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OCT 28 1905 

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The End of the Russo-Japanese War—The Peace Congress at 
Lucerne —- The Interparliamentary Conference at Brussels—The 
International Law Conference at Christiania. 

AE, Fie sik ces cov nvcccccdececcsccccpscsseces cone .0sscens 194-195 
The Anglo-Japanese Treaty — The Feeling in Japan — Horrors in 



Put up thy Sword. Poem. Joaquin Miller 196 
Peace. Poem. Mrs. Whiton-Stone 197 
Annual Report of the International Peace Bureau to the Peace 
Congress 197-198 
Proceedings of the Fourteenth International Peace C ongress .. 198-205 
Address of Hon. Richard Bartholdt at the Brussels Inte rparlia- 
mentary Conference. .... Coteoes 0900 se0ecnesces 
et} a General Treaty of “Arbitration. “Hon. Richard Bar- 
Text of the Treaty of Portsmouth 
The New Anglo-Japanese Treaty 

The End of the ‘Ruseo-Japancee War. 

It has been a long time since the civilized world 
gave such a sigh of relief as it did on the last day of 
August, when the announcement was made from 
Portsmouth that the Russian and Japanese peace 
envoys had come to terms, and that a treaty of peace 
would be forthwith signed. 

The proceedings of the Commissioners, so far as 
they could be known, had been watched daily with 
deep interest and solicitude, and people everywhere 
stood appalled when the negotiations threatened, 
seemingly, to end in failure, and the great armies in 
Manchuria to fall again upon each other in deadly 
conflict. The war had from the beginning been 
deplored as no other war of history had been, and it 
had at last come to be a depressing burden upon the 
conscience of the world not easy longer te bear. In 
Europe the feeling of regret over the war was deeper 
even than in this country, and the sense of relief 
correspondingly greater at its termination. 

As for ourselves, notwithstanding the alarming 
rumors daily given out by the press, and the hitches 
which occurred in the negotiations, we never had 
any doubts, after the Commissioners had once met, 
that peace would be the outcome of their conference. 
The situation was such that any other result was 
practically inconceivable. The war had become im- 
mensely burdensome financially; it had desolated 


No. 9 


eatin of homes in both countries; the continu- 
ance of it, on the vast scale which it had reached, 
would have been enough, after the losses and burdens 
already incurred, to strain both governments to the 
breaking point; to have gone back to it, after the 
Portsmouth meeting had once begun, would have 
been to the United ‘States, through the good offices 
of whose President the negotiations had been opened 
on our soil, an act of discourtesy amounting almost 
to insult. These considerations, as well as the gen- 
eral pressure of public reprobation of the war, seem 
to have weighed heavily with the responsible experi- 
enced statesmen at both Tokyo and St. Petersburg, 
and thus the end of fhe war came. 

The action of President Roosevelt in urging upon 
the two governments, after the naval battle of the 
Sea of Japan, to open at once negotiations to see if 
terms of peace could not be agreed upon, was a timely 
and courageous move, worthy of the universal recog- 
nition and appreciation which it has received. The 
merit of it was all the greater because of the general 
apathy and unwillingness of the European heads of 
government to make any move for peace, either 
separately or jointly. It must not be forgotten, 
however, that the American people, or at least a con- 
siderable portion of them, are entitled to share in the 
credit of whatever was done here for the termination 
of the war. Time and again, after every great battle, 
and especially after the fall of Port Arthur, the 
President was urged by the peace societies, by 
chambers of commerce, by civic and _ religious 
bodies, and by many individuals, to offer to mediate, 
either alone or with other governments, between the 
fighting nations. All his powerful efforts, during 
the negotiations, to bring them to a successful issue, 
were backed by the people who were insistent that 
the war should stop. The President spoke oppor- 
tunely and bravely, especially at the critical moment 
toward the close of the Conference, but he was the 
spokesman of the people as well as of himself. 

It is to be hoped that the terms on which the war 
has been brought to an end, as provided in the treaty 
which we give on another page, will prove to be such 
as to ensure permanent peace in the Far East. It 
seems monstrous that, at this advanced stage of the 
world’s history, a new region like that in Manchuria, 
capable of realizing a great and powerful civilization, 
should have to be the scene of gigantic struggles of 
barbarous brute violence, like those experienced by 
Europe when she was just emerging from darkness. 


The seeds of war, we know, are hard to destroy, and 
this war has sown many of them, the bitter and poison- 
ous fruit of which will be hard to prevent. But if 
the terms of the treaty are carried out honestly and 
with mutual respect and fairness, we see no reason 
why in time ill feeling between the countries so lately 
enemies should not pass speedily away, and they be- 
come codperating forces in developing a civilization 
founded on reason and right, on friendship and mutual 
service. Perhaps in time they may both come to 
realize that Korea, as an independent nation of ten 
million people, has rights which they have little re- 
spected in the war, and even less in the treaty of 
peace. Settled peace in any quarter of the world 
can hardly be expected until the nations which pos- 
sess it renounce forever the so-called right of conquest 
and recognize the right of any people freely to deter- 
mine its own political status. 

There has been a good deal of talk of diplomatic 
victory in connection with the Portsmouth Peace 
Treaty; but this is a small matter compared with 
the great consummation reached by the Conference. 
And, besides, it is not certain on which side the victory 
was the greater. It was something, of course, that 
Mr. de Witte prevented his government from having 
to pay an indemnity of a billion or half a billion dol- 
lars, even though in the determination to do this he 
ran the risk of wrecking the Conference and letting 
loose again the dogs of war, and thus saddling upon 
his country another enormous war bill. But Baron 
Komura seems to us to have won at least as great a 
victory, and on a higher plane, by renouncing indem- 
nity entirely. The ultimate fruits of this renuncia- 
tion, which has met with so much reprobation in Japan, 
will probably save his country several times the 
amount of indemnity which it at first demanded. 
Germany’s exaction of a billion dollars indemnity 
from France proved to be one of the most disastrous 
financial transactions of which she was ever guilty. 
Japan’s renunciation, so far as its influence goes to- 
ward counteracting other evil forces, will tend power- 
fully to prevent exasperation and the spirit of revenge 
in Russia, and may prove to be the determining factor 
in preventing another war hereafter. Besides this, 
it was most meritorious from the moral point of view, 
for war indemnity is, after all, only a species of con- 
quest and rubbery, which differs merely in form from 
the stealing of land. If war ever becomes really 
“ civilized,’ —- of which we permit ourselves to en- 
tertain the strongest doubts, — war indemnities will 
be as unknown as the enslaving of prisoners is to-day. 

Some important general lessons of the war we must 
reserve for comment hereafter. As we write these 
words the last stage in the completion of the Ports- 
mouth Treaty has been reached and the ratifications 
will shortly be exchanged. It is cause of profound 

gratification that the horrible orgies of the war are 
over, and we shall hope that its mournful lessons 



have so stirred the judgment, conscience and heart 
of the peoples of the world as to make impossible 
hereafter in any quarter of the earth any repetition 
of its dreadful tragedy. To this end, at any rate, it 
is our duty to work incessantly with such means and 
strength as God may give us. 

The Peace Congress at Lucerne. 

The Peace Congress at Lucerne, which was looked 
forward to with so much expectation, has made its 
record and passed into history. It was not, in some 
respects, all that we could have wished, but it was a 
great meeting and its influence will be large and 
lasting. Frederic Passy, who has attended nearly all 
of the peace congresses, said at one of the banquets 
that the Lucerne Congress seemed to him to surpass 
all the others in seriousness of conviction and effort. 
Perhaps the difference noticed by him could be 
accounted for by the general development of the 
peace movement and the stronger hold which it now 
has everywhere upon the public. This gives the 
peace congresses of to-day an air of greater confi- 
dence than in former years, and leads them to deal 
with the subject in eminently practical ways. 

The attendance at the Congress was not so large 
as we had expected. Four hundred and fifty dele- 
gates and adherents had been announced, but less 
than four hundred of them reported. But the dele- 
gations from the United States, Great Britain, France, 
Germany and Switzerland were unusually large. 
That from the United States numbered about fifty, 
the largest delegation that has ever gone from this 
country to a European peace congress. Germany 
had forty delegates, France sixty, Great Britain 
seventy, and Switzerland more than a hundred. 
There were good delegations from Austria, Denmark, 
The Netherlands and Italy, and smaller ones from 
Belgium, China, Spain, Hungary, Monaco, Russia 
and Sweden. Altogether some one hundred and 
twenty organizations were represented. 

The number of new faces in the Congress was very 
noticeable. These came largely from Germany and 
France, except so far as they were local Swiss. Of 
the old leaders, Frederic Passy and Emile Arnaud 
from France, Fredrik Bajer from Denmark, Baroness 
von Suttner from Austria, E. T. Moneta from Italy, 
Elie Ducommun from Switzerland, Senators La Fon- 
taine and Houzeau de Lehaie from Belgium, Felix 
Moscheles, J. G. Alexander, Dr. W. Evans Darby, 
George H. Perris, J. Fred. Green, Miss Peckover and 
Miss Robinson from England, A. H. Fried and Pro- 
fessor Ludwig Quidde from Germany, Baart de la 
Faille from The Netherlands, were present and never 
seemed fuller of faith, youthful vigor and enthusiasm. 
The absence of Hodgson Pratt and of Dr. Adolf 
Richter, two pillars of the movement in their respective 
countries, was greatly regretted and messages of 
greeting were sent them. 


The matter of language created some confusion 
and delay, in the early proceedings, as is always the 
case in international gatherings. But though Eng- 
lish, French and German were all used, the transla- 
tions were so admirably done that soon everything 
fell into harmony, and general unity of spirit became 
a prominent characteristic of the meetings. 

The Congress also suffered somewhat from a few 
faddists, and was compelled to devote an unnecessary 
amount of time to comparatively unimportant mat- 
ters, though on the whole there was really less of 
this than in some former years. On all but one or 
two of the great subjects presented a fine practical 
spirit was manifest, and general sanity and good 
sense marked the proceedings, even where there was 
most enthusiasm and demonstration. 

For a fuller account of the deliberations and the 
resolutions adopted, we must refer our readers to the 
digest of the proceedings given in this issue. The 
principal subjects treated were the neutralization of 
the Scandinavian countries, the neutralization of 
passenger and mail steamers and of the great trade 
routes across the Atlantic, the reconciliation of 
France and Germany, the adoption of a general 
treaty of obligatory arbitration, the creation of a 
regular congress of the nations to meet at stated 
periods, the codification of international law, an in- 
ternational system of education with uniform courses 
in certain universities, pacific education in the 
schools, the arrest of armaments on land and sea, a 
universal auxiliary language, the codperation of 
labor with the work of the peace congress, adequate 
financial equipment of the peace organizations, etc. 
The program was a very full one and was well carried 

The proposition of the Massachusetts State Board 
of Trade for the neutralization of the great com- 
mercial routes across the Atlantic, which was pre- 
sented by Mr. Ashton Lee, of Lawrence, Mass., 
supported by Mrs. Mead and Dr. Trueblood, was 
entirely new to most members of the Congress. It 
was received with decided favor by most of the 
delegates except those from the Socialist ranks. 
These made opposition to it because they imagined 
it to be a scheme gotten up by great commercial 
corporations and capitalists in their own interests 
without regard to the welfare of the people. The 
arguments which they used in opposition were as 
extraordinary as any we have ever listened to, as 
will be seen by consulting the report given herein- 
after. No action was finally taken on the subject, 
but it was gotten clearly before the delegates, and 
the curious opposition deepened interest in it. This 
proposition, as well as that of the International Law 
Association for the permanent neutralization of pas- 
senger and mail steamers, is so evidently practical, 
and in the interests of permanent peace, that it will 
very soon receive the support of all unbiased men. 



The central point of interest in the Congress was 
the question of Franco-German reconciliation, and 
no person who was present at the session when this 
was considered can ever forget the occasion. It had 
never before been possible for the Peace Congress to 
say anything on the subject, so great was the sensi- 
tiveness of both French and German delegates. All 
resolutions had died, some of them almost “a violent 
death,” in committee; but this time, after six hours 
of deliberation, the committee had unanimously re- 
ported a resolution, giving the bases on which the 
difficulty between the two countries should be set- 
tled. When this resolution (given on another page) 
came before the Congress, it was recommended in 
an admirable speech by Professor Quidde for the 
Germans and by the veteran Frederic Passy, in an 
eloquent appeal, for the French. When at the close 
of Mr. Passy’s address the two speakers clasped 
hands, without premeditation, and stood side by side 
on the platform, France and Germany symbolized, 
the appeal was irresistible. The whole audience was 
carried away with emotion, rose spontaneously to its 
feet, many moved to tears, and made such a demon- 
stration of approval as is rarely witnessed. It was 
a great triumph and indicates great advance toward 
the final healing of the sore spot of Europe. 

The proposition for the creation of a regular 
congress of the nations was unanimously and cor- 
dially approved, as were those for a limitation of 
armaments and the conclusion of a general treaty of 
obligatory arbitration. Great interest was mani- 
fested likewise in the subject of pacific education. 

The termination of the war in the Far East was 
matter of great relief and gratitude on the part of 
the members, and every reference to the courageous 
course which President Roosevelt had taken in the 
matter was most warmly applauded. So was his 
action in taking the initiative in calling a new inter- 
governmental conference at The Hague, and the 
Congress sent him a cablegram of grateful appre- 
ciation of the services which he had rendered to the 
cause of peace and of encouragement to continue in 
the same course hereafter. 

The last day of the Congress was a red letter day 
for the cause from a financial point of view. Count 
Gourowsky, a Polish fellow-countryman of John 
de Bloch, living at Nice, knowing the present situa- 
tion and needs of the Bloch Museum of Peace and 
War at Lucerne, made a gift of six hundred thousand 
francs for a permanent building for the collection, 
provided the directors would make it a real museum 
of peace against war. He was of course the “ Lion of 
Lucerne” for the rest of the day. The same day a 
German Baron, whose name was not published, made 
a gift of ten thousand francs to the International 
Peace Bureau at Berne. 

The Congress was received with the most generous 
hospitality by the Lucerne authorities, who did 


everything in their power to make its deliberations 
pleasant and successful. 

The entire occasion was of such a character as to 
make one feel the enormous gain which the cause of 
peace has made in recent years, and to deepen one’s 
faith in its early and complete triumph. The na- 
tions are moving more and more together; their 
interests are increasingly one; the old grudges and 
animosities between them are rapidly breaking down ; 
the causes of war are being eradicated; the peoples 
are feeling deeply their kinship, their unity in a 
common humanity; they are getting their voice and 
speaking out their abhorrence for the cruel system 
which has so long burdened and destroyed them: 
they are determined that peace shall be organized on 
such solid bases that it can never more be broken; 
and they are making the governments feel that they 
are right and will have their way ;— these are the 
thoughts and feelings with which one returns to his 
labors from such a week as that spent in peace work 
on the banks of the beautiful lake of Lucerne. 

The Interparliamentary Conference at 

Though now sixteen years old, the Interparliamen- 
tary Union for the promotion of arbitration and 
friendly relations among the nations is yet but little 
known to the general public. It is not a popular 
body, and does not therefore lend itself easily to pic- 
turesque reporting. But it is an organization of the 
utmost importance in bringing about the permanent 
establishment of peace among the nations. Its mem- 
bership is entirely confined to members of parliament, 
who are practical statesmen that have experience in 
political affairs, and who are close to their respec- 
tive governments and know the methods by which 
governments are moved and brought to act. The 
Union has grown quietly to large proportions, having 
now more than two thousand members. Its annual 
meetings, therefore, are occasions of the utmost in- 
terest to those occupied with the practical measures 
necessary to the establishment of general peace 
throughout the civilized world. 

The Union held its thirteenth conference at Brus- 
sels, from the 28th to the 31st of August. The meet- 
ings were in the hall of the Belgian House of Represen- 
tatives, and were presided over by the distinguished 
Belgian statesman, Mr. Auguste Beernaert, long 
speaker of the House. The attendance of members 
was larger than at the St. Louis Conference last year, 
even the American contingent, eighteen in number, 
being greater than that which went to St. Louis. 
Representatives were present for the first time from 
some of the South American states. Nearly three 

hundred delegates in all were present from the various 
national groups, and when they came together, filling 
practically every seat in the Chamber, the spectacle 
was a most interesting and inspiring one, and sug- 



gested many thoughts about the coming parliament 
of man. 

It seems almost a miracle that after so many 
gloomy centuries of hatred and discord and blood- 
shed, during which the nations have acted as if they 
were of different orders of beings and natural enemies, 
we should now see meeting regularly each year such 
an international body of statesmen as this. It is evi- 
dence, that cannot be gainsaid, that a new order of 
affairs has already come to the world, and that inter- 
national order and peace are no longer a dream, but 
are now a matter of the most practical sort, the era 
of which has already begun. 

The deliberations of the Conference were confined 
almost entirely to two subjects: that of a general 
treaty of obligatory arbitration and that of the crea- 
tion of a regular parliament of the nations. Both 
these subjects secured their place on the program on 
the initiative of the American delegation. Indeed, 
outside of the American delegation there seemed to 
be little or no initiative in the Conference. 

Mr. Bartholdt, president of the American group 
and the seventeen other members of the House of Rep- 
resentatives whom he induced to go with him, took 
a strong lead in the meeting from the very start. 
Their presence was much appreciated by the Euro- 
pean members, for it was the first time since the 
organization of the Union that our national Legisla- 
ture had been adequately represented, only one or 
two Congressmen having previously attended any of 
the conferences. Mr. Bartholdt received a royal 
welcome when he rose to speak, his work in connec- 
tion with the St. Louis Conference last year and his 
remarkable success in increasing during the year the 
United States group from forty to two hundred mem- 
bers having marked him outasa wise and efficient leader. 

The draft of a general treaty of obligatory arbitra- 
tion, prepared by Mr. Bartholdt and submitted to the 
Conference, we print in full on another page, as well 
as Mr. Bartholdt’s speech in explanation of it. We 
confess that the draft seems to us in certain particu- 
lars to be open to criticism. As a whole it is too 
complex and brings into connection with arbitration 
matters which do not seem naturally related to it. 
The provision in Article III., in regard to contra- 
band of war, the opening and closing of hostilities, 
etc., would read very strangely in a convention of 
peaceful arbitration, however proper it might be, as 
the nations now are, in some other kind of agree- 
ment. Nor are we at all sure that there is any real 
demand for international Courts of First Instance. 
Diplomacy, either directly or through special commis- 
sions, easily deals with the class of cases which would 
go to these courts, and will deal with them more and 
more easily as the Hague Court develops and is more 
widely used. Machinery ought not to be multiplied 
unless there is real need of it. 

But Mr. Bartholdt’s draft is a serious and very 
able study of the subject, and we are all under great 


obligations to him for having spent so much time 
during the past year in preparing it for the Brussels 
Conference. It will come to the attention of the 
New Hague Conference, as it well deserves to do, 
and will no doubt be of great utility in helping to 
shape the new arbitration convention which that 
Conference will find itself under the necessity of 

The American proposition at Brussels for the 
creation of a regular international parliament awak- 
ened great interest in the Conference. It was very 
ably presented and supported by Mr. Bartholdt and 
four or five other members of the delegation who 
spoke. It was most encouraging to hear them one 
after another advocate in an unequivocal way the 
creation of such an international institution, already 
approved by the Massachusetts Legislature and 
other eminent bodies, which is sure in the near future 
to be created and to play a great part in the future 
development of civilization. 

The proposition was not, however, formally approved 
by the Conference. Count Apponyi, the distinguished 
Hungarian statesman, and others, while in full sym- 
pathy with the purpose of the proposal, felt that the 
subject was a most important and at the same time 
difficult one. Anything that might be done in this 
direction must carefully provide for the preservation 
of national sovereignty and autonomy. The Confer- 
ence finally decided to refer the subject, as well as 
that of the draft of an arbitration treaty, to a special 
committee, who should further study the subject and 
have power to call a meeting of the Executive Coun- 
cil of the Union, if this should seem advisable in 
order to get the subject properly before the next 
Hague Conference. 

The action of President Roosevelt in taking the 
initiative for a new conference at The Hague, as he 
had promised the Interparliamentary deputation at 
Washington last year, as well as his effort to bring 
the Russo-Japanese war to an end, was warmly ap- 
plauded by the Conference, and a cablegram of 
thanks and congratulation was sent him. There was 
a good deal of anxiety and fear among the members 
lest the peace negotiations at Portsmouth might fail. 
Some were very skeptical about the matter. The 
first word of the successful issue of the negotiations 
reached Brussels during the last evening, while a 
great reception by the municipality was going on in 
the Hétel de Ville. The delegates were overjoyed 
at the news, and it was the principal subject of con- 
versation during the evening. The American delega- 
tion was enthusiastically congratulated on every hand. 
Count Apponyi, who had been very doubtful of a 
successful outcome of the Portsmouth Conference, on 
seeing the cablegram, came almost in a run across 
the reception hall to congratulate the present writer 
that peace was assured and that our country had done 
such a noble service to humanity in bringing about 

the happy result. He expressed very great admira- 
tion for President Roosevelt as a peacemaker, as did 
practically everybody whom the writer met in Europe. 

The Conference was most hospitably received by 
the Belgian Interparliamentary group and the Brus- 
sels authorities, and the proceedings ended by a visit 
to the Exposition at Liége, where the last meeting, 
with luncheon, was held. 

The International Law Conference at 

Immediately following the Conference of the Interpar- 
liamentary Union at Brussels came the twenty-second 
Conference of the International Law Association at 
Christiania, from the 4th to the 7th of September. It 
proved to be one of the most successful meetings held by 
the Association in recent years. About eighty members 
out of the four hundred were present, representing ten 
different countries. A large number were of course 
from Norway, where much interest is taken in interna- 
tional law, especially in maritime law. 

Unusual interest was added to the occasion by the 
fact that the meeting was held in the new building which 
has been constructed for the Nobel Institute and the 
Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Parliament. The 
building, which has a lecture hall, committee rooms, lib- 
rary rooms, and quarters for the Nobel Committee, has 
just been completed, and this was the first conference 
ever held in it. It was therefore a sort of inauguration 
service for the building which is destined to play a con- 
spicuous part hereafter in the international peace move- 
ment, to the extension of which Mr. Nobel devoted a 
considerable portion of his great fortune. From this 
building will go out every December the announcement 
of the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize. 

The Conference was organized by the election of Jus- 
tice F. V. N. Beichman, president of the Court of Ap- 
peal of Trondhjem, as president. Mr. J. Anderson Aars, 
president of the Exchange and Chamber of Commerce 
Committee, which had invited the Association to Nor- 
way, made the address of welcome, not only in the name 
of the Exchange and Chamber of Commerce, but also of 
the Barristers Association and the City Government, 
both of which contributed immensely to the success and 
pleasure of the meeting. 

After an excellent address by the president of the 
Conference the remainder of the first day’s session, after 
the election of vice-presidents and secretaries, was de- 
voted to the subject of international arbitration and the 
work of the Norwegian government and parliament in 
promoting arbitration and neutrality. The paper on ar- 
bitration presented by Dr. W. E. Darby, secretary of the 
Peace Society, London, gave the details of all the latest 
phases of the development of the principle in its practical 
application in the settlement of controversies. The gov- 
ernment and parliament of Norway were shown to have 
done admirable service in promoting arbitration, through 
their official approval of the principle, through the Inter- 
parliamentary Union, through their subventions to the 
Peace Bureau at Berne, ete. 

On the second day the subjects considered were: 
“ Neutral Trade in Contraband of War,” “ Coals as Con- 


traband of War,” “ Questions of International Law Aris- 
ing out of the Russo-Japanese War,” “ Recrudescence of 
Belligerent Pretensions” and “ Prize Courts and an In- 
ternational Prize Court of Appeal.” The papers on 
these subjects by Mr. Douglas Owen, of the London Bar, 
Mr. George Marais, Advocate in the Court of Appeal 
of Paris, Dr. Thomas Baty, barrister, of London, and 
Mr. J. Pawley Bate, lecturer on international law at the 
Inns of Court, London, were able and instructive, though 
technical in character. 

A resolution was voted by the Conference in favor of 
the neutralization of all passenger and mail steamers, 
under severe restrictions as to carrying contraband of 
war. A resolution was also voted that coal should be 
considered only conditionally contraband of war. The 
spirit of the Conference was strongly in favor of the 
extension of neutral rights and of the increased restric- 
tion of the so-called rights of belligerents. 

On the third day the legal relations between charterers 
and ship owners, and kindred topics under maritime law, 
were discussed. 

On the last day the topics discussed were: “The De- 
sirability of Extending the Berne Railway Transport of 
Goods,” “Rules for the Recognition of Foreign Com- 
panies,” “ Foreign Judgments,” ete. 

In relation to all the subjects that came before the 
Conference, there was manifested a strong desire that the 
governments should act in a spirit of increasing codpera- 
tion in the interests of trade, of the preservation of life, 
and of the avoidance of friction through carelessness and 

One could not but observe the conspicuous absence 
from the Conference of delegates from Sweden. None, 
of course, were expected, as the Conference met at the 
time when feeling between the two countries was strongest 
on account of the formal withdrawal of Norway from 
the Union. But the Norwegian members of the Con- 
ference could not have conducted themselves with greater 
self-restraint and propriety than they did. Not a word 
of criticism of Sweden was heard, nor a word of boastful 
self-justification of the Norwegians. One would not 
have known, from anything that was said, that anything 
unusual had happened. Even in private prominent men 
answered with great care and moderation questions put 
to them about the situation. The seriousness of the situ- 
ation was felt, but there seemed no disposition to ex- 
aggerate or make it worse by rash and untimely speech. 
It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that, since such a 
spirit as this prevailed, an agreement between the two 
countries was quickly reached which averted all danger 
of war. 

It is not easy to see how hospitality could be more 
sincere and generous than that which was extended to 
the foreign delegates. Every Norwegian met did his 
best, with what English, French or German he knew, to 
make us all feel at home. On the first evening there 
was a reception, with supper, given by the Chamber of 
Commerce Committee at one of the most beautiful 
suburban resorts; on the second afternoon and evening 
a dinner was given by the same Committee at another 
of the fine resorts outside of the city; on the third 
afternoon the guests were taken on an excursion on the 
fjord, which terminated in another dinner on an island 
not far from the city; and on the last evening a great 



banquet was given the members of the Conference by 
the municipality in the Hotel de Ville, which was pre- 
sided over by the mayor. We have heard of people 
being killed with kindness, but this week in Christiania 
we came near realizing in fact what it meant. Certain 
it is that no member of the Twenty-second Conference 
of the International Law Association can ever find it in 
his heart to think ill of the Norwegians. 

Editorial Notes. 

The diplomatic event of the last month 

The Anglo- was the publication of the new Anglo- 
Japanese . ° 
Treaty. Japanese treaty, which was signed in Lon- 

don on the 12th of August by Lord 
Lansdowne and Baron Hayashi. We give the text of 
it on another page for the convenience of those who 
may wish to examine its provisions. It is in some 
respects a renewal of the treaty concluded by the two 
powers three years ago, though it is a broader and much 
more significant document. It is open to the serious 
objections which may be brought against all offensive 
and defensive military alliances, which are wrong in 
principle, and always work more or less mischief in 
practice. ‘The treaty has already aroused much indigna- 
tion in Germany, and is quite certain to widen the breach 
between her and England. Its effect upon the relations 
between England and Russia is also sure to be bad, as 
it is clearly aimed against the latter country. But it is 
more than a military alliance. Its main purpose is the 
maintenance of general peace in the Far East, and with 
this aim we must all sympathize. It guarantees the in- 
dependence and integrity of China and equal opportunity 
for the commerce and industry of all nations in China. 
It does not, however, treat Korea as it ought to do. It 
practically turns her over to the control of Japan, and 
to speedy annexation without consulting the Korean 
people. The former treaty guaranteed the independence 
of Korea. While this new treaty, in spite of its funda- 
mental defect, goes a good way in the right direction, a 
very much better treaty might have been made in the 
interests of the East. All the important nations having 
relations with the East ought to have entered into a 
general treaty in the interests of peace and commerce, 
and the independence of the Eastern nations. No mili- 
tary provisions of any kind need have gone into such an 
agreement. There is little doubt that Russia, Germany, 
France, Italy, Austria, Belgium, the United States, etc., 
could easily have been induced at the present auspicious 
moment to join in such a purely peace compact, and thus 
the whole Eastern question have been once for all settled. 
It seems strange that no responsible statesman should 
have seen this extraordinary opportunity to do for the 
East what England and France have done for themselves 
ina smaller way by the Great Agreement recently drawn 


between them. The time has not yet passed, and Presi- 
dent Roosevelt might well find in this direction an oppor- 
tunity to do a still greater service for the world’s peace 
than any which he has yet rendered. 

Later reports of the feeling of indigna- 
tion in Japan against the government over 
the terms of the Portsmouth peace treaty 
and of the riots and disorders attending it prove that the 
earlier accounts were not at all exaggerated. A private 
letter received at this office speaks of the smoking ruins 
of the offices of newspapers which had supported the 
government, of police stations wrecked, of the intensity 
of the war spirit prevailing, etc. This indignation and 
violence of the people was exhibited because of the fact 
that the government had decided to drop the claim for 
indemnity, which had at first been put forward at Ports- 
mouth, in order to end the war. The people had been 
led by the successes of the Japanese armies in the field 
to believe that they could force Russia to accept any 
terms laid down by the victors, and they proposed to 
exact from the beaten foe enough to cover their own 
government’s expenses in the war. This display of 
passion and determination to exact as much as possible 
from Russia is not to be wondered at. It was the natural 
fruit of the conflict. Something like it has attended 
every war. The war passion grows by what it feeds on, 
and those who are affected by it often lose all sense of 
reason and are led blindly away by hatred of the enemy 
and desire to humiliate him to the utmost possible extent- 
The Japanese government is to be warmly commended 
for having stood firm during this storm of violence. The 
people will get over their childish madness, and will in 
time see that the government’s course was one of great 
wisdom. And the government will do well if it learns 
once for all that war is a very dangerous thing to play 
with. An intelligent Japanese, who has been in Tokyo 
during the entire conflict, writes us: “The war has 
ended as we prognosticated, to the great disappointment 
of the nation. War JS foolish—that is the lesson 
taught by this expensive war.” 

The Feeling 
in Japan. 

Mr. E. J. Dillon, in Harper’s Weekly, 
thus describes some of the horrors which 
attended the war in Manchuria: 

Horrors in 

“ People who have not witnessed the horrors of actual 
warfare — and the present campaign is in many respects 
worse than the struggles of former days — cannot realize 
the fate that awaits the unfortunate men who are thus 
condemned without appeal to die. Death pure and 
simple would be a boon as compared with the destiny in 
store for them. 

“From the day on which they take their places in the 
railway cars their ordeal commences. Cooped up like 



sardines in a tin box, they have too little room, too little 
air, too littie food, too little exercise, too little heat in 
winter, too much in summer. They are not as well off 
as the cavalry horses in the wagons next their own. 
Fatigued, cramped, weak, emaciated, they are whirled 
through Siberia, and dumped on some little station in 
Manchuria, where no preparations have been made for 
them. Hungry and thirsty, they have then to march for 
miles and miles in a strange and difficult country, they 
know not whither or wherefore. All at once, without a 
word of warning, they are decimated by a slanting 
hail of bullets which seemingly come from nowhere. 
They cannot reply, for there is no indication of the 
enemy’s position. 

“ After that baptism of fire the real horrors of war 
begin. Marches under a scorching sun until the boots 
drop off in shreds, the feet are swollen and lacerated, 
the tongue is parched and black, and the brain swim- 
ming with incipient madness. Or else it is winter, when 
the toes, the ears, the nose, and it may be the cheeks, are 
frostbitten and disfigured forever, and when every snow- 
heap exerts a weird fascination over the jaded and 
drowsy soldier, who often flings himself surreptitiously 
upon one and enters upon his long last sleep. 

“But hunger and thirst are the two awe-inspiring 
demons of war whose victims are more to be pitied even 
than Ugolino in his hunger tower. I have heard of sol- 
diers who, to quench their maddening thirst as they lay 
wounded on the millet-fields of Manchuria, drank human 
blood. I could if needs were name some who came 
back from the war to their native village invalided, and 
whose experience had been even still more horrible. 
‘ We lay helpless in the fields like children, covered by 
the millet grass. My leg was as stiff as a board. We 
were fiercely hungry like wolves, human wolves. We 
would have eaten refuse had there been any at hand. 
But there was nothing. Every now and then we cast 
hungry looks at our dead comrades, and then we gazed 
at each other. We spoke with our eyes, we agreed with 
our eyes to commit a heinous crime. All the talk was 
done by evil glances. I can’t say how, but we under- 
stood each other perfectly. And then — then we did it.’ 

“TI break off the grewsome narrative here. It was 
poignantly realistic. Every detail burned itself into the 
souls of the invalid’s artless hearers. They saw the 
whole sickening picture rise up in all its ghastliness before 
their eyes. It filled them with horror.” 



On August 31, when the successful termination 
of the peace negotiations at Portsmouth was announced, 
Hon. Robert Treat Paine, president of the American 
Peace Society, sent the following telegram of congratu- 
lations to President Roosevelt : 

‘*No event in all history has given such powerful impetus 
to the cause of peace among the nations of the whole world as 
your brave and triumphant action.” 

To this telegram the President’s secretary sent the fol- 
lowing reply: 

‘“‘The President thanks youn heartily for your congratu- 


. . . The Cincinnati Arbitration and Peace Society 
will celebrate the first anniversary of its organization by 
a public mass meeting on the 23d inst. Judge Howard 
C. Hollister will preside, and the principal speaker of the 
evening will be Hon. Henry b. F. Macfarland, president 
of the Board of Commissioners of the District of Colum- 
bia. The president of the Business Men’s Club, Mr. 
Thomas J. Moffett, will also speak. A letier will be 
read from the president of the society, Prof. P. V. N. 
Myers, now in Europe, who will give an account of the 
Peace Congress at Lucerne, which he attended. The city 
pastors have been asked to devote the previous Sunday 
to the advocacy of universal peace. We congratulate 
the Cincinnati Society on the vigorous and successful 
work which it has done during its first year. 

. A peace conference under the auspices of the 
State Women’s Christian Temperance Union was held 
at Pacific Grove, California, from July 30 to August 4. 
Most of the speakers during the five days’ meetings were 
women. The program was well carried out, and the 
discussions following the papers elicited much interest. 
** Peace Policies,” “ Christ the Prince of Peace,” “ Justice 
as a Conservator of Peace,” “The Science of Peace,” 
“ The Attitude of Women toward the Peace Question,” 
“International Arbitration,” “The Passing of War,” 
“The Origin of the Hague Court,” “ Peace a Stimulus to 
Trade,” and “ What the Labor Unions Stand For,” were 
some of the topics. There were platform exercises and 
a debate on the army and navy and peace songs. This 
is said to be the first peace conference ever held under 
the auspices of a State W. C. T. U. It ought not to be 
the last one. 

. . The peace convention called by the Shakers was 
held at Mt. Lebanon, N. Y., on the 31st of August. 
About two hundred persons were present. Two of the 
principal addresses were made by Hon. Walter S. Logan 
of the New York Bar and Rabbi Charles Fleischer of 
Cambridge, Mass. Other speakers were William Barnes, 
Sr., of Albany, Bolton Hall of New York, and Rev. 
James E. Gregg of Pittsfield, Mass. A resolution was 
passed reprobating war, declaring that arbitration had 
already proved itself a rational practical way of dispos- 
ing of disputes, urging disarmament and the neutraliza- 
tion of the highways of commerce on the ocean. 

. . . The death of Hezekiah Butterworth of Boston, 
editor for twenty-five years of the Youth’s Companion, 
removes a true and beautiful friend of peace, a man of 
pure, lofty and lovely character, loved and honored by 
every one who knew him. He was a prolific writer of 
both prose and verse, his books for the young being 
especially famous. Some of his peace poems, as others, 
were of a high order, notably the poem, “The White 
City,” written for the Chicago Peace Congress of 1893. 
Mr. Butterworth was thoroughly devoted to the cause 
of human brotherhood and peace. He attended several 
peace congresses, was a frequent speaker at peace con- 
ventions, and for many years a member and vice-presi- 
dent of the American Peace Society, whose work he 
supported in the most cordial way. 

between Denmark and 
and on September 

. . . An arbitration treaty 

France was signed on September 15, 
21 one between Spain and Belgium. 



. . . The Prussian government has sold to Belgium 
the neutral territory of Moresnet, the smallest European 
state, which is thus blotted out. Its existence dates 
from the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. 

. . . Claims amounting to one million dollars, made by 
the French government against Venezuela, have been 
allowed by the Claims Commission which has been sitting 
at Northfield, Vt. Claims for much larger amounts have 
been dismissed or disallowed by the Commission. ‘The 
decision of the umpire, Judge Frank Plumley, is final. 

&:, a The evil effects of the German military policy in 
South Africa continue to manifest themselves, and all 
foreigners are a prey to the ill-feeling which has been 
engendered among the natives. The Bulletin of the 
Bureau of Missions, Bible House, New York, says that 
“an uprising of the natives in the southern part of 
German East Africa is causing a good deal of anxiety 
just now. The actual sufferers so far reported are the 
Roman Catholic Benedictine stations. A bishop, two 
missionaries, and two sisters were killed a month or two 
ago on the road from Kilwa to Liwale. Two of the 
inland stations of this mission have been attacked and 
the missionaries forced to fly to the coast. Anxiety is 
felt for the University Mission on the Rovuma River 
and for the Berlin Society’ s stations, which stretch 
across from Dar es Salam to the head of Lake Nyasa. 
So far no news has been received of injury to any of 
these stations, but the disturbances seem to be spreading, 
and distance from the coast may put the missionaries in 
serious danger.” 

. . + The stenographic report of the eleventh annual 
conference on international arbitration held at Mohonk 
Lake, N. Y., at the first of June last, has been published, 
and copies of it can be had by addressing the secretary, 
Mr. H. C. Phillips, at Mohonk Lake, and enclosing five 
cents to cover postage. The report contains all the 
speeches delivered and is a most valuable document. 

Put Up Thy Sword. 


And who the bravest of the brave, 

The bravest hero ever born? 
’T was one who dared a felon’s grave, 

Who dared to bear the scorn of scorn. 
Nay, more than this; when sword was drawn 

And vengeance waited for His word, 
He looked with pitying eyes upon 

The scene, and said: ‘‘ Put up thy sword.” 
Oh God! could one be found te-day 

As brave to do, as brave to say? 

Put up thy sword into his sheath.”’ 
Put up thy sword, put up thy sword! 
By Cedron’s brook thus spake beneath 
The olive-trees our valiant Lord, 
Spake calm and king-like. Sword and stave 
And torch, and stormy men of death 
Made clamor. Yet he spake not, save 
With loving word and patient breath, 
The peaceful olive-boughs beneath: 
‘* Put up thy sword into his sheath.” 
From the Arena. 




From the bugles that called to the battle, and thud of the 
armies’ tread; 

From the murderous swords uplifted, with their sharp blades 
running red; 

From the agonized cries of the wounded, and horses, tramp- 
ing the dead — 

Lo! the sudden release of the White Dove of Peace and the 
blue of the Summer o’erhead. 

From the hidden mines’ awful explosions, and cannons’ thun- 
dering boom; 

From the bloody waves drinking the dying, and the running 
ef Hell’s vast loom; 

From the nations enrapt in conflict, and their rulers enrapt 
in gloom — 

Lo! the sudden release of the White Dove of Peace and the 
lilies of Summer a-bloom. 

From the lion-souled patriots fighting no grimness of Death 
could appall; 

From the mothers that went forth unweeping, and gave to 
the Country their all, 

With desolate hearts as of Rachel, and stony despairs as of 
Saul — 

Lo! the sudden release of the White Dove of Peace and the 
whole world held in thrall. 

From the bugles that called to the battle blow pzans to East 
and to West 

That shall reach to earth’s lowliest valleys from mountains 
supremest confest, 

That shall gladden the souls of the angels, in the music of 
angels expressed, 

From the sudden release of the White Dove of Peace, that 
was winged from Jehovah’s breast. 

— Inthe Boston Transcript. 

Annual Report of the International 
Peace Bureau to the Peace Congress. 

The following report on the events of the year 1904-5, relating 
to peace and war, was made by Mr. Elie Ducommun, Sec- 
retary of the International Peace Bureau at Berne, to the 
Lucerne Peace Congress: 

The butcheries in Manchuria during the eleven months 
which have passed since the meeting of the Thirteenth 
Universal Peace Congress at Boston, in October, 1904, 
have finally discredited war throughout the entire world. 
The uprising of public opinion against the further con- 
tinuance of war has been general, and especially has it 
come to be felt that the nations, like individuals, can no 
longer live without the assurance that peace in the 
future will not be disturbed. 

The peoples of the different countries therefore ex- 
perienced an immense feeling of relief and satisfaction 
when the official representatives of the governments of 
Russia and Japan, on the vigorous initiative of President 
Theodore Roosevelt, met at Portsmouth, in the United 
States of America, to determine the conditions on which 
peace should be restored between the two belligerents. 
Especially was this feeling great when the news of 
the signing of the terms of peace, like a rainbow at the 
end of a storm, broke upon the world. 

It goes without saying that the terms of peace are 
differently appreciated, and that each of the parties con- 
cerned would have wished to get more than has actually 
been granted it. It is observed also that various organs 
of the European press have with some anxiety attempted 
to forecast the consequences which the Peace of Ports- 
mouth may bring to the countries of the Occident. We 
admit without question that the powers concerned knew 
perfectly well what they were doing when they signed 
the peace agreement, and we believe that the other 
powers will, if they only loyally agree among themselves, 
benefit likewise from the cessation of the war in the Far 

However this may be, humanity finds itself delivered 
from the terrible nightmare of a war which was full of 
horrors. The peace societies, the parliamentary groups, 
all the organs of the peace movement, aided in bringing 
to the world this happy consummation, by their incessant 
efforts through the press, public meetings, great petitions, 
and by the constant pressure of personal and collective 
influence upon the governments, up to the very moment 
when the President of the United States of America, 
true to the promise which he had made in September, 
1904, to a delegation of the Interparliamentary Confer- 
ence, threw himself courageously into the breech and 
made it impossible for Russia and Japan to refuse to be 
reconciled. All henor to this generous friend of peace! 

The North Sea incident, in its turn, furnished an oppor- 
tunity to observe with what facility international arbi- 
tration puts an end to serious disputes, It will never be 

The Morocco dispute between France and Germany 
has given rise to anxiety. It was feared that the unex- 
pected intervention of the Emperor of Germany in the 
work of expansion of France in the Moroccan territory, 
as aresult of the Anglo-French agreement, might disturb 
pacific relations on the European continent and create 
serious difficulties. These fears have now happily been 

The political horizon of Europe is, nevertheless, not 
entirely clear. The Eastern question continues to trouble 
diplomacy. Whether one turns his eyes towards the 
island of Crete, where the insurrection in favor of an- 
nexation to Greece continues in spite of the armed oppo- 
sition of the powers, or towards Macedonia, where the 
confusion has become chronic, or towards unfortunate 
Armenia, sacrificed to the deplorable Turkish adminis- 
tration, or towards the Caucasus, where civil war is 
raging, one cannot help asking himself what the powers 
signatory of the Berlin treaty of the 13th of July, 1868, 
are waiting for in order finally to let their liberating 
voice be heard. In reference to this matter, we can only 
renew the conclusions of our report of last year touching 
Macedonia and Armenia. 

The rupture of the union of Sweden and Norway has 
not been one of the least important events of the current 
year. It had to do primarily with matters of internal 
government, but it affected also certain international 
relations, which it threatened to complicate. Here is 
not the place to discuss the grounds of the separation, 
but we may properly note that in both countries the 
friends of peace have done their duty by contributing 
powerfully to the direction of the people’s minds in the 
way of goodwill and equity. 


Troubles which arose in the university circles of Ins- 
bruck for a moment aroused fears of complications be- 
tween the governments of Austria and Italy. There 
was talk of hostile feelings manifesting themselves in 
hasty measures of military defense on the frontier of the 
two countries ; but up to the present time there has been 
no reason for attaching any great importance to the 
rumors which have been afloat in this regard. 

We point out also, among the matters which may pos- 
sibly some day darken the international political horizon, 
the closure, said to be projected, of the straits of the 
Baltic Sea. This question has not yet assumed sufficient 
practical importance to be made the object of immediate 
attention, but some incident may occur which will force 
public opinion to take it into consideration. In such an 
event, the friends of peace would of course be loyal to 
their principles and declare themselves in favor of the 
largest and completest possible freedom of the seas. 

The processes of colonization in certain countries, 
principally in Africa, have given rise during the course 
of the year to numerous and serious differences. We 
desire greatly that the principles set forth in regard to 
this matter by numerous universal peace congresses may 
as soon as possible find application in these colonies, and 
that they may finally be delivered from the systematic 
arbitrariness and acts of cruelty which have hitherto 

In opposition to these disturbing manifestations of the 
old policy based upon the right of the strongest, we are 
happy to be able to point out the fact that a spirit of 
general appeasement prevails at the present time through- 
out the world. The good sense of the masses has come 
to understand the significance of the persistent efforts of 
the friends of peace, and among them there is no longer 
any doubt that the eminently humanitarian cause of 
peace through international justice has won its case. A 
similar spirit is taking possession of the parliaments with 
ever-increasing power, and the governments themselves 
are proclaiming on every occasion their desire to main- 
tain peace as an essential condition of the prosperity of 
the people. 

We cite here in support of our statement the numer- 
ous visits which the heads of states and the parliamentary 
groups have made to one another, the international 
fétes which have evinced the wish of the nations to live 
in peace with one another, and the congresses held by 
the press, by the institutes of law, the codperative socie- 
ties and the masonic lodges. 

The treaties of international arbitration which have 
been signed since the date of the Thirteenth Universal 
Peace Congress are as follows: 

Switzerland and Belgium, November, 1904. 
Switzerland and Great Britain, November, 1904. 
Switzerland and Italy, November, 1904. 
Switzerland and Sweden and Norway, November, 1904. 
Switzerland and France, November, 1904. 
Switzerland and Austria-Hungary, November, 1904. 
Russia and Belgium, November, 1904. 

Belgium and Sweden and Norway, December, 1904. 
Russia and Sweden and Norway, December, 1904. 
England and Austria, January 12, 1905. 

Belgium and Spain, January 12, 1905. 

Russia and Denmark, March 1, 1905. 



Denmark and Belgium, April 20, 1905. 

Italy and Peru, April 18, 1905. 

Belgium and Greece, May 2, 1905. 

Portugal and Sweden and Norway, May 6, 1905. 
Belgium and Roumania, May 27, 1905. 

The Netherlands and Great Britain, April, 1905. 
France and the Netherlands, April, 1905. 
Denmark and the Netherlands, April, 1905. 

We cannot better close the present report than by re- 
calling the promise made by President Roosevelt to take 
the initiative in calling a second conference of representa- 
tives of the states at The Hague as soon as the Russo- 
Japanese war was over and peace restored. Here again 
the President of the United States of America has taken 
a position which does him honor. 

For the International Peace Bureau, 
Eviz Ducommun. 
Berne, September 15, 1905. 

+e oes 

Proceedings of the Fourteenth Interna- 
tional Peace Congress. 

The Fourteenth International Peace Congress opened 
at Lucerne, Switzerland, in the Kursaal, on the 19th of 
September, at half-past nine o’clock, with about three 
hundred and fifty delegates present, the number of which 
was afterwards increased to over four hundred. Dr. 
Bucher-Heller, chairman of the Committee of Organiza- 
tion, in opening the Congress, extended a cordial welcome 
to the delegates. Referring to the successful termina- 
tion of the peace negotiations at Portsmouth, he was 
glad that the Fourteenth World Peace Congress could be 
opened after the gates of the temple of Janus had been 
closed. He hoped that the deliberations of the Congress 
would be of such a nature as to widen still further the 
circle of those who had “ faith in peace.” 

Mr. Robert Comtesse, a Federal Councillor and former 
president of the Swiss Republic, who had been chosen 
honorary president of the Congress, also extended greet- 
ings to the participants in the Congress in a very strong 
speech. He declared that the peace idea aimed at a 
very great advance in humanity. Even though wars 
might not be wholly prevented by peace efforts, they 
could at any rate be greatly reduced. The settlement 
of the Hull affair by means of the provisions of the 
Hague Convention was a remarkable fruit of the peace 
movement, and he considered it one of the greatest under- 
takings to try to secure the widest possible extension of 
the work and influence of the Hague Conferences. The 
countries of the world ought to come ever nearer and 
nearer together. International peace he believed to be 
perfectly consistent with a vigorous and intense love of 
country, and it was a false theory that it required the 
renunciation of patriotism. The Swiss people were a 
very patriotic people, but no people were more devoted 
to the cause of peace, and they welcomed most heartily 
the workers for peace to the soil of their country. 

Representatives of the different countries were then 
called upon to respond for their respective delegations. 

Prof. Ludwig Quidde of Munich, responding for Ger- 
many, called attention, in a fine speech, which was 
warmly applauded, to the peculiar fitness of Switzerland 
as a place for holding the Peace Congress, and to the 


valuable contribution which the Swiss people and govern- 
ment were making to the cause of international justice, 
fellowship and peace. He hoped that an arbitration 
treaty between Switzerland and Germany would soon be 
signed, and that contact with Switzerland in the present 
Peace Congress would give new help and strength to the 
efforts of all the friends of peace. 

The Baroness ven Suttner, who on rising received 
a genuine ovation, as she always does, spoke for the 
Austrian group of peace workers. After extending greet- 
ings and best wishes, she exposed in a very neat way the 
absurdity of some of the criticisms of the efforts of peace 
workers. When peace reigns the opponents of the peace 
movement declare that these efforts are useless, because 
we already have peace. And when war breaks out these 
same critics make light of the peace efforts as still useless, 
since we now have war. She thought we need not pay 
much heed to these irrational fault-finders, but go on in 
time of peace and in time of war doing our work for the 
abolition of war. 

Senator Houzeau de Lehaie of Mons, Belgium, declared 
that his country, one of the smallest, was greatly inter- 
ested in the cause of peace. Belgium had been the sport 
of war, and had belonged first to one state and then to 
another. His own father was born a Frenchman, his 
mother an Austrian, he himself a Dutéhman, and his 
brother a Belgian. He assured Switzerland that democ- 
racy afforded the very greatest guaranty of peace, and 
said that Belgium as a democratic state, like Switzerland, 
gladly welcomed all peace efforts. 

Mr. Tsang Tsi Fou, a young Chinaman, representing a 
peace group of Chinamen in Paris (the first of its kind), 
and speaking almost faultless French, held the Congress 
breathless while he described the peaceful character of 
the Chinese people, and the change in their disposition 
and policies which had been forced upon them by the 
aggressions of the Western powers. China loved peace 
and wished peace, and if she now found herself com- 
pelled to change her policy and arm herself in modern 
fashion for war, it was not she who was responsible, but 
the powers that had forced her to take this course. 

Mr. Frederik Bajer, from Copenhagen, long a member 
of the Danish Parliament, responding for Denmark, as- 
sured the members of the Congress that Denmark, 
though prepared to defend her rights and her institutions, 
was devoted to peace and did not wish to see it in any 
way interrupted. 

Frederic Passy, now eighty-four years old and nearly 
blind, when called upon to respond for France, was 
received with prolonged applause. He spoke with all 
his old fire and enthusiasm. He greeted Switzerland 
with its federation of races as a prototype of the coming 
federation of the nations. Though patriots in their 
different countries, it was not as such that they had 
come together, but rather as members of the new society 
of humanity, which was higher and greater than the sep- 
arate nations. The banner of this new order the friends 
of peace desired to see wave above all other banners. 
“The true Frenchman was a true patriot, but also a true 
friend of peace.” 

Response was made for Great Britain by Felix 
Moscheles, who recounted what had been done in Eng- 
land through the Manchester and Bristol National Peace 
Congresses, and how the British friends of peace were 



putting forth every possible effort to extend their prin- 
ciples as far as possible in the life and policies of the 

Further responses were then, owing to the lateness of 
the hour, put off till the next day, and the Congress pro- 
ceeded to complete its organization. Elie Ducommun, 
Secretary of the International Peace Bureau at Berne, 
was by acclamation chosen president. Mr. Geering- 
Christ from Bale and Mr, Frey of Lucerne were chosen 
secretaries. A vice-president was named by each of the 
delegations present from the different countries, Edwin 
D. Mead being chosen for the United States. To con- 
stitute the three committees to prepare the business of 
the Congress, one delegate for each committee was 
named for each of the countries represented. For the 
United States, Hon. Samuel J. Barrows was placed on 
the Committee on Current Events, Mrs. Lucia Ames 
Mead on that on Propaganda, and Benjamin F. True- 
blood on that which dealt with Judicial subjects — ques- 
tions of International Law, etc. 

At two o’clock the three Committees met and spent 
the afternoon in preparing business for the next day. 
Persons not members of the Committees were allowed 
to be present at the sittings. 

An official reception, on behalf of the Municipality of 
Lucerne, was given in the evening at the National Hotel. 
The attendance of delegates and friends was large. The 
Mayor being unavoidably kept away, an address of wel- 
come was given, in his behalf, by Dr. Zimmerli, chair- 
man of the Reception Committee of the city. He spoke 
first in German, then in French, and lastly in English, 
and his remarks were much appreciated by the audience. 
After this the evening was spent in social intercourse, 
with the usual refreshment accompaniment. 

Previously, at five o’clock, a special religious service, 
in recognition of the Congress, was held in the English 
Church, and attended by a large number of the English- 
speaking delegates. 


President Ducommun called the Congress to order at 
half-past nine, and the responses from the different 
countries were continued. 

The first speaker of the morning was Benjamin F. 
Trueblood, who had been chosen by the American 
delegation to respond for them. He began by calling 
attention to the great success of the series of meetings 
held in numerous American cities after the Boston Peace 
Congress, to the great broadening and deepening of 
peace sentiment among the American people, to the 
large addition of new members to the peace societies 
and to the organization of several new branch societies. 
The development of interest among business men and 
commercial bodies had been especially marked, nearly 
a hundred Chambers of Commerce in the important 
American cities having passed strong resolutions in 
favor of the widest possible application of arbitration 
in the settlement of international controversies. The 
Massachusetts State Board of Trade, one of the most 
important commercial organizations in the United 
States, consisting of a union of nearly fifty Massachu- 
setts city Chambers of Commerce, had gone so far as to 
propose to the United States government to take the 
initiative, in the interests of peaceful commerce, to 


secure an international agreement for the permanent neu- 
tralization of the great trade routes across the Atlantic. 
He then called attention to the remarkable development 
in size and influence of the Interparliamentary Group 
in the United States Congress, which had grown during 
the year from forty to more than two hundred members. 
This group had been most influential in the recent In- 
terparliamentary Conference at Brussels, where it had 
proposed, as two of the subjects which ought to be put 
on the program of the New Hague Conference, the 
adoption of a general treaty of obligatory arbitration by 
all the nations of the world and the creation of a con- 
gress of the nations to meet at stated periods. Atten- 
tion was then called by Dr. Trueblood to the promise 
made by President Roosevelt to the Interparliamentary 
deputation to take the initiative in assembling a new 
international conference to continue the work com- 
menced in 1899, and to the President’s prompt fulfill- 
ment of his promise. Finally he spoke of the great 
service to humanity rendered by President Roosevelt in 
the steps which he had taken to secure an end of the 
sanguinary conflict in the Far East. In this the Presi- 
dent had spoken not only for himself but for the whole 
American people, by whose influence he had been urged 
to take the step which had resulted in the end of the 
wer. The failure of the arbitration treaties signed by 
Secretary Hay to go into effect must not be attributed 
to lack of public or official interest in arbitration, for 
this interest was at the present time much stronger than 
ever before. The failure was due to a conflict of opinion 
between the Senate and the President as to their re- 
spective prerogatives under the Constitution as parts of 
the treaty-making power of the government. This 
failure would probably lead to the United States gov- 
ernment taking the lead in an effort to secure a general 
treaty of obligatory arbitration much more comprehen- 
sive and valuable than any treaty yet concluded. 

Mr. E. T. Moneta, president of the Lombard Peace 
Union, leader of the peace movement in Italy, followed 
Dr. Trueblood. He was much pleased to see so large 
a delegation of Americans in the Congress. Their 
hopes, he said, were built upon America and her accom- 
plishments in the peace movement. He spoke of the 
great earthquake disaster which had just befallen his 
country, and of the large and general help that had 
come from all quarters to the unfortunate sufferers. 
Unfortunately this help had, much of it, come too late. 
They were lacking in the organization of peace, which 
would protect and help the individual. Instead they 
had the organization of war, through which single indi- 
viduals and the whole land suffered. He made a power- 
erful plea for the abandonment of the war system and 
for the organization of peace everywhere in the interests 
of the people. 

The Netherlands was represented by Mr. Baart de la 
Faille, from The Hague, a leading member of the gen- 
eral Dutch Peace Society. He brought greetings in the 

name of his fellow workers, and spoke of the distinct 
progress which the peace cause is making in the 

Mr. J. Novicow, the distinguished Russian sociolog, 
well known in peace circles as one of the ablest promoters 
of the cause, said that in Russia nothing had been formally 
done since the last peace congress; that nothing outward 



was yet possible. But the frightful war had done much 
to promote the idea of peace. The cause of constitutional 
government was making rapid strides in his country. A 
national assembly would soon meet, and he felt assured 
that before long they would surprise the world by their 
radicalism in reform. The cause of peace would at no 
remote day find in Russia one of its foremost champions. 
(This speech coming from an intelligent Russian was 
listened to with deep interest, and gave hope to many 
that a brighter day was dawning in the East.) 

Mr. Edward Waurinsky, member of Parliament, spoke 
for Sweden and the many Swedes living abroad in many 
countries. He hoped and believed that in spite of the 
warlike spirit prevailing between the two Scandinavian 
countries and the threatening war clouds, peace would 
nevertheless win the victory. 

The last of the responses was made by Mr. Geering- 
Christ of Bale, in the name of the Swiss Peace Union. 
The congress was meeting on the soil which the men of 
Riitli had won for freedom; he hoped, in the name of 
all mankind, in the name of human rights and human 
freedom, that mankind might likewise be released from 
the fetters of the tyrant War. 

The responses being over, numerous telegrams and 
letters of greeting to the Congress were then presented. 

The first business presented from the Committees was 
a report from the Committee on Questions of Interna- 
tional Law, made by Mr. Fredrik Bajer of Denmark, on 
the permanent neutralization of the Scandinavian coun- 
tries. At the close of his report Mr. Bajer offered a 
resolution which, after recounting the advantages of the 
perpetual neutralization of the Sund and the Grand Belt, 
ran thus: 

‘*The Congress expresses the wish that the three states, 
Norway, Sweden and Denmark, declare themselves perma- 
nently neutral, and that this neutrality shall mean : 

‘* That in reference to the continental and insular territory 
of the three countries, all the parties to this territory shall be 
at all times absolutely neutral ; and 

‘‘ That in regard to the principal waters which divide this 
territory, their neutrality shall be permanently established on 
the bases indicated (the Sund never to be entered by ships of 
war of belligerents in time of war, but to be open always to 
commercial vessels ; the Grand Belt to be open at all times 
to ships of war as well as to those of commerce), and in 
— with the generally recognized rules of international 

The resolution was supported by J. G. Alexander, 
secretary of the International Law Association, and by 
Mr. Emile Arnaud, president of the International League 
of Liberty and Peace, and then unanimously adopted. 


At the opening of the afternoon session the annual 
report of the Berne Peace Bureau was read by Senator 
Houzeau de Lehaie and approved. (The report, in 
English, is found in full on another page.) 

The following resolution, in regard to the Armenian 
and Macedonian massacres from the Committee on Cur- 
rent Questions, was then presented by Mr. Quillard: 

‘‘The Fourteenth International Peace Congress, renewing 
the wishes expressed by former congresses, urgently entreats 
the powers signatory of the Treaty of Berlin to carry out without 
further delay the reforms provided for by Articles 23 and 61 
of the Berlin Treaty in regard to Armenia and Macedonia, and 

determined more especially in the memorandum of May, 1895. 
It extends to the victims of the massacres of Transcaucasia its 


sympathies, and is deeply grieved that the Russian government 
and the local authorities have neither prevented nor arrested 
these massacres.” 

Mr. Quillard, in presenting the resolution, set forth the 
actual dreadful situation, not only in Armenia and 
Macedonia, but also in Transcaucasia. For this latter 
he declared the Russian government — not the Russian 
people —to be directly responsible. These nations of 
Europe were also responsible because they had not had 
carried out the stipulations of the treaty of Berlin. The 
resolution was further discussed by Mr. Novicow, who 
declared, with deep regret, that these horrors were the 
outcome of the present policy of the Russian govern- 
ment; by Madame Thoumaiau, an Armenian lady, who 
felt that the only cure for these ills was a deeper and 
more thorough moral regeneration; by Felix Moscheles, 
who wished the resolution were more strongly worded ; 
by Madame Marie Cheliga, president of the Women’s 
Universal Peace Alliance, Paris; and by Miss Ellen 
Robinson of Liverpool. 

At the end of the discussion, which was very spirited 
toward the close, the resolution was referred back to the 
Committee for some change in the wording. 

The following cablegram to President Roosevelt was 
then presented by the same Committee : 

‘‘The Fourteenth International Peace Congress, assembled 
at Lucerne, thanks and congratulates you on the great services 
which you have rendered to the cause of peace, and expects 
that you will continue in the way you have begun.” 

This cablegram gave rise to considerable discussion, 
some thinking that the Congress ought not to congratu- 
late one who had only shortened a war and not prevented 
one; others that the message should express regret that 
the war had not been prevented. The message was 
then, by a nearly unanimous vote, approved and ordered 

Apropos of the discussion about the cablegram, Mr. 
Emile Arnaud offered a resolution expressing condemna- 
tion of the Russo-Japanese war, and declaring that it, as 
all wars, was useless and unnecessary, useless because 
the results aimed at by the belligerents were in no pro- 
portion to the awful sacrifices caused by the war, and 
unnecessary because the results might have been attained 
by peaceful negotiations without war. The resolution, 
which evidently had the sympathy of the audience, was 
referred to the Committee for consideration. 

The difficult subject of Franco-German reconciliation 
was then taken up, and the following resolution, which 
had been unanimously adopted by the committee after 
an entire afternoon of discussion of the various schemes 
of reconciliation proposed, was reported by Senator 
Houzeau de Lehaie : 

‘* Whereas, all permanent or accidental antagonism between 
France and Germany is eminently prejudicial both to the cause 
of peace and progress, and to the material and moral interests 
not only of these two powers, but also of the whole civilized 
world; and, consequently, it is of universal interest to remove 
or avoid the causes of it; therefore, 

** Resolved, That the Fourteenth International Peace Con- 
gress expresses its warmest appreciation of all efforts tending 
to bring about a rapprochement and cordial understanding be- 
tween the two nations. 

“The Congress asks general recognition of a system of in- 
ternational law based upon the principles of justice and 
liberty and assuring the juridic settlement of all international 
differences. It recognizes as one of the essential elements of 



this system the principle that it is forbidden to make any 
political disposition of territories without the free consent of 
their inhabitants. It expresses the conviction that when this 
system is once solidly established, the questions of nationality, 
now so burning, will lose much of their acuteness, and that 
it will then be possible to apply the principles of right thus 
recognized to the results of former conquests. 

‘*The Congress expresses the desire that the French and 
German governments may enter into negotiations, and by 
mutual concessions and equitable compensations seek earnestly 
to establish between the two countries a régime of peace and 
law conformable both to their own interest and to that of the 
civilized world.”’ 

The Committee proposed at the same time a second 
resolution, pointing out the best means of securing the 
creation of a proper system of international law. The 
substance of it was expressed on these points: 

“1, The relations between nations are subject to the 
same principles of justice and morality as those that govern 
the relations between individuals. 

‘“*2. Noone having the right to execute justice for himself; 
no nation may lawfully declare war against another. 

‘*3. All differences between nations should be settled by 
juridic means. 

‘“*4. The autonomy of every nation is inviolable. 

“5. There exists no right of conquest. 

**6. The nations have the right of legitimate self-defense. 

‘7, The nations have the inalienable and imprescriptible 
right to dispose freely of themselves. 

‘“*8, The nations are (solidaires) members one of another.”’ 

The Congress, consequently, appeals to all enlightened 
spirits, in the world of law, of letters, of science and 
art, of agriculture, of commerce and industry, to con- 
secrate themselves henceforth with all their power to the 
propagation of the principles of justice and morality in 
a way to promote the organization of general peace, the 
juridic settlement of all international controversies, and 
the creation of an international federation. 

Senator Houzeau de Lehaie, for the Committee, com- 
mended the two resolutions to the audience, and hoped 
that by a unanimous vote the Congress would show itself 
united on the subject. 

Professor Quidde of Munich, in the name of the 
Germans, commended warmly the resolutions, and was 
very glad that a unanimous agreement had been reached 
in committee. He was convinced that in all Germany 
hatred of the French no longer existed, and that every 
German wished to have friendly relations with France. 
The Germans, of course, could more easily approach the 
French than vice versa, for in France the wounds were 
not yet healed. So much the more noteworthy, there- 
fore, was the fact that in France the friends of peace 
were gaining ground so rapidly. It was of the greatest 
importance for mankind that the two nations should 
work together. The world needed the genius of both. 
Out of their mutual completion of each other would 
come something better and higher for the good of all 

Frederic Passy then took the platform and spoke for 
the French, with his voice quivering and full of emotion, 
He considered these resolutions the greatest work ever 
done in the peace congresses. He had come to the Con- 
gress once more, though burdened with years, because 
he had not given up hope of seeing realized his ideal of 
a reconciliation of the Germans and the French. Great 
applause followed his speech, and when he reached out 
his hand to Professor Quidde, who quickly responded, 


and the two men stood side by side with clasped hands, 
the scene became indescribable. The whole Congress 
rose and applauded — many even wept — with a fervor 
and depth of feeling rarely, if ever, surpassed. 

The President asked all others who had sent up their 
resolutions to refrain from speaking, and the resolutions 
were then voted with solemn unanimity. The scene 
was a perfectly spontaneous one, and in this consisted 
largely its significance. It was the first time that even 
the Peace Congress had ever been able to say anything 
on the difficult subject. 

The session then closed at 6.30 o’clock. 

In the evening an entertainment was given in the 
Kursaal, which many of the members of the Congress 


The Congress reassembled at 10 o’clock, and the Com- 
mittee on Propaganda reported the following resolution : 

‘*The Congress recommends to the peace organizations to 
appeal, in each country, to business men of recognized stand- 
ing to coéperate with the peace movement by creating, in ad- 
dition to the Central Fund at Berne, a Peace Propaganda Fund 
to be locally controlled.” 

In support of this resolution Mr. Edwin Ginn of Bos- 
ton read a brief paper, in which he set forth the great 
inadequacy of the means at hand for carrying on the 
peace propaganda in a manner worthy of the greatness 
of the cause, and the desirability of enlisting men of 
means to furnish funds to do the work as it should be 

Simple and sensible as the proposition was, objection 
was raised by the Socialistic elements in the Congress to 
making a special appeal to rich men. It was argued that 
the appeal should be to all persons without respect to 
the amount of their wealth, that many small contribu- 
tions might thus be received and interest in the cause 
thus greatly extended. The discussion was participated 
in by Edwin D, Mead (supporting Mr. Ginn’s proposi- 
tion) and others, and the resolution was finally referred, 
without action, to the Berne Bureau. (It is understood 
that the Commission of the Bureau met at once and de- 
cided to lay Mr. Ginn’s ideas before the peace societies 
in all countries through the medium of the Bureau’s 
“ Semi- Monthly Correspondence.”) 

The subject of the neutralization of the great trade 
routes across the Atlantic was next taken up, and the 
following resolution was presented by the Committee on 
International Law: 

‘*The Congress learns with satisfaction that the Board of 
Trade of Massachusetts (United States) has proposed the 
neutralization of the ocean routes used by the various trans- 
atlantic steamer services; also that the International Law 
Association, in the recent conference at Christiania, adopted a 
resolution advocating the protection of mail and passenger 
steamers from seizure in time of war, provision being made 
by international agreement to prevent, under severe penalties, 
the shipment and carriage of contraband of war in such 

‘* The Congress welcomes both of these proposals, the result 
of which would be to diminish the risks at present incurred 
by vessels engaged in postal and passenger service, which 
recent experience has shown to be productive of much hard- 
ship to neutral and legitimate traffic.” 

The discussion of the resolution was introduced by 
Mr. Ashton Lee of Lawrence, Mass., delegate of the 
’ ’ oD 



Massachusetts State Board of Trade to the Congress, 
who outlined in a brief paper the reasons which had led 
the Board to make the proposal. Mr. Lee was supported 
by Mrs. Mead, who pointed out the ruinous recent de- 
velopment of military and naval expenses; and by B. F. 
Trueblood, who set forth further the grounds of the 
action of the Massachusetts Board of Trade. He de- 
clared this to be one of the most important steps recently 
proposed in the interests of the world’s permanent peace, 
and hoped to see the subject put upon the program of 
the new Hague Conference. 

Mr. Nathan Larrier of France opposed the resolution 
with the most extraordinary argument that commerce 
ought not to be protected from the perils of war. If 
commercial men were thus protected they would take 
no interest in the cause of peace! The more commerce 
suffered from war, the more the men engaged in it 
“would come to our side.” He granted, however, that 
limitation of the area of war could be used in support of 
the proposal. 

Mr. Larrier’s arguments were replied to by J. G. 
Alexander and Emile Arnaud, who showed that the prop- 
osition was altogether in the interests of general peace, 
and that war, so long as it could not be entirely pre- 
vented, should be limited and trammeled as much as 

Senator La Fontaine of Belgium opposed the resolu- 
tion on the ground that it was an attempt to regulate 
war, and that this was not the business of a peace con- 
gress. He thought that the worse war was allowed to 
become and the more women and children starved and 
died in consequence, the better it was for the cause of 
peace! The proposition was, he thought, made in the 
interests of commercial capitalists and not truly in the 
interests of peace. He therefore moved the previous 

His motion was voted upon, in the midst of great con- 
fusion, and adopted by a small majority and the subject 
was dropped, though there was, it seems to us and many 
others, a majority of the delegates who strongly favored 
the Committee’s resolution, but were confused in the 

Senator Houzeau de Lehaie then reported from the 
Committee the resolution on Armenia and Macedonia 
which had been referred back to it, and the modified 
form was unanimously approved. 

At the close of the sitting the delegates betook them- 
selves at half past one to a banquet at the Sweizerhof, 
one of the best hotels in the city. About three hundred 
and fifty persons sat down at the tables. Mr. Schmid, 
City Councillor, gave an address of welcome, and there 
were speeches by Senator La Fontaine, Frederic Passy, 
E. T. Moneta, Gaston Moch, the Chinese delegates, and 
two or three others. No English-speaking delegates 
were called on, though one-third of the guests were 
English and American. 

At four o’clock the delegates went in a body to visit 
the Bloch Museum of War and Peace. Mr. Ducommun 
made a short address in which he set forth the purposes 
of Mr. Bloch, explained that the building had been leased 
for only six years, and that after two years more new 
quarters must be found for the museum. He made an 
earnest appeal for funds for a suitable permanent build- 
ing for the growing collection, the sequel of which we 


shall see further on. Dr. Zimmerli also joined in the 

At five o’clock an important meeting of the English 
and German delegates was held in the Hotel National, 
to consider what could be done to prevent further devel- 
opment of misunderstanding and unfriendly feeling be- 
tween the two peoples. The meeting, at which about 
fifty English delegates and some thirty Germans were 
present, was a harmonious and satisfactory one, and 
good fruits are expected from it. 



The President opened the Congress at 9.15 o’clock. 

Senator Houzeau de Lehaie presented from his com- 
mittee a resolution expressing the extreme satisfaction 
of the Congress that the Norwegian and Swedish pleni- 
potentiaries at Carlstad had reached a pacific agreement 
in regard to the conflict between the two countries, and 
that the danger of war was passed. It congratulated 
both governments on the happy outcome and on their 
pacific disposition and mutual goodwill. The resolution 
was approved by acclamation and a telegram ordered 
sent to both governments. 

The question of an international auxiliary language 
was next taken up. Mr. Gaston Moch presented an 
extended report on /speranto, which he had prepared 
at the suggestion of the Berne Peace Bureau, briefly 
explaining to the Congress the points of the report, 
strongly urging the approval of Esperanto as the de- 
sired language, and offering for adoption the following 
resolutions : 

**1, The Congress invites the societies in different coun- 
tries to correspond with one another in Esperanto, and to 
inform the Berne Bureau when they are ready to do so. It 
invites the Berne Bureau to publish this information, as it is 
received, in the Correspondance Bimensuelle, and to designate 
in the Liste des Organes du Movemente Pa-ifiste the societies 
which are ready to correspond in this language. 

‘*2. The Congress invites the Berne Bureau to add as soon 
as possible an Esperanto translation of its publications, and 
leaves to it the decision when the time shall have come for 
the said publications to appear entirely in this language. 

“3. Articles XI., XXXIX. and XL. of the rules of the 
Universal Peace Congresses are modified as follows: 

“Article XI. The duty of the General Secretary is ... 
(f) to resume in French and Esperanto the resolutions adopted. 

“ Article XX XIX. The Minutes of the meetings shall be 
drawn up in French and Esperanto. 

* Article XL. The speakers may use French, German, Eng- 
lish, Esperanto, Italian or the language of the country in which 
the Congress is held.”’ 

The Congress was clearly largely opposed to the 
adoption of the resolutions, and, after some discussion, 
on motion of B. F. Trueblood, the whole subject was 
referred to the Berne Bureau. 

Dr. Max Kolben, of Vienna, offered a resolution, 
which was referred to committee, to the effect that the 
Congress deeply regretted that Russia and Japan had 
not sought beforehand to prevent the war through the 
use of the provisions of the Hague Convention. He 
spoke at some length on the resolution, urging the im- 
portance of inducing the nations signatory of the Hague 
Convention to make use of its provisions in all cases of 
misunderstanding before going to war. 

Mr. Houzeau de Lehaie reported from committee a 
resolution which had been offered by Professor Quidde, 


expressing the opinion that the principle of the right of 
a people freely to dispose of itself should be extended 
to such countries as Korea and Manchuria. The prin- 
ciple ought to be extended to all peoples, and not to 
those only which are usually considered civilized. The 
principle had unfortunately been wholly ignored in the 
peace treaty of Portsmouth between Russia and Japan. 

The resolution was earnestly supported by Mr. Novicow 
of Russia, who greatly regretted tnat the annexation of 
Korea by Japan had been taken by all the European 
powers as a matter of course. 

The Quidde proposition was then unanimously ap- 

A resolution was reported from committee and 
adopted, expressing appreciation of the work of Hon. 
Richard Bartholdt in organizing the Arbitration Group 
in the United States Congress, and promoting so effectu- 
ally the work of the Brussels Interparliamentary Confer- 
ence, particularly in the matter of a regular congress of 
the nations. This resolution called out from Dr. G. B. 
Clark, ex-M. P., the statement that the first practical 
step, taken by the Massachusetts Legislature, toward the 
realization of the idea of a regular international congress, 
had been taken on the initiative of the American Peace 

Hon. Samuel R. Thayer of Minneapolis, ex-United 
States Minister to the Netherlands, was then introduced, 
and spoke briefly on the Venezuelan settlement by the 
Hague Court. It was regrettable, he thought, that the 
Court in this instance had rendered a decision which 
would give a privileged position to powers that used 
violence in pressing claims against other nations. The 
Court was gaining ever more prestige, but this award 
had tended to discredit it in the minds of many as an 
institution to be relied upon for the promotion of justice 
and peace. 

The afternoon of Friday was spent in an excursion on 
Lake Lucerne to the historic Riitli, where the delegates 
landed, climbed the mountain side and listened to 
speeches touching the history connected with the place. 
The afternoon was greatly enjoyed by all. 

On the return from the excursion a very interesting 
short session of the Congress was held in the City Hall 
at six o’clock. The session was devoted to consideration 
of the relations which the Peace Congress ought to sus- 
tain to the peace movement going on among working 
men. The following resolution was presented by the 
Committee on Propaganda: 

‘In consideration of the fact that along with the peace 
movement represented at this Congress there exists a peace 
movement of workmen which is daily growing stronger; 

**In consideration, further, of the fact that this movement 
tends to realize, by other methods and principles, the very 
end which we pursue; 

‘*Further, that the very future of the work demands that 
we enter more and more into contact with the movement of 
the workmen; therefore, 

** Resolved, That the Congress appoint a commission com- 
posed of Messrs. * * ° ° * . ° ° 

‘* The object of this commission shall be, proceeding in con- 
nection with the International Bureau at Berne, to obtain 
exact information concerning the conception of peace held by 
the workmen, and to select those points which are capable of 
being incorporated in our program, 

‘““The result of this investigation and the subsequent de- 
cision shall constitute the principal discussion at the next 
International Peace Congress.” 


The resolution was introduced by Mr. J. Prudhom- 
meaux of France in a good speech, which showed how 
intimately the cause of peace is connected with the inter- 
ests of labor and the labor movement. A very fine 
speech was also made by Mr. Appleton of England, rep- 
resenting some two millions of English working men, in 
which he pointed out the spirit in which the labor organ- 
izations should be approached in order to allay their 
suspicions and win their coéperation. He encouraged 
the Congress to send fraternal delegates to the interna- 
tional labor congresses. He believed the working men 
would respond in a most cordial spirit, if rightly ap- 
proached, for no class of people were more interested in 
the maintenance of peace, as none other was so seriously 
affected by war. Addresses were also made by Mr. 
Allegret of Havre and others, and the resolution was 
then adopted substantially as it had been presented. 


The last session of the Congress was held on Saturday 
morning beginning at 9 o’clock. The day proved to be 
one of the most interesting and important of the week. 
Various resolutions presented by the Committee on 
Propaganda were adopted. The more important were 
as follows: 

‘“‘The Congress urges the members of the Commission of 
the International Peace Bureau at Berne to put themselves in 
communication, each in his own country, with the directors 
and proprietors of the large newspapers and reviews, in order 
to obtain their active and continued support in favor of the 
cause of peace.” 

‘* The Congress urges: 

‘* First: That the methodical teaching of the principles of 
peace be introduced as part of public education in the primary, 
secondary and superior schools; and that the anniversary of 
the 18th of May be celebrated in all the schools. 

‘*Second: That the peace societies of all countries take this 
matter in hand and seek out the most practical means of en- 
suring that this sort of education shall be given and try to 
find persons who will be willing to defray the new outlay 
which this organization will occasion.” 

‘*The Congress strongly recommends the establishment of 
international clubs in all centres of the peace movement, the 
objects of which shall be: 

“1, To promote good feeling and to establish cordial rela- 
tions between nations, to study and advocate methods suited 
to bring about the pacific settlement of international disputes. 

‘*2. To provide a rallying place for the supporters of the 
cause in each centre. 

‘*3. To form libraries composed mainly of works devoted 
to international questions. 

‘“*4, To organize a system of mutual membership among 
the different clubs. 

‘*The constitution and form of such clubs to depend on 
local circumstances and the financial resources at command.” 

A resolution was also voted, in substance, asking the 
Ministers of Public Education in the different countries 
to make an effort to establish a system of international 
education which would provide for common programs in 
a certain number of institutions, for exchange of students 
of a certain grade of scholarship, for an international 
university to teach especially the comparative history of 
literature, science, art, law, philosophy, pedagogy, eco- 
nomics, politics, etc. The resolution invited the peace 
societies to investigate carefully the question of the organ- 
ization of an international system of education. A com- 

mittee of the Congress was appointed to receive com- 



munications on the subject, of which Mr. Emile Arnaud, 
Luzarches, France, was made chairman. 

The most important work of the morning was the 
adoption of the following resolution presented by the 
Committee on Questions of International Law, which 
designates some of the important subjects which the 
leaders of the peace movement think ought to be put on 
the program of the Second Ilague Conference : 

‘The Congress expresses the hope that the second confer- 
ence at The Hague will give to international society juridical 
and federative institutions as complete and perfect as possible. 
These institutions should be of a nature to lead to an interna- 
tional federation of the peoples, which, respecting and guar- 
anteeing their independence and autonomy, will assure the 
friendly and juridical solution of all their conflicts, the con- 
certed management of their common interests, the establish- 
ment of measures suited to render that solidarity which unites 
the members of the society of civilized nations a reality, and 
to bring to an end the state of war, or of armed peace which 
pushes all the nations to augment their armaments indefinitely, 
which provokes among peoples new antagonisms, which brings 
innumerable evils upon humanity, and which threatens civili- 
zation with the gravest danger. 

‘*Consequently the Congress, in which nationalities are 
represented, expresses its earnest desire to see the following 
questions concluded in the program of the Conference: 

‘*1, The limitation of the military burdens which now 
press heavily on the world, by the limitation of armed forces 
on land and sea, and of military and naval budgets. And in 
order to arrive at disarmament, which will be the final result 
of the establishment of international juridical relations. 

“2, The establishment of an international assembly, which 
should meet at regular intervals, to deliberate on questions of 
general interest to the nations. 

“3. The organization of an administrative bureau, charged 
(a) with the application of the decisions of the international 
assembly; (b) with the preparation of the program of this 
assembly, and especially with the study of methods suited to 
the management of the common interests of the states and to 
the development and perfecting of international life. 

‘*4, The adoption of the needful measures for the codifica- 
tion of international law. 

“5, The obligation of powers in dispute to have recourse 
to the methods of conciliation provided by the convention of 
the 29th of July, 1899, for the pacific settlement of interna- 
tional disputes. 

‘*6, And the conclusion, between all the nations repre- 
sented in the Conference, of a permanent obligatory arbitra- 
tion treaty, as general as possible, stipulating final recourse 
to the Permanent Arbitration Court at The Hague.” 

This session of the Congress was made memorable by 
the announcement of a great gift to the Bloch Peace 
Museum. On the previous day, during the visit of the 
Congress to the Museum, President Ducommun had an- 
nounced that the lease of the building in which the 
Museum is now housed would expire in two years and 
could not be renewed. He therefore appealed to the 
friends of peace for funds for a building worthy of 
the Museum, and for the further development of the 
peace collection. At this last business session the an- 
nouncement was made that a Polish Count, Gourowski, 
had made a gift of 600,000 franes ($120,000) for the 
purpose of giving the Museum a permanent home, and 
making it a real museum of peace against war. Count 
Gourowski was present in the audience, and of course 
received a great ovation. 

Before adjourning the Congress decided to accept the 
invitation to meet next year in Milan, Italy. 

At the final banquet, which followed at the close of 
the meeting, addresses were made by Edwin D. Mead 
of Boston, Dr. G. B, Clark of England, J. Novicow of 


Russia, Fredrik Bajer of Denmark, Frederic Passy of 
France, ete. 

In the evening a great public meeting was held in the 
Léwengarten, which was attended by nearly two thou- 
sand people. The Baroness von Suttner was one of the 
chief speakers, and made one of the strongest and most 
eloquent speeches she had ever been heard to deliver. 
There were also addresses by Emile Arnaud from France, 
J. Novicow from Russia and Miss Ellen Robinson from 
Liverpool, England. 

Just at the close of this meeting came a warm response 
from President Roosevelt to the message which had been 
sent him. With the enthusiasm which this awakened, 
the Congress closed —a Congress which, with whatever 
defects it may have had, will probably prove to be one 
of the most influential ever held. 

Address of Hon. Richard Bartholdt at 
the Brussels Interparliamentary 

In Support of the Draft of a General Arbitration Treaty 
Presented by Him. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Conference: 
It is advisable of course that a treaty of arbitration be 
evolved which is fit to become a model, and which at 
the same time can hope to meet with the approval of 
every nation. Is such a thing possible at the present 
time or in the near future? It is not now possible to 
secure universal assent to a treaty of arbitration such as 
Holland and Denmark have concluded, though that is 
surely the ideal toward which the world is moving and 
at which it will in due time arrive. And it is safe to say 
that the United States is ready now te enter into such a 
treaty with every nation, provided all nations will agree 
to enter into an international legislature where the law 
can be made which international courts are to administer. 
Having a voice in such a legislature and with the leading 
minds of the world available as international judges, the 
United States would not hesitate to go the full length of 
agreeing to arbitrate all questions; for it will have faith 
in making right and reason prevail in the international 
congress and before the international courts. 

If Europe doubts this, let the United States be put to 
the test by coupling these two propositions and _ present- 
ing them for her acceptance. This, however, is im- 
possible, for the nations are not prepared to make any 
such proposition. And some may ask, How can this be 
true of the United States when such a limited treaty as 
the Anglo-French agreement could not find sanction in 
that country? The answer is that the defects of this 
agreement killed it in America; and, indeed, the defeat 
of these treaties was a blessing in disguise, for it fixed 
the thought of the world on these defects only to make 
it plain how they can be removed. 

The draft of a treaty which is presented herewith is 
submitted as a basis for discussion in evolving a treaty 
fit to become a model as the result of the world’s experi- 
ence in international arbitration distilled in the light of 
the most recent events. The work of the pioneers (such 
as Burritt and others) has been consulted. The actual 
history of arbitration has been digested. Treaties of 
arbitration which have been concluded have been read, 


compared and classified. The work of conferences on 
this subject has been carefully considered, particularly 
the work of certain conferences in the United States 
itself, the great Pan-American Conference of Washing- 
ton in 1890 and the Hague Conferences. So that in its 
preparation individual, national and international effort 
heretofore made in this cause has been fully and freely 
utilized. And the draft as presented contains the best 
thought put forward from any of these directions and 
which seems reliable under existing conditions. 

The Treaty of The Hague is the basis upon which it 
reposes, and to strengthen and magnify the Hague 
Tribunal is its object. The clause defining the subjects 
to be submitted is taken from the resolution of the great 
Pan-American Congress organized and presided over by 
James G, Blaine, which contained representatives from 
every American nation, and will be found acceptable to 
those nations — a thing of no small moment in view of 
the fact that the plan is to secure the assent of all nations 
to this treaty. These subjects are enumerated in Article 
I. (see above). 

Without going into all the details, many of which 
speak for themselves, it will suffice to state as a general 
proposition that this treaty attempts to use all the good 
in all the treaties, and to correct such defects as are 
apparent in them without going beyond what is now 
realizable. In order to indicate how this result is 
reached, I may take the Anglo-French Treaty, the 
Argentine Treaties and the Hague Treaty as typical. 

1. The Anglo-French Treaty. A treaty on the line 
of this agreement cannot pass the United States Senate, 
because it does not define clearly enough what is in- 
cluded in it. That question, which is the vital one, is 
left for a subsequent special agreement between the 
parties. Now this subsequent agreement is to be entered 
into between the Executive Departments of the contract- 
ing powers, and by ratifying such a treaty the Senate 
would really renounce its right to pass jadgment on 
what kind of questions are to be arbitrated. If, how- 
ever, the kind of questions to be arbitrated are specified, 
as they are in the proposed mogel treaty, the Senate will 
exercise its judgment when the treaty is ratified, and will 
readily leave mere administrative acts to the State De- 
partment and the Executive. The arbitration movement 
needs the United States for its full success. The United 
States needs European acceptance of this classification 
of questions that are arbitrable, in order that it may 
enter into general treaties of arbitration instead of going 
on in the old way of submitting individual cases to arbi- 
tration whenever this is found possible. When the 
clause in the proposed treaty is examined, it is found 
that arbitration is made obligatory only in such cases 
as all well-meaning governments may be personally 
expected to settle in this manner. 

2. The Argentine Treaties. Under these treaties it 
is agreed to refer all questions to arbitration except such 
as effect the constitution of the contracting powers. 
This leaves the signatory power under the necessity of 
defending by force the fundamental right to constitute 
itself as it pleases, even after general assent to a treaty. 

The treaty herewith suggested is based on the ac- 
knowledgment that all nations have the right to organize 
themselves as they choose and to be supreme in their 
own domain. The arbitration courts would be found to 


respect these rights by the very terms of the treaty giv- 
ing them jurisdiction. In addition to this it is provided 
that an appeal to arms may be taken from a decision 
affecting these or any other rights not enumerated in 
Article 1. This really guarantees to all nations all their 
vital interests, leaves them free to defend them even 
against judicial invasion, and removes all reason for 
reserving from arbitration the questions affecting vital 
interests or national honor. 

8. The Treaty of The Hague. In attempting to 
strengthen and magnify the Hague Tribunal it is neces- 
sary of course to correct any defects and supply any 
omissions in the treaty on which it is founded. The 
method provided by the Treaty of The Hague for select- 
ing judges to try any particular case is defective in this, 
that even after the naming of two judges each by the 
two disputant nations no sure way of selecting the fifth 
is provided. Here it is provided that a member of the 
highest court of a nation not interested in the dispute be 
chosen by lot, if the Court cannot be constituted fully 
by the method provided in the Treaty of The Hague. 
And who is worthier to judge between nations than the 
men to whom the several nations have entrusted judg- 
ment in their most vital national interests ? 

The Hague Court has no jurisdiction whatever. It 
can act only in cases voluntarily submitted to it, and it 
has not the proper power to develop a system of pro- 
cedure, This treaty corrects both these defects, giving the 
court jurisdiction over those questions in which arbitration 
is made obligatory, and authorizing it to develop a suit- 
able system of procedure. So that by this treaty the 
Hague Court will not only be founded upon the work of 
jurisdiction, but will become an integral self-acting part 
of the world’s judicial machinery. 

In the next place, the Treaty of The Hague can be 
terminated on one year’s notice. Provision is here 
made for prolonging its life after notice of denunciation. 
Three years is suggested, for this reason: It takes that 
long to build a warship. And this provision will tend 
toward decrease in naval construction after the treaty 
is generally adopted, because new ships can be ordered 
on notice of denunciation and be in service by the time 
the treaty expires. 

Furthermore, there would be a political party in every 
action opposed to denunciation, and the increased war 
preparation would give them good ground to stand on, 
and in three years they might carry the country against 
denouncing the treaty before the notice became effective. 
These are the main things that would be accomplished 
by this treaty: the Hague Tribunal would be strength- 
ened and magnified, being given a proper place among 
judicial institutions and thus enabled more easily and 
surely to grow in power and favor. International courts 
inferior to the Hague Tribunal would be constituted 
which would serve as anterooms, not as rivals, to that 
Court, keeping out such questions as ought to be decided 
by inferior tribunals and inducing the nations to use the 
Hague Court in questions proper for it. 

The plan for these Courts of First Instance removes 
some serious objections to arbitration which have already 
made themselves felt. Among them is the fear of deci- 
sions by judges who have no knowledge of national or 
local conditions. The judges comprising these Courts of 

First Instance, being chosen from the highest courts of 



the disputant nations, would understand local conditions, 
and errors from prejudice or partiality on their own part 
would be corrected on appeal to the High Court at The 

The treaty is submitted as an aspiration toward the 
highest and, at the same time, as a suitable concession to 
existing conditions, in order that it may hope for imme- 
diate and universal acceptance. This is hoped for from 
the provision allowing each nation to endorse the pro- 
cedure part of the treaty, thus putting it into effect, and 
at the same time to endorse the essential part only to 
the extent that it is willing to go, thus making the treaty 
narrow in scope for backward nations, broad in scope for 
advanced nations, but operative to some extent among all 
nations now, and destined to come into fuller operation 
among all as fast as any nation rises to the height of 
honor involved in abandoning war and accepting arbi- 
tration on a just basis in its stead. 

The Americzn people would prefer to sweep away all 
these distinctions and differences and create now all the 
governmental machinery necessary to administer justice 
among nations as it is administered among the United 
States. They must content themselves, however, with 
making painful and slow steps forward, but they are re- 
solved to go forward until the best is attained, however 
long the way or great the effort required. 


Draft of a General Treaty of Arbitration. 


President of the Arbitration Group in Congress. Submitted 

to the XIIIth Interparliamentary Conference. 

With a view to substituting judicial decisions accord- 
ing to recognized principles of law for war between 
nations, the signatory powers have entered into the fol- 
lowing general treaty of arbitration, which is based upon 
the recognized right of every nation to organize itself in 
such a manner as it may choose and to be supreme in its 
own domain, without, of course, freeing it from responsi- 
bility for its acts contrary to recognized principles of 
international law. (See Sir Henry Maine on Interna- 
tional Law, p. 60. Hannis Taylor on International Law.) 

ArticLE I. All differences which grow out of the 
interpretation or enforcement of treaties, which concern 
diplomatic or consular privileges, boundaries, rights of 
navigation, indemnities, pecuniary claims, violations of 
the right of personal property, violations of recognized 
principles of international law, shall be tried by the inter- 
national courts, established under this treaty and the 
Treaty of The Hague, Section 30 et seq. 

ArticLe II. All other questions of whatever charac- 
ter shall be referred to a Commission of Inquiry, consti- 
tuted according to the provisions of the Treaty of The 
Hague (Title I1I., Article 9-14), or to a court constituted 
as provided herein, and decided on appeal by a Court of 
the Permanent Tribunal at The Hague, before resort to 
arms. Alleged violations of this clause shall be tried by 
the international courts as provided for questions included 
in Article I. , 

ArticLe III. Upon filing of a statement of its con- 
tention in a case of the kind included under Article IL., 
either power may serve notice that it will be proper for 
its treaty-making power to accept or reject the decision, 


otherwise it will be considered that the decision of the 
courts shal] be final as in cases coming under Article I. 

In case the treaty-making power elects to reject a de- 
cision after same is rendered, before commencement of 
hostilities the powers concerned and the Administrative 
Council at The Hague shall agree upon and publish what 
shall be considered contraband, the rights and duties of 
neutrals, as understood by the belligerents, and the day 
for commencing and ending of hostilities, and the terri- 
tory within which war may be waged. This being done, 
the question of war or peace shall be referred to the 
people of the appealing nation for their decision before 
war is actually declared. 

ArtictE IV. Courts of First Instance shall be con- 
stituted as follows: Upon notice of resort to arbitration 
by either party to a dispute, the members of the Highest 
Court of each power concerned shall name two of their 
own number, or any other two persons whom they con- 
sider competent, as judges. These shall each name a mem- 
ber of the Hague Tribunal, and the last member of the 
Court shall be chosen by lot from those so named, and 
he shall be the presiding judge, unless he request the 
judges to elect a presiding judge other than himself. 

But by mutual consent of all the designated judges, 
the presiding judge may be chosen by them. In such 
case he need not be a member of the Hague Tribunal. 

ArticLte V. All cases under both Articles I. and IT. 
shall be tried first by a court constituted as above, or by 
a Commission of Inquiry, unless all parties concerned 
agree to begin action in the High Court of The Hague. 
There may be an appeal in all cases to the High Court 
of The Hague, unless the decision is unanimous, the ques- 
tion pecuniary, and the amount adjudged is less than 

There must be an appeal to the High Court of The 
Hague before exercise of the right to resort to arms 
remains; for such right shall hereafter be exercised only 
after a decision by a High Court of the Hague Tribunal, 
either upon original hearing of a controversy or upon 
an appeal from a Commission of Inquiry or from a Court 
of First Instance, constituted as provided herein. 

Articte VI. The Courts of First Instance shall de- 
cide upon all rules of procedure, appoint all necessary 
agents and fix their compensation, designate the time 
and place of their sittings, etc., and shall render their 
decisions according to the terms of the Treaty of The 
Hague on this subject ; and shall have power to tax costs 
and fees for maintaining the necessary officers of the 
Court, and order such sums to be paid in by the litigants, 
during the action, as may be necessary to meet the current 

ArticLte VII. Either party to a controversy may 
deliver to the other party or parties a statement of its 
contention, and is entitled to a judgment according to 
the same, to be entered by the Clerk of the Hague Court, 
unless it receives a counter-statement in a reasonable 
time. Upon application and proof of delivery of such 
statement of the case, the clerk of the court shall desig- 
nate what would be a reasonable time for delivery of 
counter-statement, and shall so notify the other party or 

A judgment by default may be set aside by the clerk 
for reasonable cause. 

Upon issue joined, the clerk shall certify the fact with 



proper papers to the Highest Court of each power con- 
cerned, if the case is to be tried before a Court of First 

If the case is to come before a Commission of Inquiry 
or before a Court of the Hague Tribunal, the clerk of 
the Hague Tribunal shall take the necessary steps to con- 
stitute such a Commission or Court as provided in this 
treaty and the Treaty of The Hague. 

When the judges for the trial of a case shall have been 
selected it shall be proper for them to decide and an- 
nounce to the contending parties the reasonable rules of 
procedure to be followed for taking evidence, hearing 
motions, etc., time and place of trial, sittings of Court, ete. 

Rules of procedure once announced and followed shall 
be considered as constituting a part of the procedure of 
the Permanent Court of Arbitration, of the Courts of 
First Instance, and of the Commissions of Inquiry, but 
may be changed by the Court or Commission of Inquiry 
especially constituted to try any question upon the appli- 
cation of any party at the first session after its constitu- 
tion, or by the Judges during any case, on their own 

Articte VIII. Ifa Court of the Hague Tribunal or 
a Commission of Inquiry shall not be constituted by the 
method provided in the Treaty of The Hague, the clerk 
of the Hague Court shall summon, by lot, a sufficient 
number of the members of the Highest Court of the 
nations signatory of this treaty, not of the parties to the 
action, from whom the Court or Commission shall be 
completed, by such method as may be prescribed by the 

In making the members of the Highest Courts of the 
nations eligible for duty on the International Court and 
the Commission of Inquiry, it is intended that only those 
who are actively judging in their own nation shall be 
eligible to judge between nations. 

ArticLe 1X. Denunciation of the Treaty of The 
Hague by a nation shall remove its judges from the 
International Courts, and therefore the high contracting 
parties agree that neither of them shall denounce the 
Treaty of The Hague while this present treaty remains 
operative. And the Permanent Court of Arbitration 
provided for by the Treaty of The Hague, and such 
other courts as are hereby or may hereafter be created 
by the signatory powers, shall have and exercise the 
jurisdiction created by the present treaty until the 
present treaty is denounced, even though the other 
signatory powers of the Treaty of The Hague may 
have previously denounced that treaty. 

And in order to make this article of this present treaty 
effectual, the high contracting parties agree, so long as 
this present treaty remains in force, to keep their mem- 
bers of the Permanent Court of Arbitration duly ap- 
pointed as provided in said Treaty of The Hague. 

ArTICLE X. This treaty shall continue in force three 
years after denunciation by either of the signatories or 
adhering parties thereto; a denunciation by one nation 
shall not terminate it as between the other signatories or 
those that may adhere to it after original execution. 

Articte XI. The number of judges to be selected, 
as herein provided, for the trial of any controversy, 
shall be five, unless otherwise agreed by the parties, or 
unless the number of nations in a case before the Courts 
of First Instance necessitates for such case a larger 


number; and decision shall be by a majority of judges. 

ArticLe XII. The president of a Court or Commis- 
sion of Inquiry constituted by virtue of this treaty shall 
be designated by the Court after it is fully constituted, 
except as provided in Article IV. 

ArticLe XIII, The Court shall determine the lan- 
guage to be used in any case. 

ArricLe XIV. International Courts and Commis- 
sions of Inquiry shall have power to tax the costs of all 
cases according to their judgment. 

ArticLeE XV. All nations whose people are engaged 
in commerce with the people of any of the signatory 
powers may adhere to this treaty at any time. In the 
event of their unwillingness to agree to the judicial 
determination of all such questions as are included 
herein, with the notice of their adherence, they may 
designate such classes of controversies as they will refer 
to arbitration under this treaty. Upon such designation 
the treaty shall become operative for such controversies 
between all the powers that have adhered to the treaty 
in all its parts or have designated the same classes of 
controversies as arbitrable. 

Article XVI. Nothing herein shall prevent entire 
freedom of action by all signatory powers in a matter 
which concerns a power not signatory hereto. 

In witness whereof, the signatory powers, etc. 

- <> + 

Text of the Treaty of Portsmouth. 

Following is in substance the treaty of peace signed 
at Portsmouth, N. I[., on September 5, by the Russian 
and Japanese plenipotentiaries, Mr. de Witte, Baron de 
Rosen, Baron Komura and Minister Takahira: 

The peace treaty opens with a preamble reciting that 
His Majesty the Emperor and Autocrat of all the 
Russias, and His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, desir- 
ing to close the war now subsisting between them, and 
having appointed their respective plenipotentiaries and 
furnished them with full powers, which are found to be 
in form, have come to an agreement on a treaty of peace, 
and arranged as follows: 

ArticLE I. Stipulates for the reéstablishment of 
peace and friendship between the sovereigns of the two 
empires and between the subjects of Russia and Japan, 

ArticLte II. His Majesty the Emperor of Russia 
recognizes the preponderant interest from political, mili- 
tary and economical points of view of Japan in the 
Empire of Korea, and stipulates that Russia will not 
Oppose any measures for its government, protection or 
control that Japan will deem necessary to take in Korea 
in conjunction with the Korean government, but Russian 
subjects and Russian enterprises are to enjoy the same 
status as the subjects and enterprises of other countries. 

Articte III. It is mutually agreed that the territory 
of Manchuria be simultaneously evacuated by both Russian 
and Japanese troops, both countries being concerned in 
this evacuation, their situations being absolutely identi- 
eal. All rights acquired by private persons and com- 
panies shall remain intact. 

ArticLE IV. The rights possessed by Russia in con- 

formity with the lease by Russia of Port Arthur and 



Dalny, together with the lands and waters adjacent, 
shall pass over in their entirety to Japan, but the proper- 
ties and rights of Russian subjects are to be safeguarded 
and respected. 

ArticLeE V. The governments of Russia and Japan 
engage themselves reciprocally not to put any obstacles 
to the general measures (which shall be alike for all na- 
tions) that China may take for the development of the 
commerce and industry of Manchuria. 

ArticLe VI, The Manchurian railway shall be oper- 
ated jointly between Russia and Japan at Kouangt- 
chengtse. The two branch lines shall be employed only 
for commercial and industrial purposes. In view of 
Russia keeping her branch line with all rights acquired 
by her convention with China for the construction of 
that railway, Japan acquires the mines in connection 
with such branch lines which fall to her. However, the 
rights of private parties or private enterprises are to be 
respected. Both parties to this treaty remain absolutely 
free to undertake what they deem fit on unappropriated 

ArticLE VII. Russia and Japan engage themselves 
to make a conjunction of the two branch lines which 
they own at Kouangtchengtse. 

ArticLe VIII. It is agreed that the branch lines of 
the Manchurian railway shall be worked with a view to 
assure commercial traflic between them without ob- 

ArticLe IX. Russia cedes to Japan the southern 
part of Sakhalin Island as far north as the fiftieth degree 
of north latitude, together with the islands depending 
thereon. The right of free navigation is assured in the 
bays of La Perouse and Tartare. 

ArticLE X. This article recites the situation of Rus- 
sian subjects on the southern part of Sakhalin Island, 
and stipulates that Russian colonists there shall be free, 
and shall have the right to remain without changing 
their nationality. Per contra, the Japanese government 
shall have the right to force Russian convicts to leave 
the territory which is ceded to her. 

ArticLE XI, Russia engages herself to make an 
agreement with Japan, giving to Japanese subjects the 
right to fish in Russian territorial waters of the sea of 
Japan, the sea of Okotsk and Behring Sea. 

ArticLeE XII. The two high contracting parties en- 
gage themselves to renew the commercial treaty existing 
between the two governments prior to the war, in all its 
vigor, with slight modification in details and with a most 
favored nation clause. 

ArticLe XIII. Russia and Japan reciprocally engage 
to restitute their prisoners of war on paying the real 
cost of keeping the same, such claim for cost to be sup- 
ported by documents. 

ArtTicLE XIV. This peace treaty shall be drawn up 
in two languages, French and English, the French text 
being evidence for the Russians and the English text for 
the Japanese. In case of difficulty of interpretation, the 
French document to be final evidence. 

ArticLeE XV. The ratification of this treaty shall be 
countersigned by the sovereigns of the two states within 
fifty days after itssignature. The French and American 
embassies shall be intermediaries between the Japanese 
and Russian governments to announce by telegraph the 
ratification of the treaty. 


Two additional articles are agreed to, as follows: 

ArticLte I. The evacuation of Manchuria of both 
armies shall be complete within eighteen months from 
the signing of the treaty, beginning with the retirement 
of troops of the first line. At the expiration of the 
eighteen months the two parties will only be able to 
leave as guards for the railway fifteen soldiers per 

ArticLte II. The boundary which limits the parts 
owned respectively by Russia and Japan in the Sakhalin 
Island shall be definitely marked off on the spot by a 
special limitographic commission. 

The New Anglo-Japanese Treaty. 


The governments of Great Britain and Japan, being 
desirous of replacing the agreement concluded between 
them on January 30, 1902, by fresh stipulations, have 
agreed upon the following articles, which have for their 

A. Consolidation and the maintenance of general 
peace in the regions of Eastern Asia and India. 

B. The preservation of the common interests of all 
the powers in China by insuring the independence and 
integrity of the Chinese Empire and the principle of 
equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all 
nations in China, 

C. The maintenance of the territorial rights of the 
high contracting parties in the regions of Eastern Asia 
and of India, and the defense of their special interests in 
the said regions. 

ArticLe I, It is agreed that whenever, in the opinion 
of either Great Britain or Japan, any of the rights or 
interests referred to in the preamble are in jeopardy, the 
two governments will communicate with one another 
fully and frankly, and consider in common the measures 
which should be taken to safeguard those menaced rights 
and interests. 

ArticLe II. If, by reason of an unprovoked attack 
or aggressive action, wherever arising, on the part of 
any other power or powers, either contractor be in- 
volved in war in defense of its territorial rights or special 
interests mentioned in the preamble, the other contractor 
shall at once come to the assistance of its ally, and both 
parties will conduct war in common and make peace in 
mutual agreement with any power or powers involved 
in such war. 

ArticLe III. Japan possessing paramount political, 
military and economic interests in Korea, Great Britain 
recognizes the right of Japan to take such measures for 
the guidance, control and protection of Korea as it may 
deem proper and necessary to safeguard and advance 
those interests, provided always that such measures are 
not contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for 
the commerce and industry of all nations. 

ArticLe IV. Great Britain having special interests 
in all that concerns the security of the Indian frontier, 
Japan recognizes her right to take such measures in the 
proximity of that frontier as she may find necessary for 
safe-guarding her Indian possessions. 

ArticLteE V. The high contracting parties agree that 
neither, without consulting the other, will enter into sep- 



arate agreements with another power to the prejudice of 
the objects described in the preamble of this agreement. 

ArticLE VI. In the matter of the present war be- 
tween Japan and Russia, Great Britain will continue to 
maintain strict neutrality unless another power or powers 
join in hostilities against Japan, in which case Great 
Britain will come to the assistance of Japan, will conduct 
war in common, and will make peace in mutual agree- 
ment with Japan. 

ArticLeE VII. The conditions under which armed 
assistance shall be afforded by either power to the other 
in the circumstances mentioned in the present agreement, 
and the means by which such assistance shall be made 
available, will be arranged by the naval and military 
authorities of the contracting parties, who from time to 
time will consult one another fully and freely on all 
questions of mutual interest. 

ArticLe VIII. The present agreement shall, subject 
to the provisions of Article VII., come into effect imme- 
diately after the date of signature and remain in force 
for ten years from that date. In case neither of the high 
contracting parties shall have been notified twelve months 
before the expiration of the said ten years of the inten- 
tion of terminating the agreement, it shall remain binding 
until the expiration of one year from the day on which 
either of the contracting parties shall have denounced it; 
but if, when the date fixed for its expiration arrives, either 
ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance, ipso facto, 
shall continue until peace shall have been concluded. 

In faith whereof the undersigned, duly authorized by 
their respective governments, have signed this agreement 
and affixed their seals. Done in duplicate at London 
August 12, 1905. 


Form of Bequest. 

I hereby give and bequeath to the American Peace 
Society, Boston, a corporation established ynder the laws 
of the State of Massachusetts, the sum of dollars, 
to be employed by the Directors of said Society for the 
promotion of the cause of peace. 

¥ epaliitalae 
Auxiliaries of the American Peace Society. 
175 Dearborn Street, Chicago, IIl. 
H. W. Thomas, D. D., President. 
Mrs. E. A. W. Hoswell, Secretary. 
Minneapolis, Minn. 
R. J. Mendenhall, President. 
Miss A. B. Albertson, Secretary. 
. Wichita, Kansas 
George W. Hoss, LL. D., President. 
J. M. Naylor, Secretary. 
New York, N. Y. 
Dr. Ernst Richard, President, 
5 West 63d Street. 
Gustav J. Voss, Secretary, 221 East 87th St. 
Henry Feldman, Treasurer, 103 Second Ave. 
50 Wiggins’ Block, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
Philip V. N. Myers, President, 
Starbuck Smith, Secretary. 
Mrs. Harry Hastings, President. 



Hon. RoBertT TREAT PAINE, 6 Joy St., Boston, Mass. 

Taomas H. RussELL, 27 State St., Boston, Mass. 


Rev. Edw. Everett Hale, D.I).,39 Highland St., Roxbury, Mass. 

Rev. Lyman Abbott, D.D., Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago, Il. 

Rev. Charles G. Ames, D.D., 12 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 
George T. Angell, 19 Milk Street, Boston, Mass. 
Edward Atkinson, Brookline, Mass. 

Joshua L. Baily, 1624 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey, Winthrop Centre, Me. 

Rev. Wm. E. Barton, D.D., Oak Park, Il. 

Hon. William I. Buchanan, Buffalo, N. Y. 

Rev. Everett D. Burr, D.D., Newton Centre, Mass. 
Prof. Geo. N. Boardman, Pittsford, Vt. 

Hon. Samuel B. Capen, 38 Greenough Ave., Boston, Mass. 
Hon. Jonathan Chace, Providence, R. I. 

Rev. Frank G. Clark, Wellesley, Mass. 

Edward H. Clement, 3 Regent Circle, Brookline, Mass. 
Rev. Joseph 8S. Cogswell, Windham, Vt. 

Rev. D. S. Coles, Wakefield, Mass. 

Geo. Cromwell, Brooklyn, N.Y. 

Rev. G. L. Demarest, D.D., Manchester, N. H. 

Rev. Howard C. Dunham, Wiathrop, Mass. 

Everett O. Fisk, 4 Ashburton Place, Boston, Mass. 

B. O. Flower, Brookline, Mass. 

Hon. John B. Foster, Bangor, Me. 

Philip C. Garrett, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Merrill E.Gates, LL.D., Washington, D.C. 

Edwin Ginn, 29 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Maria Freeman Gray, 3674 22d St., San Francisco, Cal. 
Rev. Scott F. Hershey, LL.D., Wooster, Ohio. 

Bishop E. E. Hoss, D. D., Dallas, Tex. 

George W. Hoss, LL. D., Wichita, Kansas. 

Julia Ward Howe, 241 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Hon. John W. Hoyt, Washington, D.C. 

Rev. W. G. Hubbard, Cedar Rapids, Ia. 

Rev. Charles E. Jefferson, New York City, N. Y. 
Augustine Jones, Newton Highlands, Mass. 

Hon. Sumner I. Kimball, Washington, D. C. 

Bishop William Lawrence, Cambridge, Mass. 

Edwin D. Mead, 20 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Rev. Philip S. Moxom, D.D., Springfield, Mass. 
George Foster Peabody, 28 Monroe Place, Brooklyn, N.Y. 
L. H. Pillsbury, Derry, N. H. 

Hon. J. H. Powell, Henderson, Ky. 

Hon. Wm. L. Putnam, Portland Me. 

Sylvester F. Scovel, D. D., Wooster, Ohio. 

Mrs. May Wright Sewall, Indianapolis, Ind. 

Edwin Burritt Smith, 164 Dearborn St., Chicago, Ill. 
Mrs. Ruth H. Spray, Salida, Col. 

Mrs. L. M. N. Stevens, Portland, Me. 

Rev. Edward M. Taylor, D.D., Cambridge, Mass. 

BeNnJ. F. TrRueBLoop, LL.D., 31 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Dr. WILLIAM F. JARVIS, 233 Moody St., Waltham, Mass. 

Pres. M. Carey Thomas, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

Rev. Reuen Thomas, D.D., Brookline, Mass. 

Pres. C, F. Thwing, D.D., Cleveland, Ohio. 

Pres. James Wallace, Ph. D., St. Paul, Minn. 

Bishop Henry W. Warren, Denver, Col. 

Booker T. Washington, LL. D., Tuskegee, Ala. 

Kate Gannett Wells, 45 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. 
Herbert Welsh, 1305 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Rev. A. E. Winship, 29 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Richard Wood, 1620 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 


Hon. Robert Treat Paine, ex-officio. 

Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL. D., ex-officio. 

Alice Stone Blackwell, 45 Boutwell St., Dorchester, Mass. 
Raymond L. Bridgman, Auburndale, Mass. 

Frederick Brooks, 31 Milk St., Boston, Mass. 

Rev. S. C. Bushnell, Arlington, Mass. 

Frederic Cunningham, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 

Rev. Charles F. Dole, Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Miss Anna B. Eckstein, 30 Newbury Street, Boston, Mass. 
Rev. B. F. Leavitt, Melrose Highlands, Mass. 

Lucia Ames Mead, 20 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 

Wm. A. Mowry, Ph.D., Hyde Park, Mass. 

Bliss Perry, 4 Park St., Boston, Mass. 

Henry Pickering, 81 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass. 
Frederick A. Smith, West Medford, Mass. 

Homer B. Sprague, Ph. D., Newton, Mass. 

Rev. G. W. Stearns, Jamaica Plain, Mass. 

Fiske Warren, 8 Mt. Vernon Place, Boston, Mass. 

Rey. C. H. Watson, D.D., Arlington, Mass. 


Hon. Robert Treat Paine, ex-officio. 

Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL. D., ex-officio. 
Frederick Brooks, 31 Milk St., Boston, Mass. 
Frederic Cunningham, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 
Wm. A. Mowry, Ph. D., Hyde Park, Mass. 

Henry Pickering, 81 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 
Dr. Homer B. Sprague, Newton, Mass. 


Cephas Brainerd, New York, N.Y. 
Moorfield Storey, Brookline, Mass. 
Judge Wiliiam L. Putnam, Portland, Me. 
Hon. Josiah Quincy, Boston, Mass. 




ARTICLE I. This Society shall be designated the ‘‘ AMERI- 

ArT. II. This Society, being founded on the principle that 
war is contrary to the spirit of Christianity and of all true 
religion and morality, shall have for its object to illustrate the 
inconsistency of war with this spirit, to show its baleful 
influence on all the great interests of mankind, and to devise 
means for insuring universal and permanent peace. 

ArT. III. All persons desirous of promoting peace on 
earth and goodwill towards men may become members of 
this society. 

ArT. IV. Every annual member of the Society shall pay a 
yearly contribution of two dollars; the payment of twenty- 
five dollars at one time shall constitute any person a Life 

Art. V. The chairmanof each corresponding committee, 
the officers and delegates of every auxiliary contributing to 
the funds of this Society and every minister of the gospel who 
preaches once a year on the subject of peace, and takes up a 
collection in behalf of the cause, shall be entitled to the privi- 
leges of regular members. 

Arr. VI. All contributors shall be entitled within the 
year to one-half the amount of their contributions in the publi 
cations of the Society. 

ArT. VII. The Officers of this Society shall be a President, 
Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, an Auditor and a 
Board of Directors, consisting of not more than twenty members 
of the Society, including the President, Secretary and Treas- 
urer, who shall be ex-officio members of the Board. All Offi- 
cers shall hold their offices until their successors are appointed, 
and the Board of Directors shall have power to fill vacancies 
in any office of the Society. There shall be an Executive 
Committee of seven, consisting of the President, Secretary 
and five Directors to be chosen by the Board, which Com- 
mittee shall, subject to the Board of Directors, have the entire 
control of the executive and financial affairs of the Society. 
Meetings of the Board of Directors or the Executive Com- 
mittee may be called by the President, the Secretary, or two 
members of such body. The Society or the Board of Direc- 
tors may invite persons of well-known legal ability to act as 
Honorary Counsel. 

ArT. VIII. The Society shall hold an annual meeting at 
such time and place as the Board of Directors may appoint, to 
receive their own and the Treasurer’s report, to choose officers, 
and transact such other business as may come before them. 

Art. IX. The object of this Society shall never be changed; 
but the Constitution may in other respects be altered, on 
recommendation of the Executive Committee, or of any ten 
members of the Society, by a vote of three-fourths of the 
members present at any regular meeting. 

Publications of the American Peace Society. 

Tolstoy’s Letter on the Russo-Japanese War.—48 pages 
and cover. Price, postpaid, 10 cts. 

A Regular International Advisory Congress. — By Benjamin 
F. Trueblood, LL.D. A paper read before the Twenty- 
first Conference of the International Law Association, 
Antwerp, Belgium, September 30, 1903. Price 5 cts. each, 

War Unnecessary and Unchristian.—By AugustineJones, LL. 
B. New edition, 20 pages. 5 cts. each, $2.00 per hundred. 

Nationalism and Internationalism, or Mankind One Body.— 
By George Dana Boardman, D.D., LL.D. New edition. 
Price 5 cts. each, or $2.00 per hundred, prepaid. 

The Hague Court in the Pious Fund Arbitration. — Address 
of Hon. William L. Penfield, Solicitor of the State Depart- 
ment, at the Mohonk Arbitration Conference, May 28, 1903. 
Price 5 cts. each. 

The Historic Development of the Peace Idea.— By Benjamin 
F. Trueblood, LL.D. 32 pages. Price 5 cts. each. $2.50 
per hundred. 



A Primer of the Peace Movement. — Prepared by Lucia Ames 
Mead. A reprint of the American Peace Society's Card- 
display Exhibit at the St. Louis Exposition. A most val- 
uable compendium of statistics, brief arguments, facts, 
etc. 26 pages, large print. Price 10 cts. ; $7.50 per hundred. 

A Solemn Review of the Custom of War. — By Noah Wor- 
cester, D. D. A reprint of the pamphlet first published 
in 1814. 24 pages. Price 5 cts.; $3 per hundred. 

Dymond’s Essay on War.— With an introduction by John 
Bright. Sent free on receipt of 5 cts. for postage. 

War from the Christian Point of View.— By Ernest How- 
ardCrosby. Revisededition. $1.50 per hundred, prepaid. 

Women and War. — By Grace Isabel Colbron. 4 pages. 40 
cts. per hundred, postpaid. 

A French Plea for Limitation of Armaments. — By Baron 
d’Estournelles de Constant. Address delivered in the 
French Senate. 28 pages. Price 5 cts. $3.00 per hundred. 

The Mexican International American Conference and Arbi- 
tration. — By Hon. William I. Buchanan. Address de- 
livered before the American Peace Society, Boston, April 
15, 1902. 23 pages. Price 5 cts., prepaid. 

The Absurdities of Militarism.— By Ernest Howard Crosby. 
12 pages. Price $1.50 per hundred. Third edition. 

An Essay toward the Present and Future Peace of Europe.— 
By William Penn. First published in 1693. 24 pages, 
with cover. Price 6 cts., or $3.00 per hundred, prepaid. 

International Arbitration at the Opening of the Twentieth 
Century.—By Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL.D. 20 pages. 
Price 5 cts. each. $2.50 per hundred, postpaid. 

Text of the Hague Convention for the Pacific Settlement 
of International Disputes.— Price 5 cts. each. 

Perpetual Peace. — By Immanuel Kant. Translated by Ben- 
jamin F. Trueblood. 53 pages. Price 20 cents, postpaid. 

The Arbitrations of the United States. — By Professor John 
Bassett Moore, 32 pages. 5centseach. $2.50 per hundred. 

The War System; Its History, Tendency, and Character, in 
the Light of Civilization and Religion. — By Rev. Reuen 
Thomas, D.D. New edition. Price 10 cts., prepaid. 

Report of the Chicago Peace Congress of 1893.— Price 
postpaid, cloth 75 cts.; paper, 50 cents. 

Report of the American Friends’ Peace Conference. — Held 
at Philadelphia in December, 1901. Contains all the 
papers read. Price 15 cts. postpaid. 

Seventy-Seventh Annual Report of the Directors of the 
American Peace Society. Price, postpaid, 5 cents. 

The Christian Attitude Toward War in the Light of Re- 
cent History.— By Alexander Mackennal, D.D. Address 
delivered at the International Congregational Council, Bos- 
ton, September 22, 1899. Price $1.50 per hundred, prepaid. 

Military Drill in Schools. — By Rev. W. Evans Darby, LL.D. 
8 pages. Price 2 cts., or $1.25 per hundred, postpaid. 

William Penn’s Holy Experiment in Civil Government. — 
By Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL.D. 24 pages with cover. 
5 cts. each, or $2.00 per hundred, carriage paid. 

History of the Seventy-five Years’ Work of the American 
Peace Society. — 16 pages. Two copies for 5 cts. 


A Battle, as it appeared to an Eye-witness. — By Rev. R. B. 
Howard. Letter Leaflet No. 1. Price, postpaid, 20 cts. 
per hundred. 

The Cherry Festival of Naumburg. — Letter Leaflet No. 4. 
Price 20 cts. per hundred, prepaid. 

Washington’s Anti-militarism.— Letter Leaflet No. 8. 4 
pages. Price 35 cts. per hundred, prepaid. 

Coals of Fire.—By Willis R. Hotchkiss, of the Friends’ 

African Industrial Mission. Letter Leaflet No.7. Price 
30 cts. per hundred, prepaid. 
The Christ of the Andes.—8 pages. Illustrated. $1.00 

per hundred, postpaid. 



Ohe Angel of Heace ss: YOUNG PEOPLE. — 

Devoted to Peace, Temperance, Good Morals, Good Manners. 

Thoroughly Christian, but undenominational. 
Bright, fresh and attractive, but free from over exciting, sensational reading. 
Just the thing for Bible Schools and Mission Work. 

Price, 15 Cents a Yearfor Single Copies. Five Copies to one person, 10 Cents Each. 
Twenty-five or more Copies to one person, 8 Cents per Copy. 

A ~~ The Angel of Peace, 


The Woman’s Journal. Zhe Advocate of Leace 

The Woman’s Journal, edited weekly | 
at 3 Park Street, Boston, Mass., by 
Henry B. Blackwell and Alice Stone 
Blackwell, gives the news of the move- 
ment for equal rights for women all 
over the world. $1.50 per year. Trial 
subscription, 3 months, 25 cents. 

Price, One Dollar a Year. In Clubs of 
ten or more, 50 Cents a Year. 
The American Peace Society, 

31 Beacon Street, Boston. 

‘‘It is the best source of information con- | 
cerning what women are doing, what they | 
have done, and what they should do.”’ 
—Julia Ward Howe. | 

W. Foster. A concise manual of 
the chief features of the arbitra- 
tion movement at the present time. 
Prepared at the request of the 
Mohonk Arbitration Conference. 
Price postpaid, $1.00. 

NALS: A collection of the Schemes 
which have been proposed. Adds 
a long list of instances of interna- 
tional settlements by arbitral courts 
and commissions. By W. Evans 
Darby, LL.D. Fourth Edition, 
much enlarged. Cloth, over 900 
pages. Price, $3.50, postpaid. 


American Peace Society. 

Prices Include Postage. 

The Baroness von Suttner. Au- 
thorized English translation by T. 
Holmes. New edition, cloth, 65 cts. 

Nations, Tue War System oF 
and Tue Duet BetTwreEN FRANCE 
AND GERMANY: The three in one 
volume. Price, 65 cts., postpaid. 

THE HAGUE. By Frederick 
W. Holls, Secretary of the Ameri- 
can Commission to the Hague 
Conference. 572 pages, octavo. 
Price, $2.50, postpaid. 

WAR. Containing Dr. Channing’s 
Addresses on War, with extracts 
from discourses and letters on the 
subject. Price, 65 cts. postpaid. 

John de Bloch. Preface by W. T. 
Stead. The sixth volume of Mr. 
Bloch’s great work on “ The Future 
of War,” containing all his proposi- 
tions, summaries of arguments, and 
conclusions. Price, postpaid, 65 cts. 

WORLD. By Benjamin F. True- 
blood, LL.D. A discussion of the 
grounds, both theoretic and _his- 
toric, for believing in the Realiza- 
tion of the Brotherhood of Hu- 
manity, and the final organization 
of the World into an International 
State. Second Edition. Cloth, 169 
pages. Price, 65 cts. 

HAGUE COURT. By Hon. John 

August and September, 1905. 

By David Starr Jordan. Cloth. 
Price, 40 cts. 

By Ernest Howard Crosby. Cloth. 
Price, 50 cts. 


MASTER. By Ernest Howard 
Crosby. Cloth. Price, 50 cts. 

Official Report 


Thirteenth Universal 
Peace Congress 


Boston, October 3-8, 1904 

A book of 350 pages, paper covers 
Contains all the papers, addresses, 
and discussions of the Congress 

A most valuable document for all 
peace workers and students 
of the cause 

May be procured at the office of the 

American Peace Society 

31 Beacon Street, Boston 

The only charge is 10 cts., to cover postage and wrapping 

50 YEARS’ 

Trave Marks 

CopyRiGHTs &c. 
Anyone sending a sketch and description may 
quickly ascertain our opinion free whether an 
invention is probabiy patentable. Communica- 
tions strictly confidential. Handbook on Patents 

sent free. Oldest agency for securing patents. 
Patents taken through Munn & Co. rece’ e 

wecial notice, without charge, in the 

Scientific American, 

A handsomely illustrated weekly. Largest cir- 
culation of any scientific journal. Terms, $3 a 
year; four months, $l. Sold byall newsdealers. 

MUNN & Co,s615:scva, New York 

ranch Office, 625 F St., Washington, D.C, 

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