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Volume + Number 11 

















By Lazarus Jones 
Debt in North America is all- 
Pervasive. A recent Canadian study 
found that even the working poor, 


with incomes as low as $3,000 per 
year, commonly had debts in excess 


of $12,000 or more than four times 
their annual income. This study 
also found that these debts were, by 
and large, not incurred in chasing 
after consumer goods but were 
most often the result of borrowing 
to cover the costs of basic 
necessities like food and rent. 

As the economic pinch tightens 
this debt burden becomes more and 
more intolerable as the staggering 
rise in personal bankruptcies shows. 
The debt system exacts a deadly toll 
of broken homes, shattered per- 


But, the tide of evictions, mortgage 
foreclosures, re-possessions and the 
garnisheeing of wages continues to 





iced With this economic squeeze 
it is a continuing source of wonder 
that i 85% of all deb- 
tors repay their loans under the 
terms of the original agreement. Of 
the remaining number almost 10% 
respond to very low level 
harassment such as the first letter 
from a collection agency. The 
remaining 5% however, and 
especially the hard-core 2% of deb- 
tors who are commonly written off 


|On The 
Inside 


Brenda Free! 


A massive international pro- 


test has secured Brenda Earl 
Christie’s release from a West 
| German prison. In two articles 
we look at the case and its back- 
ground. Page 3. 
Prison Challenge 
A former anti-prison activist] 
challenges the movement to re- 
examine its basic principles. 
Page 4. 
| Anarchist Women 
We review a new book on the] 
early anarchist-feminist} 
movement and find some oldi 
problems. Page 8. 


In Struggle! j 


Dissected l 

In part two of On Class andi 
Culture B. Newbold examined 
| the Leninist organization In} 
Struggle! as a specific example 
of a general form of organiza 
tion—the political party. Pagel 
10. 


| Rock Around | 
| The Block i 
| p Will Romania succumb to theif 
| Polish “infection?” - Brianii 


Amesly examines the potentiali 
| for revolution in Romania. Pagel 
h13. A 








as bad debts, wage a silent and 
isolated battle against,fhe demands 
of capital. 

The “official view” of these 
hard-core ‘‘deadbeats’’ asserts that 
there is a very low level of resistance 
among debtors. They are charac- 
terized as being apathetic and 
“morally defeated’ seeking to 
adapt rather than to resist. Oc- 
casionally they may refuse to pay or 
fight back to break. the tension 
before slipping back into apathy. 
Obviously it is in the interests of 
creditors and collection agencies to 
promulgate and maintain these 


stereotypes but how close are they” 


to the truth? 

Happily, as a presentation to the 
recent Blue Collar Conference in 
Hamilton showed, these stereotypes 
bear little resemblance to reality. 
The report revealed that active 
resistance is much more pronoun- 
ced than. ~ This, active 
resistance is divided into three basic 
‘although intermingled types: 1) 
Refusal to pay; 2) Striking back; 
and 3) Confrontation. Debtors hab- 
itually attempted to make life more 
bearable by evasion and resistance 
to collection agencies attempts to 
Stereotype them as lazy, feckless 
and useless. The responses varied 
from detached amusement to bitter 
denial. 


Sce Debt Pg. 16 





oT RIKE! 


Workers’. Autonomy For Social Revolution 


We Can't Pay! 


Is The Party Over? 


By Brian Amesly 

The upcoming congress of the 
Polish United Workers Party 
(PUWP) is going to mark a critical 
turning in the course of events in 
Poland. The gathering can be 
expected to heighten the danger of a 
Soviet invasion no matter what its 
‘outcome proves to be, 

The reason for this is to be seen in 


«the emergence of a powerful reform 


movement at the base of the party. 
If-the objectives of this new force 
are achieved the pro-Soviet char- 
acter of the PUWP will be brought 
toa decisive end. This can be clearly 
seen by the types of demands its ac- 
tivists are putting forward. 

These include the complete rem- 
oval of all the staunchly pro-Soviet 
members of the party leadership. 
The demands further point towards 
a radical democratization of the 
PUWP making it a more “‘egali- 
tarian’’ body. For instance 
demands have been raised to put 
ordinary workers in top leadership 
Positions and to make all high party 
officials (shades of the ‘‘Cultural 
Revolution”) spend part of each 
year working as manual labourers 
or ordinary office employees. 

Thorough internal democracy 
would erode “‘democratic central- 
ism’ as the concentration of power 
in the hands of the central leader- 
ship would be severely weaken 





Indeed, consciously or not, the 
reform activists are in 
confrontation with norms which 
have been central tenets of the 
Bolshevik concept of the party ever 
since its~initial formulation in 
Lenin’s What Is To Be Done? 
Precedents Exist 
Significantly, the direction 
undertaken by the movement is 
hardly a new one. It echoes the 
efforts to reform the Czech 
Communist Party during the 
Prague Spring. More importantly 
still it bears a striking resemblance 


to the Workers’ Opposition current ` 


which clashed with the leadership of 
the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union back in 1921. 
The Workers’ Opposition led by 
Alexandra Kollontai similarly 
fought for extensive democratiz~ 
ation of the Soviet Party, the 
Practice of more egalitarian norms, 
trade union autonomy and 
against the growing bureaucracy in 
the one party state. For confronting 
‘the leadership over these questions 
it came under bitter attack from 
Lenin, Trotsky, Zinoviev and other 
powerful Boisheviks. In the end the 
Workers’ Opposition was effec- 
tively silenced by Lenin’s resolution 
“On Party Unity” ending its right 
to exist in the party. 
Whether the activists in the 
movement to reform the Polish 











party are fully aware of these 
aspects historically defining their 
struggle is an open question. Irre- 
gardless, there can be no doubt as 
to just how dangerous they are in 
the eyes of the old men atop the 


, Soviet Communist Party hierarchy. 


The danger posed to the Soviet 
system is so acute because it exists 
within the larger context of the 
general situation in Poland. This is 
so because should the reform move- 
ment achieve any major degree of 
success the party will become an 
institution over which the USSR 
will have little or no control. The 
last line of defense for controlling 
things will have evaporated leaving 
the armies of the Warsaw Pact as 
the only option left. 


But if the present leadership 
manages to defeat the reform 
movement this will increase the 
tension in Poland by further 
alienating the general population 
from the regime. The potential for 
more strike waves and other forms 
of protest will sharply rise. - 

A compromise solution satisfying 
both the leadership of the PUWP. 
and the reform movement is hard to 
conceive. Even if one results it will 
be no guarantee of stability. The 
growing dissatisfaction on the part 
of Poland’s “friends? at Kania’s 
failure to restore order makes this 
clear. The USSR would rather 





invade than accept a solution satis- 
factory to the reform movement. 


Soviet Dilemma 


For the Soviets the situation 
Presents an almost hopeless 
dilemma. The best solution for 
them would be to have their 
staunchest allies in the PUWP wrest 
control of the leadership then 
proceed with naked repression 
against the wave of ‘‘counter- 
revolution”. This is not possible 
without Warsaw Pact tanks. 

Ominiously, there have been 
indications that the Politbureau of 
the Soviet Communist Party barely 
decided against an invasion in an 
internal vote last December. In the 
time since then it is hard to believe 
that the patience of the Soviet lead- 
ership has not worn very thin. More 
distressing still is the fact that the 
1968 invasion of Czeckoslovakia 
occurred on the eve of a Czech par- 
ty congress where communism 
“‘with a human face” was about to 
be institutionalized. 

Faced with this growing threat of 
Soviet intervention Poland’s 
militant workers will have to show 
no signs of their being on the defen- 
sive. Their willingness to fight their 
oppressors has been and will con- 
tinue to be the.key to new victories 
and the strongest deterent to the 
Soviet threat. 











2.STRIKE! 


Shortly before we went to press 
with NAA10 we received word 
that the Libertarian Workers 
Group had disaffiliated from the 
ACF (For details see Pg. 12). We 
were saddened but not surprised 
by this development and the day- 


` to-day tasks of getting the paper 


teady for distribution tended to 
push it into the background. Very 
shortly afterwards, however, we 
learned that Other Vices and the 
Syndicalist Alliance had 
withdrawn their applications for 
affiliation and shortly after that 
Bread and Roses decided to 
disaffiliate. 

The disaffiliated groups had 
been among the most active and 


consistent e of the 4 


hewspaper and they had 

been groups which had shared 
our general opinion of what was 
wrong with the ACF as a revo- 
lutionary organization. Given the 
fact that several other affiliates 
had only been passive members 
of the Federation for quite some 


time the departure of the disaffil- ` 


iating groups represented a 
fundamental ideological shift 
within the ACF. 

This ideological shift forced us 
to re-consider our own affiliation 
with ACF a question that was 
further complicated by the fact 
that we were the co-production 
groups for the NAA. We decided 
that political considerations must 
come first and the question of 
whether or not we, as auto- 
nomous groups, were still suf- 
ficient political agreement with 
the remaining ACF groups to 
continue our membership had to 
be dealt with before we discussed 
the fate of the newspaper. The 


discussions which followed made 
it clear that no-one in either 
group was in favour of remaining 
within the ACF and both groups 
decided to disaffiliate. 

The question then arose — 
what happens to the NAA? We 
decided that we had three 
options:. 1) Cease publication 
immediately; 2) Offer the paper 
to one of the remaining ACF 
groups; or 3) Continue to publish 
as an independent Anarchist 
newspaper. 

The option of immediately 

ceasing publication was seriously 
ee y After almost two 
years of producing the NAA we 
were ready to see the responsibil- 
ity for producing it move on to 


another group. The only ACF 
group which had made a firm 
offer to take over production of 
the newspaper was Bread and 
Roses, With their disaffiliation 
they informed us that they could 
only assume this task if it was 
understood that there would be a 
considerable delay between their 
acceptence of this task and their 
ability to perform it. We thought 
that such a delay could well prove 
terminal and as we think that the 
in itself, regardless of what 
becomes of the ACF, we decided 
that we would be willing to 
produce the paper as an 
independent Anarchist 
newspaper for at least another 





year at which time our committ- 


ment to the project would be re- 
assessed. We also decided to 
change the name of the paper 
from the North American Anar- 
chist to STRIKE! 


The option of offering the 
Paper to one of the remaining 
ACF groups was also considered 
but rejected. As noted above only 


and we felt it t highly uniely that 
any of the remaining groups 
would be willing or able to con- 
tinue ahaa NAA in its 
present format. As well the disaf- 


filliated groups had provided the 
major sources of copy and 


August/September 1981 


finances making the NAA’s 
viability as an ACF newspaper 
highly suspect. 

We have been informed that 


the remaining ACF groups plan _ 


to continue as a Midwest feder- 
ation of Anarchist groups and 
they intend to issue their own 
publication in the near future. 
To assist them in this project we 
have provided them with copies 


` of the NAA’s subscription and 


bulk mailing lists. 

The groups which disaffiliated 
from the ACF do not plan to 
launch any new organizational 
initiative in the immediate future. 
We feel a different strategy for 
workers’ revolution is needed 


sitncnlt aiaa 


than that put forward by either _ - 


the ACF or SRAF before it. We” 
had begun to articulate this 
Strategy within the ACF ‘in_ 
recent months and we will 
Pace to develop and promote 
this strategy in the pages of 
STRIKE! We remain committed 
toan active, effective and unified 
Anarchist revolutionary organi- 
zation in North America but, the 
decline of the ACF, and the 
specific manner in which it 
declined, have given us pause. 
We feel the lessons of the SRAF/ 
ACF experience must be fully ; 
absorbed and evaluated before a 
new organization can be built‘on 
Solid foundations. We intend to 
explore these issues in upcoming 
issues of STRIKE! In the 
meantime we invite your 
comments and criticisms. 


STRIKE! m 


P.O. Box 2, Station O, aang 


Toronto, Ontario, Canada, 
M4A 2M8 








DE 4 


TO STRIKE! 





Dog’s Dinner 


Dear STRIKE!, 

I always thought that one of the 
more principled aspects of anarchist 
thought was the idea to respect 
other people’s right to make up 
their own minds and to make their 
own decisions about doing things. 
But this does not seem to be part of 
the outlook of Lazarus Jones, as 
‘expressed in his article concerning 
El Salvador in your March/April 
issue. 

Jones denounces the guerrillas as 
‘a dog’s dinner of Marxist-Leninist 
factions”, and says that there is lit- 
tle for ‘‘anarchists to cheer about.” 

First of all, the Salvadorean 
ı people are experiencing some of the 
the worst oppression in the world. 
And while that does not mean that 
they are automatically virtuous, I 
think that they have the right to 
choose whatever. means they want 
to topple the fascist military regime. 
If they happen to follow a path 
which is not inherently what we 
would like, it is arrogant for 
relatively priveliged anarchists to go 
on a sectarian rampage. After all, 
the revolutionary movement in El 
Salvador has the genuine support of 
the majority of people there, which 
is more than we anarchists can 
claim, 

Secondly, the Salvadorean 
struggle is an anti-imperialist one, 
and as such is of benefit to the 
world as a whole. National self- 
determination may not be the only 
social goal, but is a valuable and 
necessary one. 

If one accepts Jones’ contention 
that a people’s victory will only 
result in a government ‘‘equally 
vicious" as the current junta and 
their rich backers, then it follows 


that one shouldn’t support the 
revolution. This is no doubt just 
what Reagan and his lackeys want 
to happen. 

The point is that Jones has of- 
fered no proof that his fears about 
the post-Duarte regime are valid. If 
the result would be a Bolshevik-type. 
regime, that would be another mat- 
ter. Not all ‘‘revolutions”’ deserve 
support. But if the change in 
Nicaragua after the overthrow of 
Somoza is any guide, and I think it 
is, then the Salvadoreans deserve 
‘our support. 

It is their revolution, they are 
fighting a bloody fascist regime 
supported by the American im- 
perialists, and their goals, even if 
they do not go far enough, are 
without a doubt more humane and 
progressive than found in most 
societies. 

That’s a lot to cheer about, 
Lazarus. 

In solidarity, 
George Peterson 


Mousie Dung 


“Dear STRIKE! 


In The Tragedy in El Salvador, 
(May-June) “Diego” ostracized the 
Salvadorean Left and leftism in 
general on the premise that Left 
movements inevitably sell out to 
either U.S. or Soviet imperialism. 
He furnished examples of blun- 
dered left-wing national liberation 
movements that transferred coun- 
tries from one imperialist bloc to 
the other: Cuba (**from the U.S to 
the Russian bloc”, Vietnam (‘U.S 
to Russia’), and Vietnam 
(“RUSSIA TO U.S.’’) among 


- others. 


His theory is misconstrued, 
however, because his analysis of the 


__ What Jar jad Ls 
BETWEEN the time China broke 






with Sdviet bossism and the time it 
entered the U.S. war bloc? 

During 16 years of genuine 
national independence, the 
“proletarian leadership in the 
Chinese communist party eliminated 
Starvation, hunger and even food 
rationing, led the masses in struggle 
against state-capitalists and elitists 
inside the party (the Cultural 
Revolution) and transformed 
China’s economy from dependence 
on foreign capital to self- 
sufficiency. 

It was that self-sufficiency that 
allowed China to defy both U:S. 
and Soviet imperialism for as many 
years as it did. 

The real national liberation and 
improved standard of living won by 
the Chinese people put the lie to 
Diego’s assertions that ‘‘...the Left 
cannot give anything to the working 
class except more work, more belt- 
tightening, more discipline, more 
militarism” and “These countries 
never acheived any ‘independence’ 
or ‘socialism.’ ’” 

The ruination of China's 
revolution was not predestined. It 
resulted from a military coup by 
rightist elements inside the Party 
who usurped the revolution, set 
themselves up as a bureaucratic 
bourgeoisie and surrendered the 


* country to imperialism. 


Mao tse-tung did not fail! 


In struggle, 
Don McAninch 


Nit Picking? 
Dear STRIKE! 

Just now got Number 9 and read 
El Salvador: What About 
Revolution? Did read before I got 
Number9 the criticisms of it in 


Number 10. Yes, you made a few 


errors in your article, but you did 
correctly and very clearly point out 
the game in El Salvador so fuck all 
your little faults. And what about 
critics? Nit picking bullshit (even 
your reply if I believe my 
memory)!!! Fuck Marx and 









assholes of El Sal 
about everything else (even in your 
article), but what to do about it? 
People are dieing and you argue 
about who it is worse to be killed by 
and stupidity about Marx and 


Bakunin (who in the final analysis ` 


were both brilliant geniuses). Man, 
brother, PLEASE give me a break 
OK? Yes in El Salvador we have a 
problem whatever it calls itself, but 
we also got to have a solution for it 
or a defense against it. Until a 


major capitalist power collapses 
(must and can only be Amerikkka 
Obviously) the people cannot win in 
South Amerika. My suggestion as a 
solution is that we give all the sup- 
port we can to the ‘‘revolutionary”” 
forces in El Salvador while we 
criticize the shit out of them. In the 
process we help the people of El 
Salvador and all of the oppresed 
people in the world by raising the 
consciousness and level of struggle 
in the Western World still free pf 
“Marxists’’ and “‘Socialists.” Your 
way only plays in their hands and is 
suicidal for all the people world- 
wide, which includes us Anzrchists. 
The ‘‘Marxists’’ and “‘Socialists’” 
are educating the people in El 
Salvador as they have’ since Lenin 
usurped power intentionally or 
otherwise. We must be ready when 
the Social Revolution jumps off to 
help the people remain victorious. 
We must as quickly as possible 
bring Amerikkka down and assume 
the role Russia would have played 
had the people won. No support to 
any government ever, but support 
to the most progressive faction in 
the struggle for power. In this 
struggle the “Marxist” are the most 
progressive faction. The people 
aren’t stupid. They see or will see, 
especially after the “‘Marxists’’ are 
done with them, what’s what and 
whose who, but if they get no sup- 
port that’s better. It is or will be 
hopeless to do more than accept 
what is until better times. While we 
still can we ‘must educate and 
agitate as peacefully, as non- 


violently as possible. The game my 


anise our bullshit and come 
together. We must not scream 
“OVERTHROW” etc. We must 
speak of dismantlement. The 
people in North America especially’ 
will understand and support it 
Love and Rage 

Carl Harp. 


San Quentin, California. 


Cult Or 
Movement? ) 
Dear Friends; 

A couple weeks ago I got my first 
two copies of NAA in the mail, I 
always breathe a sigh of relief when 
I get an anarchist paper: ‘‘Whew— 
still alive.” Appropriate that one of 
them was No. 9, with Frank 
Steven’s North American Anar- 
chism: Cult or Movement? Over the 
last year of trying like hell to get in 
touch with other anarchists (after 
deciding I was one myself), I’ve of- 
ten asked the same question. It’s 
time for professed anarchists to ad- 
dress it honestly, without bullshitt- 
ing themselves and each other, 

It looks to me like Stevens is op- 
timistic wheñi he gives the choice as 
“‘movement or cult’’. It seems that 
anarchism is at best a scattered in- 
tellectual tendency, and at worst it 
doesn’t even rate as a cult. It’s a 
self-indulgent game for retired poli- 
tico-hippies who get off on seeing 
their ames in print. Like wow, 
man, it’s groovy to the max to call 
Surselves anarchists and carry black 
flags at demonstrations (I do it 
myself). It’s oh-so-inspiring to iden- 
tify ourselves with the Great Tradi- 
tion of Bakunin and Goldman and 
Durrutti. And it’s really cute to 
write ‘Theses_on Groucho Marx- 
ism” and put down the only social- 
ist movement that’s ‘gotten . any- 
where in the last hundred and fifty 
years, even if it hasn’t come 
through on its promises. 

What the fuck are we doing be- 
sides talking? What use is all the 


See More Letters Pg. 14 


a 


wt 






r 











August/September 1981 








West German Authorities Capitulate: 


Massive protest frees Brenda 


This was Brenda’s first visit to 
Germany. When this was pointed 
out to the authorities they curtly 
remarked: ‘‘If you can prove that, 
you can go free. ” Now how is it 
possible to prove that one was not in 
a country over 11 years ago? 


oe By Henry Pezet 


British Anarchist Brenda Earl 


” Christie was saved from an up to 


nine month term in a West German 
prison, awaiting trial on a fictitious 
charge, by a truly heartening inter- 
national display of solidarity. The 
massive protests and demon- 


strations on Brenda's behalf caused © 


the prosecutor in charge of her case 
to remark: “Tve never knownsa_ 
case where there have been so mai 
Protests in so short a time," 

Brenda had been visiting relatives 
in the British forces stationed in 
Germany and was arrested when 
she attempted to board a flight 
home with her child. She was 
arrested on an 11 year old warrant! 
The charge was that she had-pur- 
chased a ticket in Frankfurt for a 
Passenger (that never was) who 
placed an explosive device on an 
Iberia’ jetliner. This was at a time 
when the First of May Group waged 
a series of attacks on Spanish in- 
terests as a protest against Franco’s 
execution of political opponents of 
his regime. The main point was that 
this was Brenda’s first visit to Ger=~ 
many. When this was pointed out to 
the authorities they curtly — 
IP you ean prove that, 

you can go free.” Now how is it 
Possible to prove that one was not 
ina country over 11 years ago? 

Brenda (the companion of Scot- 
tish Anarchist Stuart Christie) was 
brought to a West German prison 
near Frankfurt while her baby was 
taken to an institution. It is safe to 
assume that the child was innocent 
seeing as how the warrant was 
issued over eight years before she 
was born. Fortunately friends were 
soon able to take the child home. 
Brenda was imprisoned for nine 
days, but the protests rolled in at 
such an unbelievable pace that the 
embarassed German authorities 
soon declared that she had been 

«“*cleared."* 

Among the many protests that 
rolled in was a letter to the German 
ambassador in Madrid from the 
Catalan CNT: ‘Thousands of 


Spanish trade unionists and their 
families, including all our older 


could be arrested on gr- 


members, 
~ounds like this if travelling in ‘ex’ 


fascist countries,” it said. “We 
were all automatically accused by 
Franco of similar charges. If the 
charges can go back 11 years, they 
"can go back forty years — when we 
were taking illegal.action against 
German Fascism.” 

p that arises is why 
was Brenda charged at this time? 
There was no reason whatsoever to 
wait ali this time if the warrant had 
really existed. During the Angry 
Brigade trial, this matter (the bom- 
bing), was raised in regards to 
Stuart but was quickly disposed of. 
Brenda was not accused at that 
time. Having waited for over a 
decade how could the prosecutor 
expect to produce conclusive iden- 
tification now? 

There are two possible reasons. 
The Christie File, Stuarts auto- 
biography, has recently been 
published and the British police 
were furious at some of the 
allegations and revelations made 
concerning their activities. In fact a 

“meeting of those police officers in- 
“volved was held at Scotland Yard 
fo discuss what, it anything, could 
be done about the book. They were 
also looking like complete idiots 
over their failure to prosecute 
Stuart for the booklet Towards A 
Citizen’s militia after Tory MP’s 
and on Labour MP had called for it 
to be banned and Cienfuegos Press 
closed down. Could all of this have 
been the result of spite and 
maliciousness on their part? 

There is another possibility. 
Recently the West German State 
has been under criticism for 
allowing a proliferation of fascist- 
type terrorist groups’ to operate 
freely throughout the country. 
Perhaps they wished to show that 
they were vigilantly stopping 
terrorism — but didn’t want to take 
action against the fascists. History 
seems to always want to come full 
circle. 


Lt 


= 
A 


A) 








Brenda Christie Earl and ber daughter Branwen 


Brenda’s arrest in 


STRIKE! 3. 











historical perspective 


THE INCIDENT On 19 May this 
year Brenda Earl, a 30 year old lib- 
ertarian publisher based in Orkney,. 
and her two year old daughter 
Branwen Christie were detained at 
Hanover Airport as they were 
boarding a Gatwick bound flight 
following a three week holiday in 
Germany where they had been 
staying with Brenda’s sister-in-law. 
Both mother and daughter were 
held by the Federal Border Police 
when the Central Police Computer 
in Wiesbaden indicated that Bren- 
da was wanted on a warrent issued 
against her // years previously in 
Frankfurt, This was the first indi- 
cation anyone had that such a 
warrant existed. It came as an even 
greater shock as this was the first 
time Brenda had visited Germany. 
The Federal Police took great de- 
light in tormenting Brenda while 
she was being detained at the air- 
port with the threat that she would 
have to spend many many years in 
a German prison and that her 
daughter would be grown up by 
the time she was released. Even if 
the charge was eventually thrown 
out of court she would still have to 
spend up to nine months before 
the case. was tried. 


THE CHARGE That on 28 April, 
1970, someone using the name Earl 
bought a ticket in Cologne for an 
Iberia Airways flight from Frank- 
furt to Barcelona. This ticket, in 
the name of a Spaniard called San- 
tos, was used to check-in a piece of 
luggage on an Iberia Airways flight 
on May 10, 12 days later. This 
piece of luggage contained an in- 
cendiary device. Shortly after the 
luggage was checked-in a warning 
telephone call was made to the air- 
port authorities, the bag was iden- 
tified and removed to a remote sec- 
tion of the airport. Similar events 
occurred at approximately the 


same time at other major Euro- 
pean airports, including Geneva, 
Brussels and Heathrow. Donald 
Lidstone, a senior member of the 
Home Office Explosives Depart- 
ment at Woolwich Arsenal 
described the devices as follows: 
“after giving off an intensely hot 
flame for a second and a half, it 
then gave off a large amount of 
black. smoke’. None of the devices 


» thin 


were on the planes when they went 
off, as all services had been noti- 
fied before departure time. The 


¿responsibility for the attacks Were — 


claimed by the Iberian Federation 
of Libertarian Youth (FIJL) as 
part of an international campaign 
against Spanish tourism and the 
execution and torture of Spanish 
anti-fascists, This organisation had 
been carrying out anti-Francoist 
activities outside of Spain since the 
end of World War II and none of 
these propagandist activities in- 
volved injury or loss of life to 
anyone. 


THE EVIDENCE The use of the 
name Earl and a counter clerk who 
allegedly claims to be able to re- 
cognize the ticket buyer—after 11 
years. 


THE BACKGROUND Brenda 
Earl was thoroughly investigated 
by Scotland Yard Special Branch 
and the Airport Police at Heath- 
row (X Division) for alleged in- 
volvement in this same series of in- 
cidents within a few days of the 
event occurring—11 years ago! 
Shortly after the incident occurred 
at Heathrow (and elsewhere) the 
home of Brenda Earl and her hus- 
band, Stuart Chrisite, was raided 
at- 6:00 am, a few minutes after 
Stuart Christie had left for work. 
Having waited until Stuart had 
gone, they gained entrance to the 
flat by sending a woman to ring 
the front door bell. Brenda, who 
was still in bed at the time, went-to 
the window and looked out to see 
who it was. “Please, Brenda, let 
me in...it’s urgent...I’m in terrible 
trouble. I want to see. Stuart.” 
Brenda put on her dressing gown 
and rushed downstairs to open the 
door. As she did she was pushed 
aside by a dozen male detectives 
who had been hiding round the 
corner. They dragged Brenda up- 
Stairs and ran straight into the flat, 
ransacking all the belongings, 
smashing open locked doors as 
well as the electricity meter. When 
Brenda protested she was told by 
-one policeman not to worry “You 
are not going to see these fucking 
or at least twenty years.’ 

They did not allow her to get- 
dressed in private but stood watch- 
ing while she did so—the woman 












detective having disappeared at this 

juncture. They even stood at the 

open door when she went to the 
toilet. After a great deal of vio- 
lence both verbal. and physical 
(which was later the subject of a 
police inquiry—which came to 
nothing, as was to be expected), 
Brenda was taken off to West 
Drayton police station where they 
kept her in solitary confinement 
without access to any legal advisers 
for the-rest of the day, trying to 
pressure her into making a con- 
fession implicating both herself 

and Stuart in the incidents. She 
was put on an identify parade 
which turned out to be negative 
and as there was nothing anywhere 
to link either Stuart or herself with 
any of the incidents she was re- 
leased. Scotland Yard claimed that 
Brenda had been the person who 
bought the ticket used in the 
Heathrow incident at a London 
travel agency on 24 April (4 days 
before the Cologne ticket was pur- 
chased) and that she was directly 
involved in checking-in the luggage 
with the incendiary device at 
Heathrow on May 10th. Fortunate- 
ly, both Brenda and Stuart were 
having lunch with friends on May 
10 when the news broke and-a- 
neighbour, a police Inspector, had 
been chatting to them earlier that 
same morning. Also, because of the 
constant surveillance on Stuart 
Christie, Brenda and their flat 
(they were considered prime sus- 
pects because of their well-known 
and documented anti-fascist and 





~~ 


anti-Francoist activities) and the: 


extremely long hours Stuart was 
working on the Gas Conversion ` 
contract at the time (14/16 hours a 
day), friends who worked with 
Stuart and who were constant visi- 
tors to the flat during this period— 
none of them politically involved 
in any way, simply workmates— 
have quite a vivid memory of the. 
period and to the best of their re- 
collections of Brenda being abroad 
nor did she ever mention visiting 
Germany. The first time Brenda 
visited Germany was on 28 April 
1981. Later, in 1970, both Stuart 
and Brenda were both questioned 
on many occasions by Special’ 


See Brenda Pg. 12 




















4. STRIKE! 


The following article was submitted to us anonymously under the title, 
Revolution In The Prisons? A Challenge To Anarchists And The Prison 
Movement, and while we are not in full agreement with the sentiments and 
opinions expressed we feel it deserves a wider audience. Prisons and penal 
servitude are the products of capitalist social relationships and our opposi- 
tion to prisons is based upon this fact. This opposition is not dependent on 


the presence or lack of “revolutionary consciousness” 


prisoners but 


solely on the fact that prisons represent the capitalist response’ to over- 
whelmingly capitalist produced-produced problems. Our opposition to 
prisons as a “cure” for anti-social behaviour is therefore and integral part 
of our generalized opposition to capitalism. As such we cannot endorse the 
author’s call to abandon anti-prison work. We invite comments and crite- 
cisms of this article from anyone interested or active in anti-prison work. 


The history of the revolutionary 
struggle since the Industrial Revo- 
lution has always included active 
opposition to the steady develop- 


-5 ment of modern: penal institutions, ~ 
~ and for very good reason: ‘The: = 


Prisons of the nineteenth and twen- 
tieth century have unquestionably 


been instruments of class coercion ' 


and terror, wielded selectively 

against the poor, the uneducated, 

the minorities, the people, in shor 

those most systematically vic- 
~“timized already by the structure 

and operation of cconomic and 
5 social institutions. 


In recent years, it has become ' 


àxiomatic among socialists, anar- 
chists and communists alike, that 
prisoners represent the ‘‘most op- 
pressed”, a- potential vanguard 
group of “‘natural rebels” against 
class society. The entire spectrum 
of the left, even those who in 
theory reject the concepts of van- 
guards and hierarchies of op- 
Pression, have in practice devoted 
a disproportionately large amount 
of time, energy and resources to 
the prison movement, often to the 
exclusion of issues which more 
immediately affect their own lives. 
The ideological underpinnings, 
or perhaps more correctly the rhe- 
torical ones, for this devotion to 
prisoners can be located in the 
slogans of early twentieth century 
radicals. Nor are slogans such.as 
Eugene Debs’ ‘“‘as long as there is a 
soul in prison I’m_not free’, or the 





Wobblies’ ‘‘we’re in here for you, 
and you’re out there for us” by 
their nature untrue. 

However, in that era, when huge 
numbers of poor people who 


actively “engaged in the social” py, pice 


struggle relating to-their own op- 
Pression were incarcerated, the 
relation between inside and outside 
— and the obligations owed by the 
movement to prisoners — were 


quite unambiguous. The same can~ 


be said of prisoners in Franco’s 
Spain, -for example, or of any 
number of people imprisoned in 
the U.S. for objecting to the war 
in Vietnam, . E 


This article is” beitig written, 
however, because both social con- 
djtions and the nature of prison 
support work have changed in 
recent years. To put it bluntly, we 
are writing this because we can no 
longer silently accept the uncritical 
idolatry, the slavish devotion, the 
emotional and physical rape, the 
insane violence, manipulation and 
brutality which have come to char- 
acterize the prison movement in 
North America over the past 
decade. 


We are tired of being threatened 
and denounced as ‘‘counter-revo- 
lutionary”” when we refuse to drop 
everything to wait on “political 
prisoners” whose political practice 
goes no deeper than writing endless 
reams of empty rhetoric in their 
daily missives to the outside. 


The entire spectrum of the left, 
_even those who in theory reject the 
concepts of vanguards and hier- 
archies of oppression, have in prac- 
‘tice devoted a disproportionately 
large amount of time, energy and 
resources to the prison movement, 
_ often to the exclusion of issues 
which more immediately affect their 


own lives. > 


To be a “political prisoner” 
requires more than a glib pen and 
an easy familiarity with the jargon 
of a particular political tendency. 
The kind of support people in for 
political “crimes” deserve may be 
quite different from the support 
given to other prisoners, If we are 
honest with ourselves we must ad- 
mit that there is a difference bet- 
ween an Alexander Berkman and 
some perennial stick-up man who 
gets’ caught robbing a gas station 
and then ‘converts’ to anarchism 
or. some other political tendency 
while in prison. — 

Make no mistake. We are abso- 
lutely committed to the abolition 
of ail prisons, to the creation of a 


function. “But in such a society, 
when crimes are committed against 
one’s fellows, they will be dealt 
with, pethaps not too dissimilarly 
from the way they were dealt with. 
in primitive societies, in a direct 
and unmediated way, considered 
too ‘radical’ in bourgeois society. 

We do support aid to prisoners 
whose crimes were politically 
motivated in a clear-cut way (not 
including shooting into crowds on 
the freeway or bombing supermar- 
kets full of people trying to get 
groceries for dinner). We also 
recognize the possibility that even 
the worst individual might come to 
a real political awakening in 
prison, although this would surely 
include an. understanding of his 
own crimes and not simply excuses 
for them framed in political terms. 
And we think that a// prisoners — 
from shoplifters to murderers — 
must be treated in the most 
humane way we can force the state 
to treat them in its institutions 
now, 

But it is also time tō realize that 
prisoners whose crimes have vic- 
tims rather than being ‘natural 
rebels’, are the types of in- 
dividuals who in a classless, prison- 
less society would be exiled at the 
very least, and more likely put out _ 
of their misery by the victims or. 
survivors of their brutality. Nor is 
this entirely untrue for the perpe- 
trators of ‘victimless’ or ‘revolu- 
tionary’ crimes. Far too often, for 
example, ‘expropriation’ of 
goods has meant also endangering 
the lives and security of others 
considered ‘‘comardes”, without 
even informing them that they 
might be at risk. 

Putting aside all the liberal 
romanticism about prisoners as 
simple victims of class injustice, we 
must cope with the fact that most 
prisoners are inside for acts which 
they did in fact commit. Without 
for a moment recognizing the legi- 
timacy of the state and its legal 


Al 





One of the romantic illusions of ` 
the movement is that prisons are the 
‘breeding grounds for 
revolutionaries.’ The prisoner, 
ground down by life and subjected 
to the most absolute degradation in 
class society, is forged into a tough, 


unbreakable rebel. 


system that judges these acts, we 
must nevertheless. recognize that 


passion and sense of justice, have 
never themselves had the slightest 
concern for the rights, feelings, 
desires or even lives of others. 

In a society where ‘‘dog-eat- 
dog” is elevated to national policy, 
these “rebels” represent the most 
abysmally inept yet enthusiastic 
practitioners of the morality of 
that order. Thus it is only natural 
that when they are put in prison, - 
stripped. of all power, they 
naturally seek to regain it by the 
only means available: imposing 
their wills on outside supporters. 

This article, however, is not in- 
tended to focus solely on the role 
of the prisoners, because by them- 
selves their significance is limited. 
It is extremely important. to 
examine the psychological relation- 
ship of prisoners to authority, sin- 
ce in general it is quite the opposite 
of the “natural rebel” mythology. 
Equally important, though, are the 
factors which have created the base 
for the prison movement outside, 
and the many disturbing factors 
which have become apparent 
within it. 

ROOTS OF THE 
CONTEMPORARY 


PRISON MOVEMENT 


The contemporary prison 
movement has its roots in the civil- 
rights and anti-war movement and 
the prison uprisings of the late 
1960’s. Not only did the civil rights 
and anti-war movements find 
many of their numbers behind 
bars, but it was also predictable 
that this experience and the 
generalized social revelt which 
characterized the era would not 
leave prisons undisturbed. In addi- 
tion, the combination of a militant 
black movement outside (especially 
the Black Panther Party), which 
had its roots in the same social 
milieu which is most highly 
represented in the prisons, made it 
natural that much of the leadership 
and inspiration for prison revolts 


would come from that quarter. 
This, combined with the presence 


courts, of the comrades” who ap- of a higher-than-usual 
SERS Peale aaa coamteen 


prison revolts almost inevitable. 
The most famous single figure 

emrging from that period was 

George Jackson. An undeniable 


giant of a man, Jackson had a long 


history of small-time violent crimes 
for which he was serving an inde- 
terminate one year to life sentence. 
After ten years in prison, he had 
become a self-educated 
“revolutionary theoretician’, well 
-read in a wide variety of revo- 
lutionary and guerrilla writings, 
and brilliantly articulate both on 
paper and in person. He was also 
known to be extremely charming 
and charismatic. ng 

Thanks to the efforts of a-group 
of Bay Area lawyers and Angela 
Davis (almost all of them Com- 
munist Party hacks or sympathiz- 
ers), George Jackson’s reputation 
spread far and wide, combining 
what was real with what was 
legally expeditious, even if totally 
fictitious. In an article in the Mar- 
ch 1981 issue of New West 
magazine about Fay Stender (one 
of the main lawyers involved in 
Jackson’s case), some less-well 
known facts about Jackson were 
also revealed. 

Like almost all of the leaders of 
the Black Panther Party who en- 
ded up in. jail, notably Huey P., 
Newton and Eldridge Cleaver, 
Jackson was a gangster supreme 
(to the extent possible in the joint). 
According to the authors of the ar- 
ticle, Jackson was at the center of 
drug-dealing, ass-peddling, and all 
the other rackets of prison life. He 
also boasted of having killed 12 
people inside, a fact which is un- 
provable but at least highly 
suggestive of a brutal and authori- 
tarian bent. A 

The fact that Jackson Was not 
alone in his duality of roles, hero 
and rogue, is aptly demonstrated 
by others who have emerged from 
prison only to find Jesus and a fast 
buck, or to return to the streets 
better equipped than ever to terror- 








ae 


» 








August/September 1981 


exploit and defraud not ‘‘the 
Man” but their neighbors, co- 
workers and families. The “Alfalfa 
Sprout Wars” in the Bay Area a 
few years ago, in which ex- 
prisoners and prisoner support 
people shot it out on numerous oc- 
casions to see which faction would 
control local food co-ops, and the 
Oakland Panthers’ involvement in 
drug dealing and extortion rackets, 
are just a few examples of the 
dubious ‘‘politics’’ of many “‘rev- 
olutionary prisoners”. 

We believe that Jackson’s 
writings were, in fact, entirely con- 
sistent with the view of Jackson as 
an authoritarian gangster and not 
as hero of the liberation struggle. 
He was an avowed Marxist- 
Leninist, whose heroes were Lenin, 





Mao, Ho Chi Minh and Guevara. _ 


His main revolutionary vision was 
` one of an apocalyptic firestorm of 
guerrilla battles in the slums, in 
which blacks and their supporters 
would be the revolutionary 
vanguard, putting the Man to 
death. There was precious little of 
any vision in his writings of what a 
new society might consist of. Nor 
were many of his actions in 


~ relation to his outside supporters 


inconsistent with his own descrip- 
tions of his politics. “Politics is my 
hustle” was a comment not infre- 
quently repeated to his supporters. 
Unfortunately, some, like Fay 
Stender, never took him seriously. 

Until about 1977 virtually all 
prison movement ideology was 
Marxist-Leninist, with its standard 
baggage of Third World vanguar- 
dism and the added component of 
‘prisoner leadership’. Much of the 
urban guerrilla movement in the 
U.S., from the formation of the 
B.L.A. in the late 60’s, through 
the S.L.A., N.W.L.F., and onto 
the G.J.B. in the mid-70’s, was 

also based on this basic analysis, 
= Then, around 1977, when the 

Marxist-Leninists were drifting into 

a period of internal dissolution and 

the urban guerrilla groups were in- 

creasingly taking on the charac- 
teristics of street gangs, The Open 

Road appeared. For the first time 

in many years in North America, 

there was a widely circulated anar- 

chist journal which gave enthusias- 
tic support to prisoners and urban 
guerrillas, Furthermore, Joe 
Remiro and Russ Little, who were 
widely respected by both those in- 
side and outside who were inclined 
toward the guerrilla solution to 
prisons, came out as anarchists. ‘So 
it was only natural that prisoners 
and the prison movement, sensing 
that anarchism might be the leftist 
political tendency on the ascent, 
began to ‘cultivate “anarchist” 
ideas and language in order to 
maintain maximum outside contac- 
ts and support. | 

The underlying Marxist-Leninist, 

authoritarian and totally vanguard- 
ist assumptions did not change in 
the slightest, however. Only the 
thetoric fered. Thus, the 
disgusting spectacle arose of 
prisoners routinely writing to liber- 
tarian papers, advocating the over- 
throw of the state and the class 
system, and the establishment of 
Anarchist Rule! 
One other interesting develop- 
ment which gradually occurred 
during this period had to do with 
the sexual composition of the 
prisoner support movement. The 
prison support movement has 
always had a high percentage of 
women, and has worked primarily 
with mens’ prisons. One might ex- 
pect that “the rise of feminism 
within the left might have led to a 
decline in the number of women, 
and/or a change in focus toward 
working more with women in 
prison. 

Somewhat disturbingly, nothing 
of the kind happened. While some 
women in the prison movement 
have begun to get involved with 
women as well as men in prison, 
the emphasis remains on mens’ 
prisons, Equally disturbing is the 






































































involved the prison movement 
are lesbians. Here is a contradic- 
tion so widespread and rationally 
incomprehensible that it is no sur- 
Prise that discussion of this 
dynamic is totally unheard of 
within the prison movement. 
Romanticism seems to be a 
major factor in the relationship, 
particularly between male prisoners 
and female supporters. Who but a 
prisoner can give such total and 
undivided attention in a relation- 
ship, what other relationship can 
be constantly at such an unbeliev- 
ably high level of emotional inten- 
sity? Men on the outside have 
jobs, other friends, and so on. But 








function. 


the prison romance is different. 
Each look, each stolen touch, each 
request, each call is cHarged with 
significance. The “heavier” the 
prisoner, the greater the significan- 
ce, After all, any guard could des- 
troy the delicate situation at any 
time. And-what better opportunity 
for self-sacrifice (how traditionally 
womanly) is there? Who needs to 
be rescued and nurtured more than 
some poor guy behind bars, who is 
effusive in his appreciation for the 
smallest favor? And what greater 
risks can one take than to risk all 
‘one’s security and life on the out- 
side by providing him with dope, 
or other contraband? 

It is safe to say, then, that the 
prison movement, whatever its 
political=pretensions, has been a 
movement largely dominated by 
illusion and authoritarian ideology 
and practice, led by male authority 
figures and to an ever-greater ex- 
tent ‘supported by women on the 
outside. One could say that in that 
sense, it reflects the development 
of the rest of the left and of the 
structure of modern society, except 
in many ways the psychopathology 
which repeatedly surfaces within 
the movement must be seen as ex- 
treme even within the context of an 
utterly decadent society such as the 
one in which we live. 


PRISONS AND 
THE PSYCHOLOGY 
OF THE PRISONER 


One of the romantic illusions of 
the movement is that prisons are 
the ‘breeding grounds for revolu- 
tionaries’. The prisoner, ground 
down by life and subjected to the 
absolute oppression and 
degradation possible in class 
society, is thus forged into a 





Make no mistake. 
We are absolutely com- 
mitted to the abolition 

of all prisons, to the; 
creation of a society in 
which prisons, guards 
and police.will have no 





learned contempt for bourgeois 
morality and can thereby be coun- 
ted upon to oppose it at every 
turn. So the myth goes. 

Unfortunately, this is not sup- 
ported at all by reality. Prison is 
the most oppressive and 
authoritarian institution in this 
society, and its main function is to 
create authoritarian personalities. 
That’s why fascists make. not only _ 
the best guards, but also the best 
prisoners. 

It is hardly new that the authori- 
tarian personality contains two 
mirror-images within it, both 
almost invariably present within a 
single person: The often-quoted 


aphorism that “there is only one 
thing in the world more wicked 
than the desire to command, and 
that is the will to obey”, is mis- 
leading, in the sense that within 
this personality structure both 
desires are constantly present, and 
in tension with each other, each 
taking dominance to varying 
degrees at different times. With the 
“‘commanders”’, this dynamic 
results in phenomena like the con- 
stant search among the rich and 
powerful for forms of sexual en- 
counter which will.result in bon- 
dage, submission or degradation 
under the leather boot of the pros- 
titute. 

In the prisoner, the quintessen- 


tial “obeyer”, the dynamic plays . 


itself out in inverse. Forced to sub- 
mit to a situation of routinized ab- 
solute powerlessness, total sub- 
mission on the most mundane 
levels of existence, the prisoners 
learns the techniques of manipula- 
tion which are the only recourse of 
the powerless. To lie, to cheat, to 
swindle, to use guilt, phony sincer- 
ity, any trick at all to relieve the 
burden of omnipresent sub- 
jugation, becomes the natural 
behavior of the prisoner in order 
to survive on the inside. Naturally 
this is increased a thousand-fold 
when a person’s entire life involves 
institutions, the streets, parental 
abuse and neglect, and all the 
horrors which constitute the lives 
of many prisoners for whom the 
joint is the most secure and best- 
known home 


The institutional model of com- 
mand and obey at some point be- 
comes internalized on the deepest 
levels. As a result, the prisoner 
seeks continuously for the oppor- 
tunity to play out the other side of 









and authority over others. Charlie 
Manson is the prototype of the 
authoritarian personality created 


i by prisons. Sadly enough, many of 


the past and present “leaders” of 
the prison movement inside the 
prisons are of the same variety. 
But they are the more dangerous 
because they disguise their megalo- 
mania with revolutionary slogans, 
using this hustle to gain support 
where none would otherwise be 
forthcoming. S 

Thus we have, for example, Carl 
Harp, the latest ‘‘anarchist’’ hero 
in the international prison 
movement, For several years now, 
Harp has been cranking out 





libertarian organizations all over 
the .world,...telling..of a. ‘‘gover- 
nment conspiracy” to keep him in 
prison because of his righteous 
Political stance. Recently his 
diaries and ramblings were 
published under the title Love & 
Rage , which is receiving critical 
acclaim by a wide variety of groups 
whose unifying bond is that none 
of them have had any direct con- 
tact with the man, or even know 
why he’s in prison. 

. In western Washington, from 
which he was receiving most of his 
direct support while at Walla 
Walla, Harp has managed to 
totally isolate and alienate himself 
from virtually every group and in- 
dividual who ever supported him 
since his ‘conversion’ to anar- 
chism. Before that, no one paid 
any attention, because he was sim- 
ply a rapist -with an arm-long 
record of two-bit violent and 
sexual crimes, and the Bellevue 
Sniper, who killed one man and 
crippled another in a random 
shooting spree set off when an idi- 
otic bank extortion scheme flop- 
ped. 


Nor has he been “‘cleansed’”’ of 
his past deeds by his exemplary 
deeds in prison. Groups who were 
not willing to correspond with him 
or get involved in his support work 
have received repeated denun- 
ciations couched in Maoist (not 
anarchist) rhetoric, accused of 
counter-revolutionary attitudes, 
and so on. And how naive or 
„willingly ignorant do people have 
to be when they read yet another 
of his endless pamphlets (this 
published by a Canadian prison 
support group) in which he enthu- 
siastically uses a quote from 
























volumes of letters to anarchist and ' 












STRIKE! 5. 


doubt also used to spur people to 
political action) and yet can’t 
recognize the transparency of this 








In an interview after his convic- 
tion for the Bellevue Sniper case, 
Harp admitted to having 












their heads) who were enjoying an 
afternoon hike in the woods, 
He said, “I’m not sorry I did it, 
but I’m sorry it occurred.” He also 
talked of his plans to become a 
noted writer, or artist, or car- 
toonist, and he talked of his belief 
in god. There was not the slightest 
sign of contrition, but there was 
abundant evidence of an intention 
to get people to pay attention to 
him, by whatever scam would 
prove to be most effective. Clearly, 
anarchism turned out to be the’ 
tight choice. 

That Carl Harp is a very vic- 
timized individual, who has had a 






































` rotten life and has felt the full for- 


ce of this deadly society, is without 
a doubt true, That Carl Harp has 
even in his limited way tried to ab- 


> sorb some libertarian notions and 


put them into practice inside is 
Possible and certainly to his credit. 
But the idea of Carl Harp as an 
authentic anarchist resistance hero, 
whose case should become an in- 
ternational cause celebre, is an idea , 
that makes us physically ill, and 
makes us doubt the sanity of some 
of our comrades. 

What is most disturbing about 
this case is the fact that it is not 
the exception, but the rule as far as 
the relationship of prisoners and 























-~ supporters is concerned. Over and 


over again, the prison movement 
readily jumps to the support of 
prisoners and makes heroes of them, 
merely because the prisoner ist 
spouting a convincing line | 
right-on rhetoric, Where is't 

of a prison “revolutionary”? who 
can articulate any positive vision of. 
a revolutionary society, or who 
comes out of prison and leads a 
life which doesn’t victimize his 
family, friends, and neighbors, let 
alone which involves struggle for a- 
more meaningful life or a different 
society? Amazingly enough, again- 
St all odds we believe there 
probably are some such in- 
dividuals, but one doubts they are 
counted among th® “‘heavies” of 
the prison movement. 

Fay Stender was one of the 

people who said’ the hell with it, af- 
ter many years at the service of the 
“‘greats’” in the prison 
revolutionary. set. As she watched 
these ‘‘revolutionaries” get back 
on the streets, where they reverted 
‘to gangland activities, got recycled 
back into prison, or shot each 
other; she gaye it up and turned her 
attention elsewhere. 
In May 1979, an ex-con with a 
long record and an- urge for a 
“heavy rep” broke into her apart- 
ment in the middle of the night. 
After forcing her to write a “‘con- 
fession” of her ‘“‘betrayal’? of 
George Jackson and the prison 
movement (the nature of which 
betrayal was apparently as 
nebulous to the assailant as to Fay 
Stender), he gunned her down, 
leaving her permanently crippled. 
A year later she killed herself, 
rather than living a life ridden with 
fear and dismay over her own past 
and threatened future. 






































































































unusual. The Bay Area for years 
has had a bizarre series of plots in- 
volving its “urban guerrillas’, the 
prison movement, the left, the 
gangsters both black and white, 
The incidence of dead radicals, 
whose bullet-riddled bodies turn 
up in the morgue there -with dis- 
turbing frequency, might be under- 
standable if they were dying in pit- 
ched battles with the police, as 
happens elsewhere. But they don’t. 
They fall victim to their own 
“*Revolutionary Forces’’, 
“People’s Justice’, and all the 
other lame labels with which they 







































raped 
two women (he held a pistol to 





Nor was Fay Stender’s story 


fact that so many of the women tough, unbreakable rebel, who has the duality, to experience control hard Wagner (which Hi See Challenge Pg. 14 
































6. STRIKE! 


Polish Feminists Organize 


-The latest issue of Labour Focus On Eastern Europe reports an ex- 
citing new development in Poland. This being the formation of the first 
contemporary feminist group in that country. Involving some one 
hundred women it was formed at the University of Warsaw this past 
November. Upon its formation these Polish feminists proceeded to 
formulate a list of twelve demands and a statement of goals which if 
fully realized would profoundly change the nature of existing society 
in Poland. 

Critically, the Polish feminists want to see their demands taken up 
by the workers’ movement. Should this be achieved without compro- 
mising the autonomy of the Polish women’s movement it can only 
result in a decisive advance for the class struggle by deepening the 
challenge it presents. Furthermore, such practical unity would serve to 
counter-act the socially reactionary influence of the Roman Catholic 
Church which continues to take archaic positions on issues central to 
the struggle for women’s liberation. It would also serve to confront 
Political activists who seek merely to reform the present system in 
Poland with demands posing the necessity of a far-reaching social rev- 
olution, 


At the moment the Polish feminists are appealing for resources, ma-~ 


terial and otherwise, essential to the growth of their movement. Inclu- 
ded'among the projects they have been seeking to initiate are feminist 
publications, theatre, a feminist art gallery and a pool of information 
about feminism in general. Accordingly, the Polish feminists very 
much désire contacts with the women’s liberation movement on an in- 
ternational scale. Interested persons can reach and/or aid them in 
whatever way possible by writing to: Krytina Kowalewski, Uniwersytet 
Warszawski, U. Krakowski Przedmiescie 24, 00-325 Warszawa. 


Women into Trades 


In the past several years a growing number of women have entered, or 
tried to enter, a variety of skilled and unskilled ‘blue collar’ occupations 
where traditionally only males have been trained and employed. In other 
industries, ranging from textiles to telephones, which | employ"large 
numbers of women in lower-paying jobs, women workers are in- 
creasingly Conscious and vocal about their special problems on the job, 
in the union, and in the economy and odaig as whole. 


One ọf the expressions of all this was the first Ontario Women in 
Trades and Industry Conference held in Hamilton, Canada, on April 
24-26, 1981. The purpose of the April Conference was to draw together 
women from across the province of Ontario; working women in trades 
and industry, women who are pursuing vocational training for such 
jobs, and women who. have have been denied access to such jobs and 
training. The conference helped to establish an effective network of 
communication and develop an action perspective for long overdue 
change. It is hoped that such an exchange of information and ideas can 
help lead to more action to provide equal conditions for workers in the 
economy, 

The conference drew over 130 participants from all occupations such 
as secretaries, millwrights, auto mechanics, eat organized and 
unorganized labourers, — 

Various workshops were held dealing with with aes such as “Better Ac- 
cess to Jobs,” ‘‘Health and Safety” and “‘Day-care.”’ Panel discussions 
of women in ‘various trades were presented and several speakers ad- 
dressed some important issues including different forms of Working 
‘Woman's organizat women y 
Unions, To get in touch with the c ongoing activities of the Women into 
‘Trades and Industry write c/o 200 Balmoral south, Hamilton, Ontario, 








Caa eS r a 





August/September 1981 


Readership Survey 


The response to our reader survey in NAA8 wasn’t 
as large as we would have liked but, as a statistician 
friend of ours informed us, even a survey with as few 
as 10 responses can be considered valid. We don’t 
make the claim that this survey is representative or that 
it presents an accurate picture of the North American 
Anarchist movement. However, the geographical di- 
versity of the responses and some common threads, 
make it at least interesting and perhaps even infor- 
mative. 


Sample Size: 26 

Geographical Breakdown: U.S., 18; Canada, 4; Aus- 
tralia, 3; England, 1. 

Age: The readers in our sample ranged in age from 20 
to 55. Of those who chose to put their age down 14 
were in their 20s’, 7 were in their 30s’, 2 were in their 
40s’ and one was in his 50s’. 

Sex: 21(82%) of the respondents were male and 
5(18%) were female. 

Income: 13 listed their income as being under $5000, 6 
earned between $5-10,000°5 made $10-15,000 and 2 
earned more than $15,000 per year. 

Job: White collar, 6; Blue collar, 7; Professional, 3; 
Unwaged, 6; Student, 3; Unionized, 10. 
Accomodation: Own, 2; Co-op, 2; Rent, 20. : 
Sexual Orientation: Heterosexual, 14; Gay, 1; Bi- 
sexual, 4; None of your business, 9. 

Politics: Anarchist-Communist, 7; Syndicalist, 0; Indi- 
vidualist, 2; Anarchist, 6; Marxist, 1; Marxist-Lenin- 
ist, 0; Liberal, 0; Fascist, 0; Autonomist, 1; Trotskyist, 
1. Six people marked three or more boxes. 

Other : the Open Road was the most read peri- 
odical with 14 mentions. Other publications cited were 
Fifth Estate (9), Freedom (8), Cienfuegos Press Review 
(5), Anarchy (3), Industrial Worker (3), Black Flag (2), 
Overthrow (2), Black Rose (2). Flashpoint, Soil of 
Liberty, On The Line, SRAF Bulletin, XTRA!, A 
Batalha and A Idea (both from Portugal) were each 
mentioned once. 

Circulation: To the question “how many people read 
your copy of the NAA?” nine people answered one, 


. four people said two, seven people said three and six 


said four or more. 
Distribution: When asked how they received the NAA 
13 said thty were subscribers, four said they bought it 
at a bookstore, two got it from a street-sale, six got it 
from friends and one person said he stole his copy 
from a bookstore. 


Coverage: After arbitrarily dividing the major con- 
cerns of the paper into eight categories we asked our 
readers to evaluate our coverage of each area. VG— 
Very Good, G—Good, A—Average, P—Poor, 
VP—Very Poor. 
Anarchist News: 
VP—0. 

Labour: VG—5; G—10; A—5; P—1; VP—3. 
Current Events: VG—5; G—7; A— 
Prison News: VG—: 
Feminism: VG—4; G—6; A- 
Culture: VG—2; G—2; A—’ 


VG—4; G—12; A—6; P—0; 










Theory: VG—0; G—8; A—4; P— 7 
Subjects: Among the subjects our readers would like 
to see more coverage of Anarchist history was men- 
tioned three times and organizing was mentioned 
twice. Single mentions included; Sexuality; Rise of 
Fascism; How to live as an Anarchist; Mass Media; 
Autonomous Movements; Collective Living; Anar- 
chist movement in South America; News with less 
boring and/or arrogant editorializing; Critiques of 
other organiza Youth Struggles; Alternative 
Lifestyles; Inj Squatters Movement; Cri- 
tique of Work; Gays; Music. Some of these areas have 
been addressed in issues appearing after the survey. 
We will use the others as a guide for future articles. 


Columns: Readers were asked how often they read the 








various columns and features. 1—Never, 
2—Sometimes, 3—Always. 

For Starters: 1—0; 2—8; 3—16. 

Letters: 1—1; 2—2; 3—21. 
Anarcho-Tech: 1—2; 2—7; 3—15. 

Anarchist Feminist Notes: 1—2; 2—5; 3—16. 





Mixed Media: 1—2; 2—4; 3—16. 

Prison News: 1—0; 3—15. 

Libertarian Notes: 1—0; 2—4; 3—19. 

Labour Pains: 1—1; 2—6; 3—17. 

Comments: Most people felt we were doing a good job 
and only wished we came out more often. There were, 
however, a few discouraging words. One correspon- 
dent felt that “‘Anarcho-Technology and Anarchist 
Feminist Notes are nothing more than importations of , 
bourgeois ideology into the libertarian movement.” 
Another correspondent informed us that our Project 
“is vista, by its productivist, workerist, ‘organizer’, 





ethos/ 

‘on an upbeat note, a person who identi self as a 
Trotskyist sympathiser declared: “I am amazed at the 
quality of the paper.” Thanks to all who took the time 
to participate in the survey. 


Early Christian sect 


By M. Archibald 

It is a recurring theme of the 
anarchist view of history that the 
most important social movements 
—those with the potential to lib- 
erate rather than enslave—are of- 
ten those we know the least from 
the written record. 

Such is the case with gnosticism, 
a variant of the Christian move- 
ment in the first and second cen- 
turies A.D. Until recently the 
gnostics were known almost exclu- 
sively through the violent polemics 


opposed hierarchy 





i Tea 
TANS 














-Classified 


20¢ per word. Free for announce- 
ments and other items under fifty 
words in length and not involving 
_cash exchange. 
Prison Book’ Project Left, Bank 


~ Books operates a “Books to Pri- 


soners’’ project in which we send 
any book in print in the U.S. to pri- 
soners at cost; (usually 30-35% off 
retail price) and we pay all postage 
costs. Prisoners may order direct 
from us, or friends may write and 
arrange to have the books sent in. 


` Write to: Left Bank Books, Box A, 


92 Pike St., 


Seattle, WA 98101, 
USA. . 





Fun-Loving Bunch of anarchists @ 
“households, 4 women and 5 men) 


are looking for one or two more’ 
women to join our ranks. For 
details write: Columbia Anarchist 
League, P.O. Box 380, Columbia, 


“Missouri 65201, USA. 


Anti-Authoritarian Calendar 1982 
Left Bank Books is assembling an 


anti-authoritarian calendar and 


. requests that people send in dates of 


interesting/important events. They 
also request that individuals and 
bookstores send in advance orders, 
no deposit ‘required, so they can 
gauge demand. Left Bank Books, 
92 Pike St., Seattle, WA 98101, 


eMail 
Strike 


As we put the finishing 
touches to the paper Canada is 
in the second week of a nation- 
wide postal strike. The 
Canadian Union of Postal Wor- 
kers has been an exceptionally 
militant union and the govern- 
ment seems determined to en- 
dure a long strike in order to 
cripple or smash the union. We 
hope that the paper is not too 
dated by the time it reaches you. 


Look for the next issue two. 


months after you receive this 
one. 





of, their bitterest enemies, much as 
anarchism is known to a contem- 
porary Soviet citizen only through 
Marxist-Leninist critiques. 

In 1945 a gang of nomadic cut- 
throats in Upper Egypt discovered 
a clay jug filled with gnostic man- 
uscripts. Some of these scraps of 
papyrus were subsequently used as 
kindling, but in due course the re- 
mainder fell into the hands of an 
even worse band of criminals—the 
international academic establish- 
ment. Hoarded by jealous scholars 
for decades, the texts have only 
recently becomely widely acces- 
sible: Finally we can study the 
gnostics on their own terms. 

The first one hundred and fifty 
years of Christianity are generally 
obscure, in part because the move- 
ment was largely proletarian in 
character. Christianity only devel- 
oped the potential to become a 
state religion when it moved up the 
social ladder and organized itself in 
imitation of the Roman political 
and military system. Evidently 
there was more diversity in the 
early movement (not yet a church) 





Pick yer’ poison 


than the. official. histories. would 
have us believe. 

In comparing gnosticism with 
_. orthodox Christianity, three major 
differences can be discerned: 

(1) The gnostics opposed bureau- 
cracy. They rejected a hierarchy of 
bishops, priests, and elders. For 
them the only purpose for accept- 
ing authority was to learn to out- 
grow it. 

(2) The gnostics recognized the 
equal participation of men and 
women in religious practice. The 
gnostic God had both feminine 
and masculine qualities. In some of 
the gnostic gospels, Mary Magdal- 


_ene, far from being a woman of ill- 


repute as she appears in the ortho- 
dox gospels, is in fact the leading 
disciple of Jesus. (In one gnostic 
account she denounces Peter, the 
leading orthodox disciple, as a 
“hater of women’’.) The equality 
of women in the gnostic groups 
evidently is a reflection of the pro- 
letarian nature of the movement, 


ie. a reflection of the fact. the 
women shared equally in manual 
labour. Even today in the Middle 
East, it is only middle class women 
who are veiled. 

(3) The gnostics rejected doctrine 
and ritual. For them each person 
must seek for truth individually— 
there were no received truths, only 
methods for seeking truth. 


Gnosticism, of course, had no 
future in the Roman Empire and 
was doomed to remain an under- 
ground current. It is important to 
remember that it was the gentle 
gnostics and not the bloodthirsty 
Roman emperors who were the 
true enemies of the early Christian 
Church. The martyred Christian 
fanatics shared a vision of a hier- 
archical, vertically ordered society 
with their Roman persecutors. In 
fact orthodox Christianity evolved 
in opposition to gnosticism much 
as orthodox Marxism evolved in 
opposition to anarchism. 





August/September 1981 


t 








April 27, 1981 


Shell Canada Li 


North American Anarchist 


P.O. Box 2, Station 0 
Toronto, Ontario 
M4B 2B0 





Head Office 

Box 400, Terminal ‘A’, 
Toronto, Ontario MSW 161 
Telephone: (416) 697-7111 


We are considering a subscription to "North American Anarchist" and would 
like to obtain a sample copy if possible. 


In addition, please advise as to: 


1) the cost of a one year subscription. 


2) the frequency of the journal. 


Your assistance in the above matter is greatly appreciated. 


Yours very truly, 


Cheu 


C. Hough (Mrs.) 


Corporate Strategies Department 


CH/dm 


A spectre is haunting the boar- 
drooms of the nation — the spectre 
of Anarchism. As capitalism sinks 
deeper into the '80s and terminal 
depression it seems that at least one 
of our most prominent 
multinational corporations has it’s 
ear pressed firmly to the ground 
listening to the rumbles from 
below. ë 

Imagine our surprise when one 
fine Spring morning a letter bearing 
the corporate logo of Shell Oil 
Canada dropped into our mailbox 
requesting a sample copy of the 
NAA and subscription in- 
formation. And, lo and behold, this 
unusual request was made on behalf 
of the “Corporate Strategies 
Dept.” Do they know something 
“we don’t? Is there a massive groun- 
dswell of support for Anarchism 
building up in the nether regions of 
society? Or are they just covering 
all their bets? 

The May issue of Mother Jones 
magazine, in an article written by a 
man Who infiltrated a strategy 
session fór the nuclear power in- 
dustry, reports that the nùclear in- 
dustry regards the Friends of the 
Earth’s publication, Not Man 
Apart, as the best source of en- 
vironmentalist ideology and anti- 
nuclear strategy. Perhaps the oil in- 
dustry see’s the Anarchist 
movement as the best barometer of, 
the level of revolutionary activity in 
North America. 

In our reply to Shell Oil we stated 
that our subscription rates were 
based on ability to pay. We charged 
libraries and funded organizations 
more than individuals and sent the 
paper free of charge to those who 
couldn’t afford to pay. As we had 
not anticipated, receiving subscrip- 
tions requests from multinational 
corporations we had not set a ‘‘cor- 
porate’ rate. We informed Shell 
that they had become a ‘‘trendset- 
ter” in yet another area by prom- 
pting us to establish a corporate 


We put a sample copy in the mail 
along with a covering letter and sat 
back to await a reply. A couple of 
weeks later, sure enough, -a reply 
came. Enclosed was a cheque for 
Jive dollars and a xerox of the sub- 
scription ad in the sample copy we 
had sent them with the individual 
rate circle. Well, Shell Oil hadn’t 
become one of the largest com- 
panies in the world by giving full 
value for. goods received, so we 
weren’t unduly surprise. 

We returned their cheque with a 
note attached pointing out that they 
had been informed that the cor- 
porate rate was fifty dollars pef year 
and if they wanted a subscription 
that is what it would cost. With the 
obscene profits the oil companies 
are making you would think that 
they could afford it. 


3 


E ‘el f iik 





Apparently not. A little over a 
week later we received another let- 
ter in which C. Hough (Mrs.), Cor- 
porate Strategies Dept., declared: 
“In view of the increased cost, as 
cited in your letter of June 9, 1981, 
we have decided not to subscribe to 
this journal. The corporate rate 
quoted, amounts to a ten fold in- 
crease and as-such it was decided 
not to subscribe."” 

You would think the oil com- 
panies would be the last people on 
earth to complain about “‘ten fold 
increases” but maybe things are 
getting a little tight among the 
Seven Sisters. If there are any other 
corporations out there interested in 
the shape of things to come, and 
who can afford the fifty bucks, feel 
free to send in your subscriptions. 
We'd love to hear from you! 








; twice the price and often having to 
ų wait up to three times longer for 


Coffee 


& Donuts 


The kind of bonhomie required 
of workers in the fast-food industry 
has always been a source of par- 
ticular irritation for me. I’ve often 
been tempted to reply to the injun- 
ction to “*Have a nice day!” with a 
surly “‘is that an order?” But like 
most people, I realize its just part of 
the job the same as speed-ups, low 
wages and ridiculous uniforms. The 
only time the whole charade 
becomes truly pathetic'is when you 
Tun into someone who actually 
takes it seriously. 

I was on my way home from a 
meeting one night recently and I 
decided to drop into a donut shop 
for a quick fix of sugar. It was 
around 11 o’clock and the shop was 
deserted except for the waitress who 
was sitting at the back with what 
appeared to be the lone customer. 
Upon spotting me she popped out 
of her chair so fast you would have 
thought she was spring loaded and 
came storming effusively dowm to 
the counter. The “Hi, how are 
you’s, anything else’s, enjoy your 
snack’s and have a nice day’s’’ were 
coming fast. and furious. Slightly 
overwhelmed I mumbled the stock 
responses and retreated to a table 
clutching my coffee and maple 
donut. The waitress quickly returned 
to her table and resumed her in- 
terrupted conversation. _ 





It soon became apparent that the 
main topic of conversation was 
another employee of the establish- 
ment, an older woman who worked 
the midnight shift. In a suprisingly 
nasty tone of voice, the .waitressy 
who looked to be in her early “50s, 
graphically described how the older 
woman, lacked ‘‘ambition’’ and 
treated her work as “justa job.” 
This seemed to amount to a reluc- 
fance to behave like a wind-up 
“happy” doll whenever there were 
customers around. The customer 
then chimed in that she also 
habitually gave the wrong change, 


although it was obvious from the 
conversation that she invariably 
under rather than over charged the 
customers. 

According to the waitress these 
qualities were fairly general among 
the older employees and well known 
to management. The only thing that 
saved them from being bounced 
out onto the street was that there 
had been even worse problems with 
younger women on the late shifts. It 
seemed that they quickly developed / 
the habit of not only periodically 
undercharging but, horror of 
horrors, they actually gave out free 
coffee and donuts to their friends 
and acquaintances. In a very low 
voice the waitress also confided 
that some of them “even smoked 
dope” on the job. 

The conversation then drifted in- 
to á discussion of the “lack of 


respect’’ for the uniform and 
‘sloppy?’ work habits. The 
waitress’ solution to this 
“problem” was to have 


management call the offender on, 
the carpet and outline. company 
policy to them finishing with the 
question “‘do you want to work 
here or not?”’ If the answer was af- 
firmative the luckless employee 
should be given a written statement 
saying that he/she had beed briefed 
on company policy and agreed to 
abide by it. The next offence would 
mean instant dismissal. 

At this point a group of 
teenagers walked into the shop and 
the waitress again shot into action 
cheerfully joking and. laughing. 
‘Thoroughly. sickened 4 wall 
It’s always depressing to se 
someone so wholeheartedly com= 
plicit in.their own, oppression. The 
only consolation I had was that this 
woman was obviously isolated from 
the other employees and no doubt 
her “ambition” would eventually 
place her on the proper side of the 
barricades. A slice of life and a cup 
of coffee to go please. 


Cienfuegos Canada 
under attack 


Since the establishment of Cien- 
fuegos Press in Canada, as well as 
the formation of the Ottawa Anar- 
chist Alliance, the authorities have 
not taken kindly to. the new and 
growing Anarchist presence in the 
“Holy Capital.” Aside from the 














usual phone buggingsand such, the , 


most regular and annoying form of 
harassment has been mail tam- 
pering. This isn’t just opened mail 
but also returned mail which is of- 
ten sent back to the sender with 
“No such box number” scrawled 
on it. Other mail- just seems to 
mysteriously disappear from the 
Postal system. In the last two mon- 
ths there have been 18 cases of mail 
being returned to sender that we 
know about. Ottawa is not a city 
distinguished by it’s level of radical 
activity and it is more than obvious 
that the intention of this 

harassment is to ensure that 
Revolutignary Anarchism does not 
gain a foothold in this up-until-now 
Stagnant government city. Clearly 
the authorities would like to see 
Cienfuegos Press Canada perish for 
lack of orders, a strategy which is 
beginning to pay off as exasperated 
subscribers end up writing to 
Scotland for their books (and con- 
sequently paying approximately 



































delivery of their orders). 

We are appealing to you to please 
not dispose of those returned let- 
ters! The post office can play dumb 
Jong as we can’t show them.the 


evidence ... when we can do that the 
clash can commence! We are 
naturally aware that this practice 
happens everywhere, BUT WE 
WON'T STAND FOR IT! There is 
a growing interest in Anarchism 
and Cienfuegos Press in this city 
and we refuse to let the RCMP or 
anybody else involved put a stop to 
it. You can help by reporting any 
difficulties you have to us at (613) 
233-5505. If you're really poor call 
collect and please make the hours 
more or less reasonable. We'll give 
you a safer address to send the 
returned mail to, This would be 
greatly appreciated. We feel too 
much State tampering has been 
taken for granted. Let’s make the 
bastards shiver for once! 

Cienfuegos Press Canada 









2 


ess 


7 
a 


S] 
~ 


2) 


et 


tye 


Mist te sts 


AE yf. phase 








_ 8.STRIKE! 








materialist position ‘inadequate: haye produced the first issue of apro- _ the system and the reign of terror by 
devoted Bae aean to the “Historioa pistelin takes for jected quarterly called Processed the guards and especially the peak 
“Woman Question” and even when granted facts that cal or ex- Worldin the hope that “it will serve moments of unity among the in- 
they did address the question it was planation... It cannot provide as a contact Point for office workers mates. The lows arise from moments 
either in termin ari i petitions for the problems we have who are dissatisfied with their lot in of defeat and feelings of empathy 
Vocacy of patriarchy (Proudhon) or ~ raised, because these concern the life and are seeking something bet- with those enduring the worst conse- 
the more insidious insistence that whole man and not that abstraction: ter,” quences of the system. 
women must ‘subordi their Homo E icus.” = > a ` it alli 's deter- 
true (that of the workers The ata temas, by Matt Tounin apewe, tne THU alts Cal a's deter 
(Kropotkin. Te oniy anarchist ining the jocus ot women’s oP- journal, attempts to outline thesecial an alhnseateable impression eft by 
Spor the finns as Newest eka sey “Sly of wage bor by looke at- IS words, that he condnuou 
Harman’s newspaper, Lucifer, women: in society, posed a mach — What most people ignore: what ac- hi entotan Tora 
dedicated to the “emancipation of more profound critique than that put tbe a abana ae to live. What other interpretation is 
Ma pois out he ay mide concider’ As bae as apt fu conic n'a rte, foe Ben amen ch 
: 3 en, democratized.. parody of the = 
Faia as Kaai, The reluctance pa they ae’ women, are prin- master / slave ARANEAE n always every manner possible gn all eels of 
Sagal partien Malate oF activity functions within the family and as S0™¢body taking orders from some- Bee aeaa eonna oa "nd 
NEES : yan body else.” r z 

was a severe limitation on the the prime caretakers of children, n p deaths, and I have seen everything 
evelopment of anarchist-feminism. their choices as human beings willbe — py. pen, formation Tectinglogy: 
As Marsh rightly observes: “If the more circumscribed than those of use of Siin. office nips 
anarchist-feminists could not even mien. The anarchist-feminists made " ainst the Alea: 
T uW convince their own comrades, their. their most radical contribution by idee AIDA of com. 

narchist Women Guiness of reaching a larger audience declaring that if gender distinctions 214 discusses the poss tbeclen 
1870 - 1920 * were considerably diminished.” Ought not to inhibit women from par- Puter technology in a classle: 

































































5 i n a : society. NAA readers will not be sur- 
Margaret S. Marsh, Temple Despite this sexism Marsh makes Dees. in the, Seon ane pet to learn at I partigatarty ap- You are cor 
University Press, 1981, 214 p.p. clear that anarchism was still the Political life of society, neither were etad tits Diboe. 
social theory most conducive to a they valid in determining roles within P To Gan Pa to attend tl 
Anarchist Women 1870 - 1920 by truly radical critique of society and our most intimate institutions.” © San Francisco, SL 
Margaret S. Marsh is an interesting women’s place within it. Anarchism’s Unfortunately by attempting to YO" Believe It?, I have to say no. But of the 
and informative survey of the main emphasis on the liberty of the indi- isolate this particular contribaticy this elaborate fantasy of a municipal 







features of anarchist-feminism in the vidual. and personal autonomy and implying that it can be liter insurrection led by office workers 
late nineteenth and early twentieth provided a unique base from which bodily from the totality of the ance, WAS in a small way, quite moving. If z 
a Dut at 174 pages of actual. to combat the sexist stereotyping of chist critique of society to be plugged _th€ People that-you and I see every 
text it is a little thin considering the women within the radical movement modulle-like into a new mmea day at work were suddenly to:rebel, 
fmount of material available and the and “‘although anarchism was by no analysis Marsh robs the idea of much, tit rebellion might very ‘well look 
dng period covered. As a liberal aca- means an expressly feminist ideology, of its radical Content. ‘The “new SMething like this piece. And it is 
demic with feminist pretensions Mar- it had the capacity to becoméso.”” feminist analysis” which March seeks difficult to argue against the idea that 
sh provides a well balanced account. The radical sweep of anarchist- has been around for a long time ana it 8 only when ee cncleeiihsee how 
of what distinguished the anarchist- feminist ideology, especially their it’s still called anarchist-focdniny, Farol De PADLE to febel success 
i istand suf-. championing of free iove andthe, aa ful that we can then make our 
2 ters ar i nm then -w aigan Jones . reality. 
alr and sympathetic throughout. family, tended to isolate them even i ~ The new journal also-includes ar-: 
Marsh takes as her starting point’ within the broader feminist Processed World ticles on an office workers strike in 
the fact that over 100 years of movement. When Victoria Woodhull 55 Sutter Street, Suiteg29, ~ San Francisco and on the shitty 
feminist struggle has not substantially raised the issue of free love during a San Francisco CA, 94104, movie 9 to S. The graphics and layout 
altered women’s basic social public speech in 1872 she was roundly Quarterly, $5.00/year. arenie profondi. ms 
inequality. Marsh recognizes that denounced by such bourgeois ADE 1 do have some criticisms of Pro- 
political and economic equality are feminists as Susan B. Anthony, of Most of the lefties I’'ve known over cessed World. The language in some 
necessary but not sufficient silver dollar fame, who had tPeyears have done office work fora of the articles; though clearer than 
requirements for true equality and previously supported her in her fight . ving. Despite all the rhetoric about that used in most left publications, is 
that women’s domestic oppression for female emancipation. Anthony the industrial proletariat, despite all seit} “dependent on traditional left 
must also be addressed: It isthe anar- Jed the chorus of condemnation PE Jabber about steel and auto, most terminology. We still have a long way 
chist-feminists early insistence on the aimed at “the Woodhull” for daring 9f these folks end up behind a type- to go to learn how to express liber- 
Primacy of domestice oppression to raise the issue of sexuality. hel eset no tarian ideas in the every-day language 
which recommends them to Marsh's ———_. That’s not too surprising when you that people use. 
attention as she declares in her intro- The cleavage between anarchist- stop to think about it. Although I've Another element that seemed, for 
duction: “The anarchist-feminists feminists and the more moderate suf- written at some length about stupi- the most part, to be missing was the 
and their ideology possess a signifi- fragettes was further deepened by the dities on the left, the fact is that lef- expression of rage that I feel and that 
cance that extends beyond anar-  0afchist-feminists rejection of the ties are usually fairly intelligent many office workers I know feel 
chisin. The purpose of this study is fight for votes for women. As people. They can easily grasp that if about their jobs. Office workers 
not so much to examine anarchism  VOltairine De Cleyre stated, the one must’ live in class society, office really do have fantasies about killing” 
through the lives of the women who ballot hasn’t made men free and it work generally provides a_less un- their bosses. 
espoused it as it is to understand the Won't make us free. Emma Gold- pleasant existence than industrial And, of course, how could office 
ways in which a group of women man was even-more scathing in her labor. The characteristics of in-  workets begin to struggle? Do we go 
responded to the social, sexual, and  felection of female suffrage: “Suf- dustrial labor are widely known: phy. the badha coat union’ route 
economic upheavals of the late nine- fage is an evil, . . . it has helped en- sical exhaustion, risk of violent (assuming we can find one willing to 
teenth and early twentieth centuries. slave people, has but closed disability and death, extremely un- take us)? Or can there be other, bet- 
Marsh is willing to give anarchism their eyes that they may not see how pleasant working conditions, con- ter possibilities? 
a sympathetic hearing but it soon °taftily they were made to submit.” stant quasi-military supervision, etc. The emergence of Processed World 
becomes evident that: her primary in- ,. The anarchist-feminists also had The industrial working class is often _ is a first step toward answering this 
terest is to strip-mine anarchist- ‘difficulty attracting, women of more the most militant section of the entire question. 
feminism. for ‘ideas. and - insights? radical views to their movement. working class simply because they get 
































































































while downplaying the merits of Most such women tended to gravitate the biggest pile of shit dumped on cm 
anarchism as a total critique. For ‘Wards the socialists rather than the them. LOVE & RAGE 

Marsh the anarchist-feminists merely @H@*chists. Marsh claims that this In some circles, the “missionary” 

provide a e Doe ae failure to attract radical women was approach to the industrial working NS che nar ad 
Geminis stew ad’ she beatae = MRD because the anarchist- class is still considered feasible ORRE TISS 
“Among the anarchist women of a feminists failed to develop a You’ve probably run into them once Love & Rage is a powerful, provo- 











century ago we find the kind of ‘Sustained feminist analysis which or twice: people who get industrial cative statement by a prison militant 
serious probing of sexual and familial WOUld encompass the problems of jobs in order to spread the revolu- depicting the continuous struggle of 
relationships that could serve as a class conflict, poverty, and violence tionary gospel (usually according to Prisoners against the most oppressive 














preface to a new feminist analysis.” Ì2 Society as a whole, but also Lenin) among the heathen savages. conditions anywhere in North Amer- Just don 
Anarchism’s contribution, like anar- because they, unlike the Socialists, Many don’t go that far: they get ica. Covering a time span of less 

chism itself, must be firmly relegated STe unable to provide an clerical jobs to support themselves than a year Carl Harp’s personal ac- of 
tothe past.” organizational framework for their but take their propaganda to some Counts are absorbing leaving the x 





on Sas. feminism.” plant gate at six in the morning. reader with a deep-felt sense of 
Accepting these limitations the ` Marsh credits the socialists with Until now, no one on the left has horror. So much so that it is hard to 


reader can still glean a great deal having a more thoroughly worked made an attempt to reach out to the imagine how even the most unsympa- We ir 
from this book as Marsh has donea out theory of feminism, Engels’ The’ “office workers that wé ourselves thetic person could not be swayed by On, Weitnesday, Sly tyventy-nini 


aie A ¥ $ the Prince of Wales and Lac 
competent job in re-creating the Origin of the Family, Private Proper- work with every day. Until the brutality described. tes 

Chiat emits in which the anar- ty and the State and Bebel’s Woman we've mostly treated the ponele way ‘The CAPAI ofthe diary entries to Westminster Cathedral. On the s 
the taamansts moved. In particular Under Socialism for example, than we should have been cen mae arouse indigneton agains at penal entitled “What Wedding?’ will be 
the rampant sexism of the male anar- did the anarchists. But, she also poin- they were invisible, as if they were system is most acutely evident in the be announced. For more inform: 
chist movement in the period under ts out, the light of historical hindsight notea] workers” like auto workers Conveyance of the emotional highs the Enthronement of Prince Edw 


study and its deleterious effects on has revealed profound flaws in these or steel workers were the only “real and lows Carl Harp experiences from Whitechapel High Street, Londo, 
the efforts of the anarchist-feminists theories. Simone de Beauvoir, for workers.” one day to the next. The highs often tie. i 


well documented. Like most other example, found the Marxist Now, two women in San Francisco being stimulated by victories against 


September 1981 
































































Love & 


imaginable, including death.” To 
most if not all of us death itself 
would be a far better alternative. 


Love & Rage was published ,to 
motivate people within the prison 
system and outside of it to give active 
support to the anti-prison movement. 
A statement as profound as this may 
succeed where other approaches have 
met with very limited success, 


Love & Rage similarly adds to the 


mountain of evidence attesting to the | 


dismal failure of the penal system as a 
response to the problem of anti-social 
behavior in human society. Thereby 
it posits the need for workable alter- 
natives which are neither naive nor 
inhumane. 


Brian Amesly 


dially invited 
le non-event 
century 


°t get out 
line 


, Nineteen hundred and eighty 
yy Diana Spencer will be mated at 
ume day a grand anarchist festival 
‘held in London at a venue yet to 
tion contact The Committee for 
ard c/o Freedom Press, 84B 

E1. The non-event will be black 

















movie summer silly season. 


OUTLAND 


‘Outland starts out interestingly 
“enough with a rank-n-file discussion 
among a couple of outer space miners , 


on management’s attempts to- in- 
crease automation in violation of the 
contract and the inability of their 
shop steward to do anything about it. 
Unfortunately any illusions the 
viewer might have about this movie 
addressing the increasing automation 
of work are soon disspelled as 
‘Outland swiftly degenerates into a 
standard space opera, Outland is 
High Noon in space with Sean Con- 
nery reprising Gary Cooper’s role as 
the only law west of Mars. 

Connery plays a federal district 
marshall assigned to a mining 
operation on Io a moon of Jupiter. 
When the miners start doing odd 
things like pulling out their own 
oxygen tubes’ and walking out the 
wrong ends of air-locks in their un- 
derwear Connery’s suspicions are 
aroused. 

With the help of a “crusty” female 
medical technician he traces the sour- 
ce of this strange behaviour to an 
illegal amphetamine that some of the 
miners. are useing to make their 
labour easier and more bearable. The 
drug has the unfortunate side effect 
of burning out the brains of its users 
after nine months of use. Along the 
way Connery’s wife walks éut on him 
via a video Dear John letter and he 
finds that his second-in-command is 
part of the drug ring. The rot, of 
course, goes right to the top. soon 
Cooper/Connery is all alone awaiting 
the arrival of the bad guys on the 
noon stage/ shuttle. 





Kurt Russell as ‘Snake’ Plisskin leads parade of Macho leading men in 


Outland is a dissappointing movie 
because it could have been so much 
better. It has the same combination 
of grit, sweat and high-tech that 
made Alien such a refreshing contrast 
to the <Squeeky-clean ambience of 
Star Wars. The set designs, especially 
the miner’s living quarters, are 
brilliantly conceived offering enough 
photogenic diagonals and levels to 
keep even an Eisenstein happy. 

Frances Sternhagen as the medical 
technician who become Connery’s 
only friend and ally is given a meaty 
part which does not require her to be 
“*decorative.”’ Peter Boyle is 
suitably sleazy as the mine boss and 
Connery, as always, turns in an ex- 
cellent performance. 

But, its still Sean versus the univer- 
se with no hint of collective reaction 
to industrial capitalist oppression. 
The director makes one feeble bow in 
this direction when Connery at on 
point asks the miners — whose brains 
are being fried for profit by their em- 
ployers — for help against the com- 
pany goons. Their only response is to 
meekly mumble that “he’s the law.” 

By the time the final credits roll the 
goons have been killed, the mine boss 
punched out and the drug ring 
smashed. Sean’s on the shuttle home 
with his wife and all’s well with the 
world — er, moon that is. 


ESCAPE FROM 


: NEW YORK 


Escape from New York is an in- 
credibly silly movie whose only 
redeeming feature is that from now 
on the movie reviewers should find it. 
much more difficult to use that old 


“standby: 


“Never have the mean 
streets of New York looked as mean 
and dirty asin... y 

The plot of Escape From New 
York, if it can be called such, is that 
the year is 1997 and New York has 
been transformed into a- giant 
maximum security prison. The 
president’s airplane has been 
hijacked and crashlanded in New 
York, the mission — get him out 
alive in time to attend a major peace 
conference. The world’s toughest 
man, Snake Plissken, is implanted 
with a time bomb and entrusted with 
the task, yawn, in exchange for a full 
pardon. The film unfolds with 
awesome predictability, the requisite 
number of plot complications and 
bodies are stacked up, leading pon- 
derously and inevitably to Snake and 
the president’s “‘escape from New 
York.” 

The points of interest in a turkey 
this bad are purely incidental to the 
movie itself. For example: our man 
Snake is an ex-war hero who picked 
up a purple heart in Siberia and was 
also involved in a commando strike 
on Leningrad. China and Russia, it 
seems, have finally ‘gotten back 
together and are waging an incon- 





~ clusive conventional war against 


America. Its nice to know that in the 
post-detente world of the B-Movie 
the enemy is no longer the 
evphemistic ‘‘other side’’ but Soviet 
Russia plain and simple. 

The hijacker who puts the “plot” 
in motion is a member of the 
“National Liberation Front of 
America” and the turgid cut-and- 
Paste rhetoric addressed to “the 
workers” is gratingly familiar. The 
distorted echo of Red Brigades/Red 
Army Faction ‘‘revolutionary” ver- 
biage underlines the utter isolation of 
those who have taken the terrorist 
path. 

Even the “comic relief” in Escape 
From New York, which if properly 
handled might have at least made the 
movie entertaining, is hackneyed and 
lifeless. From Ernest Borgnine as the 
last cabbie in New York to the ex- 
crutiatingly inevitable “I Love New 


New And ; 
Recommended 





Louise Michel 
Edith Thomas, Black Rose Books, 
1980, 444 p.p., $9.95 
A biography of Louise "Michel the 
French Anarchist and petroleuse best 
known for her role in the Paris Com- 
mune of 1871 written by a biographer 
well aware of the perils and pitfalls of 
hagiography.. 
Main Currents 
Of Marxism 
Leszek Kolakowski, Oxford 
University Press, 1981, 3 volumes, 
$9.95 each 
A paperback edition of Kolakow- 
i’s monumental critique of Marx- 
ism. From the roots of Marx’s 
thought in early Christian philosophy 
to Stalinism and Maoism Kolakowski 
systematically dissects the Marxist 





` body politic and takes as his conclu- 


sion that: “Marxism has been the 
greatest fantasy of our century.” 
History of 
Work Cooperation 
In America 
John Curl, Homeward Press, 
1980, 64 p.p., $3.75 
An excellent short survey of coop- 
erativism in America from the colo- 
nial era to the present. Available 
from: Homeward Press, P.O. Box 
2307, Berkeley, CA 94702, USA. 








































































York’? graffitti on the city’s crum- 
bling walls all the lines and gags are 
absolutely predictable. Faced with 
such an- inexorable flood of 
unoriginality why resist the 
inescapable comment? Escape this 
movie! 


RAIDERS OF 
THE LOST ARK f 


This film could do for archeology 
what All The President’s Men did for 
journalism. If hordes of eager young 
students start flocking to sign up for 
Archeology 101 courses Raiders of 
the Lost Ark will be at least partially 
responsible. 

Harrison Ford stars as Indiana 
Jones a rough, tough, “‘devil-may- 
care archeologist who is recruited by the 
U.S. secret service to prevent the lost Ark 
of the Covenant from falling into the 
evil hands of the Nazis. The film is 
excellently -edited and zips dandily 
along from the opening scene to the 
closing credits with scarcely a pause 


| for breath in between. In fact the film 


is so artfully put together that you’re 
tempted to ignore ,the rather nasty 
undertone which runs throughout the 
film. 

My father used to tell me that when 
he was a truck driver with the British 
Army in Malaya, just after the: 
Second World War, there»was an 
unofficial policy that instructed Ar- 
my drivers, in the case of an accident 
involving a native, to back up and 
make sure that the victim was dead. 
A one-time only death benefit. was 
much cheaper for the British ad- 
ministration than a survivor’s pen- 
sion. That sort of attitude permeates 
Raiders of the Lost Ark. 

In the movie the inhabitants of the 
countries through which Jones cuts 
such a broad swath are treated as 
being as inconsequential as stray 
chickens or inanimate objects. Jones 
runs over, shoots down (in self defen- 
se, of course) and generally manhan- 
dies “the natives” with a totally 
reckless abandon. The implicit 
racism of such an attitude mars what 
is an otherwise enjoyable piece of 
summer fluff. 









Campaign Against The 
Model West Germany 
The Atomic State and the People 
Who have to Live in It 
1981, 44 p.p., 20¢ 
An improved reprint of the first 
English translation of this document 
on the nuclear aspect of the “Model” 
West Germany. Available from: Box 
282, Station E, Montreal, Quebec, 
Canada, H2T 3A7. Please enclose 
25¢ for postage and handling. 


Protest Without 
Tilusions 

Vernon Richards, Freedom Press, 

1981, 168 p.p., £1.95 
With the massive resurgence of 
anti-nuclear protest in Europe this 
book is very timely. It consists of re- 
prints of articles published in Free- 
dom magazine during the late "50s 
and early 60s on the CND marches 
and Committee of 100 Sit-Downs 
protesting nuclear weapons. As the 
author states: “‘at least some of the 
new generation of protestors may 
Start from where the others left off 
rather than all over again from the 
beginning. The forces of repression 
learnt from their experience.” ` 
















‘August/September 1981 














f ~~ 10. STRIKE! 





SE 
August/September 1981 





On Class and Culture Part Two 


Domination and 


By B. Newbold 

Domination could well be the 

end of us. It perverts justice into 
revenge. Domination makes the 
law of the jungle second nature 
and it encourages us to drink cof- 
fee. Its completely senseless, 
When a part of society is enslaved 
in the service of others it appears as 
if producers are related only in- 
directly to each other as buyers and 
sellers. Here is the real beginning of 
rationality as the organizing prin- 
ciple of sdciety as a whole. From 
then on labour of each and every 
kind is exploited and reduced to 
money-making. 

And so work loses its specificity. 
Fit for anything, fit for nothing. 
The quality of life recedes into the 
background of a purely quantita- 
tive existance. One thing’s sup- 
posed as good as another provided 
only that each is present in suffi- 
cient magnitude. Living-by num-* 
bers. A night of the living dead. 

To the extent that domination or 
I money-making seizes control of 

production, the ‘technique and 

social organization of the labour 

process are revolutionized and with 

~ them the prevailing forms of social 
consciousness. 


“=. —— see 


We are dealing here with two 
spheres in politics. The world of 
labour on the one side and the 
arena of culture, with the state its 
acme, on the other. Today these 
spheres are connected politically in= 
the voluntary associations called 
j parties. Parties have become the 
f practical organizations of the class 

relations of labour and determine 
~a the scope of the state, 

The party is a specific social” 
relationship. It is the concrete 
organ of class. This political form 
of labour relations is at once the 
expression of social labour, or 
work done for another, and the 
underlying reality of all idealistic 
superstructure including the state. 

Rational society is about politi- 
cal parties. The latter are the 

| modern form of classes and em- 
| brace the whole of commercial and 
industrial life as well as constitut- 
ing their general forms in con- 
sciousness, 2 e. 

In Struggle! (IS!) is a Marxist- 
Leninist political party. An analy- 
sis of IS! will permit the formu- 

/ lation of a general historical law of 
politics. This will provide an index 
for understanding IS! and its im- 
pact on the class struggle in 
Canada. 


Three Conditions 

- At least three related historical 

conditions are common to all par- 

ties this century. They are the 
~> stability of industrial nations’ 
voting patterns since at least 1945 
in a period of political change, a 
party form frozen in the social 
structure of the 1920s and parties’ 
construction of a regional patron- 
client relation to exchange patron- 
age for support in political cam- 
paigrs. 

Iñ sum parties are conditioned 
by the uneven or regional devel- 
opment inherent in modern in- 
dustrial society. For example, the 
characteristic difference in outlook 
between industrial and commercial 
regions in Canada has encouraged 
national parties to entrench them- 
selves in provincial alliances. 

In the case of IS! this tendency 
to entrench an organization on the 
basis of provincial funding sources 
is indicated both by its top-down 
organizing approach in external 
_, work with different mass move- 

ments and its central committee’s 

internal authority over the day-to- 
day tasks of the IS! membership. 
Regional funding- promotes this 
hierarchy and elite accomodation 
because it perpetuates regional in- 





| 
f 
| 
l 








4 


Ge. mn 





Apotheosis of a Leader 
At the taime of Stalin’s 70th birthday, a slide of him was projected onto a 
huge searchlight, which was in turn focussed on a low cloud over Red 
Square. The result was photographed for the cover of Ogoniok (Moscow), 


No. 52, December 1949. 
terests and marshals the member- 
ship in accordance with them. -As 
the economic basis of the party or- 
ganization these interests decide a 
great deal of any party’s policy. So 
a pertinent inquiry is who owns the 
given party? In other words how is 
a party financed? The formal side 
of this question is how does a par- 
ty derive its support in modern in- 
dustrial society? What is the par- 
ty’s effect on the current agencies 
of the state? This requires an ex- 
planation of political culture. 
Therefore two of the key con- 
cerns of this investigation are the 
organization and financing of IS!. 
These are historical concerns. This 
consideration of history is 
necessary because so little is known 
about the empirical character of 
IS! And if we can uncover that 
particular history it will allow us to 
understand the present soci 





“historical relationship between 


social class and the police. 
To-day the state is effected two 


“ways by parties. State patronage 


can be either bureaucratic or char- 
ismatic. The- former is rational 
while the latter is traditional. The 
central elements of this dual 
patron-client relationship are social 
inequality and exchange. The 
masses are bureaucratically reified 
into numbers to the advantage of a 
elite which carries on a personal 
relation between equals internally. 
Patronage, in Canada, is em- 
bodied in the ‘tory’ cultural frag- 
ment which engenders elitism and 
a pronounced deference to author- 
ity. Historically the ‘toryism’ of 
Canada was associated with the 
defeat of free trade initiatives and 
the adoption of the MacDonald 


. national policy. This policy had 


roots in the feudal traditions of 





rank and privilege. Colonialist pol- 
icies encouraged its development in 
the Canadas. 


Tory fragment 

The tory cultural fragment is a 
particular form of social con- 
sciousness which has historically 
corresponded with the tendency to 
solve the problems of private en- 
terprise by state means. That ten- 
dency was crystallized in the after- 
math of the unscucessful rebellion 
of 1837. A contemporary example 
of toryist influence would be the 
imposition of the War Measures 
Act in October, 1970. Another is 
the tory character of the Liberal 
Party’s strategy which was able to 
co-opt much of 'thessupport for 
radical measures by instituting 
public control over welfare mea- 


sures during the 1940's and by gran= * 


ting trade union rights to workers, 
under state supervision. These 
measures served at once as a basis 
for new capital accumulation 


programmes, by buying labour 
peace, and they legitimated the 
state at the same time by the use of 
Keynesian fiscal policy. 

The masses are given values bur- 
eaucratically while the corporate 
elite is subjected to a form of egal- 
itarian patronage in the redistribu- 
tion of public resources. That ex- 
plains the contemporary protests 
by rank and file party workers in 
traditional parties against the civil 
service merit system. IS! can be 
understood in terms of this rank 
and file discontent with the in- 
adequacies of bureaucratic 
patronage. 

IS!'s major campaigns have been 
conducted against what they call 
the ‘crisis measures’. A key tension 
of this organization experience has 
been the bureaucratization of cli- 
entage politics in Quebec. One em- 
ployee of IS! recalled that he was 
first attracted to the organization 
during their intervention to prevent 
day-care cutbacks in Montreal in 
1974. This was a very early cam- 
paign by IS!. 

IS!’s leading bodies have no fin- 
ancial relation with corporate eco- 
nomic power. The cynical may well 
attribute this to the fact that IS! 
does not stand for election to_par- 
liament. And IS! does not control 
public resources. A central concern 
of this article will be to'disclose the 
financial sources of IS! in detail. 
Here two remarks on the subject 
will suffice. One method of financ- 
ing the organization is through 
newspaper sales and appeals 
through the paper for donations. 
This is displacing a more original 
method of financing. That method 
involved membership con- 
tributions. These include dues as 
well as extra funds at times for 
special projects, 

IS! can be classified according to 
the organized relation between its 
parliamentary and extra-parliamen- 
tary activities. This organizational 
continuity can be described by a 
specific characteristic of IS! It is a 
‘front’, This type of organization is 
incapable of, rather than unwilling 
to, engage in elections. The core ac- 
tivity of the group is therefore ex- 
tra-parliamentary agitation and 
propaganda. The distance of IS! 
from electoral office and capital, in 
a context where political clientage 
and administrative bureaucracy 
have been the norm, enhances the 
party’s extra-parliamentary ap- 
paratus. The implications of that 
party structure can be disclosed by 
studying the practical and theor- 
etical precedents for this policital 
group. 


Theory and practice 





The theory and ptactice of the | 


working class in Canada can be 


examined by reference to their ori- 
gin, internal division, the uneven 
development of town and country 
and nationalism. It was the newly 
arrived craftsmen from Britain, 
and later Europe, who practically 
founded the trade union movement 
in late nineteenth century Canada, 
The movement was also influenced 
by the emergence of the United 
States socialist current. 

Socialism, broadly defined, “is 
the theory of the working class un- 
der the conditions which prevail in 
modern industrial society, It is his- 
torically related to urbanization. 
Urbanization involves pitting Man- 
ufacturing interests against agricul- 
tural interests. Urbanization means 
regional development. 

One implication of this bour- 
geois*development was the uneven 
proletarianization of mental and 
manual labour, The impact of this 
unevenness persists today in the 
distance which mental labourers 
maintain from the struggle of their t 
class. The opposifion of mental la- 
bourers to manual labourers is 
closely associated with a material 
interest and its defense. The theory 
of socialism has never overcome 
this opposition decisively. That is 
because socialism as a theory was 
not created by- workers but by 
some of the foremost intellectuals 
of the nineteenth century. Ai 

This explains why socialist 

theory has not been a general ex- 
pression of the real historical 
movement of the proletariat since 
at least the early twentieth century, 
Tt is the ‘ideology of bourgeois in- 
tellectuals’ introduced into the 
workers’ movement» ‘from out- 
side’. Leninism expresses this poli- 
tical practice. 

The Leninist model of socialism 

is positivist and embodies naively 
realistic ideas. Tire’ historical rela- 
tionship between this theory and 
the workers’ practical movement 
has not been basically changed to 
this day.. This theory is related to 
the practice of trade union organ- 
izing and hence the political strug- 
gle for democracy. This model had 
sources which were not rooted in 
Canada. It was an external model. 
The Leni model defends a tem- 
porary, local necessity rather than 
criticizing its historical limits. This 
theory gained prominence in the 
workers’ movement just as actual 
revolutionary struggles suffered 
setbacks. Historically this particu- 
lar form of social consciousness is 
related to periods of industrial ex- 
pansion and capitalistic stabili- 
zation. 

The expansion of industrial capi- 
tal in Quebec during the 1960's 
conditioned the growth of the pro- 
letariat at the same time as the 
agencies of the state in Quebec 
‘were modified. This was<accom- 
plished by the re-emergence of a 

imass nationalist or democratic \ 
movement in Quebec. This was the 
$pecific historical context in which 
IS! emerged. IS! has, therefore, an ; 
; historical background similar to 
\ earlier Leninist parties and that is 
why it maintains a positivist 
theory, a democratic political out- 
look and an emphasis on trade 
union rights in its practical work. | 

However, you can’t beat uneven 
development by fetishizing heavy, 
industry and its work-force over 
and against so called small produc- 
tion as the sectoralist economic 
strategy of the ‘front’ type like IS! 
are wont to do. This only treats 
uneven development as an eternal 
part of the human condition. 

















Uneven development is an his- 
torical condition. It is the product 
of tory traditions. This is the tra- 
dition of using the police to protect 
the bourgeoisie’s interest from 








August/September 1981 


STRIKE! 11. 





‘Salvador and Poland: 


Two paths to Revolution 


We must choose between 
two paths: the road of El 
Salvador, of a lethal 
sidetrack into capitalist 
politics which is actually a 
prelude to world war, or 
the road of Poland, of 
mass and autonomous con- 
frontation against the 
capitalist state. 


"For the past several months 
since the proclamation of the 
Left’s “final offensive”, we have 
witnessed a further scourge of cap- 


` italist brutality in El Salvador. 


Within the countryside the guer- 
rillas are completely on the defen- 
sive, having been sacrificed for 
“reasons of (capitalist) state’ as 
the modern-day La Passionaria, 
Ana Guadalupe Martinez, will 
argue. The F.D.R. now cynically 
admits that meager military of- 


US Ss -S Guar 
Fo 3M Mans 











Class and Culture 
Continued from Pg. 10 


other private interests of modern 
society such as the proletariat. 
That close association between the 
state and the business class as a 
whole has promoted third party 












fensive was nothing but a bar- 
gaining ploy against the Duarte 
Junta, with the corpses of Sal- 
vadorean youth used as their ante. 


Always ready to mediate between 
bourgeois factions, the Catholic 
Church has moved away from its 
previous blanket support of the 
Left to the more familiar position 
of moderate governmental 
“reform, re: statified capitalism. 
And this stance is amiable with the 
ago AB OH Amar Ta 
a P Rs x 
ee wo u Mel 

oot faram 








S. S33 


i aa 
3eFRCSTS.SsS 


see 





protest movements because the 
ruling class parties do a poor job 
of voicing the concerns of the sub- 
ordinate classes.. In the past these 
third parties have combined a na- 
tionalist theory and a practice of 
organizing trade unions and co-ops 
tin a democratic political platform 









, Stalinist F.M.L.N. & the Sandi- 
nistas as well. TROA 
The Reagan Administration 
wasted no time in putting its house 
in order in El Salvador: A large 
propaganda effort to document 
alleged “Soviet intervention” be- 
gan in February; $10 million in 
new military hardware was rushed 
in bringing the total current com- 
mitment to $35 million. The equip- 
ment included helicopters, trucks, 
jeeps, surveilance gear, heavy ma- 
chine-guns, M-16 rifles, & M-79 
grenade launchers; 56 military 
trainers, among them green ber- 
ets, have also been ordered in. 
With the incontrovertible logic of 
an MX missile, the right-wing por- 
tion of the U.S. imperialist ruling- 
class has convinced its brethren of 
the left, & their counterparts 
abroad, of the present dead-cold 
“‘correctness”’ (as Haig might utter 
it) of the over-kill formula. 
Economic aid to the Duarte re- 
gime, desperately needed to fi- 
nance the state-supervised collecti- 
‘vization of the big agricultural 
estates, has been upped to» $100 
million. Government officials, 
temporarily outflanking the Left, 
are touring the countryside, led by 
' the demagogue Morales Ehrlich, 
extolling this “land reform” pro- 
gram; for the rural proletariat, the 
State is the new patron. National 
elections have been promised in 














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my. go G Maram 25 3 lepa 
rAr 7 9 [Mid Nik 0 35 

ainw 15 20 g Pat is 29 [Štur 
n 5 45 iSiur 
vs D © “Son 
~ 6S es 
2 1$ 
% om lar 
3 4 
Pye 


4 


to oppose | the ruling class. But the 
reformist strategy has been a fail- 
ure because the bourgeoisie still 
had the guns and so was able to: 
pacify these oppositions and pro-: 
ceed with the accumulation of 
capital. 

is a recently developed third 
protest movement which 
emerged during the expansion of ~ 
industrial capital in Quebec during 
the 1960's and 1970’s: That is its 
political impact thus far on et 
class struggle. It is organized as 
front. It is financed by Tembershigl 
dues, newspaper subscriptions and 
personal as well as group donations, 
solicited at picnics, county fairs, 
rallies, shopping centres and homes 
by local cells of the organization. 





IS! will not succeed in advancing 
more revolutionaries until it aban- 
dons the mechanical rational ide- 
ology of Leninism in. ordér to 
smash the’ wages system once and 
for all, However it may well be 
that this process is beginning in IS! 
This is indicated by their renewed 
criticism of communists as a factor 
in the class struggle theoretically 
and by their practical efforts to en- 
courage the development of a 
working class policy in the unions 
which is independent from state re- 
strictions on the freedom of asso- 
ciation. But that is politically in- 
sufficient. A printed message de- 
tailing police abuses is not enough. 
Whiat is needed is the development 
of some sort of protest which can 
disarm the ruling class. In Part 3. 
of this serial the discussion of IS!’s 

' attempt to build a revolutionary 
party will continue by means we 
have outlined in this installment. 





°82. Meanwhile, in San Salvador 
the terror of the rightist. death 
squads, abetted by the gover- 
mment, goes on and on. 

Here in North America, the Lef- 
tist politicos have also been en- 
joying an ideological field day of 
their own. The liberals, Social 
Democrats & Stalinists, true to 
form, have revived the old Viet 
Nam popular-front-for-world- 
capitalism atmosphere. Under the 
tight, bureaucratic auspices of the 
“Committee in Solidarity with the 
People of El Salvador” (C.1.S.P. 
E.S.), various ‘‘legal and 
peaceful’’ (what else?) marches 
and vigils have been staged. Lib- 
eral politicians are basking in the 
popular spectacle; Kennedy, odds- 
on-favorite for the “‘progressive’”” 
U.S. bourgeiosie in 1984, has in- 
troduced legislation to suspend , 

| military aid and recall the military , 
advisers in El Salvador. Not one to 
miss a good show, the Church has 














The sole organizing pl 
C.LS.P.E.S. is “‘self-determina- 
tion” by which they simply mean 
the Left to state power. Anyone 
who foolishly attempts to raise 
even a semblance of proletarian 
class positions (“But how dare 
you?!””) like the Trotskyists or the 
anarchists has been threatened 
and/or excluded from their men- 
dicant activities. The repressive an- 
tics of the C.1.S.P.E.S. gang are 
merely a mild harbinger of what 
the F.D.R. would do with a fury 
to the Salvadorean proletariat if it 
ever obtained a monopoly of state 
Violence. 





Ontario hospital contract 


rough justice 


By Brian Amesly 

Ontario’s non-medical hospital 
workers have little to be pleased 
with in their new arbitration-im- 
posed contract. With average wage 
increases of 24% over two years 
and only modest improvements in 
fringe benefits they will at most do 
no more than match the ever rising 
cost of living. 

The contract effectively guaran- 
tees the continuation of their under 
paid status. Wages which averaged 
only $6.64 per hour will rise to a 
whopping $8.29 per hour as of June 
1, 1982. This rate will remain in ef- 
fect ‘until the expiration of the con- 
tract four months later. 

Furthermore, the arbitration 
chairperson, Paul Weiler, flatly 
rejected the key union demand for a 
COLA clause. Had this been won it 
would have represented a major 
breakthrough for all hospital 
workers. This was precisely the 
reason for its rejection. With 
Tespect to the dispute over increased 
workload due to provincial gover- 
nment. cutbacks Weiler similarily 
gave up no ground. 

In total, the terms of the contract 
barely exceed those which the 
workers overwhelmingly rejected by 

_ deciding to strike in defiance of On- 
tario law which forbids them to do 
so. Weiler left no doubt as to the 
rationale for the terms imposed. He 
cited the lack of real economic 
growth in the province as evidence 
of why the real income of all On- 
tario residents is down 2%. 

In other words, the current 
economic crisis demands that 
workers not expect to make sub- 
stantial gains. This applies to all 
workers including those like non- 
medical hospital workers who are 
among the most underpaid. 

- No less disturbing is the ar- 
bitrator’s hands-off response to the 
Canadian Union of Public Em- 
ployees (CUPE) demand for protec- 
tion against management repisals. 
This in the face of repression em- 


ployed against thousands of the 





Another facet of the liberal/left 
hysteria over El Salvador is the so- 
called “Argentina connec- 


tion’™—an ominous, rightist con- ` 


spiracy to bolster the draconian 
regimes in Honduras and Guate- 
mala by a massive infusion of mil- 
itary goods from South America, 
The specter of the Right, along 
with the hoopla about the para- 
military units of Nicaraguan and 
Cuban exiles in Florida, is part and 
parcel of a developing leftist cam- 
paign at anti-fascist mystification 
precisely at a time when the class 
struggle in North America against 
the Reagan austerity is about to 
commence. All of these leftist 
machinations are just so much ide- 
ological junk to be thrown away 
by the awakening proletariat. 


We must all choose between 
these two paths: the road of El 
Salvador, of a lethal sidetrack onto 
capitalist politics, which is actually 
a prelude to world war, əs was 
Spain in the late 30's; or the road 
of Poland, of mass and autono- 
mous confrontation against the 


capitalist state. For the revolution- 
aries the choice is clear. The tasks 


at hand now are not to immerse 
oneself into any popular leftist 
sewer, but to diligently and con- 
fidently work for: 1. political and 
organizational regroupment on a 
global scale, and 2. interventions 
with a genuine revolutionary, in- 
ternational perspective in the real 


class battles going on here in North , 


America & around the planet, all 
of which are surely about to in- 
tensify. 





striking non-medical hospital 
workers including the firing of 36. 

‘The fates of these workers is left in » 
the benevolent hands of the, 
‘grievance procedure which is where | 

_Weiler maintains they belong. 


Legal Repression 


The latest consequences. arising 
from the strike are the decisions on, 
the charges of contempt of court 
which were laid against CUPE 
leaders for not complying with 
junctions ordering a return to work. 
CUPE National President Grace 
Hartman’s 45 day jail sentence and 
lesser ones passed out to other 
CUPE officials amount to yet more 
attacks on the right to strike. This is 
ironic indeed since Hartman and 
other top CUPE officials did so lit- 
tle to build the strike action last 
January. 

Predictably, the response of the 
rest of the trade union movement 
has been pathetic. This was also the 
case during the actual strike. One 
notable exception has been a UAW 
local in St. Catharines which passed 
a resolution advocating a one hour | 
national work stoppage to support’ 
Hartman. But this initiative is 
unlikely to receive much support 
elsewhere even though it is hardly 
radical. 

Significantly, this situation stan- 
ds in stark contrast to the outcome 
of similar events in Poland earlier 
this year. When five Solidarity 
members were fired for union ac- 
tivity in a Lodz hospital the regional 
branch of Solidarity responded with 
a general strike. It was a complete 
success as the dismissed workers 
were quickly re-instated. Certainly: 
it is true that CUPE does not enjoy 
the same level of popular support as 
Solidarity but nonetheless if it em- 
ployed similar tactics of direct ac- 
tion the results could not help but 
be much more fruitful than they 
have been in their absence. 


average meins te push beck, 
pullout or off the 


lange e Capian 


W.D.Heyweed 














ron 


w 


“at 








12. STRIKE! 


August/September 1981 





An Open Letter from the LWG: 


Why we left the ACF 


~ The purpose of this open letter to 
the anarchist movement is to make 
known the Libertarian Workers’ 
Group’s (LWG) reasons for disaf- 
filiating from the ACF. This deci- 
sion has not been an easy one. The 
discussions around this decision 
have been long and hard. We took 
this step only after intense internal 
discussion spanning the course of 
several months. 

Over the last year we’ve seen a 
disintegration of the internal and 
Practical development of the ACF, 
Those LWGers who attended the 
Morgantown conference (July, 
1980) left the conference with gen- 


- erally positive feelings. Since that 


time our feelings and commitment 
to the ACF have drastically 
changed. By the same token it must 
be siad that the LWG has met its 
obligations to the ACF in those 
areas where we committed our- 
selves, notable writing articles and 
dist. -ting the NAA, External 
Correspondence Group matters, 
finances, collection of graphics and 
in attempting, along with the Syn- 
dicalist Alliance, to develop an on- 
going fund and solidarity commit- 
tee for our Chilean comrades, as 
well as other solidarity work and 
contributions to internal dis- 
cussions and policy setting. 

Before we go any further we 
should clearly spell out our future 
relationship to the ACF, In this re- 
gard we would like to maintain 
comradely ties. We view these ties 
in concrete terms. That is continued 
commitment to the NAA; to work 
on projects of mutual interest and 
concern and to discuss and debate 
in a free and open fashion issues of 





the day, theory, 


development of an active class 
struggle anarchist movement. 

On the positive side it can be said 
that our generally active role in the 
ACF over the past 3 years has been 
a good léarning experience. Yet it’s 
unfortunate that the negative as- 
pects of this relationship outweigh 
the positive ones. 

Over the course of time the LWG 
has spent more and more of its 
meeting time to discuss the prob- 
lems and the future of the ACF. As 
an affiliated group we clearly saw 
the need, and rightly so, to discuss 
all matters pertaining to the Federa- 
tion. Yet ACF internal matters 
seemed to overtake the practical as- 
pects of developing a coherent or- 
ganization with a presentable anal- 
ysis, solid mutual projects and prac- 
tice. In this light, time that could’ve 
been used to develop our local work 
became somewhat wasted time dis- 
cussing many non-practical 
matters. Matters that had no bear- 
ing on the future of an activist, class 
struggle and well co-ordinated anar- 
cho-syndicalist and anarchist com- 
munist movement. 

Rather than placing the blame on 
what has become a rather sectarian 
(internally and otherwise) and inef- 
fective organization on any one 
group, we feel that we are all to 
blame to one degree or another. 
Thus we have observed that there 
has become little or no room for 
open and honest discussion. This 
has lead, in part, to the lack of col- 
lective discussion on practical acti- 
vity and theoretical matters. The 


manner in which comrades have _ 


discussed issues with each other has 
been less than comradely. In fact 
Some of the discussions and articles 
in the Internal Discussion -Bulletin 
and the NAA have been downright 
dogmatic, ultra sectarian and per- 
sonally offensive. Although many 
members of the LWG may not pol- 
itically disagree with many of these 
opinions, we are, however, dis- 


pleased with the style they are writ- . 


ten in. 
Furthermore the LWG feels that 
the orthodoxy of some groups is not 





a positive-example of other groups 
attempts to develop a “new anar- 
chism.”’ That is a theory and prac- 
tice relevant to modern conditions. 
This only leads to a poor display of 
internal and public sectarianism, 
Substitutionalism in areas where we 
should be playing key and militant 
roles in the struggles ‘from 
below”’; abstentionalism from the 
class struggle, and an abstentional- 
ism that has not been based in prac- 
tice; and intolerence for opposing 
perspectives. And most of all, a 
lack of comradeship. While we 
agree that it’s important to main- 
tain a solid degree of continuity 
with basic anarchist principles and 
organizational forms, we find it 
hard to accept and work with 
groups who are so frozen in time 
and opinions and who are un- 
willing to sythesize- ideas and 
forms of Struggles that have not 
necessarily been thought of or prac- 
ticed by anarchists. __ 

Part and parcel with this, the 
LWG can no longer accept that fact 
that comrades are frozen out in one 
way, shape or form because-of a 
particular outlook on any one issue 
or issues. We refuse to accept a 
monolithic outlook or “line” and 
we oppose the tendency towards 
this. Thus we feel that by striking 
out on our own we will again have 
the room to act and develop our 
ideas, methods of struggle and or- 
ganizational forms without being 
unjustly criticised. 

Much to our displeasure we pre- 
sently see the ACF as an ineffective 
organization, We've seen good 
tentions as well as potential dissi- 
pate without any signs that the 





"present k 
Over the course of time we've seen 


the ACF become more of a diver- 
sion from local’ activity. There 
seems to be more concern with 
organizational structure than build- 
ing the local base from which we 
can determine what forms and 
Structures the federation should 
take on. That is not to say that we 
don’t see the need for certain pre- 
determined structures. However, 
rather than going to the root of the 
problems (theory and practice), the 
fetishization of ‘structure’ has, 
become paramount. It should be 
Stressed that the LWG has always 
advocated the need to build the 
local base as a complement to 
building a continental federation. 
We must therefore be critical of 
those who accuse us of “localism.” 
In the long run we see the need for a 
viable and cohesive anarcho- 
syndicalist and libertarian commun- 
ist federation. 

The potential of our activity in 
the New York area is great. It can 
be said without exagerating that the 
LWG, small as it is, is in the best 
Position we’ve ever been in to deve- 
lop a solid base. Through the devel- 
opment of our independent 
Positions and roles in our areas of 
activities we do stand a real chance 
of developing the type of influence 
and cohesiveness in the movements 
‘from below” that has not been 
seen in the New York area in years. 

Unlike other ACF affiliates the 
LWG has made-an effort to prior- 
itize.our political and workplace 
activities. In this respect our group 
has been very active in three differ- 
ent areas of activity: the workplace, 
the anti-nuke and anti militarist 
struggles. In these three areas the 
LWG stands a good chance of pro- 
moting our ideas, in particular de- 
centralized forms of organization, 
open debate and discussion, work- 
place and/or industry wide news- 
letters and in specific cases anarcho- 
syndicalist and libertarian 
communist political perspectives in 
an open and honest fashion. 


As many may already be aware, 


the LWG has also made a conscious 








effort to develop our ideals and the 
practical application of them 
through such activities as education 
and propaganda, notably through 
the Libertarian Book Club, leaflets, 
and our newsletter (On The Line), 
as well as the NAA. Over a course 
of time the LWG; and its prede- 
cessors, have emphasized solidarity 
work and has built upon this, 
through our support and activities 
in strikes, anarchist prisoner sup- 
port, H-Block, support of under- 
ground activities of anarcho- 
syndicalists in Chile, Bolivia and 
unionists in the USSR, as well as 
numerous other solidarity efforts. 
Although several other ACF affili- 

ates eee ac 
darity efforts, the overall work of 
all affiliates en the local level has 
been nil. While the ACF’s solidarity 
record has been pretty good, on- 
going attempts to create local soli- 
darity committees has been nothing 
short of poor. In particular the re- 
cord on Chile and Bolivia. 

Similarly the LWG has made at- 
tempts to develop ourselves poli- 
tically through the medium of the 
generalized struggles of our class. In 


. Brenda 


Continued from Pg. 3 


Branch on this and’ other anti-’ 


francoist activities throughout Eur- 
ope and these interviews and depo- 
sitions have been recorded and are 
a matter of record. The only refer- 
ence to the name Earl was made 
on 5 October 1970 by Detective In- 
spector David Palmer Hall at an 
interview with both Brenda and 
Stuart in the presence of his Soli- 
citor. Palmer-Hall asked Stuart if 
he used the name Earl when book- 
ing journeys abroad, to which he 
replied he did not. Brenda was 


not asked the question, which is’ 


rather surprising as she has always 
been known by her maiden name, 
Brenda Anne Earl—nor was she 
questioned about any visit to Ger- 
many. A year and a half later, 
Stuart Christie was arrested by 
Scotland Yard and charged with 
“Conspiracy to cause explosions”. 
This case was to become known as 
THE ANGRY BRIGADE TRIAL 
and was one of the longest and 
most exhaustive trials in British 
judicial history. Included in the 
conspiracy charge was the incident 
at Heathrow Airport on May 10, 
1970, and the- related incidents 
throughout Europe on the same 
day. Brenda was not charged at any 
time, nor did any evidence emerge 
during the course of the trial to 
link her with any of the defendents 
or the. activities of the Angry Bri- 
gade and the FIJL other than the 
fact of her relationship with Stuart 


| active in Such soli- 





ree 4 e 
auction 


nd o on ha 
aen fon MPC tition 


some cases we've faired well, in 
others we’ve failed. However, un- 
like other affiliates we’ye taken up 
the very premise that the ACF was 
founded on: anarchist activism. 
Through the course of time we've 
seen little of this premise take hold 
outside of a few ACF affiliates. 
Even more so, we've seen less dis- 
cussion in the IDB and at confer- 
ences about the nature of affiliates 
local activity and the implications 
of this activity for other affiliates. 
In part we're just as much to blame, 
yet we've, on several occasions, 
tried to move the discussions in this 
direction. fe * 

In. short, the. LWG_ has viewed 


pendent one. There may be those 
whio| feel that we are working with 
others to wreck the ACF, On the 
contrary, we firmly believe that the 
ACF will stand or fall on its own 
merits. : 

The Libertarian Workers’ Group 
looks forward to working with the 
ACF on many projects. The same 
holds true for other class. struggle 
oriented anarchist organizations. 
We naturally invite comments on 
this letter and some of the ideas ex- 
pressed therein. We hope that this 
could lead to an on-going dialogue 

» with all those concerned with the 
issues of our class, 


Libertarian Workers: ex) i 
ow: 


our affiliati pathstheace 
thing ut Pedicie in developing 
our local base. At times the general 
outlook and sentiment of the feder- 
ation or tendencies within the ACF 
have worked against us. Truthfully, 
the LWG can not, or will not, 
accept “‘lines” that aren’t tested 
through practice. And this has been 
much the case thus far. 

We would like to conclude this 
letter by making it known that our 
decision to disaffiliate was an inde- 


Christie, an anarchist and known 
anti-Francoist. The only evidence 
against Stuart Christie to involve 
him in the Angry Brigade trial was 
the fact he was friendly with one 
of the defendants and that the 
police claimed to have found two 
detonators lying loose in the boot 
of his car. That this evidence was 
planted by Scotland Yard officers 
at the time was accepted unani- 
mously by the jury who heard the 
case and they rejected all the 
charges against Stuart as being de- 
liberately and maliciously contrived 
by Scotland Yard because of his 
anarchist politics and his earlier in- 
volvement in an attempt on the life 
of General Franco in 1964 aged 17, 
and his continued commitment to 
the anti-fascist and anti-Francoist 
movement. To date “we are not 
aware of any similar attempt at a 
frame-up against Brenda `by the 
German police, and we are certain 
that if any such evidence existed it 
would have been adduced at the 
time of Brenda’s arrest and inter- 
Togation in late May 1970, or 
during the 18 month long Angry 
Brigade investigation, or the sub- 
ject of an extradition hearing any 
time over the past 11 years, but the 
desperate lengths to which the Bri- 
tish police went to frame Stuart 
Christie in 1971 and the subse- 
quent harassment of both Brenda 
and Stuart which forced them to 
move to a remote island in Orkney 
should be kept well in mind. 


WE BI that the reason for 
the arrest of Brenda Earl in Han- 








TRUCKIN' MY BLUES AWAY 
wae 





nover on 19 May was due 
a) to the fact that her name had 
never been removed from the Cen- 
tral Police Computer as a likely 
Suspect in the anti-Francoist incen- 
diary campaign, and/or 

b) The embarrassment of the Ger- 
man security services following the 
recent disclosures that the Grey 
Wolves and other fascist paramili- 
tary terrorist groups are operating 
openly and freely in Germany and 
moving at will across national 
frontiers, apparently with the col- 
lusion of certain sections of the se- 
curity services, Forced to act 
against ‘enemies of the*state’ they. > 
moved against anti-fascists and so- 
cialists such as Brenda, a suitable 
candidate who turned up-at just 
the right moment fulfilling all the 
requirements of the authoritarian 
prejudices of the German police 
and judicial system. The spirit of 
nazism and Francoism still lurks 
beneath the facade of German 
democracy as Brenda’s arrest on 
an 11 year-old warrant indicates. It 
is now up to the international la- 
bour and anti-fascist movement to 
make it clear to the German 
authorities that Brenda’s arrest ‘is, 
being seen throughout the world as 
an act of provocation reflecting the 
political prejudices of the German 
State and is an effective contiriu- 
ation of Francoist repression six 
years after the Dictator’s death. 










iene 








August/September 1981 











Romania: Another crack 
in the Sov 


By Brian Amesly 


During the massive strike wave in 
Poland this past summer reports fil- 
tered through to some of the West- 
ern Press about the occurence of 
scattered strikes in Romania. These 
strikes were a clear indicator of why 
Romania can be viewed as the East 
European state most susceptible to 
the Polish ‘‘contagion,”’ 

The one thing which is most 
commonly noted as distinguishing 
Romania from the rest of the Soviet 
block is its relatively independent 
foreign policy. Romania first broke 
ranks with the USSR in the early 
1960's by taking a neutral stance in 

- the Sino-Soviet conflict. This 
amounted to a rejection of the 
Soviet claim to be the leader of the 
international communist 
movement. A few years later Ro- 
mania angered the USSR by not 
supporting the invasion of Czecho- 
slovakia and more recently it did 
not give its approval to the military 
occupation of Afghanistan, 

But realizing there are limits to 
how much deviation the USSR will 
tolerate the Romanian government 
has_counter-balanced its foreign 
policy by close adherence to the 
Soviet system internally. The rea- 
sons for this can, in large part, be 

„seen from the evolution of the re- 


gime. 
CP Weak 

The ruling Communist Party 
completely owes its hold over state 
power to the USSR. As a political 
force in the mid-1940’s it was insig- 
nificant. So much so that its total 
membership in 1944 did not exceed 
one thousand. Small though the 
Communist Party was the Soviet 
Red Army assured it of a major role 
in the post-war coalition govern- 
ment. It then. skillfully. used. this 
position to gain complete control, 
Once this. was accomplished the 


Communist Party's ‘revolution’ 


involving. extensive industrial na- 
tionalization agricultural collectivi- 
zation and Stalinist terror was 
carried out, 

Since the regime’s power was not 
built upon popular support it has 
tried to compensate for this by 
appealing to Romanian national- 
ism, This largely explains the moti- 
vation for its ‘independent’ foreign 
policy, Nationalism is also closely 
inter-related to the use of Stalinist 
Personality cults. Consequently, 
Romania’s current leader Nicolai 
Ceaucescu: has a cult around him 
which portrays him as ‘the most be- 
loved son of the fatherland’, 

Rapid Industrialization 

These characteristics of the 
regime reflect its basic conservatism 
and similarity to the USSR. Like- 
wise, there is great stress on rapid 
industrialization of the economy 
through the development of heavy 
industry. Consumer goods 
production has been a secondary 
consideration. As a result the real 
income“of the Romanian workers 
and peasants has increased little 
throughout the life of the regime. 

An important consequence of the 
industrialization drive has been the 
marked change in the country’s 








ZB 





The spectre of in 
„line of dead Soviet'soldiers. 


class composition. At the time of 
the Communist ‘revolution’ the 
majority of Romanians were peas- 
ants while the workers were com- 
paratively few in number. They 
now constitute the majority, Even 
so over a third of the population is 
still peasant. 

While it grew the Romanian 
working class was not a bastion of 
militance. “Nonetheless,~the 
scattered strikes of last summer 
have had important precedents re-, 
véaling its increasing social power. 

During the Hungarian 
Revolution of 1956 worker unrest 
briefly manifested itself on a small 
scale. This coincided with student 
disturbances and sympathy for the 
revolution next door on the part of 
intellectuals from Romania’s op- 
pressed Hungarian minority which 
endures a considerable burden of 
discrimination. The combined 
effects sent shock waves throughout 
the regime. It responded with econ- 
omic concessions and short-lived re- 
forms in order to defuse the situ- 
ation. 

Logically, the Romanian govern- 
ment fully endorsed the supression 
of the Hungarian Revolution as did 
all of the then allies of the USSR. 
This revealed an important limita- 
tion on the extent to which it will 
deviate from Soviet policy. For 
when the stability of the Romanian 
state is called into question Roman- 


ia ceases to be very ‘independent.’ 


iet block? 







vasion: Hungary 1956, a rebel stands in front of a ; 


Miners’ Strike 

The most powerful workers’ 
revolt to date -occured in August 
1977. Some 35,000 Jui Valley coal 
miners staged a massive strike 
which shook Ceacescu’s regime. 
The action was provoked by a-new 
pension law which the miners saw 
as an attack on their standard of 
living. During the strike demands 
that if be revoked were soon com- 
plemented by many others. These 
included the implementation of a 
six hour work day, the abolition of 
unpaid compulsory overtime, better 
working conditions and action to 
rélieve food shortages. 

When the government’s Labour 
Minister and another official ar- 
rived on the scene they ended up 
being held captive in a mining pit. 
The workers thus forced Ceaucescu 
to intervene personally which inter- 
rupted a vacation at his private re- 
sort. When he arrived he faced a 
mass assembly of striking miners 
for five hours. All the while voices 
in the crowd heaped scorn upon 
him. 

Ceaucescu defused the situation 
by promising economic concessions 
and a guarantee of no reprisals for 
the strike. But along with the carrot 
he also raised the stick raising the 
possibility of Soviet intervention. 

The promises made by Ceaucescu 


See Romania Pg. 14 









or administrative segregation will receive a maximum of $6.00 per week 














Pontiac Victory ži 


On Saturday, May 9th, a jury of seven Blacks and five whites 
acquitted all ten Pontiac Brothers on trial for murder of three white 
guards during a prison uprising on July 22, 1978. After a trial lasting 
more than two months the jury took less than five hours to reach “not 
guilty?” verdicts on all 57 charges before them. 

The acquittals were all the more significant given the usual irregul 
ties in such cases. The judge denied 400 defence pre-trial motions: The 
Judge selected jurors who had no qualms about the death penalty. 
state paid former Pontiac inmates cash sums to testify, one witness 
received almost $10,000, Other ex-prisoner witnesses were threatened 
with prosecution themselves if they didn’t give the desired testimony. 
Many of the “‘eyewitness’’ accounts differed not only as to the identity 
of the prisoners involved but as to the sequence of events and the places 
where the various attacks were supposed to have taken place. One 
example of the implausibility of the State’s case as a whole is that at 
least six prisoners were identified as having stabbed Lt. Thomas, one of 
the dead guards — but Thomas only received three stab wounds. 

The state developed a conspiracy theory to explain the uprisings and 
the ‘subsequent killings. Supposedly, after several months of gang 
conflicts, these gangs decided to bury the hatchet and to go in and kill 
the guards and “‘roll on the administration” at a meeting in the middle 
of the yard with hundreds of witnesses around. 

To make this:story wash, special prosecutor Algis Baulinas told the 
\jurors over and over that they had to understand “‘their mentality,” that 
“I know it’s hard for some of you to put yourself in “that mentality”, 
they’re no different from one another.” In short, Baulinas’ appeal was 
dripping with racism — all the defendants were Black — with the claim 
that ‘‘those guys” are different, less human, all the same, vicious, etc. 
This is the traditional method of getting convictions when the evidence 
isn’t there. In this case, Baulinas told the jury that they had to ‘‘use your 
imagination” and that ‘‘some of the most telling testimony also comes‘ 
from inferences.” 

Fortunately, the jury was not convinced. 








































































Pay Lower 


That well knwon “reform” minded institution, the Correctional 
Service of Canada (CSC) has come up with a real winner this time. They, 
recently announced a pay rise for prisoners which will essentially result 
in more work for fewer goods. Figures provided by Statistics Canada 
show that ‘‘the average single wage earner spends about 85% of his or 
her income on shelter, food, medical needs, taxes, furnishings, 
education and transportation. The remaining 15% is considered dis- 
posable income.” Hence the daily disposable income for someone 
receiving the federal minimum wage — computed for six hours of work 
per day — would be $3.15. With “taxes” taken off — compulsory 
savings and welfare and recreation fund — a prisoner will end up with 
$9.95 per week whereas before the increase, the same person working in 
a shop could earn his bonus slightly over fifteen dollars per week. 
Significantly prices have gone up for canteen supplies, a carton of cig- 
arettes will now cost $9.50 as compared to 4.50 before. 

Prisoners unable to work due to being in the Special Handling Units 




















which is no increase at all but they are facing the same escalated prices. 
And pay for prisoners in psychiatric units will be paid according to 
criteria such as “attitude, performance, cooperation, attendance and 
conduct.’” z 
A prisoner will no longer be able to receive any money from friends or 
relatives. Such money will be placed in a savings account in a black 
humour attempt to increase a prisoner’s nest egg for the day she or he 
hits the street to help them avoid re-incarceration. Similarly any money _ 
that a prisoner brings into prison will be impounded until the day of 
release. These measures effectively preclude prisoners from using their 
own money or that of friends or relatives to purchase sports equipment, 
hobby craft material, or even shampoo, stamps, etc, 


Already one of the two prison uprisings in British Columbia in early 
June was tied to the “‘pay raise” dispute. Three hundred prisoner-at the 
medium security Matsqui institution destroyed about fifty per cent of 
the prison, including a part of the administration building, a cafeteria, 
an auditorium, a storeroom, most of the four wings of the residential 
complex, the prison chapel, and a number of huts on the recreational 
grounds. 

At least 100 troops were brought in from the Canadian Forces Base at 
nearby Chilliwack as well as riot police and other reinforcements from 
nearby detachments. In an obvious psychological ploy, the-riot police 
marched on the prison beating their batons against their shields. Control 
of the prison was surrendered the next morning when an ultimatum 
giving the prisoners fifteen minutes to decide what they were going to do 
was read over the loudspeakers. Already in the wake of this riot and a 
minor disturbance at Kent the CSC has announced the programmes will” 
be reduced across the country because people think the prisoners have it 
too easy. The CSC fears a long hot summer ahead. 


a People’s Run 


The People’s Run for Leonard Peltier - Free the People - Free the 
Land will cover a total distance of 710 miles over much of New York 
State. It will begin at Buffalo, N.Y. and end ten to twelve days later in 


See Prison News Pg. 15 









































-e 





Continued from Pg. 2 


blather about ‘solidarity’? with the 
“working class’? and all the nit- 
Picking criticism of other anarchists 
and socialists if a few lousy anar- 
chist rags can’t even scrape up the 
money to go on publishing? (Here's 
50 bourgeois bucks where my 
mouth is.) Where’s the news about 
people-actually doing things, organ- 
izing and working to change things 
could it be that it just isn’t hap- 
pening? Where are all these putative 
social revolutionaries? Is it all just a 
game? Why is it that the only posi- 
tive notes in anarchist papers are 
the rehashed Good Old Tales of 
Kronstadt and Makhno and Barce- 
Jona? I propose that any movement 
that has to look back on a “golden 
age” for inspiration is a dead move- 
ment. For god’s sake, that's what 
people are saying about the Chris- 
tians! If we can’t leave behind the 
ghosts and “‘saints’? of classical 
anarchism, we're no better than 
Jerry Fallwell, 
American Marxists and social 
democrats are starting to get the 
idea of anti-dogmatism, anti-sec- 
tarianism, movement-buildin; 
ter the dark might of the '70s. 
They’re tabling differences, joining 
forces, realizing that ultraleft rhe- 
toric sounds like Japanese to Amer- 
ican workers, and are actually 
trying to do something. What about 
us? Can we swallow our anti-hierar- 
chical purity, our individualist ego- 
icaller-than-thou pride 
enough to join them in a real move- 
ment that could realistically make a 
difference in our society? Can we 
give up mythology and mysticism 













































































for real politics and’ real people? 
Can we learn to communicate in- 
the line, search out common ground 
with other progressives and radi- 
cals, give up their childish infatua- 
tion with the symbols and rhetoric 
people together around common 
political concerns. 

That doesn’t mean ceasing our 
specifically anarchist activity 


stead ead of are we 
and history of dead anarchists, and 
either—quite the opposite. We 


ay 3 
people? oe 
Pi not in the least suggesting 
that we give up our ideals, our fun- 
damental purpose. But when those 
become sacred principles, shibbol- 
eths the mention of which inspire us 
to genuflect, anarchism is dead. It’s 
become a religion, or a Shriner-style 
grownup little boys’ clab. The only 
actually involve themselves in the 
should do our damndest to advance 


way professed anarchists-can have 
day to /day, unglamorous, 
our ideas in the organizations and 












-~ any influence is to put their asses on 
ungroovy, tedious work of bringing 
coalitions we participate iin, though 

not necessarily under the banner of 

, anarchism—that’s just showy, like 

going to a costume party (I’m an 

anarchist, who are you? Oh, that’s 
fun.). We also have to support 
anarchist papers and publishing 
houses (get those contributions in, 
you flaky hypocrites!), and work to 
establish visible anarchist groups 
and centers wherever we can. We 
have to organize, and that means 
giving up the prima donna act. All 
the juvenile romanticizing of ‘‘ar- 
med struggle’ and all the pie-in- 
the-sky bullshit theory are absol- 
utely meaningless if we can’t even 
do that. Who the hell do we think 

» we're kidding? Who the hell can 

take us seriously? We’re not a 
movement, we're a joke. 
Love and Rage 


Chris Nielsen, 
Honolulu, Hawaii 


Wear Green 


Dear STRIKE! 

Amerikkka’s oppression of 
people of color continues. 
Although the capitalist press covers 




































af- LP 


tne genocide in Atlanta it is afraid 


to tell the truth that since the elec- 
tion of the puppet-actor-president 
RAYGUNS, and combined with 
the aquittal of murders in Green- 
sboro, it is open season on blacks, 
gays and progressive people. 

T urge the readers of STRIKE! to 
express solidarity with the people of 
Atlanta by wearing green ribbons 
showing that we willbe victorious 
in the battle against racism. 

In Struggle, 
Molvoane 


_ Direct Action 
DEAR COMRADE EDITOR: 

I was very encouraged to find 
that mine was not the only voice in 
the wilderness in- telling women, 
especially those who say they are 
anarchists, not to participate in any 
demonstrations which lead to City 
Hall or any other government sym- 
bois where politicians mount the 
platform and exploit the wonderful 
show of solidarity and noble feeling 
for their own nefarious purposes. 
This going to the government 
begging for funds, only tightens the 
jose around our necks. Besides, 
what the government giveth it 
taketh away. 

As in the old days, if we must 
demonstrate against injusticé-let us 
go “directly to the people, let us 
speak on street corners. Let us 
organize our meetings, forums. Let 
us open bookshops and support and 
publish „papers, books. and 
magazines, and self-help organiza- 
tions of every kind, We must not be 
confused. We shall not be exploited 





` by politicians and do-gooders who 


mean first their own personal good 
above everthing else. 
Best Wishes 


Tolerance 
Dear STRIKE!, 

Frank Everett's letter in the last 
issue of NAA prompts me to ask if 
that individual believes there is a 
better world, a better reality, worth 
fighting for at all? In fact does he 
believe in reality at all? Does 
tolerance for a variety of opinions 
mean, for instance, we should 
publish articles in praise of nuclear 
power? If someone can come up 
with a legitimate use for this 
technology I'd love to hear about it. 
But this is unlikely to, happen 


‘because there are no good argu- 


ments in favour of nukes (except, 


maybe, as power plants for space ' 


ships...not exactly your average 
basic necessity.) 

What does it take to convince 
people that liberalism is not the 
same animal as objectivity and/or 
genuince tolerance? I mean, 
comrades and friends, the 
Proposition that all ideas are of 
equal value, morally, scientifically, 
or what ‘have you; is itself an idea, 
which is therefore open to criticism. 
During the recent-convention of the 
American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science, one par- 
ticular speaker, as part of a debate 
over the supposed merits of parap- 
psychology, made the observation 
that “We can be so open-minded 
that our brains fall out. ‘Now an 
idea is either right or wrong, it can’t 
be both. Likewise two opposing. 
beliefs can be both wrong at the 
same time, but they can not be both 
right at once. As a corollary, those 
people who make such an osten- 
tatious display of their “tolerance” 
for this or that idea, regardless of 
whether those ideas are defended 
by anything remotely connected 
with rational thought, are usually 
very, very intolerant of one par- 
ticular idea or its proponents: that 
various opinions are not of equal 
value. Once again, we are not 
publishing pro-nuke, or anti-gay, 










“etc. ideas nor because we are un- 
cool”; we do not publish them 
because they are WRONG. Period. 
And by “us” I refer to most 
movement papers in general. 
Genuine tolerance implies that in- 
dividuals finding themselves at 
loggerheads because of their views, 
are morally obliged to make the 
best possible defense for what they 
believe is true. In the recent issue of 
Open Road, the Wyckoff article 
brought a great deal of criticism 
from some members of the OR 
collective. The criticisms they gave, 
to put it mildly, hit the nail right on 









the head. Yet the article was still 
printed. Why? I’m glad to see that , 


Romania 


Continued from Pg. 13 


proved worthless as heavy repres- 
sion ensued including the use of 
troops which clashed with the 
miners. Prominent strikers were 
arrested while others were beaten 
and some 4000 fired. In addition, a 
full six months after the strike 
ended soldiers were still stationed 
around the mines. 

The miners’ strike set the context 
for the most effective attempt to 
form an autonomous trade union in 
the Soviet block excluding Poland. 
The Free Trade Union of the Work- 
ing People of Romania (SLOMR) 
was declared in early 1979. News of 
this.came. to the West at a Paris 
press conference called by Roman- 
ia's best known oppositionist the 
exiled literary figure Paul Goma. 

The SLOMR’s base of support 
consisted largely of workers be- 
longing to the Hungarian minority 
and others who were invoivedii inan 





















markable is that when it announce 
its existence it had the declared sup- 
port of almost 2500 workers in- 
„cluding some of the coal miners 
who had struck. The union received 
some support from intellectual op- 
Positionists as well. 

Its orientation was modest 
Stressing the defense of basic 
human rights and opposition to the 
glaring social inequalities stemming 
from the privileges of the bureau- 
cracy. The SLOMR formulated a 24 
point program highlighting 
demands for workers to be able to 
form their own trade unions and for 
freedom of mobility from one 
workplace to another. Implicit in 









. these demands was the recognition 


that the official trade unions are 
obedient tools of the bureaucracy. : 
Even so, the SLOMR had no inten- 
tion of posing as a mass alternative 
to them. 
New Union Crushed 

As could be expected the state re- 
sponded swiftly with repression. It 
launched a propaganda smear cam- 
paign and the security police syste- 
matically harrassed the union's sup- 
Porters. Certain individuals were 
targeted for the worst repression. 
Vasile Parashiv who had become 
well known for his advocacy of 
autonomous trade unions became 
the victim of Soviet-style psychia- 
tric repression. Another victim was 
SLOMR member Dr. Georghe 
Cana who ‘disappeared’ in March. 
1979 after persistent security police 
harrassment. 

These developments reveal how 
the strikes of last summer are part 
of a continuity of worker resis- 







































































workers will catch the Polish 
‘disease’ which has created the most 
dangerous crisis in the Soviet Block 
since 1956. 

The evidence would seem to indi- 
cate that the prospect of this oc- 
curing is considerable provided the 
Polish workers are not quickly and 
effectively crushed by Soviet tanks. 


















OR saw fit to publish this criticism, 
‘but the whole thing still seems like a 
waste of (expensive) space. And, 
once more, “we” don’t publish, 
either in NAA, Open Road, Fifth 
Estate, etc., etc., a defense of 
nukes, etc., etc.. . 





Kind of a local example now ... 
Frank brings up the issue of armed 
struggle versus pacificism. Now 
both myself and all the comrades in 
Saskatchewan, Canada, with no ex- 
ceptions that I know of, do not 
believe in either of these ‘‘alter- 
natives’, any more then we (or most 
of this paper’s readers. 1 dare say) 


Certainly the Romanian. workers 
have at least some awareness of the 
Polish events, Indeed the 1980 
strikes bear this out. More encour- 
aging still iffact-of their having 
shown the courage to strike despite 


the great risks involv = 
The regime’sseanservatisni™ ahd 


weak base of popular 
ther enhance the possi 
volt. This aspect implies the limited 
ability of the regime to adapt to new 
challenges. It is further demon- 
strated by Ceaucescu’s acknow- 
leged reliance on the threat of 
Soviet intervention to maintain 
order. 





Smilin’ Nicolai Ceacescu had to cut 
his holiday short to head off a 
worker revolt. 


Challenge , 
Continued from Pg. 5 


disguise their gangsterism and in- 
sane, unfocused rage. 
GOODBYE TO 

ALL THAT 


We've said enough. We fully ex- 
pect many people will say, as leftist 
romantics are so wont to, ‘‘objec- 
tively racist, classist, sexist, anti- 
prisoner’’, ‘‘inaccurate, slan- 
derous, counter-revolutionary”’, 
“police provocation”, blah, blah, 
blah. And no doubt they'll go on 
“giving their innocent and naive 
support to whichever prisoner talks 
fastest-and loudest with the most 
rhetorical political bullshit. 

For us, though, we're tired of it. 
There are few enough oppor- 
tunities in this society to begin 
building a healthy alternative, to 
struggle for a world that is more 
able to satisfy real human desires 
and needs. We are not interested in 
spending our energy nurturing and 
rescuing hoodlums only to have, 
them turn on us. If even one per- 
son who reads this article begins to 
examine why he or she is active in 
the prison movement, and honestly 
questions how this is 
“revolutionary”, and perhaps fin- 
ds some constructive and joyous 
activity which offers the possibility 
of creating something positive 
toward a revolutionary future, this 
article will have served its purpose. 
The prison movement is a dead 













believe that marxism is an “‘alter- 
native’’ to western managerial 
societies. Part of being an anarchist 
in the first place, is that we have not 
fallen for such phoney opposites. 
Yet it seems, at times, some 
comrades are trying to bring this 
problem back into the movement 
under a different guise. It hard to 
say if this is always intentional, or 
just the result of bad habits, but I 
hope that comrades everywhere will 
try to be on their guard against this. 


Yours in solidarity 
“Tonto” 
Regina, Canada 


But there are differences with the 
Polish situation which Aessen the 
Prospects of a workers’ revolt, 
Poland from 1976 until 1980 had a 
flourishing opposition movement 
involving people from a wide social 
and political spectrum. Romania 
today has not. 

Neither are there the embryonic 
workers organizations which persis- 
ted throughout the last decade in 
Poland following the 1970-71 insur- 
rection. There is also an absence of 
any underground workers’ 
publications whereas in Poland 
Robotnik existed to provide work- 
ers from different parts of the coun- 
try a means to exchange informa- 
tion about each others problems 
and struggles. 

Consequently, should strikes 
break out again in Romania the 
likelihood of their going down to 
defeat in isolation is higher. Only if 
strike actions are powerful from the 


start will there be any real chance of 


their spreading. 
Still another obstacle-is: 











sion created in oe working ae by. D 


successful workers’ lame pa 


resistance will have to champion. 
their rights thereby makeing real 


class unity possible, 


But despite the obstacles the 


prospects for worker unrest 
inspired by the Polish example seem 


to be much better than anywhere 


else in Eastern Europe. If the Ro- 
manian working class starts to move 














soon the entire region could be up 
for grabs. 






end. We don’t depy prisoners the 
right to any support they can get, 
but that is not a solution to the 
problems of this society and the 
revolution that is necessary to solve 
them. 

It is time for those of us on the 
outside to look at the society in 
which we live and work. Indeed, if: 
we do have an obligation to 
prisoners, it is to stop playing ser- 
vant or wife to them, and instead 
seek revolutionary changes in the 
outside world that can bring the 
prison walis down once and for all, 
and thereby prevent yet another 
generation of these cripples, the 
broken refuse of this sick society, 
All else is reformism, the.abandon- 
ment of our own dreams in favor 
of the twisted and tormented 
nightmares of the imprisoned. 

‘We must seek our solutions else- 




















































————-- 


August/September 1981 


ee eee E, 


SS NE 





re 
STRIKE! 15. 














ia The Spook Has Landed 

Do you believe in coincidence? Do you really believe that a 
U.S. government “communications officer” just happens by 
chance to be assigned to the world hot-spots at the most crit- 
ical moments? Do you think it’s just happenstance that he’s 
coming to Vancouver right after the pate sman here had his 
cover blown? 

Well, meet Charles Jones, a 40-year-old Detroit native, 
and the newest member of the U.S. consul-general’s staff in 


. Vancouver, B.C. 


Jones, who starts his new job in July, was the only black 
American to be held hostage in Iran for the entire 444 days, 
having arrived in Teheran just two months before the 
Iranians stormed the U.S. embassy. The U.S. has admitted 
that four of the hostages were CIA agents brought in at the 
last minute to try to destabilize the regime, but only three of 
the agents have ever been identified publicly. 

What better candidate for The Fourth Man than Jones? 
His previous assignments include being. one of the last U.S. 
employees to depart Saigon in 1975, and before that he 
arrived in Cairo in 1967, just in time for the Arab-Israeli Six 
Day War. He comes to Vancouver shortly after consular 
official Tom Marquis was unmasked as a CIA agent when his 
home at 4737 Cambie wa’ spraypainted with slogans like 
“CIA Out of Canada.” Marquis has already admitted 
working as a ‘psychological warfare’ advisor in Vietnam. 

+ The coincidences are mounting up. Why not,call the U.S , 
consulate (685-4311) and ask Marquis. or consul-general 
Robert Moore why we are being honoured with the CIA 
presence. And to stay current on CIA ‘Shenanigans arount the 
world, check out Counterspy magazine ($10 per year from 
box 647, Ben Franklin Station, Washington, DC 20044). The 


F reedom infects China 





Libertarian. Notes 


“current May-July issue has a takeout on RCMP-CIA links. 


(From BC BLACKOUT, Number 37). 


They’re Gonna Put 
Him In The Movies 3 


Lech Walesa could soon be coming to a theatre near you 
thanks to a recently released Polish movie entitled Man of 
Iron which won the top prize at this year’s Cannes film 
festival. The film, directed by Andrzej Wajda, i-a re- 
enactment of the Gdansk shipyard strike which led to the 


“formation of Solidarity. It “‘stars” Walesa, playing himself, 


and 500 of the workers who were present at the signing of the 
Gdansk accords. 

- The awarding of the top prize to Man of Iron drew a 
predictable response from the Soviet gerontocracy which 
declared through it’s mouthpiece Izvestia that “It is now 
possible to maintain with certainty that the decision of the 
(festival) jury was purely a political action.” It also came as 


„no surprise that Izvestia labelled the film “‘anti-socialist.”” 


Man of Iron is a sequel to a previous film by Wadja called 
Man of Marble which dealt with the 1970 workers uprising 
in Poland. A print of this film, with English sub-titles, will 
soon to be released for distribution i in North America. It is to 


Trouble In Paradise? 


The vision of Japan as.a land of benevolent managers and 
contented workers was dealt a sharp blow recently when 
three Japanese autoworkers attempted to organize around 
their oppression. The three workers, employees of the giant 


Nissan automotive company, tried to pass out a leaflet at 
Nissan’s truck manufacturing plant in Kawaguchi north of 
Tokyo demanding better pay, better working conditions and 


an end to the cosy relationship between union leaders and - 


management. For their trouble the three men were repeatedly 
harassed and beaten by company and union goons. 

As Masao Kayama, one of the protesting workers 
declared: Without oppression Nissan would not succeed, 
Because of low wages, there is no’ freedom to speak out 
against the system. Jobs are very hard but you cannot 
protest.” An integral part of this repressive atmosphere are 
Japan’s unions which are docile when facing management 
but vicious when dealing with workers who step out’of line. 
Yoshiji Azuma, a machine tool worker, described how union 
officials reacted to his attempt to leaflet workers as they 
came off-shift. “Union leaders surrounded me and said 
repeatedly that one who disagreed with the union should get 
out.” Later the threats became more physical as Azuma 
described how one day “‘about 20 men pushed me and kicked 
me. They came after me on my way home, grabbed my arms, 
pushed me and refused to let me go. (They) told me to sign 
my resignation. When Frefused they beat me on the head.” 

The three dissident workers claim that many of their fellow 
workers are equally disatisfied but are afraid to speak out for 
fear of reprisals. Certainly the treatment meted out to the 
three tends to support that view as management and union 
moved quickly to stamp out any manifestation of resistance. 
Finally the three workers filed a complaint charging 24 
Nissan managers and union members with harassment and 
assault. The charges are currently under investigation. : 


Free To Choose 


The current issue of Canadian Dimension, an independent 
Marxist journal, has an article on the situation in China 
written by a disillusioned Maoist. After a little weeping and 
wailing over the lost idealism of the Cultural Revolution the 
author relates an interesting anecdote: It seems that between 
Sept. 22 and Oct. 12 of 1980 Milton Friedman visited China 
at the request of the Chinese authorities and presented four 
lectures to the Chinese Academy of Science and a select 
audience of party ‘leaders. As the author states, “He deliv- 
ered the message they wanted to hear: Incentives are essen- 
tial. Moral exhortations to increase production are fuitile. So 
is any system based on equality. Greed is human nature.” 
What we can’t understand is why they had to drag Uncle 
Miltie away from more pressing tasks like advising the 
Chilean junta and Maggie Thatcher, They could have gotten 
exactly the same message from a re-reading of Lenin’s The 
Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Govenment (Izyestia,. 
April 28, 1918): 


Radical solutions 
to the crisis? 


rian Amesly 

ita has a way of being 
catchy as current developments in 
the People’s Republic of China are 
demonstrating. It was just a couple 
of years ago that the world wit- 


„Pessed the spectacle of the ill-fated 


Democracy Wall. Now “in 1981 
there are more indications that the 
struggle for freedom is heating up. 
The character of the struggle has 
changed somewhat. Along with 
continued protests against the 
denial of basic rights of free ex- 


Invasion Quiz 


Question: If Germany and Russia both invade Poland which army 


will'the Poles fight first? 


Answer: The Germans. Business before pleasure. 
Question: What is the source of the irony each time a Soviet official 
lays a wreath at the tomb of Poland’s unknown soldier? * 


Answer: The soldier buried there 
vasion of Bolshevik Russia. 


was killed in the 1920 Polish in- 


Question: How do the Czecks describe Poland’s coat of arms? 





(Hint: 
Answer: An 


Prison news 


Soar 
Continued from Pg.13 
New York City. Along the way | 
there will be a series of activities” 
consisting of traditional ceremonies 
conducted by the Elders of the Six 
Nations, as well as speaking 
engagements, cultural activities, 
and demonstrations. 

Although the main focus of the 
Run will be Leonard Peltier and all 
Political Prisoners, the Run is also 
dedicated to the indigenous people 
of El Salvador and Guatemala and 
the-children who have been killed in 
Atlanta. In Buffalo there will be a 
demonstration against the cor- 
porate state which breeds both the 
degenerate fascist elements which 
have increasingly been attacking the 
Black communities across the coun- 
try and the cancerous tumours. of 
Love Canal and West Valley. 
Demonstration/ceremonies will be 
held at various prisons along the 
route including Attica, Auburn 
State Prison and Dannemora. 











Kania’ is Czeck for ‘eagle.’ 
le between two vultures. 






















In order to be a success the Run 
needs support in the form of run- 
ners, money, food, publicity, par- 
ticipants at the various happenings, 
logistical support etc. No specific 
date has yet been set. But for more_ 
information write to: The Pe: 

Run c/o Leonard Peltier Support 
176, Mohegan 


Group, P.O.B. 
Lake, N.Y. 10547. Please include” 
some stamps in your inquiry to help 
cover the cost of postage. 


pression there are movements afoot 
trying to institute trade-union or- 
ganizations beyond the control of 
the ruling Chinese Communist 
Party bureaucracy. These have ap- 


peared in Wuhan and Shanghai. ` 
Inevitably one must wonder how ! 


long it will be before a rash of 
strikes follow? 

The fact is that strikes could 
break out at any time. And if they 
do it will not be possible to explain 
‘them away by citing the ‘“‘revision- 
ism” of the post-Mao leadership. 

As recently as the mid-1970’s 
major strikes were waged in oppo- 
sition to the Maoist state which was 
and still is the dominant employer. 
For example, in late 1974 a rail 
strike shut down services in central 
and southwestern China. The gov- 
ernment responded with 
strikebreaking by using troops to 
unload the trains since the workers 
would not. In another case, in 1975, 
strikes were so extensive in the 
capital city of Che-kiang province, 
Hangchow, that 10,000 soldiers 
were needed to perform the jobs of 
the rebellious workers. 

These outbursts occured because 
the so-called proletarian dictator- 
ship has never been very prole- 
tarian. Once this is realized it is not 
hard to see why the bureaucrats 
who exercise a monopoly control 
over the political and economic life 
of the Chinese people are showing a 


‘lot of interest in the events in 


“No Thanks!”’ 


Sure capitalism is having a bad’ time of it these days but that’s no 
reason to throw in the towel. Besides history has shown that bourgeois 
experts like myself can write our own tickets in the post-revolutionary 
society so why join up now? One thing worries me though — these 
Anarchists and their talk of the ‘‘self-managed society.” That kind of 
a set-up would be bad news for me and all other “professional” man- 
agers. So I keep my eye on them. So should you. Subscription rates 
are $5 for individuals for one year (six issues) and $10 for libraries, in- 
stitutions and funded organizations. Overseas subscriptions (outside 
North America) are $7 per year. STRIKE! will be sent free to prison- 
ers on request. =. 

Make cheques payable to STRIKE! and send to: P.O. Box 2y 
Station O, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M4A 2M8. 











~ 16. STRIKE! 5 e ; 
The Collection Process 


The First 100 Days 


Most business billings are done on thirty day 
cycles. The first cycles your initial billing and shows 
up as your current balance. The next cycle moves the 
amount owing to your previous balance but causes 
Your creditor little concern. At the end of the third 
cycle (90 days) you’ll probably receive a standard let- 
ter which invariably goes something like this: “Dear 
Customer, If you’ve already paid last month’s bill, 
Please disregard this letter. But, if it slipped your 
mind, please send your payment by return mail.” 

At this point everything is still hunky-dory and 
you'll be given 10 days to receive the letter and send a 
cheque back. But, you’re already a long way down 

` the road to that debt possibly being cancelled. Debts 
“age” as th i r 


At some point in the company’s internal dunning 
cycle the spectre ‘of “the collection agency” will be 
raised. Companies, however, are reluctant to pursue 
this route, especially in the case of small debts, ~ 
because they automatically take a big loss. Collection 
agencies either but delinquent accounts at a substan- 

tial discount or operate on a commission, again sub- 
stantial. So at some point, before the one year profit 
cut-off point, your creditor will make one last effort’ 
to collect and then either write-off the debt as a tax 
deduction or refer it to a collection agency — to keep 
the system “‘thonest.”” 


The Wringer 


Once in the hands of a collection agency the gloves 
are off. You'll start to receive increasingly vicious 
dunning letters threatening you with everything the 
agency thinks they can get away with. Their prime 
aim, however, is to get you to the phone as letters can 
too easily be ignored. Once they’ve gotten to talk to 

_ you they are going to try to scare you, bully you, 
anger you, and generally keep you off balance. Your 
-best strategy is not to refuse payment outright but to 
delay, delay, delay. Make excuses, self-righteously 
terminate the conversation if they get too abusive, 


and send them a few bucks now and then. As time 


Your Day In Court 

If they are really out to get you your file will even- 
tually be referred to a collection lawyer. Again your 
creditors are reluctant to do this as lawyers cost even 
more than collection agencies. You'll be issued a 
Summons to appear in court, summons that 90% of 
those served choose to ignore thus giving the collec- 
tors a cheap victory, if you choose to show up, again 
— delay, delay, delay. With even an elementary 
knowledge of court procedure it is Possible to drag 
out the affair for months and months. Your creditors 
costs will steadily add up and the prospect of them 
dropping the case or offering you a good settlement 
increase. The magic words in the latter case are: 
“You realize you’ll have to pay something.” 
| Shot The Sheriff 

Even if your creditor is particularly vindictive and 
a judgement is made against you the game still isn’t 
over. These proceedings are civil not criminal and 
there are few penalties for evasion. You'll receive a 


10 to 30 day grace period to comply with the court + 


order after which your creditor still has to engage a 
baliff to seize enough of your goods, and absolutely 
no more than necessary, to satisfy the judgement. 
Or, if you are employed, he can have your wages 
garnisheed. If you are locked into your job thìs can 
be a problem, although there are strict limits on the 
amount of your wages that can be garnisheed, if you 
are at all mobile you're laughing. To sieze your goods 
they’ve got to find you and your goods — preferably 
in the same place, 


The Great Escape 
Declaring personal bankruptcy is one other alter- 
native to paying your debts (except for taxes and’such 
things as student loans — the state exempts its own 
bills from bankruptcy proceedings). Declaring 
bankruptcy used to entail a certain social stigma 
which militated against its widespread use. Today 
more and more people see it as an admirable alter- 
native to allowing capitalists to milk them dry. The 
Proceedings are simple, almost painless, and so 
ing that often the mere threat of declaring 


„sweeping, 
bankruptcy will be enough to cow most creditors into 


taking a more lenient attitude to the speed and 


Passes that debt just keeps getting harder and harder 


to collect. If you pppu i 
Jose contact with the See 
harder to coll 


Debtors were also found to be 
willing to go to extraordinary 
Tengths to thwart collection agen- 
cies. From disconnecting phones to 
refusing to answer doorbells, from 
assuming false names and identities 
to arranging elaborate secret identi- 
fication codes among friends. Of- 
ten, when the baliffs finally arrive at 
the debtor’s door, they find the oc- 
cupants sitting on orange crates — 
the ‘entire apartment contents 
having been removed to a friend or 
_ relative’s house for safekeeping. 
Some debtors attempt to counter 
the psychological intimidation 
routinely employed by collection. 
agenices by challenging the collec- 
tor’s own self-image. The collec- 
*s are called unfair or unjust in 
their methods. Another favourite 
loy is to unsettle them with un- 


expected humour such as asking if” 


the collector is “‘having a nice day.” 
‘Unfortunately the study found that 
debt collection practices are 
‘seldom challenged. 
_ In most states and provinces the 
‘ost a bill collector can do is write 
Phone you a few times (at, 
reasonable hours, i.e. before 9° 
-m.) with threats limited to legal 
action, psychological intimidation 
d general nuisance value. Many 
collectors far exceed these legal 
uunds as was shown by a 1971 case 
here: the Standard Collection 
gency’ of New York City was in- 
dicted on forty-six counts of extor- 
m, coercion, harassment, grand 
weeny and criminal imper- 
mation. Allegedly one of Stan- 
rd’s collectors told CBS-TV 
scaster Pia Lindstrom that he 
ould “‘wreck’’ her career if she 
idn’t-pay a $200 restaurant bill run 
by one of her friends on her 
d. Another debtor was told his 
and legs would be broken if he 


‘the debt even 


didn’t pay a $250 bill white yet “government mo 


another was threatened with having 
his arms and legs cut off and being 
pushed out of a 26th story window 
if he didn’t pay a bill of $396.55. 

But, some debtors do fight back. 
One person pointed a gun at a 
balliff and told him to get out of his 
apartment — the balliff prudently ` 
retreated. In another case a balliff 
was assaulted with a tire iron. One 
debtor found that by answering his 
door with a running tape recorder 
in his hand the balliff was reduced 
to speechlessness. In another case a 
group even arranged for hidden 
cameras to record a baliff seizure, 
The videotape was later used as a 
consciousness-raising tool in the 
neighborhood. 


By far the. most encouraging 
development in debtor resistance, 
however, was the formation of a 
Montreal group called Citizen’s 

-Against Baliff’s Seizures 
(CRABS). This group attempted to 
transcend the isolation of debtors 
by organizing occupations of collec- 
tion agency offices and fostering 
the collective perception that what 
was being fought was a network of 
repressive agencies and not a 
specific agency or agent. They wan- 
ted to challenge the very basis of the 
debt collection enterprise and make 
connections with other forms of 
working class action such as wild- 
cats and sabotage. 

The radical edge of their critique 
was significantly muted when they 
began to receive government fun- 
` ding. Soon they were just striving to 
counsel debtors and keep the collec- 
tion agencies “honest.” When the 
Provincial government pulled the 
financial plug the project soon 
collapsed. 


It would be easy to attack the 
CRABS organizers, from an anar- 
chist perspective, for accepting 


amount of your payments. The procedure can 


oj 
pts to 
tempts to organize debtors consume 
incredible amounts of time and 
energy and constantly run up again- 
st the atomization of the individuals 
concerned and the social stigma at- 
tached to both chronic indebtedness 
and unemployment. The tem- 
Ptation to accept government’ han- 
cents that enable individuals to 
work full-time on such projects of- 
ten seems irresistible. The 
ideological hegemony of Marxism 
and Social Democracy makes the 
development of a culture of 
resistance to government and 
government co-optation very dif- 
ficult; 


The debtors themselves strike out 
primarily to annoy rather than to 
challenge the system and their 
resistance is notable for its brief- 
ness. The lingering hope is always 
that the debt will eventually be writ- 
ten off and the problem deferred. 
Projects like CRABS are important 
indicators of the emrgence of a 
more confrontationist style and of- 
fer the possibility that Marxist and 
Social Democratic models.will be 
rejected in favour of a truly radical 
critique of capital and the state. 


A debtors revolt, on -even a 
modest scale, would profoundly 
challenge the rule of capital. Such a 
challenge, however, must be infor- 
med by a truly radical con- 
sciousness if it is not to be side- 
tracked by half-measutes ‘such as 
moratoriums on interest payments 
or the selective cancellation of deb- 
ts. But, even if only 5 to 10% of 
debtors declared: We Can’t Pay! 
We Won't Pay! the commodity 
economy would be shaken to its 
very foundations. 


T]  dicates that 


Times are Tough and so are We 


Union members at Algoma and Stelco are debating plans to strike this 
summer in Sault Ste. Marie and Hamilton, Canada, respectively. At 
Algoma Steel negotiations appear to be proceeding amicably. Jack 
Ostroski, president of the United Steel Workers of America (USWA) 
Local 2251 in Sault Ste. Marie, thinks discussion of a walk-out is 
‘premature’. But the Stelco scenario is another story. 

Stelco chairman, Peter Gordon, says union wages demands are 
‘unrealistic’. And stock market analysts for big business have come out 
against a union demand for a two year limit on any agreement. The 
brokers are predicting a strike based on these points. 

Steel Workers’ Local 1005 in Hamiton-has become dissatisfied with 
several aspects of the work conditions at Stelco. The Union is proposing 
a thirty three percent increase in basic wages which now stand at $8.95 an 
hour with COLA. That adds up to a three dollar increase over two 
years. As well thé steel workers want a union administered pension in- 
dexed to the rate of inflation availible after thirty years of service. We 
want more health and safety representatives too, Remember that there 
were 1500 lost time accidents in the steel industry in 1979-1980. In addi- 
tion the union is demanding better shift and week-end Premiums. The 
workers are also unhappy about vacations and are demanding more 
time off after five years labour-time. And the membership is. also con- 
cerned to win subsidized child-care for working parents, longer notice 
on technical changes, and a decent COLA clause which would yield 1¢ 
for every .2 increase in the Consumer Price Index instead of every .3 in- 
crease in the index. We want more holidays as well. Among other things 
the union is bargaining for better food service which we had until the 
1969 strike when the company slashed food service quality to discipline 
us for the walk-out. Right now the food and eating environment are 
disgusting. = : 

Stelco can well afford these demands. Their profits increased from 


-$33 million to $157 million between 1970-1979. And they, like Algoma, 


are part of the Canadian Pacific network of companies and so part of 
the biggest firm, in terms of assets, in Canada, By God Stelco even has 


-connections to the Vatican. So we shouldn't worry about shaking the 


money tree too hard. Especially when you consider that-over the last 
three years the Comsumer Price Index has increased 35 per cent while- 
‘our Wages only rose 22 per cent so producing a real decline in our was 

of 13 per cent. That’s in addition to the $4390 we lost to inflation 
tween 1972 and 1975. 


re 10 or a eg) 

which is not afraid of walk-outs. The increased interest in union activ- 

ities at 1005 also testifies to this. Union meeting -attendence has 
increased ten-fold in recent months. 

But all these factors are only a first step to winning fulfilling and 


- Meaningful work. Their real importance lies in the increased level of 
„association between workers which will be exacerbated as the capitalists 


unite in their turn for the purpose of repressing the collective activity of 
the workers. This will necessitate the defence of the workers’ organiza- 
tions. And that is a class demand which reveals the political aspect of this ' 
Social conflict. It has the potential to weaken the sectoralism which 
characterizes the labour movement and could make workers receptive to 
the need for organs of workers’ power to oppose the repressive agencies 
of the state which operate in the interest of capital. 


Who do they Think they’re Fooling? You? 


There has been quite a bit of discussion lately about the impact that 
Ontario, Canada’s, Bill Seventy is having on our work conditions. The 
legislation says We can refuse to work if we think the conditions are not 
safe. Some have suggested that this aspect of the bill is a step forward 
for labour. In fact though the bill as a whole and its right to refuse work 
provision in particular isn’t worth a damn. 

In the first place this legislation will allow companies to limit their lia- 
bility for industrial accidents by arguing that responsibility for injuries 
(caused mostly by terminal boredom) lies with the worker(s). And. 
secondly programmes are already in place to educate foremen in 
methods of manipulating us into working when its not safe. 

This isn’t the first time apparently pro-labour law has turned out on 
inspection to be a ploy to accumulate capital. Unemployment insurance 
law in Canada is the same kind of racket. And so is Ontario’s Worker’s 
Compensation legislation. š 

For example in its first two years of operation workers received only 
six per cent of the unemployment insurance fund’s equity. The rest went 
to subsidize capital accumulation by financing the war effort in the 
1940's. 

The case of Ontario’s workers’ compensation scheme is instructive 
too. It seems that it was set up because court awards to workers for in- 
dustrial accidents were starting to become a significant drain on com- 
pany profits. That’s why they pushed to have a plan built which finan- 
ces costs for industrial injuries through payments from employers and 
employees. Its cheaper. 

‘Thats why this Safety Act business won't amount to a hill of beans for 
the labour movement in Ontario. Bill seventy is just going to increasé 
the plus side of the corporate balance sheet. ui