

191

The central point of interest in the Congress was
the question of Franco-German reconciliation, and
no person who was present at the session when this
was considered can ever forget the occasion. It had
never before been possible for the Peace Congress to
say anything on the subject, so great was the sensi-
tiveness of both French and German delegates. All
resolutions had died, some of them almost “a violent
death,” in committee; but this time, after six hours
of deliberation, the committee had unanimously re-
ported a resolution, giving the bases on which the
difficulty between the two countries should be set-
tled. When this resolution (given on another page)
came before the Congress, it was recommended in
an admirable speech by Professor Quidde for the
Germans and by the veteran Frederic Passy, in an
eloquent appeal, for the French. When at the close
of Mr. Passy’s address the two speakers clasped
hands, without premeditation, and stood side by side
on the platform, France and Germany symbolized,
the appeal was irresistible. The whole audience was
carried away with emotion, rose spontaneously to its
feet, many moved to tears, and made such a demon-
stration of approval as is rarely witnessed. It was
a great triumph and indicates great advance toward
the final healing of the sore spot of Europe.

The proposition for the creation of a regular
congress of the nations was unanimously and cor-
dially approved, as were those for a limitation of
armaments and the conclusion of a general treaty of
obligatory arbitration. Great interest was mani-
fested likewise in the subject of pacific education.

The termination of the war in the Far East was
matter of great relief and gratitude on the part of
the members, and every reference to the courageous
course which President Roosevelt had taken in the
matter was most warmly applauded. So was his
action in taking the initiative in calling a new inter-
governmental conference at The Hague, and the
Congress sent him a cablegram of grateful appre-
ciation of the services which he had rendered to the
cause of peace and of encouragement to continue in
the same course hereafter.

The last day of the Congress was a red letter day
for the cause from a financial point of view. Count
Gourowsky, a Polish fellow-countryman of John
de Bloch, living at Nice, knowing the present situa-
tion and needs of the Bloch Museum of Peace and
War at Lucerne, made a gift of six hundred thousand
francs for a permanent building for the collection,
provided the directors would make it a real museum
of peace against war. He was of course the “ Lion of
Lucerne” for the rest of the day. The same day a
German Baron, whose name was not published, made
a gift of ten thousand francs to the International
Peace Bureau at Berne.

The Congress was received with the most generous
hospitality by the Lucerne authorities, who did

192

everything in their power to make its deliberations
pleasant and successful.

The entire occasion was of such a character as to
make one feel the enormous gain which the cause of
peace has made in recent years, and to deepen one’s
faith in its early and complete triumph. The na-
tions are moving more and more together; their
interests are increasingly one; the old grudges and
animosities between them are rapidly breaking down ;
the causes of war are being eradicated; the peoples
are feeling deeply their kinship, their unity in a
common humanity; they are getting their voice and
speaking out their abhorrence for the cruel system
which has so long burdened and destroyed them:
they are determined that peace shall be organized on
such solid bases that it can never more be broken;
and they are making the governments feel that they
are right and will have their way ;— these are the
thoughts and feelings with which one returns to his
labors from such a week as that spent in peace work
on the banks of the beautiful lake of Lucerne.

The Interparliamentary Conference at
Brussels.

Though now sixteen years old, the Interparliamen-
tary Union for the promotion of arbitration and
friendly relations among the nations is yet but little
known to the general public. It is not a popular
body, and does not therefore lend itself easily to pic-
turesque reporting. But it is an organization of the
utmost importance in bringing about the permanent
establishment of peace among the nations. Its mem-
bership is entirely confined to members of parliament,
who are practical statesmen that have experience in
political affairs, and who are close to their respec-
tive governments and know the methods by which
governments are moved and brought to act. The
Union has grown quietly to large proportions, having
now more than two thousand members. Its annual
meetings, therefore, are occasions of the utmost in-
terest to those occupied with the practical measures
necessary to the establishment of general peace
throughout the civilized world.

The Union held its thirteenth conference at Brus-
sels, from the 28th to the 31st of August. The meet-
ings were in the hall of the Belgian House of Represen-
tatives, and were presided over by the distinguished
Belgian statesman, Mr. Auguste Beernaert, long
speaker of the House. The attendance of members
was larger than at the St. Louis Conference last year,
even the American contingent, eighteen in number,
being greater than that which went to St. Louis.
Representatives were present for the first time from
some of the South American states. Nearly three

hundred delegates in all were present from the various
national groups, and when they came together, filling
practically every seat in the Chamber, the spectacle
was a most interesting and inspiring one, and sug-

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

gested many thoughts about the coming parliament
of man.

It seems almost a miracle that after so many
gloomy centuries of hatred and discord and blood-
shed, during which the nations have acted as if they
were of different orders of beings and natural enemies,
we should now see meeting regularly each year such
an international body of statesmen as this. It is evi-
dence, that cannot be gainsaid, that a new order of
affairs has already come to the world, and that inter-
national order and peace are no longer a dream, but
are now a matter of the most practical sort, the era
of which has already begun.

The deliberations of the Conference were confined
almost entirely to two subjects: that of a general
treaty of obligatory arbitration and that of the crea-
tion of a regular parliament of the nations. Both
these subjects secured their place on the program on
the initiative of the American delegation. Indeed,
outside of the American delegation there seemed to
be little or no initiative in the Conference.

Mr. Bartholdt, president of the American group
and the seventeen other members of the House of Rep-
resentatives whom he induced to go with him, took
a strong lead in the meeting from the very start.
Their presence was much appreciated by the Euro-
pean members, for it was the first time since the
organization of the Union that our national Legisla-
ture had been adequately represented, only one or
two Congressmen having previously attended any of
the conferences. Mr. Bartholdt received a royal
welcome when he rose to speak, his work in connec-
tion with the St. Louis Conference last year and his
remarkable success in increasing during the year the
United States group from forty to two hundred mem-
bers having marked him outasa wise and efficient leader.

The draft of a general treaty of obligatory arbitra-
tion, prepared by Mr. Bartholdt and submitted to the
Conference, we print in full on another page, as well
as Mr. Bartholdt’s speech in explanation of it. We
confess that the draft seems to us in certain particu-
lars to be open to criticism. As a whole it is too
complex and brings into connection with arbitration
matters which do not seem naturally related to it.
The provision in Article III., in regard to contra-
band of war, the opening and closing of hostilities,
etc., would read very strangely in a convention of
peaceful arbitration, however proper it might be, as
the nations now are, in some other kind of agree-
ment. Nor are we at all sure that there is any real
demand for international Courts of First Instance.
Diplomacy, either directly or through special commis-
sions, easily deals with the class of cases which would
go to these courts, and will deal with them more and
more easily as the Hague Court develops and is more
widely used. Machinery ought not to be multiplied
unless there is real need of it.

But Mr. Bartholdt’s draft is a serious and very
able study of the subject, and we are all under great

1905. THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. 193

obligations to him for having spent so much time
during the past year in preparing it for the Brussels
Conference. It will come to the attention of the
New Hague Conference, as it well deserves to do,
and will no doubt be of great utility in helping to
shape the new arbitration convention which that
Conference will find itself under the necessity of
drafting.

The American proposition at Brussels for the
creation of a regular international parliament awak-
ened great interest in the Conference. It was very
ably presented and supported by Mr. Bartholdt and
four or five other members of the delegation who
spoke. It was most encouraging to hear them one
after another advocate in an unequivocal way the
creation of such an international institution, already
approved by the Massachusetts Legislature and
other eminent bodies, which is sure in the near future
to be created and to play a great part in the future
development of civilization.

The proposition was not, however, formally approved
by the Conference. Count Apponyi, the distinguished
Hungarian statesman, and others, while in full sym-
pathy with the purpose of the proposal, felt that the
subject was a most important and at the same time
difficult one. Anything that might be done in this
direction must carefully provide for the preservation
of national sovereignty and autonomy. The Confer-
ence finally decided to refer the subject, as well as
that of the draft of an arbitration treaty, to a special
committee, who should further study the subject and
have power to call a meeting of the Executive Coun-
cil of the Union, if this should seem advisable in
order to get the subject properly before the next
Hague Conference.

The action of President Roosevelt in taking the
initiative for a new conference at The Hague, as he
had promised the Interparliamentary deputation at
Washington last year, as well as his effort to bring
the Russo-Japanese war to an end, was warmly ap-
plauded by the Conference, and a cablegram of
thanks and congratulation was sent him. There was
a good deal of anxiety and fear among the members
lest the peace negotiations at Portsmouth might fail.
Some were very skeptical about the matter. The
first word of the successful issue of the negotiations
reached Brussels during the last evening, while a
great reception by the municipality was going on in
the Hétel de Ville. The delegates were overjoyed
at the news, and it was the principal subject of con-
versation during the evening. The American delega-
tion was enthusiastically congratulated on every hand.
Count Apponyi, who had been very doubtful of a
successful outcome of the Portsmouth Conference, on
seeing the cablegram, came almost in a run across
the reception hall to congratulate the present writer
that peace was assured and that our country had done
such a noble service to humanity in bringing about

the happy result. He expressed very great admira-
tion for President Roosevelt as a peacemaker, as did
practically everybody whom the writer met in Europe.

The Conference was most hospitably received by
the Belgian Interparliamentary group and the Brus-
sels authorities, and the proceedings ended by a visit
to the Exposition at Liége, where the last meeting,
with luncheon, was held.

The International Law Conference at
Christiania.

Immediately following the Conference of the Interpar-
liamentary Union at Brussels came the twenty-second
Conference of the International Law Association at
Christiania, from the 4th to the 7th of September. It
proved to be one of the most successful meetings held by
the Association in recent years. About eighty members
out of the four hundred were present, representing ten
different countries. A large number were of course
from Norway, where much interest is taken in interna-
tional law, especially in maritime law.

Unusual interest was added to the occasion by the
fact that the meeting was held in the new building which
has been constructed for the Nobel Institute and the
Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Parliament. The
building, which has a lecture hall, committee rooms, lib-
rary rooms, and quarters for the Nobel Committee, has
just been completed, and this was the first conference
ever held in it. It was therefore a sort of inauguration
service for the building which is destined to play a con-
spicuous part hereafter in the international peace move-
ment, to the extension of which Mr. Nobel devoted a
considerable portion of his great fortune. From this
building will go out every December the announcement
of the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize.

The Conference was organized by the election of Jus-
tice F. V. N. Beichman, president of the Court of Ap-
peal of Trondhjem, as president. Mr. J. Anderson Aars,
president of the Exchange and Chamber of Commerce
Committee, which had invited the Association to Nor-
way, made the address of welcome, not only in the name
of the Exchange and Chamber of Commerce, but also of
the Barristers Association and the City Government,
both of which contributed immensely to the success and
pleasure of the meeting.

After an excellent address by the president of the
Conference the remainder of the first day’s session, after
the election of vice-presidents and secretaries, was de-
voted to the subject of international arbitration and the
work of the Norwegian government and parliament in
promoting arbitration and neutrality. The paper on ar-
bitration presented by Dr. W. E. Darby, secretary of the
Peace Society, London, gave the details of all the latest
phases of the development of the principle in its practical
application in the settlement of controversies. The gov-
ernment and parliament of Norway were shown to have
done admirable service in promoting arbitration, through
their official approval of the principle, through the Inter-
parliamentary Union, through their subventions to the
Peace Bureau at Berne, ete.

On the second day the subjects considered were:
“ Neutral Trade in Contraband of War,” “ Coals as Con-

194

traband of War,” “ Questions of International Law Aris-
ing out of the Russo-Japanese War,” “ Recrudescence of
Belligerent Pretensions” and “ Prize Courts and an In-
ternational Prize Court of Appeal.” The papers on
these subjects by Mr. Douglas Owen, of the London Bar,
Mr. George Marais, Advocate in the Court of Appeal
of Paris, Dr. Thomas Baty, barrister, of London, and
Mr. J. Pawley Bate, lecturer on international law at the
Inns of Court, London, were able and instructive, though
technical in character.

A resolution was voted by the Conference in favor of
the neutralization of all passenger and mail steamers,
under severe restrictions as to carrying contraband of
war. A resolution was also voted that coal should be
considered only conditionally contraband of war. The
spirit of the Conference was strongly in favor of the
extension of neutral rights and of the increased restric-
tion of the so-called rights of belligerents.

On the third day the legal relations between charterers
and ship owners, and kindred topics under maritime law,
were discussed.

On the last day the topics discussed were: “The De-
sirability of Extending the Berne Railway Transport of
Goods,” “Rules for the Recognition of Foreign Com-
panies,” “ Foreign Judgments,” ete.

In relation to all the subjects that came before the
Conference, there was manifested a strong desire that the
governments should act in a spirit of increasing codpera-
tion in the interests of trade, of the preservation of life,
and of the avoidance of friction through carelessness and
injustice.

One could not but observe the conspicuous absence
from the Conference of delegates from Sweden. None,
of course, were expected, as the Conference met at the
time when feeling between the two countries was strongest
on account of the formal withdrawal of Norway from
the Union. But the Norwegian members of the Con-
ference could not have conducted themselves with greater
self-restraint and propriety than they did. Not a word
of criticism of Sweden was heard, nor a word of boastful
self-justification of the Norwegians. One would not
have known, from anything that was said, that anything
unusual had happened. Even in private prominent men
answered with great care and moderation questions put
to them about the situation. The seriousness of the situ-
ation was felt, but there seemed no disposition to ex-
aggerate or make it worse by rash and untimely speech.
It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that, since such a
spirit as this prevailed, an agreement between the two
countries was quickly reached which averted all danger
of war.

It is not easy to see how hospitality could be more
sincere and generous than that which was extended to
the foreign delegates. Every Norwegian met did his
best, with what English, French or German he knew, to
make us all feel at home. On the first evening there
was a reception, with supper, given by the Chamber of
Commerce Committee at one of the most beautiful
suburban resorts; on the second afternoon and evening
a dinner was given by the same Committee at another
of the fine resorts outside of the city; on the third
afternoon the guests were taken on an excursion on the
fjord, which terminated in another dinner on an island
not far from the city; and on the last evening a great

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

banquet was given the members of the Conference by
the municipality in the Hotel de Ville, which was pre-
sided over by the mayor. We have heard of people
being killed with kindness, but this week in Christiania
we came near realizing in fact what it meant. Certain
it is that no member of the Twenty-second Conference
of the International Law Association can ever find it in
his heart to think ill of the Norwegians.

Editorial Notes.

The diplomatic event of the last month

The Anglo- was the publication of the new Anglo-
Japanese . °
Treaty. Japanese treaty, which was signed in Lon-

don on the 12th of August by Lord
Lansdowne and Baron Hayashi. We give the text of
it on another page for the convenience of those who
may wish to examine its provisions. It is in some
respects a renewal of the treaty concluded by the two
powers three years ago, though it is a broader and much
more significant document. It is open to the serious
objections which may be brought against all offensive
and defensive military alliances, which are wrong in
principle, and always work more or less mischief in
practice. ‘The treaty has already aroused much indigna-
tion in Germany, and is quite certain to widen the breach
between her and England. Its effect upon the relations
between England and Russia is also sure to be bad, as
it is clearly aimed against the latter country. But it is
more than a military alliance. Its main purpose is the
maintenance of general peace in the Far East, and with
this aim we must all sympathize. It guarantees the in-
dependence and integrity of China and equal opportunity
for the commerce and industry of all nations in China.
It does not, however, treat Korea as it ought to do. It
practically turns her over to the control of Japan, and
to speedy annexation without consulting the Korean
people. The former treaty guaranteed the independence
of Korea. While this new treaty, in spite of its funda-
mental defect, goes a good way in the right direction, a
very much better treaty might have been made in the
interests of the East. All the important nations having
relations with the East ought to have entered into a
general treaty in the interests of peace and commerce,
and the independence of the Eastern nations. No mili-
tary provisions of any kind need have gone into such an
agreement. There is little doubt that Russia, Germany,
France, Italy, Austria, Belgium, the United States, etc.,
could easily have been induced at the present auspicious
moment to join in such a purely peace compact, and thus
the whole Eastern question have been once for all settled.
It seems strange that no responsible statesman should
have seen this extraordinary opportunity to do for the
East what England and France have done for themselves
ina smaller way by the Great Agreement recently drawn

1905.

between them. The time has not yet passed, and Presi-
dent Roosevelt might well find in this direction an oppor-
tunity to do a still greater service for the world’s peace
than any which he has yet rendered.

Later reports of the feeling of indigna-
tion in Japan against the government over
the terms of the Portsmouth peace treaty
and of the riots and disorders attending it prove that the
earlier accounts were not at all exaggerated. A private
letter received at this office speaks of the smoking ruins
of the offices of newspapers which had supported the
government, of police stations wrecked, of the intensity
of the war spirit prevailing, etc. This indignation and
violence of the people was exhibited because of the fact
that the government had decided to drop the claim for
indemnity, which had at first been put forward at Ports-
mouth, in order to end the war. The people had been
led by the successes of the Japanese armies in the field
to believe that they could force Russia to accept any
terms laid down by the victors, and they proposed to
exact from the beaten foe enough to cover their own
government’s expenses in the war. This display of
passion and determination to exact as much as possible
from Russia is not to be wondered at. It was the natural
fruit of the conflict. Something like it has attended
every war. The war passion grows by what it feeds on,
and those who are affected by it often lose all sense of
reason and are led blindly away by hatred of the enemy
and desire to humiliate him to the utmost possible extent-
The Japanese government is to be warmly commended
for having stood firm during this storm of violence. The
people will get over their childish madness, and will in
time see that the government’s course was one of great
wisdom. And the government will do well if it learns
once for all that war is a very dangerous thing to play
with. An intelligent Japanese, who has been in Tokyo
during the entire conflict, writes us: “The war has
ended as we prognosticated, to the great disappointment
of the nation. War JS foolish—that is the lesson
taught by this expensive war.”

The Feeling
in Japan.

Mr. E. J. Dillon, in Harper’s Weekly,
thus describes some of the horrors which
attended the war in Manchuria:

Horrors in
Manchuria.

“ People who have not witnessed the horrors of actual
warfare — and the present campaign is in many respects
worse than the struggles of former days — cannot realize
the fate that awaits the unfortunate men who are thus
condemned without appeal to die. Death pure and
simple would be a boon as compared with the destiny in
store for them.

“From the day on which they take their places in the
railway cars their ordeal commences. Cooped up like

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

195

sardines in a tin box, they have too little room, too little
air, too littie food, too little exercise, too little heat in
winter, too much in summer. They are not as well off
as the cavalry horses in the wagons next their own.
Fatigued, cramped, weak, emaciated, they are whirled
through Siberia, and dumped on some little station in
Manchuria, where no preparations have been made for
them. Hungry and thirsty, they have then to march for
miles and miles in a strange and difficult country, they
know not whither or wherefore. All at once, without a
word of warning, they are decimated by a slanting
hail of bullets which seemingly come from nowhere.
They cannot reply, for there is no indication of the
enemy’s position.

“ After that baptism of fire the real horrors of war
begin. Marches under a scorching sun until the boots
drop off in shreds, the feet are swollen and lacerated,
the tongue is parched and black, and the brain swim-
ming with incipient madness. Or else it is winter, when
the toes, the ears, the nose, and it may be the cheeks, are
frostbitten and disfigured forever, and when every snow-
heap exerts a weird fascination over the jaded and
drowsy soldier, who often flings himself surreptitiously
upon one and enters upon his long last sleep.

“But hunger and thirst are the two awe-inspiring
demons of war whose victims are more to be pitied even
than Ugolino in his hunger tower. I have heard of sol-
diers who, to quench their maddening thirst as they lay
wounded on the millet-fields of Manchuria, drank human
blood. I could if needs were name some who came
back from the war to their native village invalided, and
whose experience had been even still more horrible.
‘ We lay helpless in the fields like children, covered by
the millet grass. My leg was as stiff as a board. We
were fiercely hungry like wolves, human wolves. We
would have eaten refuse had there been any at hand.
But there was nothing. Every now and then we cast
hungry looks at our dead comrades, and then we gazed
at each other. We spoke with our eyes, we agreed with
our eyes to commit a heinous crime. All the talk was
done by evil glances. I can’t say how, but we under-
stood each other perfectly. And then — then we did it.’

“TI break off the grewsome narrative here. It was
poignantly realistic. Every detail burned itself into the
souls of the invalid’s artless hearers. They saw the
whole sickening picture rise up in all its ghastliness before
their eyes. It filled them with horror.”

Pe

Brevities.

On August 31, when the successful termination
of the peace negotiations at Portsmouth was announced,
Hon. Robert Treat Paine, president of the American
Peace Society, sent the following telegram of congratu-
lations to President Roosevelt :

‘*No event in all history has given such powerful impetus
to the cause of peace among the nations of the whole world as
your brave and triumphant action.”

To this telegram the President’s secretary sent the fol-
lowing reply:

‘“‘The President thanks youn heartily for your congratu-
lations.”’

196

. . . The Cincinnati Arbitration and Peace Society
will celebrate the first anniversary of its organization by
a public mass meeting on the 23d inst. Judge Howard
C. Hollister will preside, and the principal speaker of the
evening will be Hon. Henry b. F. Macfarland, president
of the Board of Commissioners of the District of Colum-
bia. The president of the Business Men’s Club, Mr.
Thomas J. Moffett, will also speak. A letier will be
read from the president of the society, Prof. P. V. N.
Myers, now in Europe, who will give an account of the
Peace Congress at Lucerne, which he attended. The city
pastors have been asked to devote the previous Sunday
to the advocacy of universal peace. We congratulate
the Cincinnati Society on the vigorous and successful
work which it has done during its first year.

. A peace conference under the auspices of the
State Women’s Christian Temperance Union was held
at Pacific Grove, California, from July 30 to August 4.
Most of the speakers during the five days’ meetings were
women. The program was well carried out, and the
discussions following the papers elicited much interest.
** Peace Policies,” “ Christ the Prince of Peace,” “ Justice
as a Conservator of Peace,” “The Science of Peace,”
“ The Attitude of Women toward the Peace Question,”
“International Arbitration,” “The Passing of War,”
“The Origin of the Hague Court,” “ Peace a Stimulus to
Trade,” and “ What the Labor Unions Stand For,” were
some of the topics. There were platform exercises and
a debate on the army and navy and peace songs. This
is said to be the first peace conference ever held under
the auspices of a State W. C. T. U. It ought not to be
the last one.

. . The peace convention called by the Shakers was
held at Mt. Lebanon, N. Y., on the 31st of August.
About two hundred persons were present. Two of the
principal addresses were made by Hon. Walter S. Logan
of the New York Bar and Rabbi Charles Fleischer of
Cambridge, Mass. Other speakers were William Barnes,
Sr., of Albany, Bolton Hall of New York, and Rev.
James E. Gregg of Pittsfield, Mass. A resolution was
passed reprobating war, declaring that arbitration had
already proved itself a rational practical way of dispos-
ing of disputes, urging disarmament and the neutraliza-
tion of the highways of commerce on the ocean.

. . . The death of Hezekiah Butterworth of Boston,
editor for twenty-five years of the Youth’s Companion,
removes a true and beautiful friend of peace, a man of
pure, lofty and lovely character, loved and honored by
every one who knew him. He was a prolific writer of
both prose and verse, his books for the young being
especially famous. Some of his peace poems, as others,
were of a high order, notably the poem, “The White
City,” written for the Chicago Peace Congress of 1893.
Mr. Butterworth was thoroughly devoted to the cause
of human brotherhood and peace. He attended several
peace congresses, was a frequent speaker at peace con-
ventions, and for many years a member and vice-presi-
dent of the American Peace Society, whose work he
supported in the most cordial way.

between Denmark and
and on September

. . . An arbitration treaty

France was signed on September 15,
21 one between Spain and Belgium.

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

. . . The Prussian government has sold to Belgium
the neutral territory of Moresnet, the smallest European
state, which is thus blotted out. Its existence dates
from the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.

. . . Claims amounting to one million dollars, made by
the French government against Venezuela, have been
allowed by the Claims Commission which has been sitting
at Northfield, Vt. Claims for much larger amounts have
been dismissed or disallowed by the Commission. ‘The
decision of the umpire, Judge Frank Plumley, is final.

&:, a The evil effects of the German military policy in
South Africa continue to manifest themselves, and all
foreigners are a prey to the ill-feeling which has been
engendered among the natives. The Bulletin of the
Bureau of Missions, Bible House, New York, says that
“an uprising of the natives in the southern part of
German East Africa is causing a good deal of anxiety
just now. The actual sufferers so far reported are the
Roman Catholic Benedictine stations. A bishop, two
missionaries, and two sisters were killed a month or two
ago on the road from Kilwa to Liwale. Two of the
inland stations of this mission have been attacked and
the missionaries forced to fly to the coast. Anxiety is
felt for the University Mission on the Rovuma River
and for the Berlin Society’ s stations, which stretch
across from Dar es Salam to the head of Lake Nyasa.
So far no news has been received of injury to any of
these stations, but the disturbances seem to be spreading,
and distance from the coast may put the missionaries in
serious danger.”

. . + The stenographic report of the eleventh annual
conference on international arbitration held at Mohonk
Lake, N. Y., at the first of June last, has been published,
and copies of it can be had by addressing the secretary,
Mr. H. C. Phillips, at Mohonk Lake, and enclosing five
cents to cover postage. The report contains all the
speeches delivered and is a most valuable document.
<>

Put Up Thy Sword.

BY JOAQUIN MILLER.

And who the bravest of the brave,

The bravest hero ever born?
’T was one who dared a felon’s grave,

Who dared to bear the scorn of scorn.
Nay, more than this; when sword was drawn

And vengeance waited for His word,
He looked with pitying eyes upon

The scene, and said: ‘‘ Put up thy sword.”
Oh God! could one be found te-day

As brave to do, as brave to say?

Put up thy sword into his sheath.”’
Put up thy sword, put up thy sword!
By Cedron’s brook thus spake beneath
The olive-trees our valiant Lord,
Spake calm and king-like. Sword and stave
And torch, and stormy men of death
Made clamor. Yet he spake not, save
With loving word and patient breath,
The peaceful olive-boughs beneath:
‘* Put up thy sword into his sheath.”
From the Arena.

1905. THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. 197

Peace.

BY MRS. WHITON-STONE.

From the bugles that called to the battle, and thud of the
armies’ tread;

From the murderous swords uplifted, with their sharp blades
running red;

From the agonized cries of the wounded, and horses, tramp-
ing the dead —

Lo! the sudden release of the White Dove of Peace and the
blue of the Summer o’erhead.

From the hidden mines’ awful explosions, and cannons’ thun-
dering boom;

From the bloody waves drinking the dying, and the running
ef Hell’s vast loom;

From the nations enrapt in conflict, and their rulers enrapt
in gloom —

Lo! the sudden release of the White Dove of Peace and the
lilies of Summer a-bloom.

From the lion-souled patriots fighting no grimness of Death
could appall;

From the mothers that went forth unweeping, and gave to
the Country their all,

With desolate hearts as of Rachel, and stony despairs as of
Saul —

Lo! the sudden release of the White Dove of Peace and the
whole world held in thrall.

From the bugles that called to the battle blow pzans to East
and to West

That shall reach to earth’s lowliest valleys from mountains
supremest confest,

That shall gladden the souls of the angels, in the music of
angels expressed,

From the sudden release of the White Dove of Peace, that
was winged from Jehovah’s breast.

— Inthe Boston Transcript.

Annual Report of the International
Peace Bureau to the Peace Congress.

The following report on the events of the year 1904-5, relating
to peace and war, was made by Mr. Elie Ducommun, Sec-
retary of the International Peace Bureau at Berne, to the
Lucerne Peace Congress:

The butcheries in Manchuria during the eleven months
which have passed since the meeting of the Thirteenth
Universal Peace Congress at Boston, in October, 1904,
have finally discredited war throughout the entire world.
The uprising of public opinion against the further con-
tinuance of war has been general, and especially has it
come to be felt that the nations, like individuals, can no
longer live without the assurance that peace in the
future will not be disturbed.

The peoples of the different countries therefore ex-
perienced an immense feeling of relief and satisfaction
when the official representatives of the governments of
Russia and Japan, on the vigorous initiative of President
Theodore Roosevelt, met at Portsmouth, in the United
States of America, to determine the conditions on which
peace should be restored between the two belligerents.
Especially was this feeling great when the news of
the signing of the terms of peace, like a rainbow at the
end of a storm, broke upon the world.

It goes without saying that the terms of peace are
differently appreciated, and that each of the parties con-
cerned would have wished to get more than has actually
been granted it. It is observed also that various organs
of the European press have with some anxiety attempted
to forecast the consequences which the Peace of Ports-
mouth may bring to the countries of the Occident. We
admit without question that the powers concerned knew
perfectly well what they were doing when they signed
the peace agreement, and we believe that the other
powers will, if they only loyally agree among themselves,
benefit likewise from the cessation of the war in the Far
East.

However this may be, humanity finds itself delivered
from the terrible nightmare of a war which was full of
horrors. The peace societies, the parliamentary groups,
all the organs of the peace movement, aided in bringing
to the world this happy consummation, by their incessant
efforts through the press, public meetings, great petitions,
and by the constant pressure of personal and collective
influence upon the governments, up to the very moment
when the President of the United States of America,
true to the promise which he had made in September,
1904, to a delegation of the Interparliamentary Confer-
ence, threw himself courageously into the breech and
made it impossible for Russia and Japan to refuse to be
reconciled. All henor to this generous friend of peace!

The North Sea incident, in its turn, furnished an oppor-
tunity to observe with what facility international arbi-
tration puts an end to serious disputes, It will never be
forgotten.

The Morocco dispute between France and Germany
has given rise to anxiety. It was feared that the unex-
pected intervention of the Emperor of Germany in the
work of expansion of France in the Moroccan territory,
as aresult of the Anglo-French agreement, might disturb
pacific relations on the European continent and create
serious difficulties. These fears have now happily been
allayed.

The political horizon of Europe is, nevertheless, not
entirely clear. The Eastern question continues to trouble
diplomacy. Whether one turns his eyes towards the
island of Crete, where the insurrection in favor of an-
nexation to Greece continues in spite of the armed oppo-
sition of the powers, or towards Macedonia, where the
confusion has become chronic, or towards unfortunate
Armenia, sacrificed to the deplorable Turkish adminis-
tration, or towards the Caucasus, where civil war is
raging, one cannot help asking himself what the powers
signatory of the Berlin treaty of the 13th of July, 1868,
are waiting for in order finally to let their liberating
voice be heard. In reference to this matter, we can only
renew the conclusions of our report of last year touching
Macedonia and Armenia.

The rupture of the union of Sweden and Norway has
not been one of the least important events of the current
year. It had to do primarily with matters of internal
government, but it affected also certain international
relations, which it threatened to complicate. Here is
not the place to discuss the grounds of the separation,
but we may properly note that in both countries the
friends of peace have done their duty by contributing
powerfully to the direction of the people’s minds in the
way of goodwill and equity.

198

Troubles which arose in the university circles of Ins-
bruck for a moment aroused fears of complications be-
tween the governments of Austria and Italy. There
was talk of hostile feelings manifesting themselves in
hasty measures of military defense on the frontier of the
two countries ; but up to the present time there has been
no reason for attaching any great importance to the
rumors which have been afloat in this regard.

We point out also, among the matters which may pos-
sibly some day darken the international political horizon,
the closure, said to be projected, of the straits of the
Baltic Sea. This question has not yet assumed sufficient
practical importance to be made the object of immediate
attention, but some incident may occur which will force
public opinion to take it into consideration. In such an
event, the friends of peace would of course be loyal to
their principles and declare themselves in favor of the
largest and completest possible freedom of the seas.

The processes of colonization in certain countries,
principally in Africa, have given rise during the course
of the year to numerous and serious differences. We
desire greatly that the principles set forth in regard to
this matter by numerous universal peace congresses may
as soon as possible find application in these colonies, and
that they may finally be delivered from the systematic
arbitrariness and acts of cruelty which have hitherto
prevailed.

In opposition to these disturbing manifestations of the
old policy based upon the right of the strongest, we are
happy to be able to point out the fact that a spirit of
general appeasement prevails at the present time through-
out the world. The good sense of the masses has come
to understand the significance of the persistent efforts of
the friends of peace, and among them there is no longer
any doubt that the eminently humanitarian cause of
peace through international justice has won its case. A
similar spirit is taking possession of the parliaments with
ever-increasing power, and the governments themselves
are proclaiming on every occasion their desire to main-
tain peace as an essential condition of the prosperity of
the people.

We cite here in support of our statement the numer-
ous visits which the heads of states and the parliamentary
groups have made to one another, the international
fétes which have evinced the wish of the nations to live
in peace with one another, and the congresses held by
the press, by the institutes of law, the codperative socie-
ties and the masonic lodges.

The treaties of international arbitration which have
been signed since the date of the Thirteenth Universal
Peace Congress are as follows:

Switzerland and Belgium, November, 1904.
Switzerland and Great Britain, November, 1904.
Switzerland and Italy, November, 1904.
Switzerland and Sweden and Norway, November, 1904.
Switzerland and France, November, 1904.
Switzerland and Austria-Hungary, November, 1904.
Russia and Belgium, November, 1904.

Belgium and Sweden and Norway, December, 1904.
Russia and Sweden and Norway, December, 1904.
England and Austria, January 12, 1905.

Belgium and Spain, January 12, 1905.

Russia and Denmark, March 1, 1905.

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

Denmark and Belgium, April 20, 1905.

Italy and Peru, April 18, 1905.

Belgium and Greece, May 2, 1905.

Portugal and Sweden and Norway, May 6, 1905.
Belgium and Roumania, May 27, 1905.

The Netherlands and Great Britain, April, 1905.
France and the Netherlands, April, 1905.
Denmark and the Netherlands, April, 1905.

We cannot better close the present report than by re-
calling the promise made by President Roosevelt to take
the initiative in calling a second conference of representa-
tives of the states at The Hague as soon as the Russo-
Japanese war was over and peace restored. Here again
the President of the United States of America has taken
a position which does him honor.

For the International Peace Bureau,
Eviz Ducommun.
Berne, September 15, 1905.

+e oes

Proceedings of the Fourteenth Interna-
tional Peace Congress.

The Fourteenth International Peace Congress opened
at Lucerne, Switzerland, in the Kursaal, on the 19th of
September, at half-past nine o’clock, with about three
hundred and fifty delegates present, the number of which
was afterwards increased to over four hundred. Dr.
Bucher-Heller, chairman of the Committee of Organiza-
tion, in opening the Congress, extended a cordial welcome
to the delegates. Referring to the successful termina-
tion of the peace negotiations at Portsmouth, he was
glad that the Fourteenth World Peace Congress could be
opened after the gates of the temple of Janus had been
closed. He hoped that the deliberations of the Congress
would be of such a nature as to widen still further the
circle of those who had “ faith in peace.”

Mr. Robert Comtesse, a Federal Councillor and former
president of the Swiss Republic, who had been chosen
honorary president of the Congress, also extended greet-
ings to the participants in the Congress in a very strong
speech. He declared that the peace idea aimed at a
very great advance in humanity. Even though wars
might not be wholly prevented by peace efforts, they
could at any rate be greatly reduced. The settlement
of the Hull affair by means of the provisions of the
Hague Convention was a remarkable fruit of the peace
movement, and he considered it one of the greatest under-
takings to try to secure the widest possible extension of
the work and influence of the Hague Conferences. The
countries of the world ought to come ever nearer and
nearer together. International peace he believed to be
perfectly consistent with a vigorous and intense love of
country, and it was a false theory that it required the
renunciation of patriotism. The Swiss people were a
very patriotic people, but no people were more devoted
to the cause of peace, and they welcomed most heartily
the workers for peace to the soil of their country.

Representatives of the different countries were then
called upon to respond for their respective delegations.

Prof. Ludwig Quidde of Munich, responding for Ger-
many, called attention, in a fine speech, which was
warmly applauded, to the peculiar fitness of Switzerland
as a place for holding the Peace Congress, and to the

1905.

valuable contribution which the Swiss people and govern-
ment were making to the cause of international justice,
fellowship and peace. He hoped that an arbitration
treaty between Switzerland and Germany would soon be
signed, and that contact with Switzerland in the present
Peace Congress would give new help and strength to the
efforts of all the friends of peace.

The Baroness ven Suttner, who on rising received
a genuine ovation, as she always does, spoke for the
Austrian group of peace workers. After extending greet-
ings and best wishes, she exposed in a very neat way the
absurdity of some of the criticisms of the efforts of peace
workers. When peace reigns the opponents of the peace
movement declare that these efforts are useless, because
we already have peace. And when war breaks out these
same critics make light of the peace efforts as still useless,
since we now have war. She thought we need not pay
much heed to these irrational fault-finders, but go on in
time of peace and in time of war doing our work for the
abolition of war.

Senator Houzeau de Lehaie of Mons, Belgium, declared
that his country, one of the smallest, was greatly inter-
ested in the cause of peace. Belgium had been the sport
of war, and had belonged first to one state and then to
another. His own father was born a Frenchman, his
mother an Austrian, he himself a Dutéhman, and his
brother a Belgian. He assured Switzerland that democ-
racy afforded the very greatest guaranty of peace, and
said that Belgium as a democratic state, like Switzerland,
gladly welcomed all peace efforts.

Mr. Tsang Tsi Fou, a young Chinaman, representing a
peace group of Chinamen in Paris (the first of its kind),
and speaking almost faultless French, held the Congress
breathless while he described the peaceful character of
the Chinese people, and the change in their disposition
and policies which had been forced upon them by the
aggressions of the Western powers. China loved peace
and wished peace, and if she now found herself com-
pelled to change her policy and arm herself in modern
fashion for war, it was not she who was responsible, but
the powers that had forced her to take this course.

Mr. Frederik Bajer, from Copenhagen, long a member
of the Danish Parliament, responding for Denmark, as-
sured the members of the Congress that Denmark,
though prepared to defend her rights and her institutions,
was devoted to peace and did not wish to see it in any
way interrupted.

Frederic Passy, now eighty-four years old and nearly
blind, when called upon to respond for France, was
received with prolonged applause. He spoke with all
his old fire and enthusiasm. He greeted Switzerland
with its federation of races as a prototype of the coming
federation of the nations. Though patriots in their
different countries, it was not as such that they had
come together, but rather as members of the new society
of humanity, which was higher and greater than the sep-
arate nations. The banner of this new order the friends
of peace desired to see wave above all other banners.
“The true Frenchman was a true patriot, but also a true
friend of peace.”

Response was made for Great Britain by Felix
Moscheles, who recounted what had been done in Eng-
land through the Manchester and Bristol National Peace
Congresses, and how the British friends of peace were

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

199

putting forth every possible effort to extend their prin-
ciples as far as possible in the life and policies of the
nation.

Further responses were then, owing to the lateness of
the hour, put off till the next day, and the Congress pro-
ceeded to complete its organization. Elie Ducommun,
Secretary of the International Peace Bureau at Berne,
was by acclamation chosen president. Mr. Geering-
Christ from Bale and Mr, Frey of Lucerne were chosen
secretaries. A vice-president was named by each of the
delegations present from the different countries, Edwin
D. Mead being chosen for the United States. To con-
stitute the three committees to prepare the business of
the Congress, one delegate for each committee was
named for each of the countries represented. For the
United States, Hon. Samuel J. Barrows was placed on
the Committee on Current Events, Mrs. Lucia Ames
Mead on that on Propaganda, and Benjamin F. True-
blood on that which dealt with Judicial subjects — ques-
tions of International Law, etc.

At two o’clock the three Committees met and spent
the afternoon in preparing business for the next day.
Persons not members of the Committees were allowed
to be present at the sittings.

An official reception, on behalf of the Municipality of
Lucerne, was given in the evening at the National Hotel.
The attendance of delegates and friends was large. The
Mayor being unavoidably kept away, an address of wel-
come was given, in his behalf, by Dr. Zimmerli, chair-
man of the Reception Committee of the city. He spoke
first in German, then in French, and lastly in English,
and his remarks were much appreciated by the audience.
After this the evening was spent in social intercourse,
with the usual refreshment accompaniment.

Previously, at five o’clock, a special religious service,
in recognition of the Congress, was held in the English
Church, and attended by a large number of the English-
speaking delegates.

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 20.

President Ducommun called the Congress to order at
half-past nine, and the responses from the different
countries were continued.

The first speaker of the morning was Benjamin F.
Trueblood, who had been chosen by the American
delegation to respond for them. He began by calling
attention to the great success of the series of meetings
held in numerous American cities after the Boston Peace
Congress, to the great broadening and deepening of
peace sentiment among the American people, to the
large addition of new members to the peace societies
and to the organization of several new branch societies.
The development of interest among business men and
commercial bodies had been especially marked, nearly
a hundred Chambers of Commerce in the important
American cities having passed strong resolutions in
favor of the widest possible application of arbitration
in the settlement of international controversies. The
Massachusetts State Board of Trade, one of the most
important commercial organizations in the United
States, consisting of a union of nearly fifty Massachu-
setts city Chambers of Commerce, had gone so far as to
propose to the United States government to take the
initiative, in the interests of peaceful commerce, to

200

secure an international agreement for the permanent neu-
tralization of the great trade routes across the Atlantic.
He then called attention to the remarkable development
in size and influence of the Interparliamentary Group
in the United States Congress, which had grown during
the year from forty to more than two hundred members.
This group had been most influential in the recent In-
terparliamentary Conference at Brussels, where it had
proposed, as two of the subjects which ought to be put
on the program of the New Hague Conference, the
adoption of a general treaty of obligatory arbitration by
all the nations of the world and the creation of a con-
gress of the nations to meet at stated periods. Atten-
tion was then called by Dr. Trueblood to the promise
made by President Roosevelt to the Interparliamentary
deputation to take the initiative in assembling a new
international conference to continue the work com-
menced in 1899, and to the President’s prompt fulfill-
ment of his promise. Finally he spoke of the great
service to humanity rendered by President Roosevelt in
the steps which he had taken to secure an end of the
sanguinary conflict in the Far East. In this the Presi-
dent had spoken not only for himself but for the whole
American people, by whose influence he had been urged
to take the step which had resulted in the end of the
wer. The failure of the arbitration treaties signed by
Secretary Hay to go into effect must not be attributed
to lack of public or official interest in arbitration, for
this interest was at the present time much stronger than
ever before. The failure was due to a conflict of opinion
between the Senate and the President as to their re-
spective prerogatives under the Constitution as parts of
the treaty-making power of the government. This
failure would probably lead to the United States gov-
ernment taking the lead in an effort to secure a general
treaty of obligatory arbitration much more comprehen-
sive and valuable than any treaty yet concluded.

Mr. E. T. Moneta, president of the Lombard Peace
Union, leader of the peace movement in Italy, followed
Dr. Trueblood. He was much pleased to see so large
a delegation of Americans in the Congress. Their
hopes, he said, were built upon America and her accom-
plishments in the peace movement. He spoke of the
great earthquake disaster which had just befallen his
country, and of the large and general help that had
come from all quarters to the unfortunate sufferers.
Unfortunately this help had, much of it, come too late.
They were lacking in the organization of peace, which
would protect and help the individual. Instead they
had the organization of war, through which single indi-
viduals and the whole land suffered. He made a power-
erful plea for the abandonment of the war system and
for the organization of peace everywhere in the interests
of the people.

The Netherlands was represented by Mr. Baart de la
Faille, from The Hague, a leading member of the gen-
eral Dutch Peace Society. He brought greetings in the

name of his fellow workers, and spoke of the distinct
progress which the peace cause is making in the
Netherlands.

Mr. J. Novicow, the distinguished Russian sociolog,
well known in peace circles as one of the ablest promoters
of the cause, said that in Russia nothing had been formally
done since the last peace congress; that nothing outward

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

was yet possible. But the frightful war had done much
to promote the idea of peace. The cause of constitutional
government was making rapid strides in his country. A
national assembly would soon meet, and he felt assured
that before long they would surprise the world by their
radicalism in reform. The cause of peace would at no
remote day find in Russia one of its foremost champions.
(This speech coming from an intelligent Russian was
listened to with deep interest, and gave hope to many
that a brighter day was dawning in the East.)

Mr. Edward Waurinsky, member of Parliament, spoke
for Sweden and the many Swedes living abroad in many
countries. He hoped and believed that in spite of the
warlike spirit prevailing between the two Scandinavian
countries and the threatening war clouds, peace would
nevertheless win the victory.

The last of the responses was made by Mr. Geering-
Christ of Bale, in the name of the Swiss Peace Union.
The congress was meeting on the soil which the men of
Riitli had won for freedom; he hoped, in the name of
all mankind, in the name of human rights and human
freedom, that mankind might likewise be released from
the fetters of the tyrant War.

The responses being over, numerous telegrams and
letters of greeting to the Congress were then presented.

The first business presented from the Committees was
a report from the Committee on Questions of Interna-
tional Law, made by Mr. Fredrik Bajer of Denmark, on
the permanent neutralization of the Scandinavian coun-
tries. At the close of his report Mr. Bajer offered a
resolution which, after recounting the advantages of the
perpetual neutralization of the Sund and the Grand Belt,
ran thus:

‘*The Congress expresses the wish that the three states,
Norway, Sweden and Denmark, declare themselves perma-
nently neutral, and that this neutrality shall mean :

‘* That in reference to the continental and insular territory
of the three countries, all the parties to this territory shall be
at all times absolutely neutral ; and

‘‘ That in regard to the principal waters which divide this
territory, their neutrality shall be permanently established on
the bases indicated (the Sund never to be entered by ships of
war of belligerents in time of war, but to be open always to
commercial vessels ; the Grand Belt to be open at all times
to ships of war as well as to those of commerce), and in
— with the generally recognized rules of international
aw.”’

The resolution was supported by J. G. Alexander,
secretary of the International Law Association, and by
Mr. Emile Arnaud, president of the International League
of Liberty and Peace, and then unanimously adopted.

AFTERNOON SESSION.

At the opening of the afternoon session the annual
report of the Berne Peace Bureau was read by Senator
Houzeau de Lehaie and approved. (The report, in
English, is found in full on another page.)

The following resolution, in regard to the Armenian
and Macedonian massacres from the Committee on Cur-
rent Questions, was then presented by Mr. Quillard:

‘‘The Fourteenth International Peace Congress, renewing
the wishes expressed by former congresses, urgently entreats
the powers signatory of the Treaty of Berlin to carry out without
further delay the reforms provided for by Articles 23 and 61
of the Berlin Treaty in regard to Armenia and Macedonia, and

determined more especially in the memorandum of May, 1895.
It extends to the victims of the massacres of Transcaucasia its

1905.

sympathies, and is deeply grieved that the Russian government
and the local authorities have neither prevented nor arrested
these massacres.”

Mr. Quillard, in presenting the resolution, set forth the
actual dreadful situation, not only in Armenia and
Macedonia, but also in Transcaucasia. For this latter
he declared the Russian government — not the Russian
people —to be directly responsible. These nations of
Europe were also responsible because they had not had
carried out the stipulations of the treaty of Berlin. The
resolution was further discussed by Mr. Novicow, who
declared, with deep regret, that these horrors were the
outcome of the present policy of the Russian govern-
ment; by Madame Thoumaiau, an Armenian lady, who
felt that the only cure for these ills was a deeper and
more thorough moral regeneration; by Felix Moscheles,
who wished the resolution were more strongly worded ;
by Madame Marie Cheliga, president of the Women’s
Universal Peace Alliance, Paris; and by Miss Ellen
Robinson of Liverpool.

At the end of the discussion, which was very spirited
toward the close, the resolution was referred back to the
Committee for some change in the wording.

The following cablegram to President Roosevelt was
then presented by the same Committee :

‘‘The Fourteenth International Peace Congress, assembled
at Lucerne, thanks and congratulates you on the great services
which you have rendered to the cause of peace, and expects
that you will continue in the way you have begun.”

This cablegram gave rise to considerable discussion,
some thinking that the Congress ought not to congratu-
late one who had only shortened a war and not prevented
one; others that the message should express regret that
the war had not been prevented. The message was
then, by a nearly unanimous vote, approved and ordered
sent.

Apropos of the discussion about the cablegram, Mr.
Emile Arnaud offered a resolution expressing condemna-
tion of the Russo-Japanese war, and declaring that it, as
all wars, was useless and unnecessary, useless because
the results aimed at by the belligerents were in no pro-
portion to the awful sacrifices caused by the war, and
unnecessary because the results might have been attained
by peaceful negotiations without war. The resolution,
which evidently had the sympathy of the audience, was
referred to the Committee for consideration.

The difficult subject of Franco-German reconciliation
was then taken up, and the following resolution, which
had been unanimously adopted by the committee after
an entire afternoon of discussion of the various schemes
of reconciliation proposed, was reported by Senator
Houzeau de Lehaie :

‘* Whereas, all permanent or accidental antagonism between
France and Germany is eminently prejudicial both to the cause
of peace and progress, and to the material and moral interests
not only of these two powers, but also of the whole civilized
world; and, consequently, it is of universal interest to remove
or avoid the causes of it; therefore,

** Resolved, That the Fourteenth International Peace Con-
gress expresses its warmest appreciation of all efforts tending
to bring about a rapprochement and cordial understanding be-
tween the two nations.

“The Congress asks general recognition of a system of in-
ternational law based upon the principles of justice and
liberty and assuring the juridic settlement of all international
differences. It recognizes as one of the essential elements of

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

201

this system the principle that it is forbidden to make any
political disposition of territories without the free consent of
their inhabitants. It expresses the conviction that when this
system is once solidly established, the questions of nationality,
now so burning, will lose much of their acuteness, and that
it will then be possible to apply the principles of right thus
recognized to the results of former conquests.

‘*The Congress expresses the desire that the French and
German governments may enter into negotiations, and by
mutual concessions and equitable compensations seek earnestly
to establish between the two countries a régime of peace and
law conformable both to their own interest and to that of the
civilized world.”’

The Committee proposed at the same time a second
resolution, pointing out the best means of securing the
creation of a proper system of international law. The
substance of it was expressed on these points:

“1, The relations between nations are subject to the
same principles of justice and morality as those that govern
the relations between individuals.

‘“*2. Noone having the right to execute justice for himself;
no nation may lawfully declare war against another.

‘*3. All differences between nations should be settled by
juridic means.

‘“*4. The autonomy of every nation is inviolable.

“5. There exists no right of conquest.

**6. The nations have the right of legitimate self-defense.

‘7, The nations have the inalienable and imprescriptible
right to dispose freely of themselves.

‘“*8, The nations are (solidaires) members one of another.”’

The Congress, consequently, appeals to all enlightened
spirits, in the world of law, of letters, of science and
art, of agriculture, of commerce and industry, to con-
secrate themselves henceforth with all their power to the
propagation of the principles of justice and morality in
a way to promote the organization of general peace, the
juridic settlement of all international controversies, and
the creation of an international federation.

Senator Houzeau de Lehaie, for the Committee, com-
mended the two resolutions to the audience, and hoped
that by a unanimous vote the Congress would show itself
united on the subject.

Professor Quidde of Munich, in the name of the
Germans, commended warmly the resolutions, and was
very glad that a unanimous agreement had been reached
in committee. He was convinced that in all Germany
hatred of the French no longer existed, and that every
German wished to have friendly relations with France.
The Germans, of course, could more easily approach the
French than vice versa, for in France the wounds were
not yet healed. So much the more noteworthy, there-
fore, was the fact that in France the friends of peace
were gaining ground so rapidly. It was of the greatest
importance for mankind that the two nations should
work together. The world needed the genius of both.
Out of their mutual completion of each other would
come something better and higher for the good of all
mankind,

Frederic Passy then took the platform and spoke for
the French, with his voice quivering and full of emotion,
He considered these resolutions the greatest work ever
done in the peace congresses. He had come to the Con-
gress once more, though burdened with years, because
he had not given up hope of seeing realized his ideal of
a reconciliation of the Germans and the French. Great
applause followed his speech, and when he reached out
his hand to Professor Quidde, who quickly responded,

202

and the two men stood side by side with clasped hands,
the scene became indescribable. The whole Congress
rose and applauded — many even wept — with a fervor
and depth of feeling rarely, if ever, surpassed.

The President asked all others who had sent up their
resolutions to refrain from speaking, and the resolutions
were then voted with solemn unanimity. The scene
was a perfectly spontaneous one, and in this consisted
largely its significance. It was the first time that even
the Peace Congress had ever been able to say anything
on the difficult subject.

The session then closed at 6.30 o’clock.

In the evening an entertainment was given in the
Kursaal, which many of the members of the Congress
attended.

THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 21.

The Congress reassembled at 10 o’clock, and the Com-
mittee on Propaganda reported the following resolution :

‘*The Congress recommends to the peace organizations to
appeal, in each country, to business men of recognized stand-
ing to coéperate with the peace movement by creating, in ad-
dition to the Central Fund at Berne, a Peace Propaganda Fund
to be locally controlled.”

In support of this resolution Mr. Edwin Ginn of Bos-
ton read a brief paper, in which he set forth the great
inadequacy of the means at hand for carrying on the
peace propaganda in a manner worthy of the greatness
of the cause, and the desirability of enlisting men of
means to furnish funds to do the work as it should be
done.

Simple and sensible as the proposition was, objection
was raised by the Socialistic elements in the Congress to
making a special appeal to rich men. It was argued that
the appeal should be to all persons without respect to
the amount of their wealth, that many small contribu-
tions might thus be received and interest in the cause
thus greatly extended. The discussion was participated
in by Edwin D, Mead (supporting Mr. Ginn’s proposi-
tion) and others, and the resolution was finally referred,
without action, to the Berne Bureau. (It is understood
that the Commission of the Bureau met at once and de-
cided to lay Mr. Ginn’s ideas before the peace societies
in all countries through the medium of the Bureau’s
“ Semi- Monthly Correspondence.”)

The subject of the neutralization of the great trade
routes across the Atlantic was next taken up, and the
following resolution was presented by the Committee on
International Law:

‘*The Congress learns with satisfaction that the Board of
Trade of Massachusetts (United States) has proposed the
neutralization of the ocean routes used by the various trans-
atlantic steamer services; also that the International Law
Association, in the recent conference at Christiania, adopted a
resolution advocating the protection of mail and passenger
steamers from seizure in time of war, provision being made
by international agreement to prevent, under severe penalties,
the shipment and carriage of contraband of war in such
vessels.

‘* The Congress welcomes both of these proposals, the result
of which would be to diminish the risks at present incurred
by vessels engaged in postal and passenger service, which
recent experience has shown to be productive of much hard-
ship to neutral and legitimate traffic.”

The discussion of the resolution was introduced by
Mr. Ashton Lee of Lawrence, Mass., delegate of the
’ ’ oD

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

Massachusetts State Board of Trade to the Congress,
who outlined in a brief paper the reasons which had led
the Board to make the proposal. Mr. Lee was supported
by Mrs. Mead, who pointed out the ruinous recent de-
velopment of military and naval expenses; and by B. F.
Trueblood, who set forth further the grounds of the
action of the Massachusetts Board of Trade. He de-
clared this to be one of the most important steps recently
proposed in the interests of the world’s permanent peace,
and hoped to see the subject put upon the program of
the new Hague Conference.

Mr. Nathan Larrier of France opposed the resolution
with the most extraordinary argument that commerce
ought not to be protected from the perils of war. If
commercial men were thus protected they would take
no interest in the cause of peace! The more commerce
suffered from war, the more the men engaged in it
“would come to our side.” He granted, however, that
limitation of the area of war could be used in support of
the proposal.

Mr. Larrier’s arguments were replied to by J. G.
Alexander and Emile Arnaud, who showed that the prop-
osition was altogether in the interests of general peace,
and that war, so long as it could not be entirely pre-
vented, should be limited and trammeled as much as
possible.

Senator La Fontaine of Belgium opposed the resolu-
tion on the ground that it was an attempt to regulate
war, and that this was not the business of a peace con-
gress. He thought that the worse war was allowed to
become and the more women and children starved and
died in consequence, the better it was for the cause of
peace! The proposition was, he thought, made in the
interests of commercial capitalists and not truly in the
interests of peace. He therefore moved the previous
question.

His motion was voted upon, in the midst of great con-
fusion, and adopted by a small majority and the subject
was dropped, though there was, it seems to us and many
others, a majority of the delegates who strongly favored
the Committee’s resolution, but were confused in the
voting.

Senator Houzeau de Lehaie then reported from the
Committee the resolution on Armenia and Macedonia
which had been referred back to it, and the modified
form was unanimously approved.

At the close of the sitting the delegates betook them-
selves at half past one to a banquet at the Sweizerhof,
one of the best hotels in the city. About three hundred
and fifty persons sat down at the tables. Mr. Schmid,
City Councillor, gave an address of welcome, and there
were speeches by Senator La Fontaine, Frederic Passy,
E. T. Moneta, Gaston Moch, the Chinese delegates, and
two or three others. No English-speaking delegates
were called on, though one-third of the guests were
English and American.

At four o’clock the delegates went in a body to visit
the Bloch Museum of War and Peace. Mr. Ducommun
made a short address in which he set forth the purposes
of Mr. Bloch, explained that the building had been leased
for only six years, and that after two years more new
quarters must be found for the museum. He made an
earnest appeal for funds for a suitable permanent build-
ing for the growing collection, the sequel of which we

1905.

shall see further on. Dr. Zimmerli also joined in the
appeal.

At five o’clock an important meeting of the English
and German delegates was held in the Hotel National,
to consider what could be done to prevent further devel-
opment of misunderstanding and unfriendly feeling be-
tween the two peoples. The meeting, at which about
fifty English delegates and some thirty Germans were
present, was a harmonious and satisfactory one, and
good fruits are expected from it.

»)»)

FRIDAY, SEPTEMBE

The President opened the Congress at 9.15 o’clock.

Senator Houzeau de Lehaie presented from his com-
mittee a resolution expressing the extreme satisfaction
of the Congress that the Norwegian and Swedish pleni-
potentiaries at Carlstad had reached a pacific agreement
in regard to the conflict between the two countries, and
that the danger of war was passed. It congratulated
both governments on the happy outcome and on their
pacific disposition and mutual goodwill. The resolution
was approved by acclamation and a telegram ordered
sent to both governments.

The question of an international auxiliary language
was next taken up. Mr. Gaston Moch presented an
extended report on /speranto, which he had prepared
at the suggestion of the Berne Peace Bureau, briefly
explaining to the Congress the points of the report,
strongly urging the approval of Esperanto as the de-
sired language, and offering for adoption the following
resolutions :

**1, The Congress invites the societies in different coun-
tries to correspond with one another in Esperanto, and to
inform the Berne Bureau when they are ready to do so. It
invites the Berne Bureau to publish this information, as it is
received, in the Correspondance Bimensuelle, and to designate
in the Liste des Organes du Movemente Pa-ifiste the societies
which are ready to correspond in this language.

‘*2. The Congress invites the Berne Bureau to add as soon
as possible an Esperanto translation of its publications, and
leaves to it the decision when the time shall have come for
the said publications to appear entirely in this language.

“3. Articles XI., XXXIX. and XL. of the rules of the
Universal Peace Congresses are modified as follows:

“Article XI. The duty of the General Secretary is ...
(f) to resume in French and Esperanto the resolutions adopted.

“ Article XX XIX. The Minutes of the meetings shall be
drawn up in French and Esperanto.

* Article XL. The speakers may use French, German, Eng-
lish, Esperanto, Italian or the language of the country in which
the Congress is held.”’

The Congress was clearly largely opposed to the
adoption of the resolutions, and, after some discussion,
on motion of B. F. Trueblood, the whole subject was
referred to the Berne Bureau.

Dr. Max Kolben, of Vienna, offered a resolution,
which was referred to committee, to the effect that the
Congress deeply regretted that Russia and Japan had
not sought beforehand to prevent the war through the
use of the provisions of the Hague Convention. He
spoke at some length on the resolution, urging the im-
portance of inducing the nations signatory of the Hague
Convention to make use of its provisions in all cases of
misunderstanding before going to war.

Mr. Houzeau de Lehaie reported from committee a
resolution which had been offered by Professor Quidde,

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

expressing the opinion that the principle of the right of
a people freely to dispose of itself should be extended
to such countries as Korea and Manchuria. The prin-
ciple ought to be extended to all peoples, and not to
those only which are usually considered civilized. The
principle had unfortunately been wholly ignored in the
peace treaty of Portsmouth between Russia and Japan.

The resolution was earnestly supported by Mr. Novicow
of Russia, who greatly regretted tnat the annexation of
Korea by Japan had been taken by all the European
powers as a matter of course.

The Quidde proposition was then unanimously ap-
proved.

A resolution was reported from committee and
adopted, expressing appreciation of the work of Hon.
Richard Bartholdt in organizing the Arbitration Group
in the United States Congress, and promoting so effectu-
ally the work of the Brussels Interparliamentary Confer-
ence, particularly in the matter of a regular congress of
the nations. This resolution called out from Dr. G. B.
Clark, ex-M. P., the statement that the first practical
step, taken by the Massachusetts Legislature, toward the
realization of the idea of a regular international congress,
had been taken on the initiative of the American Peace
Society.

Hon. Samuel R. Thayer of Minneapolis, ex-United
States Minister to the Netherlands, was then introduced,
and spoke briefly on the Venezuelan settlement by the
Hague Court. It was regrettable, he thought, that the
Court in this instance had rendered a decision which
would give a privileged position to powers that used
violence in pressing claims against other nations. The
Court was gaining ever more prestige, but this award
had tended to discredit it in the minds of many as an
institution to be relied upon for the promotion of justice
and peace.

The afternoon of Friday was spent in an excursion on
Lake Lucerne to the historic Riitli, where the delegates
landed, climbed the mountain side and listened to
speeches touching the history connected with the place.
The afternoon was greatly enjoyed by all.

On the return from the excursion a very interesting
short session of the Congress was held in the City Hall
at six o’clock. The session was devoted to consideration
of the relations which the Peace Congress ought to sus-
tain to the peace movement going on among working
men. The following resolution was presented by the
Committee on Propaganda:

‘In consideration of the fact that along with the peace
movement represented at this Congress there exists a peace
movement of workmen which is daily growing stronger;

**In consideration, further, of the fact that this movement
tends to realize, by other methods and principles, the very
end which we pursue;

‘*Further, that the very future of the work demands that
we enter more and more into contact with the movement of
the workmen; therefore,

** Resolved, That the Congress appoint a commission com-
posed of Messrs. * * ° ° * . ° °

‘* The object of this commission shall be, proceeding in con-
nection with the International Bureau at Berne, to obtain
exact information concerning the conception of peace held by
the workmen, and to select those points which are capable of
being incorporated in our program,

‘““The result of this investigation and the subsequent de-
cision shall constitute the principal discussion at the next
International Peace Congress.”

204

The resolution was introduced by Mr. J. Prudhom-
meaux of France in a good speech, which showed how
intimately the cause of peace is connected with the inter-
ests of labor and the labor movement. A very fine
speech was also made by Mr. Appleton of England, rep-
resenting some two millions of English working men, in
which he pointed out the spirit in which the labor organ-
izations should be approached in order to allay their
suspicions and win their coéperation. He encouraged
the Congress to send fraternal delegates to the interna-
tional labor congresses. He believed the working men
would respond in a most cordial spirit, if rightly ap-
proached, for no class of people were more interested in
the maintenance of peace, as none other was so seriously
affected by war. Addresses were also made by Mr.
Allegret of Havre and others, and the resolution was
then adopted substantially as it had been presented.

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 23.

The last session of the Congress was held on Saturday
morning beginning at 9 o’clock. The day proved to be
one of the most interesting and important of the week.
Various resolutions presented by the Committee on
Propaganda were adopted. The more important were
as follows:

‘“‘The Congress urges the members of the Commission of
the International Peace Bureau at Berne to put themselves in
communication, each in his own country, with the directors
and proprietors of the large newspapers and reviews, in order
to obtain their active and continued support in favor of the
cause of peace.”

‘* The Congress urges:

‘* First: That the methodical teaching of the principles of
peace be introduced as part of public education in the primary,
secondary and superior schools; and that the anniversary of
the 18th of May be celebrated in all the schools.

‘*Second: That the peace societies of all countries take this
matter in hand and seek out the most practical means of en-
suring that this sort of education shall be given and try to
find persons who will be willing to defray the new outlay
which this organization will occasion.”

‘*The Congress strongly recommends the establishment of
international clubs in all centres of the peace movement, the
objects of which shall be:

“1, To promote good feeling and to establish cordial rela-
tions between nations, to study and advocate methods suited
to bring about the pacific settlement of international disputes.

‘*2. To provide a rallying place for the supporters of the
cause in each centre.

‘*3. To form libraries composed mainly of works devoted
to international questions.

‘“*4, To organize a system of mutual membership among
the different clubs.

‘*The constitution and form of such clubs to depend on
local circumstances and the financial resources at command.”

A resolution was also voted, in substance, asking the
Ministers of Public Education in the different countries
to make an effort to establish a system of international
education which would provide for common programs in
a certain number of institutions, for exchange of students
of a certain grade of scholarship, for an international
university to teach especially the comparative history of
literature, science, art, law, philosophy, pedagogy, eco-
nomics, politics, etc. The resolution invited the peace
societies to investigate carefully the question of the organ-
ization of an international system of education. A com-

mittee of the Congress was appointed to receive com-

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

munications on the subject, of which Mr. Emile Arnaud,
Luzarches, France, was made chairman.

The most important work of the morning was the
adoption of the following resolution presented by the
Committee on Questions of International Law, which
designates some of the important subjects which the
leaders of the peace movement think ought to be put on
the program of the Second Ilague Conference :

‘The Congress expresses the hope that the second confer-
ence at The Hague will give to international society juridical
and federative institutions as complete and perfect as possible.
These institutions should be of a nature to lead to an interna-
tional federation of the peoples, which, respecting and guar-
anteeing their independence and autonomy, will assure the
friendly and juridical solution of all their conflicts, the con-
certed management of their common interests, the establish-
ment of measures suited to render that solidarity which unites
the members of the society of civilized nations a reality, and
to bring to an end the state of war, or of armed peace which
pushes all the nations to augment their armaments indefinitely,
which provokes among peoples new antagonisms, which brings
innumerable evils upon humanity, and which threatens civili-
zation with the gravest danger.

‘*Consequently the Congress, in which nationalities are
represented, expresses its earnest desire to see the following
questions concluded in the program of the Conference:

‘*1, The limitation of the military burdens which now
press heavily on the world, by the limitation of armed forces
on land and sea, and of military and naval budgets. And in
order to arrive at disarmament, which will be the final result
of the establishment of international juridical relations.

“2, The establishment of an international assembly, which
should meet at regular intervals, to deliberate on questions of
general interest to the nations.

“3. The organization of an administrative bureau, charged
(a) with the application of the decisions of the international
assembly; (b) with the preparation of the program of this
assembly, and especially with the study of methods suited to
the management of the common interests of the states and to
the development and perfecting of international life.

‘*4, The adoption of the needful measures for the codifica-
tion of international law.

“5, The obligation of powers in dispute to have recourse
to the methods of conciliation provided by the convention of
the 29th of July, 1899, for the pacific settlement of interna-
tional disputes.

‘*6, And the conclusion, between all the nations repre-
sented in the Conference, of a permanent obligatory arbitra-
tion treaty, as general as possible, stipulating final recourse
to the Permanent Arbitration Court at The Hague.”

This session of the Congress was made memorable by
the announcement of a great gift to the Bloch Peace
Museum. On the previous day, during the visit of the
Congress to the Museum, President Ducommun had an-
nounced that the lease of the building in which the
Museum is now housed would expire in two years and
could not be renewed. He therefore appealed to the
friends of peace for funds for a building worthy of
the Museum, and for the further development of the
peace collection. At this last business session the an-
nouncement was made that a Polish Count, Gourowski,
had made a gift of 600,000 franes ($120,000) for the
purpose of giving the Museum a permanent home, and
making it a real museum of peace against war. Count
Gourowski was present in the audience, and of course
received a great ovation.

Before adjourning the Congress decided to accept the
invitation to meet next year in Milan, Italy.

At the final banquet, which followed at the close of
the meeting, addresses were made by Edwin D. Mead
of Boston, Dr. G. B, Clark of England, J. Novicow of

1905.

Russia, Fredrik Bajer of Denmark, Frederic Passy of
France, ete.

In the evening a great public meeting was held in the
Léwengarten, which was attended by nearly two thou-
sand people. The Baroness von Suttner was one of the
chief speakers, and made one of the strongest and most
eloquent speeches she had ever been heard to deliver.
There were also addresses by Emile Arnaud from France,
J. Novicow from Russia and Miss Ellen Robinson from
Liverpool, England.

Just at the close of this meeting came a warm response
from President Roosevelt to the message which had been
sent him. With the enthusiasm which this awakened,
the Congress closed —a Congress which, with whatever
defects it may have had, will probably prove to be one
of the most influential ever held.

Address of Hon. Richard Bartholdt at
the Brussels Interparliamentary
Conference,

In Support of the Draft of a General Arbitration Treaty
Presented by Him.

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Conference:
It is advisable of course that a treaty of arbitration be
evolved which is fit to become a model, and which at
the same time can hope to meet with the approval of
every nation. Is such a thing possible at the present
time or in the near future? It is not now possible to
secure universal assent to a treaty of arbitration such as
Holland and Denmark have concluded, though that is
surely the ideal toward which the world is moving and
at which it will in due time arrive. And it is safe to say
that the United States is ready now te enter into such a
treaty with every nation, provided all nations will agree
to enter into an international legislature where the law
can be made which international courts are to administer.
Having a voice in such a legislature and with the leading
minds of the world available as international judges, the
United States would not hesitate to go the full length of
agreeing to arbitrate all questions; for it will have faith
in making right and reason prevail in the international
congress and before the international courts.

If Europe doubts this, let the United States be put to
the test by coupling these two propositions and _ present-
ing them for her acceptance. This, however, is im-
possible, for the nations are not prepared to make any
such proposition. And some may ask, How can this be
true of the United States when such a limited treaty as
the Anglo-French agreement could not find sanction in
that country? The answer is that the defects of this
agreement killed it in America; and, indeed, the defeat
of these treaties was a blessing in disguise, for it fixed
the thought of the world on these defects only to make
it plain how they can be removed.

The draft of a treaty which is presented herewith is
submitted as a basis for discussion in evolving a treaty
fit to become a model as the result of the world’s experi-
ence in international arbitration distilled in the light of
the most recent events. The work of the pioneers (such
as Burritt and others) has been consulted. The actual
history of arbitration has been digested. Treaties of
arbitration which have been concluded have been read,

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. 205

compared and classified. The work of conferences on
this subject has been carefully considered, particularly
the work of certain conferences in the United States
itself, the great Pan-American Conference of Washing-
ton in 1890 and the Hague Conferences. So that in its
preparation individual, national and international effort
heretofore made in this cause has been fully and freely
utilized. And the draft as presented contains the best
thought put forward from any of these directions and
which seems reliable under existing conditions.

The Treaty of The Hague is the basis upon which it
reposes, and to strengthen and magnify the Hague
Tribunal is its object. The clause defining the subjects
to be submitted is taken from the resolution of the great
Pan-American Congress organized and presided over by
James G, Blaine, which contained representatives from
every American nation, and will be found acceptable to
those nations — a thing of no small moment in view of
the fact that the plan is to secure the assent of all nations
to this treaty. These subjects are enumerated in Article
I. (see above).

Without going into all the details, many of which
speak for themselves, it will suffice to state as a general
proposition that this treaty attempts to use all the good
in all the treaties, and to correct such defects as are
apparent in them without going beyond what is now
realizable. In order to indicate how this result is
reached, I may take the Anglo-French Treaty, the
Argentine Treaties and the Hague Treaty as typical.

1. The Anglo-French Treaty. A treaty on the line
of this agreement cannot pass the United States Senate,
because it does not define clearly enough what is in-
cluded in it. That question, which is the vital one, is
left for a subsequent special agreement between the
parties. Now this subsequent agreement is to be entered
into between the Executive Departments of the contract-
ing powers, and by ratifying such a treaty the Senate
would really renounce its right to pass jadgment on
what kind of questions are to be arbitrated. If, how-
ever, the kind of questions to be arbitrated are specified,
as they are in the proposed mogel treaty, the Senate will
exercise its judgment when the treaty is ratified, and will
readily leave mere administrative acts to the State De-
partment and the Executive. The arbitration movement
needs the United States for its full success. The United
States needs European acceptance of this classification
of questions that are arbitrable, in order that it may
enter into general treaties of arbitration instead of going
on in the old way of submitting individual cases to arbi-
tration whenever this is found possible. When the
clause in the proposed treaty is examined, it is found
that arbitration is made obligatory only in such cases
as all well-meaning governments may be personally
expected to settle in this manner.

2. The Argentine Treaties. Under these treaties it
is agreed to refer all questions to arbitration except such
as effect the constitution of the contracting powers.
This leaves the signatory power under the necessity of
defending by force the fundamental right to constitute
itself as it pleases, even after general assent to a treaty.

The treaty herewith suggested is based on the ac-
knowledgment that all nations have the right to organize
themselves as they choose and to be supreme in their
own domain. The arbitration courts would be found to

206

respect these rights by the very terms of the treaty giv-
ing them jurisdiction. In addition to this it is provided
that an appeal to arms may be taken from a decision
affecting these or any other rights not enumerated in
Article 1. This really guarantees to all nations all their
vital interests, leaves them free to defend them even
against judicial invasion, and removes all reason for
reserving from arbitration the questions affecting vital
interests or national honor.

8. The Treaty of The Hague. In attempting to
strengthen and magnify the Hague Tribunal it is neces-
sary of course to correct any defects and supply any
omissions in the treaty on which it is founded. The
method provided by the Treaty of The Hague for select-
ing judges to try any particular case is defective in this,
that even after the naming of two judges each by the
two disputant nations no sure way of selecting the fifth
is provided. Here it is provided that a member of the
highest court of a nation not interested in the dispute be
chosen by lot, if the Court cannot be constituted fully
by the method provided in the Treaty of The Hague.
And who is worthier to judge between nations than the
men to whom the several nations have entrusted judg-
ment in their most vital national interests ?

The Hague Court has no jurisdiction whatever. It
can act only in cases voluntarily submitted to it, and it
has not the proper power to develop a system of pro-
cedure, This treaty corrects both these defects, giving the
court jurisdiction over those questions in which arbitration
is made obligatory, and authorizing it to develop a suit-
able system of procedure. So that by this treaty the
Hague Court will not only be founded upon the work of
jurisdiction, but will become an integral self-acting part
of the world’s judicial machinery.

In the next place, the Treaty of The Hague can be
terminated on one year’s notice. Provision is here
made for prolonging its life after notice of denunciation.
Three years is suggested, for this reason: It takes that
long to build a warship. And this provision will tend
toward decrease in naval construction after the treaty
is generally adopted, because new ships can be ordered
on notice of denunciation and be in service by the time
the treaty expires.

Furthermore, there would be a political party in every
action opposed to denunciation, and the increased war
preparation would give them good ground to stand on,
and in three years they might carry the country against
denouncing the treaty before the notice became effective.
These are the main things that would be accomplished
by this treaty: the Hague Tribunal would be strength-
ened and magnified, being given a proper place among
judicial institutions and thus enabled more easily and
surely to grow in power and favor. International courts
inferior to the Hague Tribunal would be constituted
which would serve as anterooms, not as rivals, to that
Court, keeping out such questions as ought to be decided
by inferior tribunals and inducing the nations to use the
Hague Court in questions proper for it.

The plan for these Courts of First Instance removes
some serious objections to arbitration which have already
made themselves felt. Among them is the fear of deci-
sions by judges who have no knowledge of national or
local conditions. The judges comprising these Courts of

First Instance, being chosen from the highest courts of

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

the disputant nations, would understand local conditions,
and errors from prejudice or partiality on their own part
would be corrected on appeal to the High Court at The
Hague.

The treaty is submitted as an aspiration toward the
highest and, at the same time, as a suitable concession to
existing conditions, in order that it may hope for imme-
diate and universal acceptance. This is hoped for from
the provision allowing each nation to endorse the pro-
cedure part of the treaty, thus putting it into effect, and
at the same time to endorse the essential part only to
the extent that it is willing to go, thus making the treaty
narrow in scope for backward nations, broad in scope for
advanced nations, but operative to some extent among all
nations now, and destined to come into fuller operation
among all as fast as any nation rises to the height of
honor involved in abandoning war and accepting arbi-
tration on a just basis in its stead.

The Americzn people would prefer to sweep away all
these distinctions and differences and create now all the
governmental machinery necessary to administer justice
among nations as it is administered among the United
States. They must content themselves, however, with
making painful and slow steps forward, but they are re-
solved to go forward until the best is attained, however
long the way or great the effort required.

<>

Draft of a General Treaty of Arbitration.

BY HON. RICHARD BARTHOLDT.,

President of the Arbitration Group in Congress. Submitted

to the XIIIth Interparliamentary Conference.

With a view to substituting judicial decisions accord-
ing to recognized principles of law for war between
nations, the signatory powers have entered into the fol-
lowing general treaty of arbitration, which is based upon
the recognized right of every nation to organize itself in
such a manner as it may choose and to be supreme in its
own domain, without, of course, freeing it from responsi-
bility for its acts contrary to recognized principles of
international law. (See Sir Henry Maine on Interna-
tional Law, p. 60. Hannis Taylor on International Law.)

ArticLE I. All differences which grow out of the
interpretation or enforcement of treaties, which concern
diplomatic or consular privileges, boundaries, rights of
navigation, indemnities, pecuniary claims, violations of
the right of personal property, violations of recognized
principles of international law, shall be tried by the inter-
national courts, established under this treaty and the
Treaty of The Hague, Section 30 et seq.

ArticLe II. All other questions of whatever charac-
ter shall be referred to a Commission of Inquiry, consti-
tuted according to the provisions of the Treaty of The
Hague (Title I1I., Article 9-14), or to a court constituted
as provided herein, and decided on appeal by a Court of
the Permanent Tribunal at The Hague, before resort to
arms. Alleged violations of this clause shall be tried by
the international courts as provided for questions included
in Article I. ,

ArticLe III. Upon filing of a statement of its con-
tention in a case of the kind included under Article IL.,
either power may serve notice that it will be proper for
its treaty-making power to accept or reject the decision,

1905.

otherwise it will be considered that the decision of the
courts shal] be final as in cases coming under Article I.

In case the treaty-making power elects to reject a de-
cision after same is rendered, before commencement of
hostilities the powers concerned and the Administrative
Council at The Hague shall agree upon and publish what
shall be considered contraband, the rights and duties of
neutrals, as understood by the belligerents, and the day
for commencing and ending of hostilities, and the terri-
tory within which war may be waged. This being done,
the question of war or peace shall be referred to the
people of the appealing nation for their decision before
war is actually declared.

ArtictE IV. Courts of First Instance shall be con-
stituted as follows: Upon notice of resort to arbitration
by either party to a dispute, the members of the Highest
Court of each power concerned shall name two of their
own number, or any other two persons whom they con-
sider competent, as judges. These shall each name a mem-
ber of the Hague Tribunal, and the last member of the
Court shall be chosen by lot from those so named, and
he shall be the presiding judge, unless he request the
judges to elect a presiding judge other than himself.

But by mutual consent of all the designated judges,
the presiding judge may be chosen by them. In such
case he need not be a member of the Hague Tribunal.

ArticLte V. All cases under both Articles I. and IT.
shall be tried first by a court constituted as above, or by
a Commission of Inquiry, unless all parties concerned
agree to begin action in the High Court of The Hague.
There may be an appeal in all cases to the High Court
of The Hague, unless the decision is unanimous, the ques-
tion pecuniary, and the amount adjudged is less than
£1,000,000.

There must be an appeal to the High Court of The
Hague before exercise of the right to resort to arms
remains; for such right shall hereafter be exercised only
after a decision by a High Court of the Hague Tribunal,
either upon original hearing of a controversy or upon
an appeal from a Commission of Inquiry or from a Court
of First Instance, constituted as provided herein.

Articte VI. The Courts of First Instance shall de-
cide upon all rules of procedure, appoint all necessary
agents and fix their compensation, designate the time
and place of their sittings, etc., and shall render their
decisions according to the terms of the Treaty of The
Hague on this subject ; and shall have power to tax costs
and fees for maintaining the necessary officers of the
Court, and order such sums to be paid in by the litigants,
during the action, as may be necessary to meet the current
costs.

ArticLte VII. Either party to a controversy may
deliver to the other party or parties a statement of its
contention, and is entitled to a judgment according to
the same, to be entered by the Clerk of the Hague Court,
unless it receives a counter-statement in a reasonable
time. Upon application and proof of delivery of such
statement of the case, the clerk of the court shall desig-
nate what would be a reasonable time for delivery of
counter-statement, and shall so notify the other party or
parties.

A judgment by default may be set aside by the clerk
for reasonable cause.

Upon issue joined, the clerk shall certify the fact with

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

207

proper papers to the Highest Court of each power con-
cerned, if the case is to be tried before a Court of First
Instance.

If the case is to come before a Commission of Inquiry
or before a Court of the Hague Tribunal, the clerk of
the Hague Tribunal shall take the necessary steps to con-
stitute such a Commission or Court as provided in this
treaty and the Treaty of The Hague.

When the judges for the trial of a case shall have been
selected it shall be proper for them to decide and an-
nounce to the contending parties the reasonable rules of
procedure to be followed for taking evidence, hearing
motions, etc., time and place of trial, sittings of Court, ete.

Rules of procedure once announced and followed shall
be considered as constituting a part of the procedure of
the Permanent Court of Arbitration, of the Courts of
First Instance, and of the Commissions of Inquiry, but
may be changed by the Court or Commission of Inquiry
especially constituted to try any question upon the appli-
cation of any party at the first session after its constitu-
tion, or by the Judges during any case, on their own
initiative.

Articte VIII. Ifa Court of the Hague Tribunal or
a Commission of Inquiry shall not be constituted by the
method provided in the Treaty of The Hague, the clerk
of the Hague Court shall summon, by lot, a sufficient
number of the members of the Highest Court of the
nations signatory of this treaty, not of the parties to the
action, from whom the Court or Commission shall be
completed, by such method as may be prescribed by the
Court.

In making the members of the Highest Courts of the
nations eligible for duty on the International Court and
the Commission of Inquiry, it is intended that only those
who are actively judging in their own nation shall be
eligible to judge between nations.

ArticLe 1X. Denunciation of the Treaty of The
Hague by a nation shall remove its judges from the
International Courts, and therefore the high contracting
parties agree that neither of them shall denounce the
Treaty of The Hague while this present treaty remains
operative. And the Permanent Court of Arbitration
provided for by the Treaty of The Hague, and such
other courts as are hereby or may hereafter be created
by the signatory powers, shall have and exercise the
jurisdiction created by the present treaty until the
present treaty is denounced, even though the other
signatory powers of the Treaty of The Hague may
have previously denounced that treaty.

And in order to make this article of this present treaty
effectual, the high contracting parties agree, so long as
this present treaty remains in force, to keep their mem-
bers of the Permanent Court of Arbitration duly ap-
pointed as provided in said Treaty of The Hague.

ArTICLE X. This treaty shall continue in force three
years after denunciation by either of the signatories or
adhering parties thereto; a denunciation by one nation
shall not terminate it as between the other signatories or
those that may adhere to it after original execution.

Articte XI. The number of judges to be selected,
as herein provided, for the trial of any controversy,
shall be five, unless otherwise agreed by the parties, or
unless the number of nations in a case before the Courts
of First Instance necessitates for such case a larger

208

number; and decision shall be by a majority of judges.

ArticLe XII. The president of a Court or Commis-
sion of Inquiry constituted by virtue of this treaty shall
be designated by the Court after it is fully constituted,
except as provided in Article IV.

ArticLe XIII, The Court shall determine the lan-
guage to be used in any case.

ArricLe XIV. International Courts and Commis-
sions of Inquiry shall have power to tax the costs of all
cases according to their judgment.

ArticLeE XV. All nations whose people are engaged
in commerce with the people of any of the signatory
powers may adhere to this treaty at any time. In the
event of their unwillingness to agree to the judicial
determination of all such questions as are included
herein, with the notice of their adherence, they may
designate such classes of controversies as they will refer
to arbitration under this treaty. Upon such designation
the treaty shall become operative for such controversies
between all the powers that have adhered to the treaty
in all its parts or have designated the same classes of
controversies as arbitrable.

Article XVI. Nothing herein shall prevent entire
freedom of action by all signatory powers in a matter
which concerns a power not signatory hereto.

In witness whereof, the signatory powers, etc.

- <> +

Text of the Treaty of Portsmouth.

Following is in substance the treaty of peace signed
at Portsmouth, N. I[., on September 5, by the Russian
and Japanese plenipotentiaries, Mr. de Witte, Baron de
Rosen, Baron Komura and Minister Takahira:

The peace treaty opens with a preamble reciting that
His Majesty the Emperor and Autocrat of all the
Russias, and His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, desir-
ing to close the war now subsisting between them, and
having appointed their respective plenipotentiaries and
furnished them with full powers, which are found to be
in form, have come to an agreement on a treaty of peace,
and arranged as follows:

ArticLE I. Stipulates for the reéstablishment of
peace and friendship between the sovereigns of the two
empires and between the subjects of Russia and Japan,
respectively.

ArticLte II. His Majesty the Emperor of Russia
recognizes the preponderant interest from political, mili-
tary and economical points of view of Japan in the
Empire of Korea, and stipulates that Russia will not
Oppose any measures for its government, protection or
control that Japan will deem necessary to take in Korea
in conjunction with the Korean government, but Russian
subjects and Russian enterprises are to enjoy the same
status as the subjects and enterprises of other countries.

Articte III. It is mutually agreed that the territory
of Manchuria be simultaneously evacuated by both Russian
and Japanese troops, both countries being concerned in
this evacuation, their situations being absolutely identi-
eal. All rights acquired by private persons and com-
panies shall remain intact.

ArticLE IV. The rights possessed by Russia in con-

formity with the lease by Russia of Port Arthur and

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

October,

Dalny, together with the lands and waters adjacent,
shall pass over in their entirety to Japan, but the proper-
ties and rights of Russian subjects are to be safeguarded
and respected.

ArticLeE V. The governments of Russia and Japan
engage themselves reciprocally not to put any obstacles
to the general measures (which shall be alike for all na-
tions) that China may take for the development of the
commerce and industry of Manchuria.

ArticLe VI, The Manchurian railway shall be oper-
ated jointly between Russia and Japan at Kouangt-
chengtse. The two branch lines shall be employed only
for commercial and industrial purposes. In view of
Russia keeping her branch line with all rights acquired
by her convention with China for the construction of
that railway, Japan acquires the mines in connection
with such branch lines which fall to her. However, the
rights of private parties or private enterprises are to be
respected. Both parties to this treaty remain absolutely
free to undertake what they deem fit on unappropriated
ground.

ArticLE VII. Russia and Japan engage themselves
to make a conjunction of the two branch lines which
they own at Kouangtchengtse.

ArticLe VIII. It is agreed that the branch lines of
the Manchurian railway shall be worked with a view to
assure commercial traflic between them without ob-
struction.

ArticLe IX. Russia cedes to Japan the southern
part of Sakhalin Island as far north as the fiftieth degree
of north latitude, together with the islands depending
thereon. The right of free navigation is assured in the
bays of La Perouse and Tartare.

ArticLE X. This article recites the situation of Rus-
sian subjects on the southern part of Sakhalin Island,
and stipulates that Russian colonists there shall be free,
and shall have the right to remain without changing
their nationality. Per contra, the Japanese government
shall have the right to force Russian convicts to leave
the territory which is ceded to her.

ArticLE XI, Russia engages herself to make an
agreement with Japan, giving to Japanese subjects the
right to fish in Russian territorial waters of the sea of
Japan, the sea of Okotsk and Behring Sea.

ArticLeE XII. The two high contracting parties en-
gage themselves to renew the commercial treaty existing
between the two governments prior to the war, in all its
vigor, with slight modification in details and with a most
favored nation clause.

ArticLe XIII. Russia and Japan reciprocally engage
to restitute their prisoners of war on paying the real
cost of keeping the same, such claim for cost to be sup-
ported by documents.

ArtTicLE XIV. This peace treaty shall be drawn up
in two languages, French and English, the French text
being evidence for the Russians and the English text for
the Japanese. In case of difficulty of interpretation, the
French document to be final evidence.

ArticLeE XV. The ratification of this treaty shall be
countersigned by the sovereigns of the two states within
fifty days after itssignature. The French and American
embassies shall be intermediaries between the Japanese
and Russian governments to announce by telegraph the
ratification of the treaty.

1905.

Two additional articles are agreed to, as follows:

ArticLte I. The evacuation of Manchuria of both
armies shall be complete within eighteen months from
the signing of the treaty, beginning with the retirement
of troops of the first line. At the expiration of the
eighteen months the two parties will only be able to
leave as guards for the railway fifteen soldiers per
kilometre.

ArticLte II. The boundary which limits the parts
owned respectively by Russia and Japan in the Sakhalin
Island shall be definitely marked off on the spot by a
special limitographic commission.

The New Anglo-Japanese Treaty.

PREAMBLE.

The governments of Great Britain and Japan, being
desirous of replacing the agreement concluded between
them on January 30, 1902, by fresh stipulations, have
agreed upon the following articles, which have for their
object:

A. Consolidation and the maintenance of general
peace in the regions of Eastern Asia and India.

B. The preservation of the common interests of all
the powers in China by insuring the independence and
integrity of the Chinese Empire and the principle of
equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all
nations in China,

C. The maintenance of the territorial rights of the
high contracting parties in the regions of Eastern Asia
and of India, and the defense of their special interests in
the said regions.

ArticLe I, It is agreed that whenever, in the opinion
of either Great Britain or Japan, any of the rights or
interests referred to in the preamble are in jeopardy, the
two governments will communicate with one another
fully and frankly, and consider in common the measures
which should be taken to safeguard those menaced rights
and interests.

ArticLe II. If, by reason of an unprovoked attack
or aggressive action, wherever arising, on the part of
any other power or powers, either contractor be in-
volved in war in defense of its territorial rights or special
interests mentioned in the preamble, the other contractor
shall at once come to the assistance of its ally, and both
parties will conduct war in common and make peace in
mutual agreement with any power or powers involved
in such war.

ArticLe III. Japan possessing paramount political,
military and economic interests in Korea, Great Britain
recognizes the right of Japan to take such measures for
the guidance, control and protection of Korea as it may
deem proper and necessary to safeguard and advance
those interests, provided always that such measures are
not contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for
the commerce and industry of all nations.

ArticLe IV. Great Britain having special interests
in all that concerns the security of the Indian frontier,
Japan recognizes her right to take such measures in the
proximity of that frontier as she may find necessary for
safe-guarding her Indian possessions.

ArticLteE V. The high contracting parties agree that
neither, without consulting the other, will enter into sep-

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

209

arate agreements with another power to the prejudice of
the objects described in the preamble of this agreement.

ArticLE VI. In the matter of the present war be-
tween Japan and Russia, Great Britain will continue to
maintain strict neutrality unless another power or powers
join in hostilities against Japan, in which case Great
Britain will come to the assistance of Japan, will conduct
war in common, and will make peace in mutual agree-
ment with Japan.

ArticLeE VII. The conditions under which armed
assistance shall be afforded by either power to the other
in the circumstances mentioned in the present agreement,
and the means by which such assistance shall be made
available, will be arranged by the naval and military
authorities of the contracting parties, who from time to
time will consult one another fully and freely on all
questions of mutual interest.

ArticLe VIII. The present agreement shall, subject
to the provisions of Article VII., come into effect imme-
diately after the date of signature and remain in force
for ten years from that date. In case neither of the high
contracting parties shall have been notified twelve months
before the expiration of the said ten years of the inten-
tion of terminating the agreement, it shall remain binding
until the expiration of one year from the day on which
either of the contracting parties shall have denounced it;
but if, when the date fixed for its expiration arrives, either
ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance, ipso facto,
shall continue until peace shall have been concluded.

In faith whereof the undersigned, duly authorized by
their respective governments, have signed this agreement
and affixed their seals. Done in duplicate at London
August 12, 1905.

LANSDOWNE.
Havasu.

SESE
Form of Bequest.

I hereby give and bequeath to the American Peace
Society, Boston, a corporation established ynder the laws
of the State of Massachusetts, the sum of dollars,
to be employed by the Directors of said Society for the
promotion of the cause of peace.

¥ epaliitalae
Auxiliaries of the American Peace Society.
THE CHICAGO PEACE SOCIETY,
175 Dearborn Street, Chicago, IIl.
H. W. Thomas, D. D., President.
Mrs. E. A. W. Hoswell, Secretary.
THE MINNESOTA PEACE SOCIETY,
Minneapolis, Minn.
R. J. Mendenhall, President.
Miss A. B. Albertson, Secretary.
THe KANSAS STATE PEACE SOCIETY,
. Wichita, Kansas
George W. Hoss, LL. D., President.
J. M. Naylor, Secretary.
New YorK GERMAN-AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY.
New York, N. Y.
Dr. Ernst Richard, President,
5 West 63d Street.
Gustav J. Voss, Secretary, 221 East 87th St.
Henry Feldman, Treasurer, 103 Second Ave.
THE ARBITRATION AND PEACE SOCIETY OF CINCINNATI.
50 Wiggins’ Block, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Philip V. N. Myers, President,
Starbuck Smith, Secretary.
THE WoMEN’s PEACE CIRCLE OF NEW YORK.
Mrs. Harry Hastings, President.
Secretary.

210 THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. October.

OFFICERS OF THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY.

PRESIDENT :
Hon. RoBertT TREAT PAINE, 6 Joy St., Boston, Mass.

TREASURER :
Taomas H. RussELL, 27 State St., Boston, Mass.

VICE-PRESIDENTS :

Rev. Edw. Everett Hale, D.I).,39 Highland St., Roxbury, Mass.

Rev. Lyman Abbott, D.D., Brooklyn, N. Y.

Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago, Il.

Rev. Charles G. Ames, D.D., 12 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass.
George T. Angell, 19 Milk Street, Boston, Mass.
Edward Atkinson, Brookline, Mass.

Joshua L. Baily, 1624 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa.

Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey, Winthrop Centre, Me.

Rev. Wm. E. Barton, D.D., Oak Park, Il.

Hon. William I. Buchanan, Buffalo, N. Y.

Rev. Everett D. Burr, D.D., Newton Centre, Mass.
Prof. Geo. N. Boardman, Pittsford, Vt.

Hon. Samuel B. Capen, 38 Greenough Ave., Boston, Mass.
Hon. Jonathan Chace, Providence, R. I.

Rev. Frank G. Clark, Wellesley, Mass.

Edward H. Clement, 3 Regent Circle, Brookline, Mass.
Rev. Joseph 8S. Cogswell, Windham, Vt.

Rev. D. S. Coles, Wakefield, Mass.

Geo. Cromwell, Brooklyn, N.Y.

Rev. G. L. Demarest, D.D., Manchester, N. H.

Rev. Howard C. Dunham, Wiathrop, Mass.

Everett O. Fisk, 4 Ashburton Place, Boston, Mass.

B. O. Flower, Brookline, Mass.

Hon. John B. Foster, Bangor, Me.

Philip C. Garrett, Philadelphia, Pa.

Merrill E.Gates, LL.D., Washington, D.C.

Edwin Ginn, 29 Beacon St., Boston, Mass.

Maria Freeman Gray, 3674 22d St., San Francisco, Cal.
Rev. Scott F. Hershey, LL.D., Wooster, Ohio.

Bishop E. E. Hoss, D. D., Dallas, Tex.

George W. Hoss, LL. D., Wichita, Kansas.

Julia Ward Howe, 241 Beacon St., Boston, Mass.

Hon. John W. Hoyt, Washington, D.C.

Rev. W. G. Hubbard, Cedar Rapids, Ia.

Rev. Charles E. Jefferson, New York City, N. Y.
Augustine Jones, Newton Highlands, Mass.

Hon. Sumner I. Kimball, Washington, D. C.

Bishop William Lawrence, Cambridge, Mass.

Edwin D. Mead, 20 Beacon St., Boston, Mass.

Rev. Philip S. Moxom, D.D., Springfield, Mass.
George Foster Peabody, 28 Monroe Place, Brooklyn, N.Y.
L. H. Pillsbury, Derry, N. H.

Hon. J. H. Powell, Henderson, Ky.

Hon. Wm. L. Putnam, Portland Me.

Sylvester F. Scovel, D. D., Wooster, Ohio.

Mrs. May Wright Sewall, Indianapolis, Ind.

Edwin Burritt Smith, 164 Dearborn St., Chicago, Ill.
Mrs. Ruth H. Spray, Salida, Col.

Mrs. L. M. N. Stevens, Portland, Me.

Rev. Edward M. Taylor, D.D., Cambridge, Mass.

CORRESPONDING SECRETARY :
BeNnJ. F. TrRueBLoop, LL.D., 31 Beacon St., Boston, Mass.

AUDITOR:
Dr. WILLIAM F. JARVIS, 233 Moody St., Waltham, Mass.

Pres. M. Carey Thomas, Bryn Mawr, Pa.

Rev. Reuen Thomas, D.D., Brookline, Mass.

Pres. C, F. Thwing, D.D., Cleveland, Ohio.

Pres. James Wallace, Ph. D., St. Paul, Minn.

Bishop Henry W. Warren, Denver, Col.

Booker T. Washington, LL. D., Tuskegee, Ala.

Kate Gannett Wells, 45 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass.
Herbert Welsh, 1305 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa.

Rev. A. E. Winship, 29 Beacon St., Boston, Mass.

Richard Wood, 1620 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa.

DIRECTORS :

Hon. Robert Treat Paine, ex-officio.

Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL. D., ex-officio.

Alice Stone Blackwell, 45 Boutwell St., Dorchester, Mass.
Raymond L. Bridgman, Auburndale, Mass.

Frederick Brooks, 31 Milk St., Boston, Mass.

Rev. S. C. Bushnell, Arlington, Mass.

Frederic Cunningham, 53 State St., Boston, Mass.

Rev. Charles F. Dole, Jamaica Plain, Mass.

Miss Anna B. Eckstein, 30 Newbury Street, Boston, Mass.
Rev. B. F. Leavitt, Melrose Highlands, Mass.

Lucia Ames Mead, 20 Beacon St., Boston, Mass.

Wm. A. Mowry, Ph.D., Hyde Park, Mass.

Bliss Perry, 4 Park St., Boston, Mass.

Henry Pickering, 81 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.
Frederick A. Smith, West Medford, Mass.

Homer B. Sprague, Ph. D., Newton, Mass.

Rev. G. W. Stearns, Jamaica Plain, Mass.

Fiske Warren, 8 Mt. Vernon Place, Boston, Mass.

Rey. C. H. Watson, D.D., Arlington, Mass.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:

Hon. Robert Treat Paine, ex-officio.

Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL. D., ex-officio.
Frederick Brooks, 31 Milk St., Boston, Mass.
Frederic Cunningham, 53 State St., Boston, Mass.
Wm. A. Mowry, Ph. D., Hyde Park, Mass.

Henry Pickering, 81 Beacon St., Boston, Mass.
Dr. Homer B. Sprague, Newton, Mass.

HONORARY COUNSEL:

Cephas Brainerd, New York, N.Y.
Moorfield Storey, Brookline, Mass.
Judge Wiliiam L. Putnam, Portland, Me.
Hon. Josiah Quincy, Boston, Mass.

1995.
CONSTITUTION

OF THE

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY.

ARTICLE I. This Society shall be designated the ‘‘ AMERI-
CAN PEACE SOCIETY.”

ArT. II. This Society, being founded on the principle that
war is contrary to the spirit of Christianity and of all true
religion and morality, shall have for its object to illustrate the
inconsistency of war with this spirit, to show its baleful
influence on all the great interests of mankind, and to devise
means for insuring universal and permanent peace.

ArT. III. All persons desirous of promoting peace on
earth and goodwill towards men may become members of
this society.

ArT. IV. Every annual member of the Society shall pay a
yearly contribution of two dollars; the payment of twenty-
five dollars at one time shall constitute any person a Life
member.

Art. V. The chairmanof each corresponding committee,
the officers and delegates of every auxiliary contributing to
the funds of this Society and every minister of the gospel who
preaches once a year on the subject of peace, and takes up a
collection in behalf of the cause, shall be entitled to the privi-
leges of regular members.

Arr. VI. All contributors shall be entitled within the
year to one-half the amount of their contributions in the publi
cations of the Society.

ArT. VII. The Officers of this Society shall be a President,
Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, an Auditor and a
Board of Directors, consisting of not more than twenty members
of the Society, including the President, Secretary and Treas-
urer, who shall be ex-officio members of the Board. All Offi-
cers shall hold their offices until their successors are appointed,
and the Board of Directors shall have power to fill vacancies
in any office of the Society. There shall be an Executive
Committee of seven, consisting of the President, Secretary
and five Directors to be chosen by the Board, which Com-
mittee shall, subject to the Board of Directors, have the entire
control of the executive and financial affairs of the Society.
Meetings of the Board of Directors or the Executive Com-
mittee may be called by the President, the Secretary, or two
members of such body. The Society or the Board of Direc-
tors may invite persons of well-known legal ability to act as
Honorary Counsel.

ArT. VIII. The Society shall hold an annual meeting at
such time and place as the Board of Directors may appoint, to
receive their own and the Treasurer’s report, to choose officers,
and transact such other business as may come before them.

Art. IX. The object of this Society shall never be changed;
but the Constitution may in other respects be altered, on
recommendation of the Executive Committee, or of any ten
members of the Society, by a vote of three-fourths of the
members present at any regular meeting.

Publications of the American Peace Society.

Tolstoy’s Letter on the Russo-Japanese War.—48 pages
and cover. Price, postpaid, 10 cts.

A Regular International Advisory Congress. — By Benjamin
F. Trueblood, LL.D. A paper read before the Twenty-
first Conference of the International Law Association,
Antwerp, Belgium, September 30, 1903. Price 5 cts. each,

War Unnecessary and Unchristian.—By AugustineJones, LL.
B. New edition, 20 pages. 5 cts. each, $2.00 per hundred.

Nationalism and Internationalism, or Mankind One Body.—
By George Dana Boardman, D.D., LL.D. New edition.
Price 5 cts. each, or $2.00 per hundred, prepaid.

The Hague Court in the Pious Fund Arbitration. — Address
of Hon. William L. Penfield, Solicitor of the State Depart-
ment, at the Mohonk Arbitration Conference, May 28, 1903.
Price 5 cts. each.

The Historic Development of the Peace Idea.— By Benjamin
F. Trueblood, LL.D. 32 pages. Price 5 cts. each. $2.50
per hundred.

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

211

A Primer of the Peace Movement. — Prepared by Lucia Ames
Mead. A reprint of the American Peace Society's Card-
display Exhibit at the St. Louis Exposition. A most val-
uable compendium of statistics, brief arguments, facts,
etc. 26 pages, large print. Price 10 cts. ; $7.50 per hundred.

A Solemn Review of the Custom of War. — By Noah Wor-
cester, D. D. A reprint of the pamphlet first published
in 1814. 24 pages. Price 5 cts.; $3 per hundred.

Dymond’s Essay on War.— With an introduction by John
Bright. Sent free on receipt of 5 cts. for postage.

War from the Christian Point of View.— By Ernest How-
ardCrosby. Revisededition. $1.50 per hundred, prepaid.

Women and War. — By Grace Isabel Colbron. 4 pages. 40
cts. per hundred, postpaid.

A French Plea for Limitation of Armaments. — By Baron
d’Estournelles de Constant. Address delivered in the
French Senate. 28 pages. Price 5 cts. $3.00 per hundred.

The Mexican International American Conference and Arbi-
tration. — By Hon. William I. Buchanan. Address de-
livered before the American Peace Society, Boston, April
15, 1902. 23 pages. Price 5 cts., prepaid.

The Absurdities of Militarism.— By Ernest Howard Crosby.
12 pages. Price $1.50 per hundred. Third edition.

An Essay toward the Present and Future Peace of Europe.—
By William Penn. First published in 1693. 24 pages,
with cover. Price 6 cts., or $3.00 per hundred, prepaid.

International Arbitration at the Opening of the Twentieth
Century.—By Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL.D. 20 pages.
Price 5 cts. each. $2.50 per hundred, postpaid.

Text of the Hague Convention for the Pacific Settlement
of International Disputes.— Price 5 cts. each.

Perpetual Peace. — By Immanuel Kant. Translated by Ben-
jamin F. Trueblood. 53 pages. Price 20 cents, postpaid.

The Arbitrations of the United States. — By Professor John
Bassett Moore, 32 pages. 5centseach. $2.50 per hundred.

The War System; Its History, Tendency, and Character, in
the Light of Civilization and Religion. — By Rev. Reuen
Thomas, D.D. New edition. Price 10 cts., prepaid.

Report of the Chicago Peace Congress of 1893.— Price
postpaid, cloth 75 cts.; paper, 50 cents.

Report of the American Friends’ Peace Conference. — Held
at Philadelphia in December, 1901. Contains all the
papers read. Price 15 cts. postpaid.

Seventy-Seventh Annual Report of the Directors of the
American Peace Society. Price, postpaid, 5 cents.

The Christian Attitude Toward War in the Light of Re-
cent History.— By Alexander Mackennal, D.D. Address
delivered at the International Congregational Council, Bos-
ton, September 22, 1899. Price $1.50 per hundred, prepaid.

Military Drill in Schools. — By Rev. W. Evans Darby, LL.D.
8 pages. Price 2 cts., or $1.25 per hundred, postpaid.

William Penn’s Holy Experiment in Civil Government. —
By Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL.D. 24 pages with cover.
5 cts. each, or $2.00 per hundred, carriage paid.

History of the Seventy-five Years’ Work of the American
Peace Society. — 16 pages. Two copies for 5 cts.

»

A Battle, as it appeared to an Eye-witness. — By Rev. R. B.
Howard. Letter Leaflet No. 1. Price, postpaid, 20 cts.
per hundred.

The Cherry Festival of Naumburg. — Letter Leaflet No. 4.
Price 20 cts. per hundred, prepaid.

Washington’s Anti-militarism.— Letter Leaflet No. 8. 4
pages. Price 35 cts. per hundred, prepaid.

Coals of Fire.—By Willis R. Hotchkiss, of the Friends’

African Industrial Mission. Letter Leaflet No.7. Price
30 cts. per hundred, prepaid.
The Christ of the Andes.—8 pages. Illustrated. $1.00

per hundred, postpaid.

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

212

y G PAPER FOR CHILDREN
Ohe Angel of Heace ss: YOUNG PEOPLE. —
ILLUSTRATED.

Devoted to Peace, Temperance, Good Morals, Good Manners.

Thoroughly Christian, but undenominational.
Bright, fresh and attractive, but free from over exciting, sensational reading.
Just the thing for Bible Schools and Mission Work.

Price, 15 Cents a Yearfor Single Copies. Five Copies to one person, 10 Cents Each.
Twenty-five or more Copies to one person, 8 Cents per Copy.

A ~~ The Angel of Peace,

31 BEACON STREET,
BOSTON.

The Woman’s Journal. Zhe Advocate of Leace

The Woman’s Journal, edited weekly |
at 3 Park Street, Boston, Mass., by
Henry B. Blackwell and Alice Stone
Blackwell, gives the news of the move-
ment for equal rights for women all
over the world. $1.50 per year. Trial
subscription, 3 months, 25 cents.

A MONTHLY JOURNAL OF THE
INTERNATIONAL PEACE MOVEMENT.
Price, One Dollar a Year. In Clubs of
ten or more, 50 Cents a Year.
PUBLISHED BY
The American Peace Society,

31 Beacon Street, Boston.

|
‘‘It is the best source of information con- |
cerning what women are doing, what they |
have done, and what they should do.”’
—Julia Ward Howe. |

W. Foster. A concise manual of
the chief features of the arbitra-
tion movement at the present time.
Prepared at the request of the
Mohonk Arbitration Conference.
Price postpaid, $1.00.

INTERNATIONAL TRIBU-
NALS: A collection of the Schemes
which have been proposed. Adds
a long list of instances of interna-
tional settlements by arbitral courts
and commissions. By W. Evans
Darby, LL.D. Fourth Edition,
much enlarged. Cloth, over 900
pages. Price, $3.50, postpaid.

PEACE PUBLICATIONS

FOR SALE BY THE
American Peace Society.

Prices Include Postage.

LAY DOWN YOUR ARMS. By
The Baroness von Suttner. Au-
thorized English translation by T.
Holmes. New edition, cloth, 65 cts.

SUMNER’S ADDRESSES ON
WAR. Tue True GRANDEUR OF
Nations, Tue War System oF
THE COMMONWEALTH OF NaTIONS,
and Tue Duet BetTwreEN FRANCE
AND GERMANY: The three in one
volume. Price, 65 cts., postpaid.

THE PEACE CONFERENCE AT
THE HAGUE. By Frederick
W. Holls, Secretary of the Ameri-
can Commission to the Hague
Conference. 572 pages, octavo.
Price, $2.50, postpaid.

CHANNING’S DISCOURSES ON
WAR. Containing Dr. Channing’s
Addresses on War, with extracts
from discourses and letters on the
subject. Price, 65 cts. postpaid.

THE FUTURE OF WAR. By
John de Bloch. Preface by W. T.
Stead. The sixth volume of Mr.
Bloch’s great work on “ The Future
of War,” containing all his proposi-
tions, summaries of arguments, and
conclusions. Price, postpaid, 65 cts.

THE FEDERATION OF THE
WORLD. By Benjamin F. True-
blood, LL.D. A discussion of the
grounds, both theoretic and _his-
toric, for believing in the Realiza-
tion of the Brotherhood of Hu-
manity, and the final organization
of the World into an International
State. Second Edition. Cloth, 169
pages. Price, 65 cts.

ARBITRATION AND THE
HAGUE COURT. By Hon. John

August and September, 1905.

THE BLOOD OF THE NATION.
By David Starr Jordan. Cloth.
Price, 40 cts.

TOLSTOY AND HIS MESSAGE.
By Ernest Howard Crosby. Cloth.
Price, 50 cts.

TOLSTOY AS A SCHOOL-

MASTER. By Ernest Howard
Crosby. Cloth. Price, 50 cts.

Official Report

OF THE

Thirteenth Universal
Peace Congress

HELD AT

Boston, October 3-8, 1904

A book of 350 pages, paper covers
Contains all the papers, addresses,
and discussions of the Congress

A most valuable document for all
peace workers and students
of the cause

May be procured at the office of the

American Peace Society

31 Beacon Street, Boston

The only charge is 10 cts., to cover postage and wrapping

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